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| author | Robert Tonsing <pterodactyl@pglaf.org> | 2025-09-02 12:14:33 -0500 |
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| committer | Robert Tonsing <pterodactyl@pglaf.org> | 2025-09-02 12:14:33 -0500 |
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diff --git a/.gitattributes b/.gitattributes index d7b82bc..d7b82bc 100755..100644 --- a/.gitattributes +++ b/.gitattributes @@ -1,2153 +1,151 @@ - *** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 1 *** -=========================================================== - - NOTE: This file combines the first two Project Gutenberg - files, both of which were given the filenumber #1. There are - several duplicate files here. There were many updates over - the years. All of the original files are included in the - "old" subdirectory which may be accessed under the "More - Files" listing in the PG Catalog of this file. 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FOR PUBLIC DOMAIN ETEXTS*Ver.04.29.93*END* - - - -December, 1971 [Etext #1] - - -The Project Gutenberg Etext of The Declaration of Independence. - -All of the original Project Gutenberg Etexts from the -1970's were produced in ALL CAPS, no lower case. The -computers we used then didn't have lower case at all. - -This is a retranscription of one of the first Project -Gutenberg Etexts, officially dated December, 1971-- -and now officially re-released on December 31, 1993-- - - -The United States Declaration of Independence was the first Etext -released by Project Gutenberg, early in 1971. The title was stored +The United States Declaration of Independence was the first E-text +released by Project Gutenberg, early in 1971. The title was stored in an emailed instruction set which required a tape or diskpack be -hand mounted for retrieval. The diskpack was the size of a large -cake in a cake carrier, cost $1500, and contained 5 megabytes, of +hand mounted for retrieval. The disk pack was the size of a large +cake in a cake carrier, cost $1500, and contained 5 megabytes, of which this file took 1-2%. Two tape backups were kept plus one on paper tape. The 10,000 files we hope to have online by the end of 2001 should take about 1-2% of a comparably priced drive in 2001. This file was never copyrighted, Sharewared, etc., and is thus for -all to use and copy in any manner they choose. Please feel free to +all to use and copy in any manner they choose. Please feel free to make your own edition using this as a base. In my research for creating this transcription of our first Etext, I have come across enough discrepancies [even within that official documentation provided by the United States] to conclude that even -"facsimiles" of the Declaration of Indendence will NOT going to be -all the same as the original, nor of other "facsimiles." There is -a plethora of variations in capitalization, punctuation, and, even -where names appear on the documents [which names I have left out]. +“facsimiles” of the Declaration of Independence are nary identical +to the original, nor of other “facsimiles.” There is a plethora of +variations in capitalizations, punctuation, and where names appear +on the documents [which names I have left out]. The resulting document has several misspellings removed from those -parchment "facsimiles" I used back in 1971, and which I should not -be able to easily find at this time, including "Brittain." - - -**The Project Gutenberg Etext of The Declaration of Independence** - - - -THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA - - -When in the Course of human events, it becomes necessary for -one people to dissolve the political bands which have connected -them with another, and to assume, among the Powers of the earth, -the separate and equal station to which the Laws of Nature and -of Nature's God entitle them, a decent respect to the opinions -of mankind requires that they should declare the causes which -impel them to the separation. - -We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, -that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, -that among these are Life, Liberty, and the pursuit of Happiness. -That to secure these rights, Governments are instituted among Men, -deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed, -That whenever any Form of Government becomes destructive of these ends, -it is the Right of the People to alter or to abolish it, and to institute -new Government, laying its foundation on such principles and organizing -its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect -their Safety and Happiness. Prudence, indeed, will dictate that Governments -long established should not be changed for light and transient causes; -and accordingly all experience hath shown, that mankind are more disposed -to suffer, while evils are sufferable, than to right themselves by abolishing -the forms to which they are accustomed. But when a long train of abuses and -usurpations, pursuing invariably the same Object evinces a design to reduce -them under absolute Despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to throw -off such Government, and to provide new Guards for their future security. ---Such has been the patient sufferance of these Colonies; and such is now -the necessity which constrains them to alter their former Systems of Government. -The history of the present King of Great Britain is a history of repeated -injuries and usurpations, all having in direct object the establishment -of an absolute Tyranny over these States. To prove this, let Facts -be submitted to a candid world. - -He has refused his Assent to Laws, the most wholesome and necessary -for the public good. - -He has forbidden his Governors to pass Laws of immediate -and pressing importance, unless suspended in their operation -till his Assent should be obtained; and when so suspended, -he has utterly neglected to attend to them. - -He has refused to pass other Laws for the accommodation of -large districts of people, unless those people would relinquish -the right of Representation in the Legislature, a right -inestimable to them and formidable to tyrants only. - -He has called together legislative bodies at places unusual, -uncomfortable, and distant from the depository of their -Public Records, for the sole purpose of fatiguing them -into compliance with his measures. - -He has dissolved Representative Houses repeatedly, for opposing -with manly firmness his invasions on the rights of the people. - -He has refused for a long time, after such dissolutions, -to cause others to be elected; whereby the Legislative Powers, -incapable of Annihilation, have returned to the People at large -for their exercise; the State remaining in the mean time exposed -to all the dangers of invasion from without, and convulsions within. - -He has endeavoured to prevent the population of these States; -for that purpose obstructing the Laws of Naturalization of Foreigners; -refusing to pass others to encourage their migration hither, -and raising the conditions of new Appropriations of Lands. - -He has obstructed the Administration of Justice, by refusing his Assent -to Laws for establishing Judiciary Powers. - -He has made judges dependent on his Will alone, for the tenure -of their offices, and the amount and payment of their salaries. - -He has erected a multitude of New Offices, and sent hither swarms of -Officers to harass our People, and eat out their substance. - -He has kept among us, in times of peace, Standing Armies -without the Consent of our legislatures. - -He has affected to render the Military independent of -and superior to the Civil Power. - -He has combined with others to subject us to a jurisdiction -foreign to our constitution, and unacknowledged by our laws; -giving his Assent to their Acts of pretended legislation: - -For quartering large bodies of armed troops among us: - -For protecting them, by a mock Trial, from Punishment for any Murders -which they should commit on the Inhabitants of these States: - -For cutting off our Trade with all parts of the world: - -For imposing taxes on us without our Consent: - -For depriving us, in many cases, of the benefits of Trial by Jury: - -For transporting us beyond Seas to be tried for pretended offences: - -For abolishing the free System of English Laws in a neighbouring -Province, establishing therein an Arbitrary government, -and enlarging its Boundaries so as to render it at once -an example and fit instrument for introducing the same -absolute rule into these Colonies: - -For taking away our Charters, abolishing our most valuable Laws, -and altering fundamentally the Forms of our Governments: - -For suspending our own Legislatures, and declaring themselves -invested with Power to legislate for us in all cases whatsoever. - -He has abdicated Government here, by declaring us out of his Protection -and waging War against us. - -He has plundered our seas, ravaged our Coasts, burnt our towns, -and destroyed the lives of our people. - -He is at this time transporting large armies of foreign mercenaries -to compleat the works of death, desolation and tyranny, already begun -with circumstances of Cruelty & perfidy scarcely paralleled in the -most barbarous ages, and totally unworthy of the Head of a civilized nation. - -He has constrained our fellow Citizens taken Captive on the high Seas -to bear Arms against their Country, to become the executioners of -their friends and Brethren, or to fall themselves by their Hands. - -He has excited domestic insurrections amongst us, and has -endeavoured to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers, -the merciless Indian Savages, whose known rule of warfare, -is an undistinguished destruction of all ages, sexes and conditions. - -In every stage of these Oppressions We have Petitioned for Redress -in the most humble terms: Our repeated Petitions have been answered -only by repeated injury. A Prince, whose character is thus marked -by every act which may define a Tyrant, is unfit to be the ruler -of a free People. - -Nor have We been wanting in attention to our British brethren. -We have warned them from time to time of attempts by their -legislature to extend an unwarrantable jurisdiction over us. -We have reminded them of the circumstances of our emigration and -settlement here. We have appealed to their native justice -and magnanimity, and we have conjured them by the ties of our -common kindred to disavow these usurpations, which would inevitably -interrupt our connections and correspondence. They too have been -deaf to the voice of justice and of consanguinity. We must, therefore, -acquiesce in the necessity, which denounces our Separation, and hold them, -as we hold the rest of mankind, Enemies in War, in Peace Friends. - -We, therefore, the Representatives of the United States of America, -in General Congress, Assembled, appealing to the Supreme Judge of -the world for the rectitude of our intentions, do, in the Name, -and by the Authority of the good People of these Colonies, -solemnly publish and declare, That these United Colonies are, -and of Right ought to be Free and Independent States; -that they are Absolved from all Allegiance to the British Crown, -and that all political connection between them and the State -of Great Britain, is and ought to be totally dissolved; -and that as Free and Independent States, they have full Power to -levy War, conclude Peace, contract Alliances, establish Commerce, -and to do all other Acts and Things which Independent States may -of right do. And for the support of this Declaration, with a firm -reliance on the Protection of Divine Providence, we mutually pledge -to each other our Lives, our Fortunes and our sacred Honor. - - - - -December, 1972 [Etext #2] - - -****The Project Gutenberg Etext of The U. S. Bill of Rights**** - - - - -The United States Bill of Rights. - -The Ten Original Amendments to the Constitution of the United States -Passed by Congress September 25, 1789 -Ratified December 15, 1791 - - - - -I - -Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, -or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, -or of the press, or the right of the people peaceably to assemble, -and to petition the Government for a redress of grievances. - - - - - -II - -A well-regulated militia, being necessary to the security of a free State, -the right of the people to keep and bear arms, shall not be infringed. - - - - -III - -No soldier shall, in time of peace be quartered in any house, -without the consent of the owner, nor in time of war, -but in a manner to be prescribed by law. - - - - -IV - -The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, -and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated, -and no Warrants shall issue, but upon probable cause, supported by oath -or affirmation, and particularly describing the place to be searched, -and the persons or things to be seized. - - - - -V - -No person shall be held to answer for a capital, or otherwise infamous crime, -unless on a presentment or indictment of a Grand Jury, except in cases arising -in the land or naval forces, or in the Militia, when in actual service -in time of War or public danger; nor shall any person be subject for -the same offense to be twice put in jeopardy of life or limb; -nor shall be compelled in any criminal case to be a witness against himself, -nor be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; -nor shall private property be taken for public use without just compensation. - - - - -VI - -In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a -speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury of the State and district -wherein the crime shall have been committed, which district shall have -been previously ascertained by law, and to be informed of the nature -and cause of the accusation; to be confronted with the witnesses against him; -to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favor, -and to have the assistance of counsel for his defense. - - +parchment “facsimiles” I used back in 1971, and which I should not +be able to easily find at this time, including “Brittain.” +[JT, Apr 2005: “Brittish” is spelled as in the original.] -VII +[RO, Aug 2025: Dr. Hart’s original fully-justified columns of text +in the plain text version have been restored for the introduction. +Minor text alterations were made to do so.] -In suits at common law, where the value in controversy shall exceed -twenty dollars, the right of trial by jury shall be preserved, -and no fact tried by a jury shall be otherwise re-examined in any court -of the United States, than according to the rules of the common law. - - - - -VIII - -Excessive bail shall not be required nor excessive fines imposed, -nor cruel and unusual punishments inflicted. - - - - -IX - -The enumeration in the Constitution, of certain rights, -shall not be construed to deny or disparage others retained by the people. - - - - -X - -The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, -nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively, -or to the people. - - - - -[Etext #3] November 22, 1973, 10th Anniversary of Assassination -[Officially rereleased for November 22, 1993, 30th Anniversary] - - - -**The Project Gutenberg Etext of Kennedy's Inaugural Address** - - -This is a retranscription of one of the first Project -Gutenberg Etexts, offically dated November 22, 1973-- -and now officially re-released on November 22, 1993-- -on the 30th anniversary of his assassination. - - - -***The Project Gutenberg Etext of Kennedy's Inaugural Address** - -JFK's Inaugural Address, January 20, 1961, 12:11 EST - - -We observe today not a victory of party but a celebration of freedom. . . -symbolizing an end as well as a beginning. . .signifying renewal -as well as change for I have sworn before you and Almighty God -the same solemn oath our forbears prescribed nearly a century -and three-quarters ago. - -The world is very different now, for man holds in his mortal hands -the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. -And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forbears fought -are still at issue around the globe. . .the belief that the rights of man -come not from the generosity of the state but from the hand of God. -We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. - -Let the word go forth from this time and place. . .to friend and foe alike. . . -that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans. . . -born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, -proud of our ancient heritage. . .and unwilling to witness or permit the slow -undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, -and to which we are committed today. . .at home and around the world. - -Let every nation know. . .whether it wishes us well or ill. . . -that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, -support any friend, oppose any foe, to assure the survival and -the success of liberty. This much we pledge. . .and more. - -To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share: -we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. United. . .there is -little we cannot do in a host of co-operative ventures. -Divided. . .there is little we can do. . .for we dare not meet -a powerful challenge, at odds, and split asunder. -To those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free: -we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not -have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. -We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view. -But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their -own freedom. . .and to remember that. . .in the past. . .those who -foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside. -To those people in the huts and villages of half the globe -struggling to break the bonds of mass misery: we pledge our best -efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period -is required. . .not because the Communists may be doing it, -not because we seek their votes, but because it is right. -If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, -it cannot save the few who are rich. - -To our sister republics south of our border: we offer a special pledge. . . -to convert our good words into good deeds. . .in a new alliance for progress -. . .to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of -poverty. But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of -hostile powers. Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them -to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas. . .and let -every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master -of its own house. - -To that world assembly of sovereign states: the United Nations. . . -our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war -have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge -of support. . .to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for -invective. . .to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak. . . -and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run. - -Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversaries, -we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew -the quest for peace; before the dark powers of destruction unleashed -by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction. -We dare not tempt them with weakness. For only when our arms are sufficient -beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed. -But neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from -our present course. . .both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, -both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing -to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of Mankind's -final war. - -So let us begin anew. . .remembering on both sides that civility -is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof. -Let us never negotiate out of fear, but let us never fear to negotiate. -Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring -those problems which divide us. Let both sides, for the first time, -formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and -control of arms. . .and bring the absolute power to destroy -other nations under the absolute control of all nations. -Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead -of its terrors. Together let us explore the stars, conquer the -deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage -the arts and commerce. Let both sides unite to heed in all corners -of the earth the command of Isaiah. . .to "undo the heavy burdens. . . -let the oppressed go free." - -And if a beachhead of co-operation may push back the jungle of suspicion. . . -let both sides join in creating not a new balance of power. . . -but a new world of law. . .where the strong are just. . . -and the weak secure. . .and the peace preserved. . . . - -All this will not be finished in the first one hundred days. -Nor will it be finished in the first one thousand days. . . -nor in the life of this administration, nor even perhaps -in our lifetime on this planet. But let us begin. - -In your hands, my fellow citizens. . .more than mine. . .will rest the -final success or failure of our course. Since this country was founded, -each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony -to its national loyalty. The graves of young Americans who answered -the call to service surround the globe. Now the trumpet summons us again. . . -not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need. . .not as a call to battle. . . -though embattled we are. . .but a call to bear the burden of a long -twilight struggle. . .year in and year out, rejoicing in hope, -patient in tribulation. . .a struggle against the common enemies of man: -tyranny. . .poverty. . .disease. . .and war itself. Can we forge against -these enemies a grand and global alliance. . .North and South. . . -East and West. . .that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? -Will you join in that historic effort? - -In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted -the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger; I do not shrink -from this responsibility. . .I welcome it. I do not believe that any of us -would exchange places with any other people or any other generation. -The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor -will light our country and all who serve it. . .and the glow from -that fire can truly light the world. - -And so, my fellow Americans. . .ask not what your country can -do for you. . .ask what you can do for your country. My fellow -citizens of the world. . .ask not what America will do for you, -but what together we can do for the Freedom of Man. - -Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, -ask of us here the same high standards of strength and sacrifice -which we ask of you. With a good conscience our only sure reward, -with history the final judge of our deeds; let us go forth to lead -the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that -here on earth God's work must truly be our own. - - - -December, 1974 [Etext #4] - - -**The Project Gutenberg Etext of Lincoln's Gettysburg Address** - - -This is a retranscription of one of the first Project -Gutenberg Etexts, offically dated December 31, 1974-- -and now officially re-released on November 19, 1993-- -130 years after it was spoken. We will rerelease the -Inaugural Address of President Kennedy, officially on -November 22, 1993, on the day of the 30th anniversary -of his assassination. - - - -Lincoln's Gettysburg Address, given November 19, 1863 -on the battlefield near Gettysburg, Pennsylvania, USA - - -Four score and seven years ago, our fathers brought forth -upon this continent a new nation: conceived in liberty, and -dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal. - -Now we are engaged in a great civil war. . .testing whether -that nation, or any nation so conceived and so dedicated. . . -can long endure. We are met on a great battlefield of that war. - -We have come to dedicate a portion of that field as a final resting place -for those who here gave their lives that this nation might live. -It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this. - -But, in a larger sense, we cannot dedicate. . .we cannot consecrate. . . -we cannot hallow this ground. The brave men, living and dead, -who struggled here have consecrated it, far above our poor power -to add or detract. The world will little note, nor long remember, -what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here. - -It is for us the living, rather, to be dedicated here to the unfinished -work which they who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced. -It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining -before us. . .that from these honored dead we take increased devotion -to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion. . . -that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain. . . -that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom. . . -and that government of the people. . .by the people. . .for the people. . . -shall not perish from this earth. - - - - -December, 1975 [Etext #5] - - -*****The Project Gutenberg Etext of The U. S. Constitution***** - -The following edition of The Consitution of the United States of America -has been based on many hours of study of a variety of editions, and will -include certain variant spellings, punctuation, and captialization as we -have been able to reasonable ascertain belonged to the orginal. In case -of internal discrepancies in these matters, most or all have been left. - -In our orginal editions the letters were all CAPITALS, and we did not do -anything about capitalization, consistent or otherwise, nor with most of -the punctuation, since we had limited punctionation in those days. - -This document does NOT include the amendments, as the Bill of Rights was -one of our earlier Project Gutenberg Etexts, and the others will be sent -in a separate posting. - -*** - -We would ask that any Consitutional scholars would please take a minute, -or longer, to send us a note concerning possible corrections. *** +Transcribers’ Notes + NOTE: This file contains the original contents of the + very first eBook in the Project Gutenberg collection, + the Declaration of Independence. This file previously + contained a compilation of etexts from #2 to #9. Also + it contained a duplicate of the Declaration - as part + of preserving the history of the contents which isn’t + necessary any longer. The historical variations of #1 + are included in the “old” subdirectory accessed under + the “More Files” listing in the landing page for this + file. No edits or changes have been made to them. -THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, 1787 - - - -We the people of the United States, in Order to form a more perfect Union, -establish Justice, insure domestic Tranquility, provide for the common defence, -promote the general Welfare, and secure the Blessings of Liberty to ourselves -and our Posterity, do ordain and establish this Constitution for the -United States of America. - - -Article 1 - -Section 1. All legislative Powers herein granted shall be vested in a -Congress of the United States, which shall consist of a Senate and -House of Representatives. - -Section 2. The House of Representatives shall be composed of Members -chosen every second Year by the People of the several States, -and the electors in each State shall have the qualifications requisite -for electors of the most numerous branch of the State legislature. - -No Person shall be a Representative who shall not have attained to the -Age of twenty five Years, and been seven Years a citizen of the United States, -and who shall not, when elected, be an Inhabitant of that State in which -he shall be chosen. - -Representatives and direct Taxes shall be apportioned among -the several States which may be included within this Union, -according to their respective Numbers, which shall be determined -by adding to the whole number of free Persons, including those -bound to Service for a Term of Years, and excluding Indians not taxed, -three fifths of all other Persons. The actual Enumeration shall be made -within three Years after the first Meeting of the Congress of the -United States, and within every subsequent Term of ten Years, -in such Manner as they shall by law Direct. The number of -Representatives shall not exceed one for every thirty Thousand, -but each State shall have at least one Representative; -and until such enumeration shall be made, the State of New Hampshire -shall be entitled to chuse three, Massachusetts eight, Rhode Island -and Providence Plantations one, Connecticut five, New York six, -New Jersey four, Pennsylvania eight, Delaware one, Maryland six, -Virginia ten, North Carolina five, South Carolina five, and Georgia three. - -When vacancies happen in the Representation from any State, the Executive -Authority thereof shall issue Writs of Election to fill such Vacancies. - -The House of Representatives shall chuse their Speaker and other Officers; -and shall have the sole Power of Impeachment. - -Section 3. The Senate of the United States shall be composed of -two Senators from each State, chosen by the legislature thereof, -for six Years; and each Senator shall have one Vote. - -Immediately after they shall be assembled in Consequence of the first Election, -they shall be divided as equally as may be into three Classes. The Seats of -the Senators of the first Class shall be vacated at the expiration of the -second Year, of the second Class at the expiration of the fourth Year, -and of the third Class at the expiration of the sixth Year, so that one third -may be chosen every second Year; and if vacancies happen by Resignation, -or otherwise, during the recess of the Legislature of any State, -the Executive thereof may make temporary Appointments until the -next meeting of the Legislature, which shall then fill such Vacancies. - -No person shall be a Senator who shall not have attained to the Age of -thirty Years, and been nine Years a Citizen of the United States, -and who shall not, when elected, be an Inhabitant of that State -for which he shall be chosen. - -The Vice-President of the United States shall be President of the Senate, -but shall have no Vote, unless they be equally divided. - -The Senate shall choose their other Officers, and also a President -pro tempore, in the Absence of the Vice-President, or when he shall -exercise the Office of President of the United States. - -The Senate shall have the sole Power to try all Impeachments. -When sitting for that Purpose, they shall be on Oath or Affirmation. -When the President of the United States is tried, the Chief Justice -shall preside: And no Person shall be convicted without the Concurrence -of two thirds of the Members present. - -Judgment in cases of Impeachment shall not extend further than to removal -from Office, and disqualification to hold and enjoy any Office of honor, -Trust or Profit under the United States: but the Party convicted shall -nevertheless be liable and subject to Indictment, Trial, Judgment and -Punishment, according to Law. - -Section 4. The Times, Places and Manner of holding Elections for Senators and -Representatives, shall be prescribed in each State by the Legislature thereof; -but the Congress may at any time by Law make or alter such Regulations, -except as to the Places of chusing Senators. - -The Congress shall assemble at least once in every Year, -and such Meeting shall be on the first Monday in December, -unless they shall by law appoint a different Day. - - -Section 5. Each House shall be the Judge of the Elections, -Returns and Qualifications of its own Members, and a -Majority of each shall constitute a Quorum to do Business; -but a smaller Number may adjourn from day to day, -and may be authorized to compel the Attendance of absent Members, -in such Manner, and under such Penalties as each House may provide. - -Each house may determine the Rules of its Proceedings, -punish its Members for disorderly Behavior, and, with the -Concurrence of two-thirds, expel a Member. - -Each house shall keep a Journal of its Proceedings, -and from time to time publish the same, excepting such Parts as may -in their Judgment require Secrecy; and the Yeas and Nays of the -Members of either House on any question shall, at the Desire of -one fifth of those Present, be entered on the Journal. - -Neither House, during the Session of Congress, shall, without the -Consent of the other, adjourn for more than three days, nor to -any other Place than that in which the two Houses shall be sitting. - -Section 6. The Senators and Representatives shall receive a Compensation -for their Services, to be ascertained by Law, and paid out of the Treasury -of the United States. They shall in all Cases, except Treason, Felony and -Breach of the Peace, be privileged from Arrest during their Attendance -at the Session of their respective Houses, and in going to and returning -from the same; and for any Speech or Debate in either House, -they shall not be questioned in any other Place. - -No Senator or Representative shall, during the Time for which he was elected, -be appointed to any civil Office under the authority of the United States, -which shall have been created, or the Emoluments whereof shall have been -increased during such time; and no Person holding any Office under the -United States, shall be a Member of either House during his Continuance -in Office. - -Section 7. All Bills for raising Revenue shall originate in the -House of Representatives; but the Senate may propose or concur with -Amendments as on other Bills. - -Every Bill which shall have passed the House of Representatives and -the Senate, shall, before it become a Law, be presented to the -President of the United States; If he approve he shall sign it, -but if not he shall return it, with his Objections to that House -in which it shall have originated, who shall enter the Objections -at large on their Journal, and proceed to reconsider it. -If after such Reconsideration two thirds of that house -shall agree to pass the Bill, it shall be sent, -together with the Objections, to the other House, by which -it shall likewise be reconsidered, and if approved by two thirds -of that House, it shall become a law. But in all such Cases -the Votes of both Houses shall be determined by Yeas and Nays, -and the Names of the Persons voting for and against the Bill shall be -entered on the Journal of each House respectively. If any Bill -shall not be returned by the President within ten Days (Sundays excepted) -after it shall have been presented to him, the Same shall be a Law, -in like Manner as if he had signed it, unless the Congress by their -Adjournment prevent its Return, in which case it shall not be a Law. - -Every Order, Resolution, or Vote to which the Concurrence of the Senate -and House of Representatives may be necessary (except on a question -of Adjournment) shall be presented to the President of the United States; -and before the Same shall take Effect, shall be approved by him, -or being disapproved by him, shall be repassed by two thirds of -the Senate and House of Representatives, according to the Rules -and Limitations prescribed in the Case of a Bill. - -Section 8. The Congress shall have Power to lay and collect Taxes, Duties, -Imposts and Excises, to pay the Debts and provide for the common Defence -and general Welfare of the United States; but all Duties, Imposts and Excises -shall be uniform throughout the United States; - -To borrow Money on the credit of the United States; - -To regulate Commerce with foreign Nations, and among the several States, -and with the Indian Tribes; - -To establish an uniform Rule of Naturalization, and uniform Laws -on the subject of Bankruptcies throughout the United States; - -To coin Money, regulate the Value thereof, and of foreign Coin, -and fix the Standard of Weights and Measures; - -To provide for the Punishment of counterfeiting the Securities -and current Coin of the United States; - -To establish Post Offices and Post Roads; - -To promote the Progress of Science and useful Arts, by securing -for limited Times to Authors and Inventors the exclusive Right -to their respective Writings and Discoveries; - -To constitute Tribunals inferior to the supreme Court; - -To define and punish Piracies and Felonies committed on the high Seas, -and Offenses against the Law of Nations; - -To declare War, grant Letters of Marque and Reprisal, -and make Rules concerning Captures on Land and Water; - -To raise and support Armies, but no Appropriation of Money to that Use -shall be for a longer term than two Years; - -To provide and maintain a Navy; - -To make Rules for the Government and Regulation of the land and naval Forces; - -To provide for calling forth the Militia to execute the Laws of the Union, -suppress Insurrections and repel Invasions; - -To provide for organizing, arming, and disciplining, the Militia, and for -governing such Part of them as may be employed in the Service of the -United States, reserving to the States respectively, the Appointment -of the Officers, and the Authority of training the militia according -to the discipline prescribed by Congress; - -To exercise exclusive Legislation in all Cases whatsoever, -over such District (not exceeding ten Miles square) as may, -by Cession of particular States, and the Acceptance of Congress, -become the Seat of the Government of the United States, and to -exercise like Authority over all Places purchased by the Consent -of the Legislature of the State in which the Same shall be, -for the Erection of Forts, Magazines, Arsenals, Dockyards, -and other needful Buildings;--And - -To make all Laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying -into Execution the foregoing Powers, and all other Powers vested -by this Constitution in the Government of the United States, -or in any Department or Officer thereof. - -Section 9. The Migration or Importation of such Persons as any -of the States now existing shall think proper to admit, shall not -be prohibited by the Congress prior to the Year one thousand eight -hundred and eight, but a Tax or Duty may be imposed on such Importation, -not exceeding ten dollars for each Person. - -The Privilege of the Writ of Habeas Corpus shall not be suspended, unless -when in Cases of Rebellion or Invasion the public Safety may require it. - -No Bill of Attainder or ex post facto Law shall be passed. - -No Capitation, or other direct, Tax shall be laid, unless in Proportion -to the Census or Enumeration herein before directed to be taken. - -No Tax or Duty shall be laid on Articles exported from any State. - -No Preference shall be given by any Regulation of Commerce or Revenue -to the Ports of one State over those of another: nor shall Vessels bound to, -or from, one State, be obliged to enter, clear, or pay Duties in another. - -No Money shall be drawn from the Treasury, but in Consequence -of Appropriations made by Law; and a regular Statement and Account -of the Receipts and Expenditures of all public Money shall be -published from time to time. - -No Title of Nobility shall be granted by the United States; -and no Person holding any Office of Profit or Trust under them, shall, -without the Consent of the Congress, accept of any present, Emolument, -Office, or Title, of any kind whatever, from any King, Prince, -or foreign State. - -Section 10. No State shall enter into any Treaty, Alliance, or -Confederation; grant Letters of Marque and Reprisal; coin Money; -emit Bills of Credit; make any Thing but gold and silver Coin a Tender -in Payment of Debts; pass any Bill of Attainder, ex post facto Law, -or Law impairing the Obligation of Contracts, or grant any Title of Nobility. - -No State shall, without the Consent of the Congress, lay any Imposts or Duties -on Imports or Exports, except what may be absolutely necessary for executing -it's inspection Laws: and the net Produce of all Duties and Imposts, -laid by any State on Imports or Exports, shall be for the Use of the Treasury -of the United States; and all such Laws shall be subject to the Revision -and Controul of the Congress. - - -No State shall, without the Consent of Congress, lay any Duty of -Tonnage, keep Troops, or Ships of War in time of Peace, enter into any -Agreement or Compact with another State, or with a foreign Power, or -engage in War, unless actually invaded, or in such imminent Danger -as will not admit of delay. - -ARTICLE 2 - -Section 1. The executive Power shall be vested in a President -of the United States of America. He shall hold his Office during -the Term of four Years, and, together with the Vice President -chosen for the same Term, be elected, as follows: - -Each State shall appoint, in such Manner as the Legislature thereof may direct, -a Number of Electors, equal to the whole Number of Senators and Representatives -to which the State may be entitled in the Congress: but no Senator or -Representative, or Person holding an Office of Trust or Profit under -the United States, shall be appointed an Elector. - -The Electors shall meet in their respective States, and vote by Ballot -for two Persons, of whom one at least shall not lie an Inhabitant of -the same State with themselves. And they shall make a List of -all the Persons voted for, and of the Number of Votes for each; -which List they shall sign and certify, and transmit sealed to -the Seat of the Government of the United States, directed to the -President of the Senate. The President of the Senate shall, -in the Presence of the Senate and House of Representatives, -open all the Certificates, and the Votes shall then be counted. -The Person having the greatest Number of Votes shall be the President, -if such Number be a Majority of the whole Number of Electors appointed; -and if there be more than one who have such Majority, and have an equal -Number of votes, then the House of Representatives shall immediately -chuse by Ballot one of them for President; and if no Person have -a Majority, then from the five highest on the List the said House -shall in like Manner chuse the President. But in chusing the President, -the Votes shall be taken by States, the Representation from each State -having one Vote; a Quorum for this Purpose shall consist of a Member -or Members from two thirds of the States, and a Majority of all the -States shall be necessary to a Choice. In every Case, after the Choice -of the President, the Person having the greatest Number of Votes of -the Electors shall be the Vice President. But if there should remain -two or more who have equal Votes, the Senate shall chuse from them -by Ballot the Vice President. - -The Congress may determine the Time of chusing the Electors, -and the Day on which they shall give their Votes; which Day -shall be the same throughout the United States. - -No Person except a natural born Citizen, or a Citizen of the United States, -at the time of the Adoption of this Constitution, shall be eligible to -the Office of President; neither shall any Person be eligible to that -Office who shall not have attained to the Age of thirty five Years, -and been fourteen Years a Resident within the United States. - -In Case of the Removal of the President from Office, or of his Death, -Resignation, or Inability to discharge the Powers and Duties of the -said Office, the Same shall devolve on the Vice President, and the -Congress may by Law provide for the Case of Removal, Death, Resignation -or Inability, both of the President and Vice President, declaring what -Officer shall then act as President, and such Officer shall act accordingly, -until the Disability be removed, or a President shall be elected. - -The President shall, at stated Times, receive for his Services, -a Compensation, which shall neither be encreased nor diminished during -the Period for which he shall have been elected, and he shall not receive -within that Period any other Emolument from the United States, or any of them. - -Before he enter on the Execution of his Office, he shall take the -following Oath or Affirmation:--"I do solemnly swear (or affirm) that -I will faithfully execute the Office of President of the United States, -and will to the best of my Ability, preserve, protect and defend the -Constitution of the United States." - -Section 2. The President shall be Commander in Chief of the Army -and Navy of the United States, and of the Militia of the several States, -when called into the actual Service of the United States; -he may require the Opinion, in writing, of the principal Officer -in each of the executive Departments, upon any Subject relating to -the Duties of their respective Offices, and he shall have Power -to grant Reprieves and Pardons for Offenses against the United States, -except in Cases of impeachment. - -He shall have Power, by and with the Advice and Consent of the -Senate, to make Treaties, provided two thirds of the Senators -present concur; and he shall nominate, and by and with the Advice -and Consent of the Senate, shall appoint Ambassadors, other public -Ministers and Consuls, Judges of the supreme Court, and all other -Officers of the United States, whose Appointments are not herein -otherwise provided for, and which shall be established by Law: -but the Congress may by Law vest the Appointment of such inferior Officers, -as they think proper, in the President alone, in the Courts of Law, -or in the Heads of Departments. - -The President shall have Power to fill up all Vacancies that may happen -during the Recess of the Senate, by granting Commissions which shall -expire at the End of their next session. - -Section 3. He shall from time to time give to the Congress -Information of the State of the Union, and recommend to their -Consideration such Measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient; -he may, on extraordinary Occasions, convene both Houses, or either -of them, and in Case of Disagreement between them, with Respect to -the Time of Adjournment, he may adjourn them to such Time as he shall -think proper; he shall receive Ambassadors and other public Ministers; -he shall take Care that the Laws be faithfully executed, and shall -Commission all the Officers of the United States. - -Section 4. The President, Vice President and all civil Officers of the -United States, shall be removed from Office on Impeachment for, -and Conviction of, Treason, Bribery, or other high Crimes and Misdemeanors. - -ARTICLE THREE - -Section 1. The judicial Power of the United States, shall be vested -in one supreme Court, and in such inferior Courts as the Congress may -from time to time ordain and establish. The Judges, both of the supreme -and inferior Courts, shall hold their Offices during good behavior, -and shall, at stated Times, receive for their Services, a Compensation, -which shall not be diminished during their Continuance in Office. - -Section 2. The judicial Power shall extend to all Cases, in Law and Equity, -arising under this Constitution, the Laws of the United States, and Treaties -made, or which shall be made, under their Authority;--to all Cases affecting -Ambassadors, other public Ministers and Consuls;--to all Cases of admiralty -and maritime Jurisdiction;--to Controversies to which the United States -shall be a Party;--to Controversies between two or more States;--between a -State and Citizens of another State;--between Citizens of different States; ---between Citizens of the same State claiming Lands under Grants of -different States, and between a State, or the Citizens thereof, -and foreign States, Citizens or Subjects. - -In all cases affecting Ambassadors, other public Ministers and Consuls, -and those in which a State shall be Party, the supreme Court shall have -original Jurisdiction. In all the other Cases before mentioned, the -supreme Court shall have appellate Jurisdiction, both as to Law and Fact, -with such Exceptions, and under such Regulations as the Congress shall make. - -The Trial of all Crimes, except in Cases of Impeachment, shall be by Jury; -and such Trial shall be held in the State where the said Crimes shall -have been committed; but when not committed within any State, the Trial -shall be at such Place or Places as the Congress may by Law have directed. - -Section 3. Treason against the United States, shall consist only in -levying War against them, or in adhering to their Enemies, giving them -Aid and Comfort. No Person shall be convicted of Treason unless on -the Testimony of two Witnesses to the same overt Act, or on Confession -in open Court. - -The Congress shall have power to declare the punishment of Treason, -but no Attainder of Treason shall work Corruption of Blood, -or Forfeiture except during the Life of the Person attainted. - - -ARTICLE FOUR - -Section 1. Full Faith and Credit shall be given in each State to the -public Acts, Records, and judicial Proceedings of every other State. -And the Congress may by general Laws prescribe the Manner in which such Acts, -Records, and Proceedings shall be proved, and the Effect thereof. - - -Section 2. The Citizens of each State shall be entitled to all -Privileges and Immunities of Citizens in the several States. - -A Person charged in any State with Treason, Felony, or other Crime, -who shall flee from Justice, and be found in another State, -shall on Demand of the executive Authority of the State from -which he fled, be delivered up, to be removed to the State having -Jurisdiction of the Crime. - -No person held to Service or Labor in one State, under the Laws thereof, -escaping into another, shall, in Consequence of any Law or Regulation therein, -be discharged from such Service or Labor, But shall be delivered up on Claim -of the Party to whom such Service or Labor may be due. - - -Section 3. New States may be admitted by the Congress into this Union; -but no new States shall be formed or erected within the Jurisdiction -of any other State; nor any State be formed by the Junction of two -or more States, or Parts of States, without the Consent of the -Legislatures of the States concerned as well as of the Congress. - -The Congress shall have Power to dispose of and make all needful Rules -and Regulations respecting the Territory or other Property belonging -to the United States; and nothing in this Constitution shall be so -construed as to Prejudice any Claims of the United States, -or of any particular State. - -Section 4. The United States shall guarantee to every State in this Union -a Republican Form of Government, and shall protect each of them against -Invasion; and on Application of the Legislature, or of the Executive -(when the Legislature cannot be convened) against domestic Violence. - - -ARTICLE FIVE - -The Congress, whenever two thirds of both Houses shall deem it necessary, -shall propose Amendments to this Constitution, or, on the Application of -the Legislatures of two thirds of the several States, shall call a Convention -for proposing Amendments, which, in either Case, shall be valid to all Intents -and Purposes, as Part of this Constitution, when ratified by the Legislatures -of three fourths of the several States, or by Conventions in three fourths -thereof, as the one or the other Mode of Ratification may be proposed by -the Congress; Provided that no Amendment which may be made prior to the -Year one thousand eight hundred and eight shall in any Manner affect -the first and fourth Clauses in the ninth Section of the first Article; -and that no State, without its Consent, shall be deprived of it's -equal Suffrage in the Senate. - -ARTICLE SIX - -All Debts contracted and Engagements entered into, before the Adoption -of this Constitution, shall be as valid against the United States -under this Constitution, as under the Confederation. - -This Constitution, and the Laws of the United States which shall be made -in Pursuance thereof; and all Treaties made, or which shall be made, -under the Authority of the United States, shall be the supreme -Law of the Land; and the Judges in every State shall be bound thereby, -any Thing in the Constitution or Laws of any State to the Contrary -notwithstanding. - -The Senators and Representatives before mentioned, and the Members of the -several State Legislatures, and all executive and judicial Officers, -both of the United States and of the several States, shall be bound -by Oath or Affirmation, to support this Constitution; but no religious -Test shall ever be required as a Qualification to any Office or public Trust -under the United States - -ARTICLE SEVEN - -The Ratification of the Conventions of nine States, shall be sufficient for the -Establishment of this Constitution between the States so ratifying the Same. - -Done in Convention by the Unanimous Consent of the States present -the Seventeenth Day of September in the Year of our Lord one -thousand seven hundred and eighty seven and of the Independence of the -United States of America the Twelfth In Witness whereof We have -hereunto subscribed our Names, - -Go. WASHINGTON-- -Presid. and deputy from Virginia - -New Hampshire - -John Langdon -Nicholas Gilman - -Massachusetts - -Nathaniel Gorham -Rufus King - -Connecticut - -Wm. Saml. Johnson -Roger herman - -New York - -Alexander Hamilton - -New Jersey - -Wil: Livingston -David Brearley -Wm. Paterson -Jona: Dayton - -Pennsylvania - -B Franklin -Thomas Mifflin -Robt Morris -Geo. Clymer -Thos FitzSimons -Jared Ingersoll -James Wilson -Gouv Morris - -Delaware - -Geo: Read -Gunning Bedford jun -John Dickinson -Richard Bassett -Jaco: Broom - -Maryland - -James Mchenry -Dan of St Thos. Jenifer -Danl Carroll - -Virginia - -John Blair-- -James Madison Jr. - -North Carolina - -Wm. Blount -Rich'd Dobbs Spaight -Hu Williamson - -South Carolina - -J. Rutledge -Charles Cotesworth Pinckney -Charles Pinckney -Pierce Butler - -Georgia - -William Few -Abr Baldwin - - -Attest: -William Jackson, Secretary - - - - -December, 1975 [Etext #6] - - -The Project Gutenberg Etext of Give Me LIberty Or Give Me Death - -Officially released in December 1975, unofficially released for -the 200th anniversary of the speech by Patrick Henry before the -"House" as he referred to it. [Which was the Virgina Provincial -Convention, March 23, 1775] - - -Give Me Liberty Or Give Me Death - - -Patrick Henry, March 23, 1775. - - -No man thinks more highly than I do of the patriotism, as well as abilities, -of the very worthy gentlemen who have just addressed the House. But different -men often see the same subject in different lights; and, therefore, I hope it -will not be thought disrespectful to those gentlemen if, entertaining as I do -opinions of a character very opposite to theirs, I shall speak forth my -sentiments freely and without reserve. This is no time for ceremony. -The questing before the House is one of awful moment to this country. -For my own part, I consider it as nothing less than a question of -freedom or slavery; and in proportion to the magnitude of the subject -ought to be the freedom of the debate. It is only in this way that -we can hope to arrive at truth, and fulfill the great responsibility -which we hold to God and our country. Should I keep back my opinions -at such a time, through fear of giving offense, I should consider myself -as guilty of treason towards my country, and of an act of disloyalty -toward the Majesty of Heaven, which I revere above all earthly kings. - -Mr. President, it is natural to man to indulge in the illusions of hope. -We are apt to shut our eyes against a painful truth, and listen to the -song of that siren till she transforms us into beasts. Is this the part -of wise men, engaged in a great and arduous struggle for liberty? -Are we disposed to be of the number of those who, having eyes, see not, -and, having ears, hear not, the things which so nearly concern their -temporal salvation? For my part, whatever anguish of spirit it may cost, -I am willing to know the whole truth; to know the worst, and to provide for it. - -I have but one lamp by which my feet are guided, and that is the lamp of -experience. I know of no way of judging of the future but by the past. -And judging by the past, I wish to know what there has been in the conduct -of the British ministry for the last ten years to justify those hopes with -which gentlemen have been pleased to solace themselves and the House. -Is it that insidious smile with which our petition has been lately received? -Trust it not, sir; it will prove a snare to your feet. Suffer not yourselves -to be betrayed with a kiss. Ask yourselves how this gracious reception of our -petition comports with those warlike preparations which cover our waters and -darken our land. Are fleets and armies necessary to a work of love and -reconciliation? Have we shown ourselves so unwilling to be reconciled that -force must be called in to win back our love? Let us not deceive ourselves, -sir. These are the implements of war and subjugation; the last arguments to -which kings resort. I ask gentlemen, sir, what means this martial array, if -its purpose be not to force us to submission? Can gentlemen assign any other -possible motive for it? Has Great Britain any enemy, in this quarter of -the world, to call for all this accumulation of navies and armies? No, sir, -she has none. They are meant for us: they can be meant for no other. -They are sent over to bind and rivet upon us those chains which the British -ministry have been so long forging. And what have we to oppose to them? -Shall we try argument? Sir, we have been trying that for the last ten years. -Have we anything new to offer upon the subject? Nothing. We have held the -subject up in every light of which it is capable; but it has been all in vain. -Shall we resort to entreaty and humble supplication? What terms shall we -find which have not been already exhausted? Let us not, I beseech you, sir, -deceive ourselves. Sir, we have done everything that could be done to avert -the storm which is now coming on. We have petitioned; we have remonstrated; -we have supplicated; we have prostrated ourselves before the throne, and have -implored its interposition to arrest the tyrannical hands of the ministry and -Parliament. Our petitions have been slighted; our remonstrances have produced -additional violence and insult; our supplications have been disregarded; -and we have been spurned, with contempt, from the foot of the throne! -In vain, after these things, may we indulge the fond hope of peace and -reconciliation. There is no longer any room for hope. If we wish to be free-- -if we mean to preserve inviolate those inestimable privileges for which -we have been so long contending--if we mean not basely to abandon the noble -struggle in which we have been so long engaged, and which we have pledged -ourselves never to abandon until the glorious object of our contest -shall be obtained--we must fight! I repeat it, sir, we must fight! -An appeal to arms and to the God of hosts is all that is left us! - -They tell us, sir, that we are weak; unable to cope with so formidable -an adversary. But when shall we be stronger? Will it be the next week, -or the next year? Will it be when we are totally disarmed, and when a British -guard shall be stationed in every house? Shall we gather strength but -irresolution and inaction? Shall we acquire the means of effectual resistance -by lying supinely on our backs and hugging the delusive phantom of hope, until -our enemies shall have bound us hand and foot? Sir, we are not weak if we make -a proper use of those means which the God of nature hath placed in our power. -The millions of people, armed in the holy cause of liberty, and in such a -country as that which we possess, are invincible by any force which our enemy -can send against us. Besides, sir, we shall not fight our battles alone. -There is a just God who presides over the destinies of nations, and who will -raise up friends to fight our battles for us. The battle, sir, is not to the -strong alone; it is to the vigilant, the active, the brave. Besides, sir, -we have no election. If we were base enough to desire it, it is now too late -to retire from the contest. There is no retreat but in submission and slavery! -Our chains are forged! Their clanking may be heard on the plains of Boston! -The war is inevitable--and let it come! I repeat it, sir, let it come. - -It is in vain, sir, to extenuate the matter. Gentlemen may cry, Peace, Peace-- -but there is no peace. The war is actually begun! The next gale that sweeps -from the north will bring to our ears the clash of resounding arms! -Our brethren are already in the field! Why stand we here idle? -What is it that gentlemen wish? What would they have? Is life so dear, -or peace so sweet, as to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery? -Forbid it, Almighty God! I know not what course others may take; -but as for me, give me liberty or give me death! - - - - -Officially released December 31, 1977 [Etext #7] -Officially re-released November 25, 1993 -In honor of Thanksgiving - -******The Project Gutenberg Etext of The Mayflower Compact***** - - - -The Mayflower Compact - -November 11, 1620 [This was November 21, old style calendar] - -In the name of God, Amen. We, whose names are underwritten, -the Loyal Subjects of our dread Sovereigne Lord, King James, -by the Grace of God, of Great Britaine, France, and Ireland, -King, Defender of the Faith, &c. - -Having undertaken for the Glory of God, and Advancement of -the Christian Faith, and the Honour of our King and Country, -a Voyage to plant the first colony in the Northerne Parts -of Virginia; doe, by these Presents, solemnly and mutually -in the Presence of God and one of another, covenant and -combine ourselves together into a civill Body Politick, -for our better Ordering and Preservation, and Furtherance -of the Ends aforesaid; And by Virtue hereof do enact, -constitute, and frame, such just and equall Laws, Ordinances, -Acts, Constitutions, and Offices, from time to time, -as shall be thought most meete and convenient for the -Generall Good of the Colonie; unto which we promise -all due Submission and Obedience. - -In Witness whereof we have hereunto subscribed our names -at Cape Cod the eleventh of November, in the Raigne of our -Sovereigne Lord, King James of England, France, and Ireland, -the eighteenth, and of Scotland, the fiftie-fourth, -Anno. Domini, 1620. - -Mr. John Carver Mr. Stephen Hopkins -Mr. William Bradford Digery Priest -Mr. Edward Winslow Thomas Williams -Mr. William Brewster Gilbert Winslow -Isaac Allerton Edmund Margesson -Miles Standish Peter Brown -John Alden Richard Bitteridge -John Turner George Soule -Francis Eaton Edward Tilly -James Chilton John Tilly -John Craxton Francis Cooke -John Billington Thomas Rogers -Joses Fletcher Thomas Tinker -John Goodman John Ridgate -Mr. Samuel Fuller Edward Fuller -Mr. Christopher Martin Richard Clark -Mr. William Mullins Richard Gardiner -Mr. William White Mr. John Allerton -Mr. Richard Warren Thomas English -John Howland Edward Doten -Edward Liester - - - -December, 1978 [Etext #8] - -**The Project Gutenberg Etext of Lincoln's 2nd Inaugural Address** - - - - -Lincoln's Second Inaugural Address -March 4, 1865 - - - -Fellow countrymen: At this second appearing to take the oath -of the presidential office, there is less occasion for an extended -address than there was at the first. Then a statement, somewhat -in detail, of a course to be pursued, seemed fitting and proper. -Now, at the expiration of four years, during which public declarations -have been constantly called forth on every point and phase of the great -contest which still absorbs the attention and engrosses the energies -of the nation, little that is new could be presented. The progress -of our arms, upon which all else chiefly depends, is as well known -to the public as to myself; and it is, I trust, reasonably satisfactory -and encouraging to all. With high hope for the future, no prediction -in regard to it is ventured. - -On the occasion corresponding to this four years ago, all thoughts -were anxiously directed to an impending civil war. All dreaded it-- -all sought to avert it. While the inaugural address was being delivered -from this place, devoted altogether to saving the Union without war, -insurgent agents were in the city seeking to destroy it without war-- -seeking to dissolve the Union, and divide effects, by negotiation. -Both parties deprecated war; but one of them would make war rather -than let the nation survive; and the other would accept war rather -than let it perish. And the war came. - -One-eighth of the whole population were colored slaves, not distributed -generally over the Union, but localized in the Southern part of it. -These slaves constituted a peculiar and powerful interest. All knew -that this interest was, somehow, the cause of the war. To strengthen, -perpetuate, and extend this interest was the object for which the -insurgents would rend the Union, even by war; while the government claimed -no right to do more than to restrict the territorial enlargement of it. - -Neither party expected for the war the magnitude or the duration -which it has already attained. Neither anticipated that the cause -of the conflict might cease with, or even before, the conflict itself -should cease. Each looked for an easier triumph, and a result less -fundamental and astounding. Both read the same Bible, and pray -to the same God; and each invokes his aid against the other. -It may seem strange that any men should dare to ask a just God's -assistance in wringing their bread from the sweat of other men's faces; -but let us judge not, that we be not judged. The prayers of both -could not be answered--that of neither has been answered fully. - -The Almighty has his own purposes. "Woe unto the world because -of offenses! for it must needs be that offenses come; but woe -to that man by whom the offense cometh." If we shall suppose -that American slavery is one of those offenses which, in the -providence of God, must needs come, but which, having continued -through his appointed time, he now wills to remove, and that he -gives to both North and South this terrible war, as the woe due -to those by whom the offense came, shall we discern therein any -departure from those divine attributes which the believers in a -living God always ascribe to him? Fondly do we hope--fervently -do we pray--that this mighty scourge of war may speedily pass away. -Yet, if God wills that it continue until all the wealth piled by -the bondsman's two hundred and fifty years of unrequited toil -shall be sunk, and until every drop of blood drawn by the lash -shall be paid by another drawn with the sword, as was said -three thousand years ago, so still it must be said, "The -judgments of the Lord are true and righteous altogether." - -With malice toward none; with charity for all; with firmness in -the right, as God gives us to see the right, let us strive on -to finish the work we are in; to bind up the nation's wounds; -to care for him who shall have borne the battle, and for his widow, -and his orphan--to do all which may achieve and cherish a just -and lasting peace among ourselves, and with all nations. - - - - -December, 1979 [Etext #9] - -The Project Gutenberg Etext of Lincoln's 1st Inaugural Address - - - -Lincoln's First Inaugural Address -March 4, 1861 - - - -Fellow citizens of the United States: in compliance with a custom as old -as the government itself, I appear before you to address you briefly -and to take, in your presence, the oath prescribed by the Constitution -of the United States, to be taken by the President "before he enters -on the execution of his office." - -I do not consider it necessary, at present, for me to discuss those matters -of administration about which there is no special anxiety, or excitement. - -Apprehension seems to exist among the people of the Southern States -that by the accession of a Republican administration their property -and their peace and personal security are to be endangered. -There has never been any reasonable cause for such apprehension. -Indeed, the most ample evidence to the contrary has all the while -existed and been open to their inspection. It is found in -nearly all the published speeches of him who now addresses you. -I do but quote from one of those speeches when I declare that -"I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with -the institution of slavery where it exists. I believe I have -no lawful right to do so, and I have no inclination to do so." -Those who nominated and elected me did so with full knowledge -that I had made this and many similar declarations, and had -never recanted them. And, more than this, they placed in the -platform for my acceptance, and as a law to themselves and to me, -the clear and emphatic resolution which I now read: - -"Resolved: that the maintenance inviolate -of the rights of the States, and especially -the right of each State to order and control -its own domestic institutions according to -its own judgment exclusively, is essential -to that balance of power on which the perfection -and endurance of our political fabric depend, -and we denounce the lawless invasion by armed -force of the soil of any State or Territory, -no matter under what pretext, -as among the gravest of crimes." - -I now reiterate these sentiments; and, in doing so, I only press upon -the public attention the most conclusive evidence of which the case -is susceptible, that the property, peace, and security of no section -are to be in any wise endangered by the now incoming administration. -I add, too, that all the protection which, consistently with the -Constitution and the laws, can be given, will be cheerfully given -to all the States when lawfully demanded, for whatever cause-- -as cheerfully to one section as to another. - -There is much controversy about the delivering up of fugitives -from service or labor. The clause I now read is as plainly -written in the Constitution as any other of its provisions: - -"No person held to service or labor in one State, -under the laws thereof, escaping into another, -shall in consequence of any law or regulation -therein be discharged from such service or labor, -but shall be delivered up on claim of the party -to whom such service or labor may be due." - -It is scarcely questioned that this provision was intended by those -who made it for the reclaiming of what we call fugitive slaves; -and the intention of the lawgiver is the law. All members -of Congress swear their support to the whole Constitution-- -to this provision as much as to any other. To the proposition, -then, that slaves whose cases come within the terms of this clause -"shall be delivered up", their oaths are unanimous. Now, if they -would make the effort in good temper, could they not with nearly -equal unanimity frame and pass a law by means of which to keep good -that unanimous oath? - -There is some difference of opinion whether this clause should -be enforced by national or by State authority; but surely that -difference is not a very material one. If the slave is to be -surrendered, it can be of but little consequence to him or to others -by which authority it is done. And should any one in any case be -content that his oath shall go unkept on a merely unsubstantial -controversy as to HOW it shall be kept? - -Again, in any law upon this subject, ought not all the safeguards of -liberty known in civilized and humane jurisprudence to be introduced, -so that a free man be not, in any case, surrendered as a slave? -And might it not be well at the same time to provide by law for the -enforcement of that clause in the Constitution which guarantees that -"the citizen of each State shall be entitled to all privileged and -immunities of citizens in the several States?" - -I take the official oath today with no mental reservations, -and with no purpose to construe the Constitution or laws by -any hypercritical rules. And while I do not choose now to specify -particular acts of Congress as proper to be enforced, I do suggest -that it will be much safer for all, both in official and private stations, -to conform to and abide by all those acts which stand unrepealed, -than to violate any of them, trusting to find impunity in having -them held to be unConstitutional. - -It is seventy-two years since the first inauguration of a President -under our national Constitution. During that period fifteen different -and greatly distinguished citizens have, in succession, administered -the executive branch of the government. They have conducted it through -many perils, and generally with great success. Yet, with all this scope -of precedent, I now enter upon the same task for the brief Constitutional -term of four years under great and peculiar difficulty. A disruption of -the Federal Union, heretofore only menaced, is now formidably attempted. - -I hold that, in contemplation of universal law and of the Constitution, -the Union of these States is perpetual. Perpetuity is implied, -if not expressed, in the fundamental law of all national governments. -It is safe to assert that no government proper ever had a provision -in its organic law for its own termination. Continue to execute all -the express provisions of our National Constitution, and the Union will -endure forever--it being impossible to destroy it except by some action -not provided for in the instrument itself. - -Again, if the United States be not a government proper, but an association -of States in the nature of contract merely, can it, as a contract, -be peaceably unmade by less than all the parties who made it? -One party to a contract may violate it--break it, so to speak; -but does it not require all to lawfully rescind it? - -Descending from these general principles, we find the proposition -that in legal contemplation the Union is perpetual confirmed by -the history of the Union itself. The Union is much older than -the Constitution. It was formed, in fact, by the Articles of -Association in 1774. It was matured and continued by the -Declaration of Independence in 1776. It was further matured, -and the faith of all the then thirteen States expressly plighted -and engaged that it should be perpetual, by the Articles of Confederation -in 1778. And, finally, in 1787 one of the declared objects for ordaining -and establishing the Constitution was "TO FORM A MORE PERFECT UNION." - -But if the destruction of the Union by one or by a part only of the States -be lawfully possible, the Union is LESS perfect than before the Constitution, -having lost the vital element of perpetuity. - -It follows from these views that no State upon its own mere motion -can lawfully get out of the Union; that Resolves and Ordinances -to that effect are legally void; and that acts of violence, -within any State or States, against the authority of the United States, -are insurrectionary or revolutionary, according to circumstances. - -I therefore consider that, in view of the Constitution and the laws, -the Union is unbroken; and to the extent of my ability I shall take care, -as the Constitution itself expressly enjoins upon me, that the -laws of the Union be faithfully executed in all the States. -Doing this I deem to be only a simple duty on my part; -and I shall perform it so far as practicable, unless my -rightful masters, the American people, shall withhold the -requisite means, or in some authoritative manner direct the contrary. -I trust this will not be regarded as a menace, but only as the -declared purpose of the Union that it WILL Constitutionally -defend and maintain itself. - -In doing this there needs to be no bloodshed or violence; and there -shall be none, unless it be forced upon the national authority. -The power confided to me will be used to hold, occupy, and possess -the property and places belonging to the government, and to collect -the duties and imposts; but beyond what may be necessary for these objects, -there will be no invasion, no using of force against or among the people -anywhere. Where hostility to the United States, in any interior locality, -shall be so great and universal as to prevent competent resident citizens -from holding the Federal offices, there will be no attempt to force -obnoxious strangers among the people for that object. While the strict -legal right may exist in the government to enforce the exercise of -these offices, the attempt to do so would be so irritating, -and so nearly impracticable withal, that I deem it better -to forego for the time the uses of such offices. - -The mails, unless repelled, will continue to be furnished in all parts -of the Union. So far as possible, the people everywhere shall have that -sense of perfect security which is most favorable to calm thought -and reflection. The course here indicated will be followed unless current -events and experience shall show a modification or change to be proper, -and in every case and exigency my best discretion will be exercised -according to circumstances actually existing, and with a view and -a hope of a peaceful solution of the national troubles and the -restoration of fraternal sympathies and affections. - -That there are persons in one section or another who seek to destroy -the Union at all events, and are glad of any pretext to do it, I will -neither affirm nor deny; but if there be such, I need address no word -to them. To those, however, who really love the Union may I not speak? - -Before entering upon so grave a matter as the destruction of our -national fabric, with all its benefits, its memories, and its hopes, -would it not be wise to ascertain precisely why we do it? -Will you hazard so desperate a step while there is any possibility -that any portion of the ills you fly from have no real existence? -Will you, while the certain ills you fly to are greater than all -the real ones you fly from--will you risk the commission of so -fearful a mistake? - -All profess to be content in the Union if all Constitutional rights -can be maintained. Is it true, then, that any right, plainly written -in the Constitution, has been denied? I think not. Happily the human -mind is so constituted that no party can reach to the audacity of doing this. -Think, if you can, of a single instance in which a plainly written provision -of the Constitution has ever been denied. If by the mere force of numbers a -majority should deprive a minority of any clearly written Constitutional right, -it might, in a moral point of view, justify revolution--certainly would if such -a right were a vital one. But such is not our case. All the vital rights of -minorities and of individuals are so plainly assured to them by affirmations -and negations, guaranties and prohibitions, in the Constitution, that -controversies never arise concerning them. But no organic law can ever be -framed with a provision specifically applicable to every question which may -occur in practical administration. No foresight can anticipate, -nor any document of reasonable length contain, express provisions -for all possible questions. Shall fugitives from labor be surrendered -by national or State authority? The Constitution does not expressly say. -May Congress prohibit slavery in the Territories? The Constitution does not -expressly say. MUST Congress protect slavery in the Territories? -The Constitution does not expressly say. - -From questions of this class spring all our constitutional controversies, -and we divide upon them into majorities and minorities. If the minority -will not acquiesce, the majority must, or the government must cease. -There is no other alternative; for continuing the government is -acquiescence on one side or the other. - -If a minority in such case will secede rather than acquiesce, -they make a precedent which in turn will divide and ruin them; -for a minority of their own will secede from them whenever -a majority refuses to be controlled by such minority. -For instance, why may not any portion of a new -confederacy a year or two hence arbitrarily secede again, -precisely as portions of the present Union now claim to secede from it? -All who cherish disunion sentiments are now being educated to the -exact temper of doing this. - -Is there such perfect identity of interests among the States -to compose a new Union, as to produce harmony only, -and prevent renewed secession? - -Plainly, the central idea of secession is the essence of anarchy. -A majority held in restraint by constitutional checks and limitations, -and always changing easily with deliberate changes of popular -opinions and sentiments, is the only true sovereign of a free people. -Whoever rejects it does, of necessity, fly to anarchy or to despotism. -Unanimity is impossible; the rule of a minority, as a permanent arrangement, -is wholly inadmissible; so that, rejecting the majority principle, -anarchy or despotism in some form is all that is left. - -I do not forget the position, assumed by some, that Constitutional -questions are to be decided by the Supreme Court; nor do I deny -that such decisions must be binding, in any case, upon the parties -to a suit, as to the object of that suit, while they are also entitled -to very high respect and consideration in all parallel cases by all other -departments of the government. And while it is obviously possible that -such decision may be erroneous in any given case, still the evil effect -following it, being limited to that particular case, with the chance that -it may be overruled and never become a precedent for other cases, -can better be borne than could the evils of a different practice. -At the same time, the candid citizen must confess that if the policy -of the government, upon vital questions affecting the whole people, -is to be irrevocably fixed by decisions of the Supreme Court, -the instant they are made, in ordinary litigation between parties -in personal actions, the people will have ceased to be their own rulers, -having to that extent practically resigned their government into the hands -of that eminent tribunal. Nor is there in this view any assault upon -the court or the judges. It is a duty from which they may not shrink -to decide cases properly brought before them, and it is no fault of -theirs if others seek to turn their decisions to political purposes. - -One section of our country believes slavery is RIGHT, and ought -to be extended, while the other believes it is WRONG, and ought -not to be extended. This is the only substantial dispute. -The fugitive-slave clause of the Constitution, and the law for the -suppression of the foreign slave-trade, are each as well enforced, -perhaps, as any law can ever be in a community where the moral -sense of the people imperfectly supports the law itself. -The great body of the people abide by the dry legal obligation -in both cases, and a few break over in each. This, I think, -cannot be perfectly cured; and it would be worse in both cases -AFTER the separation of the sections than BEFORE. The foreign -slave-trade, now imperfectly suppressed, would be ultimately revived, -without restriction, in one section, while fugitive slaves, -now only partially surrendered, would not be surrendered -at all by the other. - -Physically speaking, we cannot separate. We cannot remove our -respective sections from each other, nor build an impassable wall -between them. A husband and wife may be divorced, and go out of -the presence and beyond the reach of each other; but the different -parts of our country cannot do this. They cannot but remain -face to face, and intercourse, either amicable or hostile, -must continue between them. Is it possible, then, to make -that intercourse more advantageous or more satisfactory after -separation than before? Can aliens make treaties easier than -friends can make laws? Can treaties be more faithfully enforced -between aliens than laws can among friends? Suppose you go to war, -you cannot fight always; and when, after much loss on both sides, -an no gain on either, you cease fighting, the identical old questions -as to terms of intercourse are again upon you. - -This country, with its institutions, belongs to the people who inhabit it. -Whenever they shall grow weary of the existing government, they can exercise -their CONSTITUTIONAL right of amending it, or their REVOLUTIONARY right -to dismember or overthrow it. I cannot be ignorant of the fact -that many worthy and patriotic citizens are desirous of having the -national Constitution amended. While I make no recommendation of -amendments, I fully recognize the rightful authority of the people -over the whole subject, to be exercised in either of the modes prescribed -in the instrument itself; and I should, under existing circumstances, -favor rather than oppose a fair opportunity being afforded the people -to act upon it. I will venture to add that to me the convention mode -seems preferable, in that it allows amendments to originate with -the people themselves, instead of only permitting them to take or -reject propositions originated by others not especially chosen -for the purpose, and which might not be precisely such as they would -wish to either accept or refuse. I understand a proposed amendment -to the Constitution--which amendment, however, I have not seen--has -passed Congress, to the effect that the Federal Government shall -never interfere with the domestic institutions of the States, -including that of persons held to service. To avoid misconstruction -of what I have said, I depart from my purpose not to speak of particular -amendments so far as to say that, holding such a provision to now be -implied Constitutional law, I have no objection to its being made express -and irrevocable. - -The chief magistrate derives all his authority from the people, -and they have conferred none upon him to fix terms for the -separation of the states. The people themselves can do this -also if they choose; but the executive, as such, has nothing to -do with it. His duty is to administer the present government, -as it came to his hands, and to transmit it, unimpaired by him, -to his successor. - -Why should there not be a patient confidence in the ultimate justice -of the people? Is there any better or equal hope in the world? -In our present differences is either party without faith of being -in the right? If the Almighty Ruler of Nations, with his eternal -truth and justice, be on your side of the North, or on yours -of the South, that truth and that justice will surely prevail, -by the judgment of this great tribunal, the American people. - -By the frame of the government under which we live, this same people -have wisely given their public servants but little power for mischief; -and have, with equal wisdom, provided for the return of that little -to their own hands at very short intervals. While the people retain -their virtue and vigilance, no administration, by any extreme of -wickedness or folly, can very seriously injure the government -in the short space of four years. - -My countrymen, one and all, think calmly and WELL upon this -whole subject. Nothing valuable can be lost by taking time. -If there be an object to HURRY any of you in hot haste to a step -which you would never take DELIBERATELY, that object will be -frustrated by taking time; but no good object can be frustrated -by it. Such of you as are now dissatisfied, still have the -old Constitution unimpaired, and, on the sensitive point, -the laws of your own framing under it; while the new administration -will have no immediate power, if it would, to change either. -If it were admitted that you who are dissatisfied hold the -right side in the dispute, there still is no single good reason -for precipitate action. Intelligence, patriotism, Christianity, -and a firm reliance on him who has never yet forsaken this favored land, -are still competent to adjust in the best way all our present difficulty. - -In YOUR hands, my dissatisfied fellow-countrymen, and not in MINE, -is the momentous issue of civil war. The government will not assail YOU. -You can have no conflict without being yourselves the aggressors. -YOU have no oath registered in heaven to destroy the government, while _I_ -shall have the most solemn one to "preserve, protect, and defend it." - -I am loathe to close. We are not enemies, but friends. We must not -be enemies. Though passion may have strained, it must not break -our bonds of affection. The mystic chords of memory, stretching from -every battlefield and patriot grave to every living heart and hearthstone -all over this broad land, will yet swell the chorus of the Union -when again touched, as surely they will be, by the better angels of our nature. - -***End of the Collected Etexts of Project Gutenberg of the 1970's*** -**We hope to rely on your continued support until the end of 2001,** -when we hope to have presented the 10,000th Project Gutenberg Etext! - - - -=============== - - - -The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Declaration of Independence - -Copyright laws are changing all over the world. Be sure to check the -copyright laws for your country before downloading or redistributing -this or any other Project Gutenberg eBook. - -This header should be the first thing seen when viewing this Project -Gutenberg file. Please do not remove it. Do not change or edit the -header without written permission. - -Please read the "legal small print," and other information about the -eBook and Project Gutenberg at the bottom of this file. Included is -important information about your specific rights and restrictions in -how the file may be used. You can also find out about how to make a -donation to Project Gutenberg, and how to get involved. - - -**Welcome To The World of Free Plain Vanilla Electronic Texts** - -**eBooks Readable By Both Humans and By Computers, Since 1971** - -*****These eBooks Were Prepared By Thousands of Volunteers!***** - - -Title: The Declaration of Independence - -Release Date: December, 1971 [EBook #1] -[Most recently updated: November 25, 2004] - -Edition: 12 - -Language: English - + All of the original Project Gutenberg Etexts from the + 1970’s were produced in ALL CAPS, no lower case. The + computers we used then didn’t have lower case at all. *** -The United States Declaration of Independence was the first Etext -released by Project Gutenberg, early in 1971. The title was stored -in an emailed instruction set which required a tape or diskpack be -hand mounted for retrieval. The diskpack was the size of a large -cake in a cake carrier, cost $1500, and contained 5 megabytes, of -which this file took 1-2%. Two tape backups were kept plus one on -paper tape. The 10,000 files we hope to have online by the end of -2001 should take about 1-2% of a comparably priced drive in 2001. - -This file was never copyrighted, Sharewared, etc., and is thus for -all to use and copy in any manner they choose. Please feel free to -make your own edition using this as a base. - -In my research for creating this transcription of our first Etext, -I have come across enough discrepancies [even within that official -documentation provided by the United States] to conclude that even -"facsimiles" of the Declaration of Indendence will NOT going to be -all the same as the original, nor of other "facsimiles." There is -a plethora of variations in capitalization, punctuation, and, even -where names appear on the documents [which names I have left out]. - -The resulting document has several misspellings removed from those -parchment "facsimiles" I used back in 1971, and which I should not -be able to easily find at this time, including "Brittain." - -[JT, Apr 05: "Brittish", however, is spelled as in the original.] - - -**The Project Gutenberg Etext of The Declaration of Independence** - - - -The Declaration of Independence of The United States of America - +THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA IN CONGRESS, July 4, 1776 The unanimous Declaration of the thirteen united States of America - - -When in the Course of human events, it becomes necessary for -one people to dissolve the political bands which have connected -them with another, and to assume, among the Powers of the earth, -the separate and equal station to which the Laws of Nature and -of Nature's God entitle them, a decent respect to the opinions -of mankind requires that they should declare the causes which -impel them to the separation. - -We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, -that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, -that among these are Life, Liberty, and the pursuit of Happiness. -That to secure these rights, Governments are instituted among Men, -deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed, -That whenever any Form of Government becomes destructive of these ends, -it is the Right of the People to alter or to abolish it, and to institute -new Government, laying its foundation on such principles and organizing -its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect -their Safety and Happiness. Prudence, indeed, will dictate that Governments -long established should not be changed for light and transient causes; -and accordingly all experience hath shown, that mankind are more disposed -to suffer, while evils are sufferable, than to right themselves by abolishing -the forms to which they are accustomed. But when a long train of abuses and -usurpations, pursuing invariably the same Object evinces a design to reduce -them under absolute Despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to throw -off such Government, and to provide new Guards for their future security. ---Such has been the patient sufferance of these Colonies; and such is now -the necessity which constrains them to alter their former Systems of Government. -The history of the present King of Great Britain is a history of repeated -injuries and usurpations, all having in direct object the establishment -of an absolute Tyranny over these States. To prove this, let Facts -be submitted to a candid world. - -He has refused his Assent to Laws, the most wholesome and necessary -for the public good. - -He has forbidden his Governors to pass Laws of immediate -and pressing importance, unless suspended in their operation -till his Assent should be obtained; and when so suspended, -he has utterly neglected to attend to them. - -He has refused to pass other Laws for the accommodation of -large districts of people, unless those people would relinquish -the right of Representation in the Legislature, a right -inestimable to them and formidable to tyrants only. +When in the Course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people +to dissolve the political bands which have connected them with another, +and to assume, among the Powers of the earth, the separate and equal +station to which the Laws of Nature and of Nature’s God entitle them, +a decent respect to the opinions of mankind requires that they should +declare the causes which impel them to the separation. + +We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created +equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable +Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty, and the pursuit of +Happiness. That to secure these rights, Governments are instituted +among Men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed, +That whenever any Form of Government becomes destructive of these +ends, it is the Right of the People to alter or to abolish it, and to +institute new Government, laying its foundation on such principles +and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most +likely to effect their Safety and Happiness. Prudence, indeed, will +dictate that Governments long established should not be changed for +light and transient causes; and accordingly all experience hath shown, +that mankind are more disposed to suffer, while evils are sufferable, +than to right themselves by abolishing the forms to which they are +accustomed. But when a long train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing +invariably the same Object evinces a design to reduce them under +absolute Despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to throw off +such Government, and to provide new Guards for their future security. +--Such has been the patient sufferance of these Colonies; and such is +now the necessity which constrains them to alter their former Systems +of Government. The history of the present King of Great Britain is a +history of repeated injuries and usurpations, all having in direct +object the establishment of an absolute Tyranny over these States. To +prove this, let Facts be submitted to a candid world. + +He has refused his Assent to Laws, the most wholesome and necessary for +the public good. + +He has forbidden his Governors to pass Laws of immediate and pressing +importance, unless suspended in their operation till his Assent should +be obtained; and when so suspended, he has utterly neglected to attend +to them. + +He has refused to pass other Laws for the accommodation of large +districts of people, unless those people would relinquish the right +of Representation in the Legislature, a right inestimable to them and +formidable to tyrants only. He has called together legislative bodies at places unusual, -uncomfortable, and distant from the depository of their -Public Records, for the sole purpose of fatiguing them -into compliance with his measures. +uncomfortable, and distant from the depository of their Public Records, +for the sole purpose of fatiguing them into compliance with his +measures. -He has dissolved Representative Houses repeatedly, for opposing -with manly firmness his invasions on the rights of the people. +He has dissolved Representative Houses repeatedly, for opposing with +manly firmness his invasions on the rights of the people. -He has refused for a long time, after such dissolutions, -to cause others to be elected; whereby the Legislative Powers, -incapable of Annihilation, have returned to the People at large -for their exercise; the State remaining in the mean time exposed -to all the dangers of invasion from without, and convulsions within. +He has refused for a long time, after such dissolutions, to cause +others to be elected; whereby the Legislative Powers, incapable of +Annihilation, have returned to the People at large for their exercise; +the State remaining in the mean time exposed to all the dangers of +invasion from without, and convulsions within. -He has endeavoured to prevent the population of these States; -for that purpose obstructing the Laws of Naturalization of Foreigners; -refusing to pass others to encourage their migration hither, -and raising the conditions of new Appropriations of Lands. +He has endeavoured to prevent the population of these States; for that +purpose obstructing the Laws of Naturalization of Foreigners; refusing +to pass others to encourage their migration hither, and raising the +conditions of new Appropriations of Lands. He has obstructed the Administration of Justice, by refusing his Assent to Laws for establishing Judiciary Powers. -He has made judges dependent on his Will alone, for the tenure -of their offices, and the amount and payment of their salaries. +He has made judges dependent on his Will alone, for the tenure of their +offices, and the amount and payment of their salaries. He has erected a multitude of New Offices, and sent hither swarms of Officers to harass our People, and eat out their substance. -He has kept among us, in times of peace, Standing Armies -without the Consent of our legislatures. +He has kept among us, in times of peace, Standing Armies without the +Consent of our legislatures. -He has affected to render the Military independent of -and superior to the Civil Power. +He has affected to render the Military independent of and superior to +the Civil Power. -He has combined with others to subject us to a jurisdiction -foreign to our constitution, and unacknowledged by our laws; -giving his Assent to their Acts of pretended legislation: +He has combined with others to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign to +our constitution, and unacknowledged by our laws; giving his Assent to +their Acts of pretended legislation: For quartering large bodies of armed troops among us: @@ -2163,394 +161,68 @@ For depriving us, in many cases, of the benefits of Trial by Jury: For transporting us beyond Seas to be tried for pretended offences: For abolishing the free System of English Laws in a neighbouring -Province, establishing therein an Arbitrary government, -and enlarging its Boundaries so as to render it at once -an example and fit instrument for introducing the same -absolute rule into these Colonies: +Province, establishing therein an Arbitrary government, and enlarging +its Boundaries so as to render it at once an example and fit instrument +for introducing the same absolute rule into these Colonies: -For taking away our Charters, abolishing our most valuable Laws, -and altering fundamentally the Forms of our Governments: +For taking away our Charters, abolishing our most valuable Laws, and +altering fundamentally the Forms of our Governments: -For suspending our own Legislatures, and declaring themselves -invested with Power to legislate for us in all cases whatsoever. +For suspending our own Legislatures, and declaring themselves invested +with Power to legislate for us in all cases whatsoever. He has abdicated Government here, by declaring us out of his Protection and waging War against us. -He has plundered our seas, ravaged our Coasts, burnt our towns, -and destroyed the lives of our people. +He has plundered our seas, ravaged our Coasts, burnt our towns, and +destroyed the lives of our people. He is at this time transporting large armies of foreign mercenaries to compleat the works of death, desolation and tyranny, already begun -with circumstances of Cruelty & perfidy scarcely paralleled in the -most barbarous ages, and totally unworthy of the Head of a civilized nation. +with circumstances of Cruelty & perfidy scarcely paralleled in the most +barbarous ages, and totally unworthy of the Head of a civilized nation. He has constrained our fellow Citizens taken Captive on the high Seas -to bear Arms against their Country, to become the executioners of -their friends and Brethren, or to fall themselves by their Hands. - -He has excited domestic insurrections amongst us, and has -endeavoured to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers, -the merciless Indian Savages, whose known rule of warfare, -is an undistinguished destruction of all ages, sexes and conditions. - -In every stage of these Oppressions We have Petitioned for Redress -in the most humble terms: Our repeated Petitions have been answered -only by repeated injury. A Prince, whose character is thus marked -by every act which may define a Tyrant, is unfit to be the ruler -of a free People. - -Nor have We been wanting in attention to our Brittish brethren. -We have warned them from time to time of attempts by their -legislature to extend an unwarrantable jurisdiction over us. -We have reminded them of the circumstances of our emigration and -settlement here. We have appealed to their native justice -and magnanimity, and we have conjured them by the ties of our -common kindred to disavow these usurpations, which would inevitably -interrupt our connections and correspondence. They too have been -deaf to the voice of justice and of consanguinity. We must, therefore, -acquiesce in the necessity, which denounces our Separation, and hold them, -as we hold the rest of mankind, Enemies in War, in Peace Friends. +to bear Arms against their Country, to become the executioners of their +friends and Brethren, or to fall themselves by their Hands. + +He has excited domestic insurrections amongst us, and has endeavoured +to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers, the merciless Indian +Savages, whose known rule of warfare, is an undistinguished destruction +of all ages, sexes and conditions. + +In every stage of these Oppressions We have Petitioned for Redress in +the most humble terms: Our repeated Petitions have been answered only +by repeated injury. A Prince, whose character is thus marked by every +act which may define a Tyrant, is unfit to be the ruler of a free +People. + +Nor have We been wanting in attention to our British brethren. We have +warned them from time to time of attempts by their legislature to +extend an unwarrantable jurisdiction over us. We have reminded them +of the circumstances of our emigration and settlement here. We have +appealed to their native justice and magnanimity, and we have conjured +them by the ties of our common kindred to disavow these usurpations, +which would inevitably interrupt our connections and correspondence. +They too have been deaf to the voice of justice and of consanguinity. +We must, therefore, acquiesce in the necessity, which denounces our +Separation, and hold them, as we hold the rest of mankind, Enemies in +War, in Peace Friends. We, therefore, the Representatives of the United States of America, -in General Congress, Assembled, appealing to the Supreme Judge of -the world for the rectitude of our intentions, do, in the Name, -and by the Authority of the good People of these Colonies, -solemnly publish and declare, That these United Colonies are, -and of Right ought to be Free and Independent States; -that they are Absolved from all Allegiance to the British Crown, -and that all political connection between them and the State -of Great Britain, is and ought to be totally dissolved; -and that as Free and Independent States, they have full Power to -levy War, conclude Peace, contract Alliances, establish Commerce, -and to do all other Acts and Things which Independent States may -of right do. And for the support of this Declaration, with a firm -reliance on the Protection of Divine Providence, we mutually pledge -to each other our Lives, our Fortunes and our sacred Honor. - - -*** - -End of The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Declaration of Independence - -******This file should be named when12.txt or when12.zip****** - -Corrected EDITIONS of our eBooks get a new NUMBER, when13.txt -VERSIONS based on separate sources get new LETTER, when12a.txt +in General Congress, Assembled, appealing to the Supreme Judge of the +world for the rectitude of our intentions, do, in the Name, and by the +Authority of the good People of these Colonies, solemnly publish and +declare, That these United Colonies are, and of Right ought to be Free +and Independent States; that they are Absolved from all Allegiance to +the British Crown, and that all political connection between them and +the State of Great Britain, is and ought to be totally dissolved; and +that as Free and Independent States, they have full Power to levy War, +conclude Peace, contract Alliances, establish Commerce, and to do all +other Acts and Things which Independent States may of right do. And for +the support of this Declaration, with a firm reliance on the Protection +of Divine Providence, we mutually pledge to each other our Lives, our +Fortunes and our sacred Honor. -This etext was produced by Michael S. Hart. - -*** - -Project Gutenberg eBooks are often created from several printed -editions, all of which are confirmed as Public Domain in the US -unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we usually do not -keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper edition. - -We are now trying to release all our eBooks one year in advance -of the official release dates, leaving time for better editing. -Please be encouraged to tell us about any error or corrections, -even years after the official publication date. - -Please note neither this listing nor its contents are final til -midnight of the last day of the month of any such announcement. -The official release date of all Project Gutenberg eBooks is at -Midnight, Central Time, of the last day of the stated month. 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If you - don't derive profits, no royalty is due. Royalties are - payable to "Project Gutenberg Association / Illinois - Benedictine College" within the 60 days following each - date you prepare (or were legally required to prepare) - your annual (or equivalent periodic) tax return. -WHAT IF YOU *WANT* TO SEND MONEY EVEN IF YOU DON'T HAVE TO? -The Project gratefully accepts contributions in money, time, -scanning machines, OCR software, public domain etexts, royalty -free copyright licenses, and every other sort of contribution -you can think of. Money should be paid to "Project Gutenberg -Association / Illinois Benedictine College". +<h1>THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA</h1> -This "Small Print!" by Charles B. Kramer, Attorney -Internet (72600.2026@compuserve.com); TEL: (212-254-5093) -*END*THE SMALL PRINT! FOR PUBLIC DOMAIN ETEXTS*Ver.04.29.93*END* +<div class="toc"> + <p class="toc-header">Table of Contents</p> + <ol> + <li><a href="#introduction">Introductory Notes</a></li> + <li><a href="#transcribers">Transcribers’ Notes</a> regarding this version of the first eBook.</li> + <li><a href="#declaration">Declaration of Independence</a> presented in the style of an original etext.</li> + <li><a href="#handwritten">Gallery of Thomas Jefferson's Handwritten Drafts</a> presented in four images.</li> + </ol> +</div> +<h2><a id="introduction">Introduction</a></h2> +<p class="txt txt-fullyjustified"> +<i>Written by Michael S. Hart for the official re-release:</i> +</p> -December, 1971 [Etext #1] - - -The Project Gutenberg Etext of The Declaration of Independence. - -All of the original Project Gutenberg Etexts from the -1970's were produced in ALL CAPS, no lower case. The -computers we used then didn't have lower case at all. - - -This is a retranscription of one of the first Project -Gutenberg Etexts, officially dated December, 1971-- -and now officially re-released on December 31, 1993-- - - -The United States Declaration of Independence was the first Etext -released by Project Gutenberg, early in 1971. The title was stored +<p class="txt txt-fullyjustified"> +The United States Declaration of Independence was the first E-text +released by Project Gutenberg, early in 1971. The title was stored in an emailed instruction set which required a tape or diskpack be -hand mounted for retrieval. The diskpack was the size of a large -cake in a cake carrier, cost $1500, and contained 5 megabytes, of +hand mounted for retrieval. The disk pack was the size of a large +cake in a cake carrier, cost $1500, and contained 5 megabytes, of which this file took 1-2%. Two tape backups were kept plus one on paper tape. The 10,000 files we hope to have online by the end of 2001 should take about 1-2% of a comparably priced drive in 2001. +</p> +<p class="txt txt-fullyjustified"> This file was never copyrighted, Sharewared, etc., and is thus for -all to use and copy in any manner they choose. Please feel free to +all to use and copy in any manner they choose. Please feel free to make your own edition using this as a base. +</p> +<p class="txt txt-fullyjustified"> In my research for creating this transcription of our first Etext, I have come across enough discrepancies [even within that official documentation provided by the United States] to conclude that even -"facsimiles" of the Declaration of Indendence will NOT going to be -all the same as the original, nor of other "facsimiles." There is -a plethora of variations in capitalization, punctuation, and, even -where names appear on the documents [which names I have left out]. +"facsimiles" of the Declaration of Independence are nary identical +to the original, nor of other "facsimiles." There is a plethora of +variations in capitalizations, punctuation, and where names appear +on the documents [which names I have left out]. +</p> +<p class="txt txt-fullyjustified"> The resulting document has several misspellings removed from those parchment "facsimiles" I used back in 1971, and which I should not be able to easily find at this time, including "Brittain." - - -**The Project Gutenberg Etext of The Declaration of Independence** - - - -======================================================================= - -NOTE: This HTML rendition of the original Project Gutenberg etext #1 -was produced on August 4, 2018 to replace the original inadequate -auto-generated file, and, in order that this important PG work could -be read on mobile viewer screens. Images of Thomas Jefferson's -hand-drafted copy of The Declaration of Independence have been added. - -<b>The original Project Gutenberg header and footer have been retained.</b> - -======================================================================= - - - - - -</pre> - <h1> - THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA - </h1> - <p> - <b>CONTENTS</b> - </p> - <p class="toc"> - <a href="#declaration"> <b>Declaration Of Independence</b> </a> - </p> - <p class="toc"> - <a href="#link2H_4_0001"> December, 1972 [Etext #2] </a> - </p> - <p class="toc"> - <a href="#link2H_4_0001"> December, 1972 [Etext #2] </a> - </p> - <p class="toc"> - <a href="#link2H_4_0001"> December, 1972 [Etext #2] </a> - </p> - <p> - <br /> - </p> - <p class="toc"> - <a href="#link2H_4_0002"> <b>The United States Bill of Rights.</b> </a> - </p> - <p class="toc"> - <a href="#link2H_4_0003"> I </a> - </p> - <p class="toc"> - <a href="#link2H_4_0004"> II </a> - </p> - <p class="toc"> - <a href="#link2H_4_0005"> III </a> - </p> - <p class="toc"> - <a href="#link2H_4_0006"> IV </a> - </p> - <p class="toc"> - <a href="#link2H_4_0007"> V </a> - </p> - <p class="toc"> - <a href="#link2H_4_0008"> VI </a> - </p> - <p class="toc"> - <a href="#link2H_4_0009"> VII </a> - </p> - <p class="toc"> - <a href="#link2H_4_0010"> VIII </a> - </p> - <p class="toc"> - <a href="#link2H_4_0011"> IX </a> - </p> - <p class="toc"> - <a href="#link2H_4_0012"> X </a> - </p> - <p class="toc"> - <a href="#handwritten"> Facsimiles of Thomas Jefferson's Draft </a> - </p> - <div style="height: 8em;"> - <br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /> - </div> - <p> - <a name="declaration" id="declaration"></a> - </p> - <h1> - THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA - </h1> - <p> - When in the Course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people to - dissolve the political bands which have connected them with another, and - to assume, among the Powers of the earth, the separate and equal station - to which the Laws of Nature and of Nature's God entitle them, a decent - respect to the opinions of mankind requires that they should declare the - causes which impel them to the separation. - </p> - <p> - We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, - that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, - that among these are Life, Liberty, and the pursuit of Happiness. That to - secure these rights, Governments are instituted among Men, deriving their - just powers from the consent of the governed, That whenever any Form of - Government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the Right of the - People to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new Government, laying - its foundation on such principles and organizing its powers in such form, - as to them shall seem most likely to effect their Safety and Happiness. - Prudence, indeed, will dictate that Governments long established should - not be changed for light and transient causes; and accordingly all - experience hath shown, that mankind are more disposed to suffer, while - evils are sufferable, than to right themselves by abolishing the forms to - which they are accustomed. But when a long train of abuses and - usurpations, pursuing invariably the same Object evinces a design to - reduce them under absolute Despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, - to throw off such Government, and to provide new Guards for their future - security. —Such has been the patient sufferance of these Colonies; - and such is now the necessity which constrains them to alter their former - Systems of Government. The history of the present King of Great Britain is - a history of repeated injuries and usurpations, all having in direct - object the establishment of an absolute Tyranny over these States. To - prove this, let Facts be submitted to a candid world. - </p> - <p> - He has refused his Assent to Laws, the most wholesome and necessary for - the public good. - </p> - <p> - He has forbidden his Governors to pass Laws of immediate and pressing - importance, unless suspended in their operation till his Assent should be - obtained; and when so suspended, he has utterly neglected to attend to - them. - </p> - <p> - He has refused to pass other Laws for the accommodation of large districts - of people, unless those people would relinquish the right of - Representation in the Legislature, a right inestimable to them and - formidable to tyrants only. - </p> - <p> - He has called together legislative bodies at places unusual, - uncomfortable, and distant from the depository of their Public Records, - for the sole purpose of fatiguing them into compliance with his measures. - </p> - <p> - He has dissolved Representative Houses repeatedly, for opposing with manly - firmness his invasions on the rights of the people. - </p> - <p> - He has refused for a long time, after such dissolutions, to cause others - to be elected; whereby the Legislative Powers, incapable of Annihilation, - have returned to the People at large for their exercise; the State - remaining in the mean time exposed to all the dangers of invasion from - without, and convulsions within. - </p> - <p> - He has endeavoured to prevent the population of these States; for that - purpose obstructing the Laws of Naturalization of Foreigners; refusing to - pass others to encourage their migration hither, and raising the - conditions of new Appropriations of Lands. - </p> - <p> - He has obstructed the Administration of Justice, by refusing his Assent to - Laws for establishing Judiciary Powers. - </p> - <p> - He has made judges dependent on his Will alone, for the tenure of their - offices, and the amount and payment of their salaries. - </p> - <p> - He has erected a multitude of New Offices, and sent hither swarms of - Officers to harass our People, and eat out their substance. - </p> - <p> - He has kept among us, in times of peace, Standing Armies without the - Consent of our legislatures. - </p> - <p> - He has affected to render the Military independent of and superior to the - Civil Power. - </p> - <p> - He has combined with others to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign to our - constitution, and unacknowledged by our laws; giving his Assent to their - Acts of pretended legislation: - </p> - <p> - For quartering large bodies of armed troops among us: - </p> - <p> - For protecting them, by a mock Trial, from Punishment for any Murders - which they should commit on the Inhabitants of these States: - </p> - <p> - For cutting off our Trade with all parts of the world: - </p> - <p> - For imposing taxes on us without our Consent: - </p> - <p> - For depriving us, in many cases, of the benefits of Trial by Jury: - </p> - <p> - For transporting us beyond Seas to be tried for pretended offences: - </p> - <p> - For abolishing the free System of English Laws in a neighbouring Province, - establishing therein an Arbitrary government, and enlarging its Boundaries - so as to render it at once an example and fit instrument for introducing - the same absolute rule into these Colonies: - </p> - <p> - For taking away our Charters, abolishing our most valuable Laws, and - altering fundamentally the Forms of our Governments: - </p> - <p> - For suspending our own Legislatures, and declaring themselves invested - with Power to legislate for us in all cases whatsoever. - </p> - <p> - He has abdicated Government here, by declaring us out of his Protection - and waging War against us. - </p> - <p> - He has plundered our seas, ravaged our Coasts, burnt our towns, and - destroyed the lives of our people. - </p> - <p> - He is at this time transporting large armies of foreign mercenaries to - compleat the works of death, desolation and tyranny, already begun with - circumstances of Cruelty & perfidy scarcely paralleled in the most - barbarous ages, and totally unworthy of the Head of a civilized nation. - </p> - <p> - He has constrained our fellow Citizens taken Captive on the high Seas to - bear Arms against their Country, to become the executioners of their - friends and Brethren, or to fall themselves by their Hands. - </p> - <p> - He has excited domestic insurrections amongst us, and has endeavoured to - bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers, the merciless Indian Savages, - whose known rule of warfare, is an undistinguished destruction of all - ages, sexes and conditions. - </p> - <p> - In every stage of these Oppressions We have Petitioned for Redress in the - most humble terms: Our repeated Petitions have been answered only by - repeated injury. A Prince, whose character is thus marked by every act - which may define a Tyrant, is unfit to be the ruler of a free People. - </p> - <p> - Nor have We been wanting in attention to our British brethren. We have - warned them from time to time of attempts by their legislature to extend - an unwarrantable jurisdiction over us. We have reminded them of the - circumstances of our emigration and settlement here. We have appealed to - their native justice and magnanimity, and we have conjured them by the - ties of our common kindred to disavow these usurpations, which would - inevitably interrupt our connections and correspondence. They too have - been deaf to the voice of justice and of consanguinity. We must, - therefore, acquiesce in the necessity, which denounces our Separation, and - hold them, as we hold the rest of mankind, Enemies in War, in Peace - Friends. - </p> - <p> - We, therefore, the Representatives of the United States of America, in - General Congress, Assembled, appealing to the Supreme Judge of the world - for the rectitude of our intentions, do, in the Name, and by the Authority - of the good People of these Colonies, solemnly publish and declare, That - these United Colonies are, and of Right ought to be Free and Independent - States; that they are Absolved from all Allegiance to the British Crown, - and that all political connection between them and the State of Great - Britain, is and ought to be totally dissolved; and that as Free and - Independent States, they have full Power to levy War, conclude Peace, - contract Alliances, establish Commerce, and to do all other Acts and - Things which Independent States may of right do. And for the support of - this Declaration, with a firm reliance on the Protection of Divine - Providence, we mutually pledge to each other our Lives, our Fortunes and - our sacred Honor. - </p> - <p> - <br /><br /> - </p> - <hr /> - <p> - <br /><br /> <br /><br /> - </p> - <hr /> - <p> - <a name="link2H_4_0001" id="link2H_4_0001"> </a> - </p> - <div style="height: 4em;"> - <br /><br /><br /><br /> - </div> - <h2> - December, 1972 [Etext #2] - </h2> - <h3> - ****The Project Gutenberg Etext of The U. S. Bill of Rights**** - </h3> - <p> - <br /><br /> - </p> - <hr /> - <p> - <a name="link2H_4_0002" id="link2H_4_0002"> </a> - </p> - <div style="height: 4em;"> - <br /><br /><br /><br /> - </div> - <h2> - The United States Bill of Rights. - </h2> - <p> - The Ten Original Amendments to the Constitution of the United States - Passed by Congress September 25, 1789 Ratified December 15, 1791 - </p> - <p> - <br /><br /> - </p> - <hr /> - <p> - <a name="link2H_4_0003" id="link2H_4_0003"> </a> - </p> - <div style="height: 4em;"> - <br /><br /><br /><br /> - </div> - <h2> - I - </h2> - <p> - Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or - prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, - or of the press, or the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to - petition the Government for a redress of grievances. - </p> - <p> - <br /><br /> - </p> - <hr /> - <p> - <a name="link2H_4_0004" id="link2H_4_0004"> </a> - </p> - <div style="height: 4em;"> - <br /><br /><br /><br /> - </div> - <h2> - II - </h2> - <p> - A well-regulated militia, being necessary to the security of a free State, - the right of the people to keep and bear arms, shall not be infringed. - </p> - <p> - <br /><br /> - </p> - <hr /> - <p> - <a name="link2H_4_0005" id="link2H_4_0005"> </a> - </p> - <div style="height: 4em;"> - <br /><br /><br /><br /> - </div> - <h2> - III - </h2> - <p> - No soldier shall, in time of peace be quartered in any house, without the - consent of the owner, nor in time of war, but in a manner to be prescribed - by law. - </p> - <p> - <br /><br /> - </p> - <hr /> - <p> - <a name="link2H_4_0006" id="link2H_4_0006"> </a> - </p> - <div style="height: 4em;"> - <br /><br /><br /><br /> - </div> - <h2> - IV - </h2> - <p> - The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and - effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be - violated, and no Warrants shall issue, but upon probable cause, supported - by oath or affirmation, and particularly describing the place to be - searched, and the persons or things to be seized. - </p> - <p> - <br /><br /> - </p> - <hr /> - <p> - <a name="link2H_4_0007" id="link2H_4_0007"> </a> - </p> - <div style="height: 4em;"> - <br /><br /><br /><br /> - </div> - <h2> - V - </h2> - <p> - No person shall be held to answer for a capital, or otherwise infamous - crime, unless on a presentment or indictment of a Grand Jury, except in - cases arising in the land or naval forces, or in the Militia, when in - actual service in time of War or public danger; nor shall any person be - subject for the same offense to be twice put in jeopardy of life or limb; - nor shall be compelled in any criminal case to be a witness against - himself, nor be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due - process of law; nor shall private property be taken for public use without - just compensation. - </p> - <p> - <br /><br /> - </p> - <hr /> - <p> - <a name="link2H_4_0008" id="link2H_4_0008"> </a> - </p> - <div style="height: 4em;"> - <br /><br /><br /><br /> - </div> - <h2> - VI - </h2> - <p> - In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a - speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury of the State and district - wherein the crime shall have been committed, which district shall have - been previously ascertained by law, and to be informed of the nature and - cause of the accusation; to be confronted with the witnesses against him; - to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favor, and to - have the assistance of counsel for his defense. - </p> - <p> - <br /><br /> - </p> - <hr /> - <p> - <a name="link2H_4_0009" id="link2H_4_0009"> </a> - </p> - <div style="height: 4em;"> - <br /><br /><br /><br /> - </div> - <h2> - VII - </h2> - <p> - In suits at common law, where the value in controversy shall exceed twenty - dollars, the right of trial by jury shall be preserved, and no fact tried - by a jury shall be otherwise re-examined in any court of the United - States, than according to the rules of the common law. - </p> - <p> - <br /><br /> - </p> - <hr /> - <p> - <a name="link2H_4_0010" id="link2H_4_0010"> </a> - </p> - <div style="height: 4em;"> - <br /><br /><br /><br /> - </div> - <h2> - VIII - </h2> - <p> - Excessive bail shall not be required nor excessive fines imposed, nor - cruel and unusual punishments inflicted. - </p> - <p> - <br /><br /> - </p> - <hr /> - <p> - <a name="link2H_4_0011" id="link2H_4_0011"> </a> - </p> - <div style="height: 4em;"> - <br /><br /><br /><br /> - </div> - <h2> - IX - </h2> - <p> - The enumeration in the Constitution, of certain rights, shall not be - construed to deny or disparage others retained by the people. - </p> - <p> - <br /><br /> - </p> - <hr /> - <p> - <a name="link2H_4_0012" id="link2H_4_0012"> </a> - </p> - <div style="height: 4em;"> - <br /><br /><br /><br /> - </div> - <h2> - X - </h2> - <p> - The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor - prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively, - or to the people. - </p> - <p> - <br /><br /> - </p> - <hr /> - <hr /> - <p> - <br /><br /> <a name="handwritten" id="handwritten"></a> - </p> - <h2> - THOMAS JEFERSON'S HANDWRITTEN DRAFT - </h2> - <blockquote> - <p> - [The following four images are from engravings taken from the - Jefferson’s draft of the Declaration of Independence in his handwriting - with some ammendations and changes in the handrwriting of Benjamin - Franklin and John Adams--Click on the enlarge button to view the image - in full-size.] - </p> - </blockquote> - <p> - <br /> <a name="Alinkimage-0011" id="Alinkimage-0011"> - <!-- IMG --> </a> <a href="aimages/dec1.jpg">ENLARGE</a> - </p> - <div class="fig" style="width:80%"> - <img alt="dec1th (121K)" src="aimages/dec1th.jpg" width="100%" /><br /> - </div> - <p> - <a name="Alinkimage-0012" id="Alinkimage-0012"> - <!-- IMG --> </a> <a href="aimages/dec2.jpg">ENLARGE</a> - </p> - <div class="fig" style="width:80%"> - <img alt="dec2th (124K)" src="aimages/dec2th.jpg" width="100%" /><br /> - </div> - <p> - <a name="Alinkimage-0013" id="Alinkimage-0013"> - <!-- IMG --> </a> <a href="aimages/dec3.jpg">ENLARGE</a> - </p> - <div class="fig" style="width:80%"> - <img alt="dec3th (127K)" src="aimages/dec3th.jpg" width="100%" /><br /> - </div> - <p> - <a name="Alinkimage-0014" id="Alinkimage-0014"> - <!-- IMG --> </a> <a href="aimages/dec4.jpg">ENLARGE</a> - </p> - <div class="fig" style="width:80%"> - <img alt="dec4th (128K)" src="aimages/dec4th.jpg" width="100%" /><br /> - </div> - <div style="height: 6em;"> - <br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /> - </div> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> - - - -[Etext #3] November 22, 1973, 10th Anniversary of Assassination -[Officially rereleased for November 22, 1993, 30th Anniversary] - - - -**The Project Gutenberg Etext of Kennedy's Inaugural Address** - - -This is a retranscription of one of the first Project -Gutenberg Etexts, offically dated November 22, 1973-- -and now officially re-released on November 22, 1993-- -on the 30th anniversary of his assassination. - - - -***The Project Gutenberg Etext of Kennedy's Inaugural Address** - -JFK's Inaugural Address, January 20, 1961, 12:11 EST - - -We observe today not a victory of party but a celebration of freedom. . . -symbolizing an end as well as a beginning. . .signifying renewal -as well as change for I have sworn before you and Almighty God -the same solemn oath our forbears prescribed nearly a century -and three-quarters ago. - -The world is very different now, for man holds in his mortal hands -the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. -And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forbears fought -are still at issue around the globe. . .the belief that the rights of man -come not from the generosity of the state but from the hand of God. -We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. - -Let the word go forth from this time and place. . .to friend and foe alike. . . -that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans. . . -born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, -proud of our ancient heritage. . .and unwilling to witness or permit the slow -undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, -and to which we are committed today. . .at home and around the world. - -Let every nation know. . .whether it wishes us well or ill. . . -that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, -support any friend, oppose any foe, to assure the survival and -the success of liberty. This much we pledge. . .and more. - -To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share: -we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. United. . .there is -little we cannot do in a host of co-operative ventures. -Divided. . .there is little we can do. . .for we dare not meet -a powerful challenge, at odds, and split asunder. -To those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free: -we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not -have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. -We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view. -But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their -own freedom. . .and to remember that. . .in the past. . .those who -foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside. -To those people in the huts and villages of half the globe -struggling to break the bonds of mass misery: we pledge our best -efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period -is required. . .not because the Communists may be doing it, -not because we seek their votes, but because it is right. -If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, -it cannot save the few who are rich. - -To our sister republics south of our border: we offer a special pledge. . . -to convert our good words into good deeds. . .in a new alliance for progress -. . .to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of -poverty. But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of -hostile powers. Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them -to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas. . .and let -every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master -of its own house. - -To that world assembly of sovereign states: the United Nations. . . -our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war -have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge -of support. . .to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for -invective. . .to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak. . . -and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run. - -Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversaries, -we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew -the quest for peace; before the dark powers of destruction unleashed -by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction. -We dare not tempt them with weakness. For only when our arms are sufficient -beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed. -But neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from -our present course. . .both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, -both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing -to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of Mankind's -final war. - -So let us begin anew. . .remembering on both sides that civility -is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof. -Let us never negotiate out of fear, but let us never fear to negotiate. -Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring -those problems which divide us. Let both sides, for the first time, -formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and -control of arms. . .and bring the absolute power to destroy -other nations under the absolute control of all nations. -Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead -of its terrors. Together let us explore the stars, conquer the -deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage -the arts and commerce. Let both sides unite to heed in all corners -of the earth the command of Isaiah. . .to "undo the heavy burdens. . . -let the oppressed go free." - -And if a beachhead of co-operation may push back the jungle of suspicion. . . -let both sides join in creating not a new balance of power. . . -but a new world of law. . .where the strong are just. . . -and the weak secure. . .and the peace preserved. . . . - -All this will not be finished in the first one hundred days. -Nor will it be finished in the first one thousand days. . . -nor in the life of this administration, nor even perhaps -in our lifetime on this planet. But let us begin. - -In your hands, my fellow citizens. . .more than mine. . .will rest the -final success or failure of our course. Since this country was founded, -each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony -to its national loyalty. The graves of young Americans who answered -the call to service surround the globe. Now the trumpet summons us again. . . -not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need. . .not as a call to battle. . . -though embattled we are. . .but a call to bear the burden of a long -twilight struggle. . .year in and year out, rejoicing in hope, -patient in tribulation. . .a struggle against the common enemies of man: -tyranny. . .poverty. . .disease. . .and war itself. Can we forge against -these enemies a grand and global alliance. . .North and South. . . -East and West. . .that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? -Will you join in that historic effort? - -In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted -the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger; I do not shrink -from this responsibility. . .I welcome it. I do not believe that any of us -would exchange places with any other people or any other generation. -The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor -will light our country and all who serve it. . .and the glow from -that fire can truly light the world. - -And so, my fellow Americans. . .ask not what your country can -do for you. . .ask what you can do for your country. My fellow -citizens of the world. . .ask not what America will do for you, -but what together we can do for the Freedom of Man. - -Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, -ask of us here the same high standards of strength and sacrifice -which we ask of you. With a good conscience our only sure reward, -with history the final judge of our deeds; let us go forth to lead -the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that -here on earth God's work must truly be our own. - - - -December, 1974 [Etext #4] - - -**The Project Gutenberg Etext of Lincoln's Gettysburg Address** - - -This is a retranscription of one of the first Project -Gutenberg Etexts, offically dated December 31, 1974-- -and now officially re-released on November 19, 1993-- -130 years after it was spoken. We will rerelease the -Inaugural Address of President Kennedy, officially on -November 22, 1993, on the day of the 30th anniversary -of his assassination. - - - -Lincoln's Gettysburg Address, given November 19, 1863 -on the battlefield near Gettysburg, Pennsylvania, USA - - -Four score and seven years ago, our fathers brought forth -upon this continent a new nation: conceived in liberty, and -dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal. - -Now we are engaged in a great civil war. . .testing whether -that nation, or any nation so conceived and so dedicated. . . -can long endure. We are met on a great battlefield of that war. - -We have come to dedicate a portion of that field as a final resting place -for those who here gave their lives that this nation might live. -It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this. - -But, in a larger sense, we cannot dedicate. . .we cannot consecrate. . . -we cannot hallow this ground. The brave men, living and dead, -who struggled here have consecrated it, far above our poor power -to add or detract. The world will little note, nor long remember, -what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here. - -It is for us the living, rather, to be dedicated here to the unfinished -work which they who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced. -It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining -before us. . .that from these honored dead we take increased devotion -to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion. . . -that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain. . . -that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom. . . -and that government of the people. . .by the people. . .for the people. . . -shall not perish from this earth. - - - - -December, 1975 [Etext #5] - - -*****The Project Gutenberg Etext of The U. S. Constitution***** - -The following edition of The Consitution of the United States of America -has been based on many hours of study of a variety of editions, and will -include certain variant spellings, punctuation, and captialization as we -have been able to reasonable ascertain belonged to the orginal. In case -of internal discrepancies in these matters, most or all have been left. - -In our orginal editions the letters were all CAPITALS, and we did not do -anything about capitalization, consistent or otherwise, nor with most of -the punctuation, since we had limited punctionation in those days. - -This document does NOT include the amendments, as the Bill of Rights was -one of our earlier Project Gutenberg Etexts, and the others will be sent -in a separate posting. - -*** - -We would ask that any Consitutional scholars would please take a minute, -or longer, to send us a note concerning possible corrections. - -*** - - - -THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, 1787 - - - -We the people of the United States, in Order to form a more perfect Union, -establish Justice, insure domestic Tranquility, provide for the common defence, -promote the general Welfare, and secure the Blessings of Liberty to ourselves -and our Posterity, do ordain and establish this Constitution for the -United States of America. - - -Article 1 - -Section 1. All legislative Powers herein granted shall be vested in a -Congress of the United States, which shall consist of a Senate and -House of Representatives. - -Section 2. The House of Representatives shall be composed of Members -chosen every second Year by the People of the several States, -and the electors in each State shall have the qualifications requisite -for electors of the most numerous branch of the State legislature. - -No Person shall be a Representative who shall not have attained to the -Age of twenty five Years, and been seven Years a citizen of the United States, -and who shall not, when elected, be an Inhabitant of that State in which -he shall be chosen. - -Representatives and direct Taxes shall be apportioned among -the several States which may be included within this Union, -according to their respective Numbers, which shall be determined -by adding to the whole number of free Persons, including those -bound to Service for a Term of Years, and excluding Indians not taxed, -three fifths of all other Persons. The actual Enumeration shall be made -within three Years after the first Meeting of the Congress of the -United States, and within every subsequent Term of ten Years, -in such Manner as they shall by law Direct. The number of -Representatives shall not exceed one for every thirty Thousand, -but each State shall have at least one Representative; -and until such enumeration shall be made, the State of New Hampshire -shall be entitled to chuse three, Massachusetts eight, Rhode Island -and Providence Plantations one, Connecticut five, New York six, -New Jersey four, Pennsylvania eight, Delaware one, Maryland six, -Virginia ten, North Carolina five, South Carolina five, and Georgia three. - -When vacancies happen in the Representation from any State, the Executive -Authority thereof shall issue Writs of Election to fill such Vacancies. - -The House of Representatives shall chuse their Speaker and other Officers; -and shall have the sole Power of Impeachment. - -Section 3. The Senate of the United States shall be composed of -two Senators from each State, chosen by the legislature thereof, -for six Years; and each Senator shall have one Vote. - -Immediately after they shall be assembled in Consequence of the first Election, -they shall be divided as equally as may be into three Classes. The Seats of -the Senators of the first Class shall be vacated at the expiration of the -second Year, of the second Class at the expiration of the fourth Year, -and of the third Class at the expiration of the sixth Year, so that one third -may be chosen every second Year; and if vacancies happen by Resignation, -or otherwise, during the recess of the Legislature of any State, -the Executive thereof may make temporary Appointments until the -next meeting of the Legislature, which shall then fill such Vacancies. - -No person shall be a Senator who shall not have attained to the Age of -thirty Years, and been nine Years a Citizen of the United States, -and who shall not, when elected, be an Inhabitant of that State -for which he shall be chosen. - -The Vice-President of the United States shall be President of the Senate, -but shall have no Vote, unless they be equally divided. - -The Senate shall choose their other Officers, and also a President -pro tempore, in the Absence of the Vice-President, or when he shall -exercise the Office of President of the United States. - -The Senate shall have the sole Power to try all Impeachments. -When sitting for that Purpose, they shall be on Oath or Affirmation. -When the President of the United States is tried, the Chief Justice -shall preside: And no Person shall be convicted without the Concurrence -of two thirds of the Members present. - -Judgment in cases of Impeachment shall not extend further than to removal -from Office, and disqualification to hold and enjoy any Office of honor, -Trust or Profit under the United States: but the Party convicted shall -nevertheless be liable and subject to Indictment, Trial, Judgment and -Punishment, according to Law. - -Section 4. The Times, Places and Manner of holding Elections for Senators and -Representatives, shall be prescribed in each State by the Legislature thereof; -but the Congress may at any time by Law make or alter such Regulations, -except as to the Places of chusing Senators. - -The Congress shall assemble at least once in every Year, -and such Meeting shall be on the first Monday in December, -unless they shall by law appoint a different Day. - - -Section 5. Each House shall be the Judge of the Elections, -Returns and Qualifications of its own Members, and a -Majority of each shall constitute a Quorum to do Business; -but a smaller Number may adjourn from day to day, -and may be authorized to compel the Attendance of absent Members, -in such Manner, and under such Penalties as each House may provide. - -Each house may determine the Rules of its Proceedings, -punish its Members for disorderly Behavior, and, with the -Concurrence of two-thirds, expel a Member. - -Each house shall keep a Journal of its Proceedings, -and from time to time publish the same, excepting such Parts as may -in their Judgment require Secrecy; and the Yeas and Nays of the -Members of either House on any question shall, at the Desire of -one fifth of those Present, be entered on the Journal. - -Neither House, during the Session of Congress, shall, without the -Consent of the other, adjourn for more than three days, nor to -any other Place than that in which the two Houses shall be sitting. - -Section 6. The Senators and Representatives shall receive a Compensation -for their Services, to be ascertained by Law, and paid out of the Treasury -of the United States. They shall in all Cases, except Treason, Felony and -Breach of the Peace, be privileged from Arrest during their Attendance -at the Session of their respective Houses, and in going to and returning -from the same; and for any Speech or Debate in either House, -they shall not be questioned in any other Place. - -No Senator or Representative shall, during the Time for which he was elected, -be appointed to any civil Office under the authority of the United States, -which shall have been created, or the Emoluments whereof shall have been -increased during such time; and no Person holding any Office under the -United States, shall be a Member of either House during his Continuance -in Office. - -Section 7. All Bills for raising Revenue shall originate in the -House of Representatives; but the Senate may propose or concur with -Amendments as on other Bills. - -Every Bill which shall have passed the House of Representatives and -the Senate, shall, before it become a Law, be presented to the -President of the United States; If he approve he shall sign it, -but if not he shall return it, with his Objections to that House -in which it shall have originated, who shall enter the Objections -at large on their Journal, and proceed to reconsider it. -If after such Reconsideration two thirds of that house -shall agree to pass the Bill, it shall be sent, -together with the Objections, to the other House, by which -it shall likewise be reconsidered, and if approved by two thirds -of that House, it shall become a law. But in all such Cases -the Votes of both Houses shall be determined by Yeas and Nays, -and the Names of the Persons voting for and against the Bill shall be -entered on the Journal of each House respectively. If any Bill -shall not be returned by the President within ten Days (Sundays excepted) -after it shall have been presented to him, the Same shall be a Law, -in like Manner as if he had signed it, unless the Congress by their -Adjournment prevent its Return, in which case it shall not be a Law. - -Every Order, Resolution, or Vote to which the Concurrence of the Senate -and House of Representatives may be necessary (except on a question -of Adjournment) shall be presented to the President of the United States; -and before the Same shall take Effect, shall be approved by him, -or being disapproved by him, shall be repassed by two thirds of -the Senate and House of Representatives, according to the Rules -and Limitations prescribed in the Case of a Bill. - -Section 8. The Congress shall have Power to lay and collect Taxes, Duties, -Imposts and Excises, to pay the Debts and provide for the common Defence -and general Welfare of the United States; but all Duties, Imposts and Excises -shall be uniform throughout the United States; - -To borrow Money on the credit of the United States; - -To regulate Commerce with foreign Nations, and among the several States, -and with the Indian Tribes; - -To establish an uniform Rule of Naturalization, and uniform Laws -on the subject of Bankruptcies throughout the United States; - -To coin Money, regulate the Value thereof, and of foreign Coin, -and fix the Standard of Weights and Measures; - -To provide for the Punishment of counterfeiting the Securities -and current Coin of the United States; - -To establish Post Offices and Post Roads; - -To promote the Progress of Science and useful Arts, by securing -for limited Times to Authors and Inventors the exclusive Right -to their respective Writings and Discoveries; - -To constitute Tribunals inferior to the supreme Court; - -To define and punish Piracies and Felonies committed on the high Seas, -and Offenses against the Law of Nations; - -To declare War, grant Letters of Marque and Reprisal, -and make Rules concerning Captures on Land and Water; - -To raise and support Armies, but no Appropriation of Money to that Use -shall be for a longer term than two Years; - -To provide and maintain a Navy; - -To make Rules for the Government and Regulation of the land and naval Forces; - -To provide for calling forth the Militia to execute the Laws of the Union, -suppress Insurrections and repel Invasions; - -To provide for organizing, arming, and disciplining, the Militia, and for -governing such Part of them as may be employed in the Service of the -United States, reserving to the States respectively, the Appointment -of the Officers, and the Authority of training the militia according -to the discipline prescribed by Congress; - -To exercise exclusive Legislation in all Cases whatsoever, -over such District (not exceeding ten Miles square) as may, -by Cession of particular States, and the Acceptance of Congress, -become the Seat of the Government of the United States, and to -exercise like Authority over all Places purchased by the Consent -of the Legislature of the State in which the Same shall be, -for the Erection of Forts, Magazines, Arsenals, Dockyards, -and other needful Buildings;--And - -To make all Laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying -into Execution the foregoing Powers, and all other Powers vested -by this Constitution in the Government of the United States, -or in any Department or Officer thereof. - -Section 9. The Migration or Importation of such Persons as any -of the States now existing shall think proper to admit, shall not -be prohibited by the Congress prior to the Year one thousand eight -hundred and eight, but a Tax or Duty may be imposed on such Importation, -not exceeding ten dollars for each Person. - -The Privilege of the Writ of Habeas Corpus shall not be suspended, unless -when in Cases of Rebellion or Invasion the public Safety may require it. - -No Bill of Attainder or ex post facto Law shall be passed. - -No Capitation, or other direct, Tax shall be laid, unless in Proportion -to the Census or Enumeration herein before directed to be taken. - -No Tax or Duty shall be laid on Articles exported from any State. - -No Preference shall be given by any Regulation of Commerce or Revenue -to the Ports of one State over those of another: nor shall Vessels bound to, -or from, one State, be obliged to enter, clear, or pay Duties in another. - -No Money shall be drawn from the Treasury, but in Consequence -of Appropriations made by Law; and a regular Statement and Account -of the Receipts and Expenditures of all public Money shall be -published from time to time. - -No Title of Nobility shall be granted by the United States; -and no Person holding any Office of Profit or Trust under them, shall, -without the Consent of the Congress, accept of any present, Emolument, -Office, or Title, of any kind whatever, from any King, Prince, -or foreign State. - -Section 10. No State shall enter into any Treaty, Alliance, or -Confederation; grant Letters of Marque and Reprisal; coin Money; -emit Bills of Credit; make any Thing but gold and silver Coin a Tender -in Payment of Debts; pass any Bill of Attainder, ex post facto Law, -or Law impairing the Obligation of Contracts, or grant any Title of Nobility. - -No State shall, without the Consent of the Congress, lay any Imposts or Duties -on Imports or Exports, except what may be absolutely necessary for executing -it's inspection Laws: and the net Produce of all Duties and Imposts, -laid by any State on Imports or Exports, shall be for the Use of the Treasury -of the United States; and all such Laws shall be subject to the Revision -and Controul of the Congress. - - -No State shall, without the Consent of Congress, lay any Duty of -Tonnage, keep Troops, or Ships of War in time of Peace, enter into any -Agreement or Compact with another State, or with a foreign Power, or -engage in War, unless actually invaded, or in such imminent Danger -as will not admit of delay. - -ARTICLE 2 - -Section 1. The executive Power shall be vested in a President -of the United States of America. He shall hold his Office during -the Term of four Years, and, together with the Vice President -chosen for the same Term, be elected, as follows: - -Each State shall appoint, in such Manner as the Legislature thereof may direct, -a Number of Electors, equal to the whole Number of Senators and Representatives -to which the State may be entitled in the Congress: but no Senator or -Representative, or Person holding an Office of Trust or Profit under -the United States, shall be appointed an Elector. - -The Electors shall meet in their respective States, and vote by Ballot -for two Persons, of whom one at least shall not lie an Inhabitant of -the same State with themselves. And they shall make a List of -all the Persons voted for, and of the Number of Votes for each; -which List they shall sign and certify, and transmit sealed to -the Seat of the Government of the United States, directed to the -President of the Senate. The President of the Senate shall, -in the Presence of the Senate and House of Representatives, -open all the Certificates, and the Votes shall then be counted. -The Person having the greatest Number of Votes shall be the President, -if such Number be a Majority of the whole Number of Electors appointed; -and if there be more than one who have such Majority, and have an equal -Number of votes, then the House of Representatives shall immediately -chuse by Ballot one of them for President; and if no Person have -a Majority, then from the five highest on the List the said House -shall in like Manner chuse the President. But in chusing the President, -the Votes shall be taken by States, the Representation from each State -having one Vote; a Quorum for this Purpose shall consist of a Member -or Members from two thirds of the States, and a Majority of all the -States shall be necessary to a Choice. In every Case, after the Choice -of the President, the Person having the greatest Number of Votes of -the Electors shall be the Vice President. But if there should remain -two or more who have equal Votes, the Senate shall chuse from them -by Ballot the Vice President. - -The Congress may determine the Time of chusing the Electors, -and the Day on which they shall give their Votes; which Day -shall be the same throughout the United States. - -No Person except a natural born Citizen, or a Citizen of the United States, -at the time of the Adoption of this Constitution, shall be eligible to -the Office of President; neither shall any Person be eligible to that -Office who shall not have attained to the Age of thirty five Years, -and been fourteen Years a Resident within the United States. - -In Case of the Removal of the President from Office, or of his Death, -Resignation, or Inability to discharge the Powers and Duties of the -said Office, the Same shall devolve on the Vice President, and the -Congress may by Law provide for the Case of Removal, Death, Resignation -or Inability, both of the President and Vice President, declaring what -Officer shall then act as President, and such Officer shall act accordingly, -until the Disability be removed, or a President shall be elected. - -The President shall, at stated Times, receive for his Services, -a Compensation, which shall neither be encreased nor diminished during -the Period for which he shall have been elected, and he shall not receive -within that Period any other Emolument from the United States, or any of them. - -Before he enter on the Execution of his Office, he shall take the -following Oath or Affirmation:--"I do solemnly swear (or affirm) that -I will faithfully execute the Office of President of the United States, -and will to the best of my Ability, preserve, protect and defend the -Constitution of the United States." - -Section 2. The President shall be Commander in Chief of the Army -and Navy of the United States, and of the Militia of the several States, -when called into the actual Service of the United States; -he may require the Opinion, in writing, of the principal Officer -in each of the executive Departments, upon any Subject relating to -the Duties of their respective Offices, and he shall have Power -to grant Reprieves and Pardons for Offenses against the United States, -except in Cases of impeachment. - -He shall have Power, by and with the Advice and Consent of the -Senate, to make Treaties, provided two thirds of the Senators -present concur; and he shall nominate, and by and with the Advice -and Consent of the Senate, shall appoint Ambassadors, other public -Ministers and Consuls, Judges of the supreme Court, and all other -Officers of the United States, whose Appointments are not herein -otherwise provided for, and which shall be established by Law: -but the Congress may by Law vest the Appointment of such inferior Officers, -as they think proper, in the President alone, in the Courts of Law, -or in the Heads of Departments. - -The President shall have Power to fill up all Vacancies that may happen -during the Recess of the Senate, by granting Commissions which shall -expire at the End of their next session. - -Section 3. He shall from time to time give to the Congress -Information of the State of the Union, and recommend to their -Consideration such Measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient; -he may, on extraordinary Occasions, convene both Houses, or either -of them, and in Case of Disagreement between them, with Respect to -the Time of Adjournment, he may adjourn them to such Time as he shall -think proper; he shall receive Ambassadors and other public Ministers; -he shall take Care that the Laws be faithfully executed, and shall -Commission all the Officers of the United States. - -Section 4. The President, Vice President and all civil Officers of the -United States, shall be removed from Office on Impeachment for, -and Conviction of, Treason, Bribery, or other high Crimes and Misdemeanors. - -ARTICLE THREE - -Section 1. The judicial Power of the United States, shall be vested -in one supreme Court, and in such inferior Courts as the Congress may -from time to time ordain and establish. The Judges, both of the supreme -and inferior Courts, shall hold their Offices during good behavior, -and shall, at stated Times, receive for their Services, a Compensation, -which shall not be diminished during their Continuance in Office. - -Section 2. The judicial Power shall extend to all Cases, in Law and Equity, -arising under this Constitution, the Laws of the United States, and Treaties -made, or which shall be made, under their Authority;--to all Cases affecting -Ambassadors, other public Ministers and Consuls;--to all Cases of admiralty -and maritime Jurisdiction;--to Controversies to which the United States -shall be a Party;--to Controversies between two or more States;--between a -State and Citizens of another State;--between Citizens of different States; ---between Citizens of the same State claiming Lands under Grants of -different States, and between a State, or the Citizens thereof, -and foreign States, Citizens or Subjects. - -In all cases affecting Ambassadors, other public Ministers and Consuls, -and those in which a State shall be Party, the supreme Court shall have -original Jurisdiction. In all the other Cases before mentioned, the -supreme Court shall have appellate Jurisdiction, both as to Law and Fact, -with such Exceptions, and under such Regulations as the Congress shall make. - -The Trial of all Crimes, except in Cases of Impeachment, shall be by Jury; -and such Trial shall be held in the State where the said Crimes shall -have been committed; but when not committed within any State, the Trial -shall be at such Place or Places as the Congress may by Law have directed. - -Section 3. Treason against the United States, shall consist only in -levying War against them, or in adhering to their Enemies, giving them -Aid and Comfort. No Person shall be convicted of Treason unless on -the Testimony of two Witnesses to the same overt Act, or on Confession -in open Court. - -The Congress shall have power to declare the punishment of Treason, -but no Attainder of Treason shall work Corruption of Blood, -or Forfeiture except during the Life of the Person attainted. - - -ARTICLE FOUR - -Section 1. Full Faith and Credit shall be given in each State to the -public Acts, Records, and judicial Proceedings of every other State. -And the Congress may by general Laws prescribe the Manner in which such Acts, -Records, and Proceedings shall be proved, and the Effect thereof. - - -Section 2. The Citizens of each State shall be entitled to all -Privileges and Immunities of Citizens in the several States. - -A Person charged in any State with Treason, Felony, or other Crime, -who shall flee from Justice, and be found in another State, -shall on Demand of the executive Authority of the State from -which he fled, be delivered up, to be removed to the State having -Jurisdiction of the Crime. - -No person held to Service or Labor in one State, under the Laws thereof, -escaping into another, shall, in Consequence of any Law or Regulation therein, -be discharged from such Service or Labor, But shall be delivered up on Claim -of the Party to whom such Service or Labor may be due. - - -Section 3. New States may be admitted by the Congress into this Union; -but no new States shall be formed or erected within the Jurisdiction -of any other State; nor any State be formed by the Junction of two -or more States, or Parts of States, without the Consent of the -Legislatures of the States concerned as well as of the Congress. - -The Congress shall have Power to dispose of and make all needful Rules -and Regulations respecting the Territory or other Property belonging -to the United States; and nothing in this Constitution shall be so -construed as to Prejudice any Claims of the United States, -or of any particular State. - -Section 4. The United States shall guarantee to every State in this Union -a Republican Form of Government, and shall protect each of them against -Invasion; and on Application of the Legislature, or of the Executive -(when the Legislature cannot be convened) against domestic Violence. - - -ARTICLE FIVE - -The Congress, whenever two thirds of both Houses shall deem it necessary, -shall propose Amendments to this Constitution, or, on the Application of -the Legislatures of two thirds of the several States, shall call a Convention -for proposing Amendments, which, in either Case, shall be valid to all Intents -and Purposes, as Part of this Constitution, when ratified by the Legislatures -of three fourths of the several States, or by Conventions in three fourths -thereof, as the one or the other Mode of Ratification may be proposed by -the Congress; Provided that no Amendment which may be made prior to the -Year one thousand eight hundred and eight shall in any Manner affect -the first and fourth Clauses in the ninth Section of the first Article; -and that no State, without its Consent, shall be deprived of it's -equal Suffrage in the Senate. - -ARTICLE SIX - -All Debts contracted and Engagements entered into, before the Adoption -of this Constitution, shall be as valid against the United States -under this Constitution, as under the Confederation. - -This Constitution, and the Laws of the United States which shall be made -in Pursuance thereof; and all Treaties made, or which shall be made, -under the Authority of the United States, shall be the supreme -Law of the Land; and the Judges in every State shall be bound thereby, -any Thing in the Constitution or Laws of any State to the Contrary -notwithstanding. - -The Senators and Representatives before mentioned, and the Members of the -several State Legislatures, and all executive and judicial Officers, -both of the United States and of the several States, shall be bound -by Oath or Affirmation, to support this Constitution; but no religious -Test shall ever be required as a Qualification to any Office or public Trust -under the United States - -ARTICLE SEVEN - -The Ratification of the Conventions of nine States, shall be sufficient for the -Establishment of this Constitution between the States so ratifying the Same. - -Done in Convention by the Unanimous Consent of the States present -the Seventeenth Day of September in the Year of our Lord one -thousand seven hundred and eighty seven and of the Independence of the -United States of America the Twelfth In Witness whereof We have -hereunto subscribed our Names, - -Go. WASHINGTON-- -Presid. and deputy from Virginia - -New Hampshire - -John Langdon -Nicholas Gilman - -Massachusetts - -Nathaniel Gorham -Rufus King - -Connecticut - -Wm. Saml. Johnson -Roger herman - -New York - -Alexander Hamilton - -New Jersey - -Wil: Livingston -David Brearley -Wm. Paterson -Jona: Dayton - -Pennsylvania - -B Franklin -Thomas Mifflin -Robt Morris -Geo. Clymer -Thos FitzSimons -Jared Ingersoll -James Wilson -Gouv Morris - -Delaware - -Geo: Read -Gunning Bedford jun -John Dickinson -Richard Bassett -Jaco: Broom - -Maryland - -James Mchenry -Dan of St Thos. Jenifer -Danl Carroll - -Virginia - -John Blair-- -James Madison Jr. - -North Carolina - -Wm. Blount -Rich'd Dobbs Spaight -Hu Williamson - -South Carolina - -J. Rutledge -Charles Cotesworth Pinckney -Charles Pinckney -Pierce Butler - -Georgia - -William Few -Abr Baldwin - - -Attest: -William Jackson, Secretary - - - - -December, 1975 [Etext #6] - - -The Project Gutenberg Etext of Give Me LIberty Or Give Me Death - -Officially released in December 1975, unofficially released for -the 200th anniversary of the speech by Patrick Henry before the -"House" as he referred to it. [Which was the Virgina Provincial -Convention, March 23, 1775] - - -Give Me Liberty Or Give Me Death - - -Patrick Henry, March 23, 1775. - - -No man thinks more highly than I do of the patriotism, as well as abilities, -of the very worthy gentlemen who have just addressed the House. But different -men often see the same subject in different lights; and, therefore, I hope it -will not be thought disrespectful to those gentlemen if, entertaining as I do -opinions of a character very opposite to theirs, I shall speak forth my -sentiments freely and without reserve. This is no time for ceremony. -The questing before the House is one of awful moment to this country. -For my own part, I consider it as nothing less than a question of -freedom or slavery; and in proportion to the magnitude of the subject -ought to be the freedom of the debate. It is only in this way that -we can hope to arrive at truth, and fulfill the great responsibility -which we hold to God and our country. Should I keep back my opinions -at such a time, through fear of giving offense, I should consider myself -as guilty of treason towards my country, and of an act of disloyalty -toward the Majesty of Heaven, which I revere above all earthly kings. - -Mr. President, it is natural to man to indulge in the illusions of hope. -We are apt to shut our eyes against a painful truth, and listen to the -song of that siren till she transforms us into beasts. Is this the part -of wise men, engaged in a great and arduous struggle for liberty? -Are we disposed to be of the number of those who, having eyes, see not, -and, having ears, hear not, the things which so nearly concern their -temporal salvation? For my part, whatever anguish of spirit it may cost, -I am willing to know the whole truth; to know the worst, and to provide for it. - -I have but one lamp by which my feet are guided, and that is the lamp of -experience. I know of no way of judging of the future but by the past. -And judging by the past, I wish to know what there has been in the conduct -of the British ministry for the last ten years to justify those hopes with -which gentlemen have been pleased to solace themselves and the House. -Is it that insidious smile with which our petition has been lately received? -Trust it not, sir; it will prove a snare to your feet. Suffer not yourselves -to be betrayed with a kiss. Ask yourselves how this gracious reception of our -petition comports with those warlike preparations which cover our waters and -darken our land. Are fleets and armies necessary to a work of love and -reconciliation? Have we shown ourselves so unwilling to be reconciled that -force must be called in to win back our love? Let us not deceive ourselves, -sir. These are the implements of war and subjugation; the last arguments to -which kings resort. I ask gentlemen, sir, what means this martial array, if -its purpose be not to force us to submission? Can gentlemen assign any other -possible motive for it? Has Great Britain any enemy, in this quarter of -the world, to call for all this accumulation of navies and armies? No, sir, -she has none. They are meant for us: they can be meant for no other. -They are sent over to bind and rivet upon us those chains which the British -ministry have been so long forging. And what have we to oppose to them? -Shall we try argument? Sir, we have been trying that for the last ten years. -Have we anything new to offer upon the subject? Nothing. We have held the -subject up in every light of which it is capable; but it has been all in vain. -Shall we resort to entreaty and humble supplication? What terms shall we -find which have not been already exhausted? Let us not, I beseech you, sir, -deceive ourselves. Sir, we have done everything that could be done to avert -the storm which is now coming on. We have petitioned; we have remonstrated; -we have supplicated; we have prostrated ourselves before the throne, and have -implored its interposition to arrest the tyrannical hands of the ministry and -Parliament. Our petitions have been slighted; our remonstrances have produced -additional violence and insult; our supplications have been disregarded; -and we have been spurned, with contempt, from the foot of the throne! -In vain, after these things, may we indulge the fond hope of peace and -reconciliation. There is no longer any room for hope. If we wish to be free-- -if we mean to preserve inviolate those inestimable privileges for which -we have been so long contending--if we mean not basely to abandon the noble -struggle in which we have been so long engaged, and which we have pledged -ourselves never to abandon until the glorious object of our contest -shall be obtained--we must fight! I repeat it, sir, we must fight! -An appeal to arms and to the God of hosts is all that is left us! - -They tell us, sir, that we are weak; unable to cope with so formidable -an adversary. But when shall we be stronger? Will it be the next week, -or the next year? Will it be when we are totally disarmed, and when a British -guard shall be stationed in every house? Shall we gather strength but -irresolution and inaction? Shall we acquire the means of effectual resistance -by lying supinely on our backs and hugging the delusive phantom of hope, until -our enemies shall have bound us hand and foot? Sir, we are not weak if we make -a proper use of those means which the God of nature hath placed in our power. -The millions of people, armed in the holy cause of liberty, and in such a -country as that which we possess, are invincible by any force which our enemy -can send against us. Besides, sir, we shall not fight our battles alone. -There is a just God who presides over the destinies of nations, and who will -raise up friends to fight our battles for us. The battle, sir, is not to the -strong alone; it is to the vigilant, the active, the brave. Besides, sir, -we have no election. If we were base enough to desire it, it is now too late -to retire from the contest. There is no retreat but in submission and slavery! -Our chains are forged! Their clanking may be heard on the plains of Boston! -The war is inevitable--and let it come! I repeat it, sir, let it come. - -It is in vain, sir, to extenuate the matter. Gentlemen may cry, Peace, Peace-- -but there is no peace. The war is actually begun! The next gale that sweeps -from the north will bring to our ears the clash of resounding arms! -Our brethren are already in the field! Why stand we here idle? -What is it that gentlemen wish? What would they have? Is life so dear, -or peace so sweet, as to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery? -Forbid it, Almighty God! I know not what course others may take; -but as for me, give me liberty or give me death! - - - - -Officially released December 31, 1977 [Etext #7] -Officially re-released November 25, 1993 -In honor of Thanksgiving - -******The Project Gutenberg Etext of The Mayflower Compact***** - - - -The Mayflower Compact - -November 11, 1620 [This was November 21, old style calendar] - -In the name of God, Amen. We, whose names are underwritten, -the Loyal Subjects of our dread Sovereigne Lord, King James, -by the Grace of God, of Great Britaine, France, and Ireland, -King, Defender of the Faith, &c. - -Having undertaken for the Glory of God, and Advancement of -the Christian Faith, and the Honour of our King and Country, -a Voyage to plant the first colony in the Northerne Parts -of Virginia; doe, by these Presents, solemnly and mutually -in the Presence of God and one of another, covenant and -combine ourselves together into a civill Body Politick, -for our better Ordering and Preservation, and Furtherance -of the Ends aforesaid; And by Virtue hereof do enact, -constitute, and frame, such just and equall Laws, Ordinances, -Acts, Constitutions, and Offices, from time to time, -as shall be thought most meete and convenient for the -Generall Good of the Colonie; unto which we promise -all due Submission and Obedience. - -In Witness whereof we have hereunto subscribed our names -at Cape Cod the eleventh of November, in the Raigne of our -Sovereigne Lord, King James of England, France, and Ireland, -the eighteenth, and of Scotland, the fiftie-fourth, -Anno. Domini, 1620. - -Mr. John Carver Mr. Stephen Hopkins -Mr. William Bradford Digery Priest -Mr. Edward Winslow Thomas Williams -Mr. William Brewster Gilbert Winslow -Isaac Allerton Edmund Margesson -Miles Standish Peter Brown -John Alden Richard Bitteridge -John Turner George Soule -Francis Eaton Edward Tilly -James Chilton John Tilly -John Craxton Francis Cooke -John Billington Thomas Rogers -Joses Fletcher Thomas Tinker -John Goodman John Ridgate -Mr. Samuel Fuller Edward Fuller -Mr. Christopher Martin Richard Clark -Mr. William Mullins Richard Gardiner -Mr. William White Mr. John Allerton -Mr. Richard Warren Thomas English -John Howland Edward Doten -Edward Liester - - - -December, 1978 [Etext #8] - -**The Project Gutenberg Etext of Lincoln's 2nd Inaugural Address** - - - - -Lincoln's Second Inaugural Address -March 4, 1865 - - - -Fellow countrymen: At this second appearing to take the oath -of the presidential office, there is less occasion for an extended -address than there was at the first. Then a statement, somewhat -in detail, of a course to be pursued, seemed fitting and proper. -Now, at the expiration of four years, during which public declarations -have been constantly called forth on every point and phase of the great -contest which still absorbs the attention and engrosses the energies -of the nation, little that is new could be presented. The progress -of our arms, upon which all else chiefly depends, is as well known -to the public as to myself; and it is, I trust, reasonably satisfactory -and encouraging to all. With high hope for the future, no prediction -in regard to it is ventured. - -On the occasion corresponding to this four years ago, all thoughts -were anxiously directed to an impending civil war. All dreaded it-- -all sought to avert it. While the inaugural address was being delivered -from this place, devoted altogether to saving the Union without war, -insurgent agents were in the city seeking to destroy it without war-- -seeking to dissolve the Union, and divide effects, by negotiation. -Both parties deprecated war; but one of them would make war rather -than let the nation survive; and the other would accept war rather -than let it perish. And the war came. - -One-eighth of the whole population were colored slaves, not distributed -generally over the Union, but localized in the Southern part of it. -These slaves constituted a peculiar and powerful interest. All knew -that this interest was, somehow, the cause of the war. To strengthen, -perpetuate, and extend this interest was the object for which the -insurgents would rend the Union, even by war; while the government claimed -no right to do more than to restrict the territorial enlargement of it. - -Neither party expected for the war the magnitude or the duration -which it has already attained. Neither anticipated that the cause -of the conflict might cease with, or even before, the conflict itself -should cease. Each looked for an easier triumph, and a result less -fundamental and astounding. Both read the same Bible, and pray -to the same God; and each invokes his aid against the other. -It may seem strange that any men should dare to ask a just God's -assistance in wringing their bread from the sweat of other men's faces; -but let us judge not, that we be not judged. The prayers of both -could not be answered--that of neither has been answered fully. - -The Almighty has his own purposes. "Woe unto the world because -of offenses! for it must needs be that offenses come; but woe -to that man by whom the offense cometh." If we shall suppose -that American slavery is one of those offenses which, in the -providence of God, must needs come, but which, having continued -through his appointed time, he now wills to remove, and that he -gives to both North and South this terrible war, as the woe due -to those by whom the offense came, shall we discern therein any -departure from those divine attributes which the believers in a -living God always ascribe to him? Fondly do we hope--fervently -do we pray--that this mighty scourge of war may speedily pass away. -Yet, if God wills that it continue until all the wealth piled by -the bondsman's two hundred and fifty years of unrequited toil -shall be sunk, and until every drop of blood drawn by the lash -shall be paid by another drawn with the sword, as was said -three thousand years ago, so still it must be said, "The -judgments of the Lord are true and righteous altogether." - -With malice toward none; with charity for all; with firmness in -the right, as God gives us to see the right, let us strive on -to finish the work we are in; to bind up the nation's wounds; -to care for him who shall have borne the battle, and for his widow, -and his orphan--to do all which may achieve and cherish a just -and lasting peace among ourselves, and with all nations. - - - - -December, 1979 [Etext #9] - -The Project Gutenberg Etext of Lincoln's 1st Inaugural Address - - - -Lincoln's First Inaugural Address -March 4, 1861 - - - -Fellow citizens of the United States: in compliance with a custom as old -as the government itself, I appear before you to address you briefly -and to take, in your presence, the oath prescribed by the Constitution -of the United States, to be taken by the President "before he enters -on the execution of his office." - -I do not consider it necessary, at present, for me to discuss those matters -of administration about which there is no special anxiety, or excitement. - -Apprehension seems to exist among the people of the Southern States -that by the accession of a Republican administration their property -and their peace and personal security are to be endangered. -There has never been any reasonable cause for such apprehension. -Indeed, the most ample evidence to the contrary has all the while -existed and been open to their inspection. It is found in -nearly all the published speeches of him who now addresses you. -I do but quote from one of those speeches when I declare that -"I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with -the institution of slavery where it exists. I believe I have -no lawful right to do so, and I have no inclination to do so." -Those who nominated and elected me did so with full knowledge -that I had made this and many similar declarations, and had -never recanted them. And, more than this, they placed in the -platform for my acceptance, and as a law to themselves and to me, -the clear and emphatic resolution which I now read: - -"Resolved: that the maintenance inviolate -of the rights of the States, and especially -the right of each State to order and control -its own domestic institutions according to -its own judgment exclusively, is essential -to that balance of power on which the perfection -and endurance of our political fabric depend, -and we denounce the lawless invasion by armed -force of the soil of any State or Territory, -no matter under what pretext, -as among the gravest of crimes." - -I now reiterate these sentiments; and, in doing so, I only press upon -the public attention the most conclusive evidence of which the case -is susceptible, that the property, peace, and security of no section -are to be in any wise endangered by the now incoming administration. -I add, too, that all the protection which, consistently with the -Constitution and the laws, can be given, will be cheerfully given -to all the States when lawfully demanded, for whatever cause-- -as cheerfully to one section as to another. - -There is much controversy about the delivering up of fugitives -from service or labor. The clause I now read is as plainly -written in the Constitution as any other of its provisions: - -"No person held to service or labor in one State, -under the laws thereof, escaping into another, -shall in consequence of any law or regulation -therein be discharged from such service or labor, -but shall be delivered up on claim of the party -to whom such service or labor may be due." - -It is scarcely questioned that this provision was intended by those -who made it for the reclaiming of what we call fugitive slaves; -and the intention of the lawgiver is the law. All members -of Congress swear their support to the whole Constitution-- -to this provision as much as to any other. To the proposition, -then, that slaves whose cases come within the terms of this clause -"shall be delivered up", their oaths are unanimous. Now, if they -would make the effort in good temper, could they not with nearly -equal unanimity frame and pass a law by means of which to keep good -that unanimous oath? - -There is some difference of opinion whether this clause should -be enforced by national or by State authority; but surely that -difference is not a very material one. If the slave is to be -surrendered, it can be of but little consequence to him or to others -by which authority it is done. And should any one in any case be -content that his oath shall go unkept on a merely unsubstantial -controversy as to HOW it shall be kept? - -Again, in any law upon this subject, ought not all the safeguards of -liberty known in civilized and humane jurisprudence to be introduced, -so that a free man be not, in any case, surrendered as a slave? -And might it not be well at the same time to provide by law for the -enforcement of that clause in the Constitution which guarantees that -"the citizen of each State shall be entitled to all privileged and -immunities of citizens in the several States?" - -I take the official oath today with no mental reservations, -and with no purpose to construe the Constitution or laws by -any hypercritical rules. And while I do not choose now to specify -particular acts of Congress as proper to be enforced, I do suggest -that it will be much safer for all, both in official and private stations, -to conform to and abide by all those acts which stand unrepealed, -than to violate any of them, trusting to find impunity in having -them held to be unConstitutional. - -It is seventy-two years since the first inauguration of a President -under our national Constitution. During that period fifteen different -and greatly distinguished citizens have, in succession, administered -the executive branch of the government. They have conducted it through -many perils, and generally with great success. Yet, with all this scope -of precedent, I now enter upon the same task for the brief Constitutional -term of four years under great and peculiar difficulty. A disruption of -the Federal Union, heretofore only menaced, is now formidably attempted. - -I hold that, in contemplation of universal law and of the Constitution, -the Union of these States is perpetual. Perpetuity is implied, -if not expressed, in the fundamental law of all national governments. -It is safe to assert that no government proper ever had a provision -in its organic law for its own termination. Continue to execute all -the express provisions of our National Constitution, and the Union will -endure forever--it being impossible to destroy it except by some action -not provided for in the instrument itself. - -Again, if the United States be not a government proper, but an association -of States in the nature of contract merely, can it, as a contract, -be peaceably unmade by less than all the parties who made it? -One party to a contract may violate it--break it, so to speak; -but does it not require all to lawfully rescind it? - -Descending from these general principles, we find the proposition -that in legal contemplation the Union is perpetual confirmed by -the history of the Union itself. The Union is much older than -the Constitution. It was formed, in fact, by the Articles of -Association in 1774. It was matured and continued by the -Declaration of Independence in 1776. It was further matured, -and the faith of all the then thirteen States expressly plighted -and engaged that it should be perpetual, by the Articles of Confederation -in 1778. And, finally, in 1787 one of the declared objects for ordaining -and establishing the Constitution was "TO FORM A MORE PERFECT UNION." - -But if the destruction of the Union by one or by a part only of the States -be lawfully possible, the Union is LESS perfect than before the Constitution, -having lost the vital element of perpetuity. - -It follows from these views that no State upon its own mere motion -can lawfully get out of the Union; that Resolves and Ordinances -to that effect are legally void; and that acts of violence, -within any State or States, against the authority of the United States, -are insurrectionary or revolutionary, according to circumstances. - -I therefore consider that, in view of the Constitution and the laws, -the Union is unbroken; and to the extent of my ability I shall take care, -as the Constitution itself expressly enjoins upon me, that the -laws of the Union be faithfully executed in all the States. -Doing this I deem to be only a simple duty on my part; -and I shall perform it so far as practicable, unless my -rightful masters, the American people, shall withhold the -requisite means, or in some authoritative manner direct the contrary. -I trust this will not be regarded as a menace, but only as the -declared purpose of the Union that it WILL Constitutionally -defend and maintain itself. - -In doing this there needs to be no bloodshed or violence; and there -shall be none, unless it be forced upon the national authority. -The power confided to me will be used to hold, occupy, and possess -the property and places belonging to the government, and to collect -the duties and imposts; but beyond what may be necessary for these objects, -there will be no invasion, no using of force against or among the people -anywhere. Where hostility to the United States, in any interior locality, -shall be so great and universal as to prevent competent resident citizens -from holding the Federal offices, there will be no attempt to force -obnoxious strangers among the people for that object. While the strict -legal right may exist in the government to enforce the exercise of -these offices, the attempt to do so would be so irritating, -and so nearly impracticable withal, that I deem it better -to forego for the time the uses of such offices. - -The mails, unless repelled, will continue to be furnished in all parts -of the Union. So far as possible, the people everywhere shall have that -sense of perfect security which is most favorable to calm thought -and reflection. The course here indicated will be followed unless current -events and experience shall show a modification or change to be proper, -and in every case and exigency my best discretion will be exercised -according to circumstances actually existing, and with a view and -a hope of a peaceful solution of the national troubles and the -restoration of fraternal sympathies and affections. - -That there are persons in one section or another who seek to destroy -the Union at all events, and are glad of any pretext to do it, I will -neither affirm nor deny; but if there be such, I need address no word -to them. To those, however, who really love the Union may I not speak? - -Before entering upon so grave a matter as the destruction of our -national fabric, with all its benefits, its memories, and its hopes, -would it not be wise to ascertain precisely why we do it? -Will you hazard so desperate a step while there is any possibility -that any portion of the ills you fly from have no real existence? -Will you, while the certain ills you fly to are greater than all -the real ones you fly from--will you risk the commission of so -fearful a mistake? - -All profess to be content in the Union if all Constitutional rights -can be maintained. Is it true, then, that any right, plainly written -in the Constitution, has been denied? I think not. Happily the human -mind is so constituted that no party can reach to the audacity of doing this. -Think, if you can, of a single instance in which a plainly written provision -of the Constitution has ever been denied. If by the mere force of numbers a -majority should deprive a minority of any clearly written Constitutional right, -it might, in a moral point of view, justify revolution--certainly would if such -a right were a vital one. But such is not our case. All the vital rights of -minorities and of individuals are so plainly assured to them by affirmations -and negations, guaranties and prohibitions, in the Constitution, that -controversies never arise concerning them. But no organic law can ever be -framed with a provision specifically applicable to every question which may -occur in practical administration. No foresight can anticipate, -nor any document of reasonable length contain, express provisions -for all possible questions. Shall fugitives from labor be surrendered -by national or State authority? The Constitution does not expressly say. -May Congress prohibit slavery in the Territories? The Constitution does not -expressly say. MUST Congress protect slavery in the Territories? -The Constitution does not expressly say. - -From questions of this class spring all our constitutional controversies, -and we divide upon them into majorities and minorities. If the minority -will not acquiesce, the majority must, or the government must cease. -There is no other alternative; for continuing the government is -acquiescence on one side or the other. - -If a minority in such case will secede rather than acquiesce, -they make a precedent which in turn will divide and ruin them; -for a minority of their own will secede from them whenever -a majority refuses to be controlled by such minority. -For instance, why may not any portion of a new -confederacy a year or two hence arbitrarily secede again, -precisely as portions of the present Union now claim to secede from it? -All who cherish disunion sentiments are now being educated to the -exact temper of doing this. - -Is there such perfect identity of interests among the States -to compose a new Union, as to produce harmony only, -and prevent renewed secession? - -Plainly, the central idea of secession is the essence of anarchy. -A majority held in restraint by constitutional checks and limitations, -and always changing easily with deliberate changes of popular -opinions and sentiments, is the only true sovereign of a free people. -Whoever rejects it does, of necessity, fly to anarchy or to despotism. -Unanimity is impossible; the rule of a minority, as a permanent arrangement, -is wholly inadmissible; so that, rejecting the majority principle, -anarchy or despotism in some form is all that is left. - -I do not forget the position, assumed by some, that Constitutional -questions are to be decided by the Supreme Court; nor do I deny -that such decisions must be binding, in any case, upon the parties -to a suit, as to the object of that suit, while they are also entitled -to very high respect and consideration in all parallel cases by all other -departments of the government. And while it is obviously possible that -such decision may be erroneous in any given case, still the evil effect -following it, being limited to that particular case, with the chance that -it may be overruled and never become a precedent for other cases, -can better be borne than could the evils of a different practice. -At the same time, the candid citizen must confess that if the policy -of the government, upon vital questions affecting the whole people, -is to be irrevocably fixed by decisions of the Supreme Court, -the instant they are made, in ordinary litigation between parties -in personal actions, the people will have ceased to be their own rulers, -having to that extent practically resigned their government into the hands -of that eminent tribunal. Nor is there in this view any assault upon -the court or the judges. It is a duty from which they may not shrink -to decide cases properly brought before them, and it is no fault of -theirs if others seek to turn their decisions to political purposes. - -One section of our country believes slavery is RIGHT, and ought -to be extended, while the other believes it is WRONG, and ought -not to be extended. This is the only substantial dispute. -The fugitive-slave clause of the Constitution, and the law for the -suppression of the foreign slave-trade, are each as well enforced, -perhaps, as any law can ever be in a community where the moral -sense of the people imperfectly supports the law itself. -The great body of the people abide by the dry legal obligation -in both cases, and a few break over in each. This, I think, -cannot be perfectly cured; and it would be worse in both cases -AFTER the separation of the sections than BEFORE. The foreign -slave-trade, now imperfectly suppressed, would be ultimately revived, -without restriction, in one section, while fugitive slaves, -now only partially surrendered, would not be surrendered -at all by the other. - -Physically speaking, we cannot separate. We cannot remove our -respective sections from each other, nor build an impassable wall -between them. A husband and wife may be divorced, and go out of -the presence and beyond the reach of each other; but the different -parts of our country cannot do this. They cannot but remain -face to face, and intercourse, either amicable or hostile, -must continue between them. Is it possible, then, to make -that intercourse more advantageous or more satisfactory after -separation than before? Can aliens make treaties easier than -friends can make laws? Can treaties be more faithfully enforced -between aliens than laws can among friends? Suppose you go to war, -you cannot fight always; and when, after much loss on both sides, -an no gain on either, you cease fighting, the identical old questions -as to terms of intercourse are again upon you. - -This country, with its institutions, belongs to the people who inhabit it. -Whenever they shall grow weary of the existing government, they can exercise -their CONSTITUTIONAL right of amending it, or their REVOLUTIONARY right -to dismember or overthrow it. I cannot be ignorant of the fact -that many worthy and patriotic citizens are desirous of having the -national Constitution amended. While I make no recommendation of -amendments, I fully recognize the rightful authority of the people -over the whole subject, to be exercised in either of the modes prescribed -in the instrument itself; and I should, under existing circumstances, -favor rather than oppose a fair opportunity being afforded the people -to act upon it. I will venture to add that to me the convention mode -seems preferable, in that it allows amendments to originate with -the people themselves, instead of only permitting them to take or -reject propositions originated by others not especially chosen -for the purpose, and which might not be precisely such as they would -wish to either accept or refuse. I understand a proposed amendment -to the Constitution--which amendment, however, I have not seen--has -passed Congress, to the effect that the Federal Government shall -never interfere with the domestic institutions of the States, -including that of persons held to service. To avoid misconstruction -of what I have said, I depart from my purpose not to speak of particular -amendments so far as to say that, holding such a provision to now be -implied Constitutional law, I have no objection to its being made express -and irrevocable. - -The chief magistrate derives all his authority from the people, -and they have conferred none upon him to fix terms for the -separation of the states. The people themselves can do this -also if they choose; but the executive, as such, has nothing to -do with it. His duty is to administer the present government, -as it came to his hands, and to transmit it, unimpaired by him, -to his successor. - -Why should there not be a patient confidence in the ultimate justice -of the people? Is there any better or equal hope in the world? -In our present differences is either party without faith of being -in the right? If the Almighty Ruler of Nations, with his eternal -truth and justice, be on your side of the North, or on yours -of the South, that truth and that justice will surely prevail, -by the judgment of this great tribunal, the American people. - -By the frame of the government under which we live, this same people -have wisely given their public servants but little power for mischief; -and have, with equal wisdom, provided for the return of that little -to their own hands at very short intervals. While the people retain -their virtue and vigilance, no administration, by any extreme of -wickedness or folly, can very seriously injure the government -in the short space of four years. - -My countrymen, one and all, think calmly and WELL upon this -whole subject. Nothing valuable can be lost by taking time. -If there be an object to HURRY any of you in hot haste to a step -which you would never take DELIBERATELY, that object will be -frustrated by taking time; but no good object can be frustrated -by it. Such of you as are now dissatisfied, still have the -old Constitution unimpaired, and, on the sensitive point, -the laws of your own framing under it; while the new administration -will have no immediate power, if it would, to change either. -If it were admitted that you who are dissatisfied hold the -right side in the dispute, there still is no single good reason -for precipitate action. Intelligence, patriotism, Christianity, -and a firm reliance on him who has never yet forsaken this favored land, -are still competent to adjust in the best way all our present difficulty. - -In YOUR hands, my dissatisfied fellow-countrymen, and not in MINE, -is the momentous issue of civil war. The government will not assail YOU. -You can have no conflict without being yourselves the aggressors. -YOU have no oath registered in heaven to destroy the government, while _I_ -shall have the most solemn one to "preserve, protect, and defend it." - -I am loathe to close. We are not enemies, but friends. We must not -be enemies. Though passion may have strained, it must not break -our bonds of affection. The mystic chords of memory, stretching from -every battlefield and patriot grave to every living heart and hearthstone -all over this broad land, will yet swell the chorus of the Union -when again touched, as surely they will be, by the better angels of our nature. - -***End of the Collected Etexts of Project Gutenberg of the 1970's*** -**We hope to rely on your continued support until the end of 2001,** -when we hope to have presented the 10,000th Project Gutenberg Etext! - - - -=============== - - - -The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Declaration of Independence - -Copyright laws are changing all over the world. Be sure to check the -copyright laws for your country before downloading or redistributing -this or any other Project Gutenberg eBook. - -This header should be the first thing seen when viewing this Project -Gutenberg file. Please do not remove it. Do not change or edit the -header without written permission. - -Please read the "legal small print," and other information about the -eBook and Project Gutenberg at the bottom of this file. Included is -important information about your specific rights and restrictions in -how the file may be used. You can also find out about how to make a -donation to Project Gutenberg, and how to get involved. - - -**Welcome To The World of Free Plain Vanilla Electronic Texts** - -**eBooks Readable By Both Humans and By Computers, Since 1971** - -*****These eBooks Were Prepared By Thousands of Volunteers!***** - - -Title: The Declaration of Independence - -Release Date: December, 1971 [EBook #1] -[Most recently updated: November 25, 2004] - -Edition: 12 - -Language: English - - -*** - - - -The United States Declaration of Independence was the first Etext -released by Project Gutenberg, early in 1971. The title was stored -in an emailed instruction set which required a tape or diskpack be -hand mounted for retrieval. The diskpack was the size of a large -cake in a cake carrier, cost $1500, and contained 5 megabytes, of -which this file took 1-2%. Two tape backups were kept plus one on -paper tape. The 10,000 files we hope to have online by the end of -2001 should take about 1-2% of a comparably priced drive in 2001. - -This file was never copyrighted, Sharewared, etc., and is thus for -all to use and copy in any manner they choose. Please feel free to -make your own edition using this as a base. - -In my research for creating this transcription of our first Etext, -I have come across enough discrepancies [even within that official -documentation provided by the United States] to conclude that even -"facsimiles" of the Declaration of Indendence will NOT going to be -all the same as the original, nor of other "facsimiles." There is -a plethora of variations in capitalization, punctuation, and, even -where names appear on the documents [which names I have left out]. - -The resulting document has several misspellings removed from those -parchment "facsimiles" I used back in 1971, and which I should not -be able to easily find at this time, including "Brittain." - -[JT, Apr 05: "Brittish", however, is spelled as in the original.] - - -**The Project Gutenberg Etext of The Declaration of Independence** - - - -The Declaration of Independence of The United States of America - - - - -IN CONGRESS, July 4, 1776 - -The unanimous Declaration of the thirteen united States of America - - - -When in the Course of human events, it becomes necessary for -one people to dissolve the political bands which have connected -them with another, and to assume, among the Powers of the earth, -the separate and equal station to which the Laws of Nature and -of Nature's God entitle them, a decent respect to the opinions -of mankind requires that they should declare the causes which -impel them to the separation. - -We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, -that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, -that among these are Life, Liberty, and the pursuit of Happiness. -That to secure these rights, Governments are instituted among Men, -deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed, -That whenever any Form of Government becomes destructive of these ends, -it is the Right of the People to alter or to abolish it, and to institute -new Government, laying its foundation on such principles and organizing -its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect -their Safety and Happiness. Prudence, indeed, will dictate that Governments -long established should not be changed for light and transient causes; -and accordingly all experience hath shown, that mankind are more disposed -to suffer, while evils are sufferable, than to right themselves by abolishing -the forms to which they are accustomed. But when a long train of abuses and -usurpations, pursuing invariably the same Object evinces a design to reduce -them under absolute Despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to throw -off such Government, and to provide new Guards for their future security. ---Such has been the patient sufferance of these Colonies; and such is now -the necessity which constrains them to alter their former Systems of Government. -The history of the present King of Great Britain is a history of repeated -injuries and usurpations, all having in direct object the establishment -of an absolute Tyranny over these States. To prove this, let Facts -be submitted to a candid world. - -He has refused his Assent to Laws, the most wholesome and necessary -for the public good. - -He has forbidden his Governors to pass Laws of immediate -and pressing importance, unless suspended in their operation -till his Assent should be obtained; and when so suspended, -he has utterly neglected to attend to them. - -He has refused to pass other Laws for the accommodation of -large districts of people, unless those people would relinquish -the right of Representation in the Legislature, a right -inestimable to them and formidable to tyrants only. - -He has called together legislative bodies at places unusual, -uncomfortable, and distant from the depository of their -Public Records, for the sole purpose of fatiguing them -into compliance with his measures. - -He has dissolved Representative Houses repeatedly, for opposing -with manly firmness his invasions on the rights of the people. - -He has refused for a long time, after such dissolutions, -to cause others to be elected; whereby the Legislative Powers, -incapable of Annihilation, have returned to the People at large -for their exercise; the State remaining in the mean time exposed -to all the dangers of invasion from without, and convulsions within. - -He has endeavoured to prevent the population of these States; -for that purpose obstructing the Laws of Naturalization of Foreigners; -refusing to pass others to encourage their migration hither, -and raising the conditions of new Appropriations of Lands. - -He has obstructed the Administration of Justice, by refusing his Assent -to Laws for establishing Judiciary Powers. - -He has made judges dependent on his Will alone, for the tenure -of their offices, and the amount and payment of their salaries. - -He has erected a multitude of New Offices, and sent hither swarms of -Officers to harass our People, and eat out their substance. - -He has kept among us, in times of peace, Standing Armies -without the Consent of our legislatures. - -He has affected to render the Military independent of -and superior to the Civil Power. - -He has combined with others to subject us to a jurisdiction -foreign to our constitution, and unacknowledged by our laws; -giving his Assent to their Acts of pretended legislation: - -For quartering large bodies of armed troops among us: - -For protecting them, by a mock Trial, from Punishment for any Murders -which they should commit on the Inhabitants of these States: - -For cutting off our Trade with all parts of the world: - -For imposing taxes on us without our Consent: - -For depriving us, in many cases, of the benefits of Trial by Jury: - -For transporting us beyond Seas to be tried for pretended offences: - -For abolishing the free System of English Laws in a neighbouring -Province, establishing therein an Arbitrary government, -and enlarging its Boundaries so as to render it at once -an example and fit instrument for introducing the same -absolute rule into these Colonies: - -For taking away our Charters, abolishing our most valuable Laws, -and altering fundamentally the Forms of our Governments: - -For suspending our own Legislatures, and declaring themselves -invested with Power to legislate for us in all cases whatsoever. - -He has abdicated Government here, by declaring us out of his Protection -and waging War against us. - -He has plundered our seas, ravaged our Coasts, burnt our towns, -and destroyed the lives of our people. - -He is at this time transporting large armies of foreign mercenaries -to compleat the works of death, desolation and tyranny, already begun -with circumstances of Cruelty & perfidy scarcely paralleled in the -most barbarous ages, and totally unworthy of the Head of a civilized nation. - -He has constrained our fellow Citizens taken Captive on the high Seas -to bear Arms against their Country, to become the executioners of -their friends and Brethren, or to fall themselves by their Hands. - -He has excited domestic insurrections amongst us, and has -endeavoured to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers, -the merciless Indian Savages, whose known rule of warfare, -is an undistinguished destruction of all ages, sexes and conditions. - -In every stage of these Oppressions We have Petitioned for Redress -in the most humble terms: Our repeated Petitions have been answered -only by repeated injury. A Prince, whose character is thus marked -by every act which may define a Tyrant, is unfit to be the ruler -of a free People. - -Nor have We been wanting in attention to our Brittish brethren. -We have warned them from time to time of attempts by their -legislature to extend an unwarrantable jurisdiction over us. -We have reminded them of the circumstances of our emigration and -settlement here. We have appealed to their native justice -and magnanimity, and we have conjured them by the ties of our -common kindred to disavow these usurpations, which would inevitably -interrupt our connections and correspondence. They too have been -deaf to the voice of justice and of consanguinity. We must, therefore, -acquiesce in the necessity, which denounces our Separation, and hold them, -as we hold the rest of mankind, Enemies in War, in Peace Friends. - -We, therefore, the Representatives of the United States of America, -in General Congress, Assembled, appealing to the Supreme Judge of -the world for the rectitude of our intentions, do, in the Name, -and by the Authority of the good People of these Colonies, -solemnly publish and declare, That these United Colonies are, -and of Right ought to be Free and Independent States; -that they are Absolved from all Allegiance to the British Crown, -and that all political connection between them and the State -of Great Britain, is and ought to be totally dissolved; -and that as Free and Independent States, they have full Power to -levy War, conclude Peace, contract Alliances, establish Commerce, -and to do all other Acts and Things which Independent States may -of right do. And for the support of this Declaration, with a firm -reliance on the Protection of Divine Providence, we mutually pledge -to each other our Lives, our Fortunes and our sacred Honor. - - -*** - -End of The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Declaration of Independence - -******This file should be named when12.txt or when12.zip****** - -Corrected EDITIONS of our eBooks get a new NUMBER, when13.txt -VERSIONS based on separate sources get new LETTER, when12a.txt - -This etext was produced by Michael S. Hart. - -*** - -Project Gutenberg eBooks are often created from several printed -editions, all of which are confirmed as Public Domain in the US -unless a copyright notice is included. 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This file previously + contained a compilation of etexts of #1 and etext #2. + The historical variations of etext #1 are included in + the "old" subdirectory to be accessed under the "More + Files" listing in the landing page for this eBook. No + edits or changes have been made to them. +</p> + +<p class="txt txt-fullyjustified txt-indent"> + All of the original Project Gutenberg Etexts from the + 1970's were produced in ALL CAPS, no lower case. The + computers we used then didn't have lower case at all. +</p> + +<p class="txt txt-fullyjustified txt-indent"> + This HTML rendition of the original etext #1 was first + produced on August 4, 2018, updated August 28, 2025. + The styling used simulates the look of the original + etext, as presented on computers and terminal displays + of the era. +</p> + +<p class="txt txt-fullyjustified txt-indent"> + A table of contents and images of Thomas Jefferson's + hand-drafted copy of The Declaration of Independence + have been added to this HTML presentation. +</p> + +<hr> + + +<p><a id="declaration"></a></p> + +<div class="etext"> + <h2> + THE<br> DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE<br> OF<br> + THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA + </h2> + <p class="important"> + IN CONGRESS, July 4, 1776 + </p> + <p class="important"> + The unanimous Declaration of the thirteen united States of America + </p> + <p> + When in the Course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people to + dissolve the political bands which have connected them with another, and + to assume, among the Powers of the earth, the separate and equal station + to which the Laws of Nature and of Nature's God entitle them, a decent + respect to the opinions of mankind requires that they should declare the + causes which impel them to the separation. + </p> + <p> + We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, + that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, + that among these are Life, Liberty, and the pursuit of Happiness. That to + secure these rights, Governments are instituted among Men, deriving their + just powers from the consent of the governed, That whenever any Form of + Government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the Right of the + People to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new Government, laying + its foundation on such principles and organizing its powers in such form, + as to them shall seem most likely to effect their Safety and Happiness. + Prudence, indeed, will dictate that Governments long established should + not be changed for light and transient causes; and accordingly all + experience hath shown, that mankind are more disposed to suffer, while + evils are sufferable, than to right themselves by abolishing the forms to + which they are accustomed. But when a long train of abuses and + usurpations, pursuing invariably the same Object evinces a design to + reduce them under absolute Despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, + to throw off such Government, and to provide new Guards for their future + security. —Such has been the patient sufferance of these Colonies; + and such is now the necessity which constrains them to alter their former + Systems of Government. The history of the present King of Great Britain is + a history of repeated injuries and usurpations, all having in direct + object the establishment of an absolute Tyranny over these States. To + prove this, let Facts be submitted to a candid world. + </p> + <p> + He has refused his Assent to Laws, the most wholesome and necessary for + the public good. + </p> + <p> + He has forbidden his Governors to pass Laws of immediate and pressing + importance, unless suspended in their operation till his Assent should be + obtained; and when so suspended, he has utterly neglected to attend to + them. + </p> + <p> + He has refused to pass other Laws for the accommodation of large districts + of people, unless those people would relinquish the right of + Representation in the Legislature, a right inestimable to them and + formidable to tyrants only. + </p> + <p> + He has called together legislative bodies at places unusual, + uncomfortable, and distant from the depository of their Public Records, + for the sole purpose of fatiguing them into compliance with his measures. + </p> + <p> + He has dissolved Representative Houses repeatedly, for opposing with manly + firmness his invasions on the rights of the people. + </p> + <p> + He has refused for a long time, after such dissolutions, to cause others + to be elected; whereby the Legislative Powers, incapable of Annihilation, + have returned to the People at large for their exercise; the State + remaining in the mean time exposed to all the dangers of invasion from + without, and convulsions within. + </p> + <p> + He has endeavoured to prevent the population of these States; for that + purpose obstructing the Laws of Naturalization of Foreigners; refusing to + pass others to encourage their migration hither, and raising the + conditions of new Appropriations of Lands. + </p> + <p> + He has obstructed the Administration of Justice, by refusing his Assent to + Laws for establishing Judiciary Powers. + </p> + <p> + He has made judges dependent on his Will alone, for the tenure of their + offices, and the amount and payment of their salaries. + </p> + <p> + He has erected a multitude of New Offices, and sent hither swarms of + Officers to harass our People, and eat out their substance. + </p> + <p> + He has kept among us, in times of peace, Standing Armies without the + Consent of our legislatures. + </p> + <p> + He has affected to render the Military independent of and superior to the + Civil Power. + </p> + <p> + He has combined with others to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign to our + constitution, and unacknowledged by our laws; giving his Assent to their + Acts of pretended legislation: + </p> + <p> + For quartering large bodies of armed troops among us: + </p> + <p> + For protecting them, by a mock Trial, from Punishment for any Murders + which they should commit on the Inhabitants of these States: + </p> + <p> + For cutting off our Trade with all parts of the world: + </p> + <p> + For imposing taxes on us without our Consent: + </p> + <p> + For depriving us, in many cases, of the benefits of Trial by Jury: + </p> + <p> + For transporting us beyond Seas to be tried for pretended offences: + </p> + <p> + For abolishing the free System of English Laws in a neighbouring Province, + establishing therein an Arbitrary government, and enlarging its Boundaries + so as to render it at once an example and fit instrument for introducing + the same absolute rule into these Colonies: + </p> + <p> + For taking away our Charters, abolishing our most valuable Laws, and + altering fundamentally the Forms of our Governments: + </p> + <p> + For suspending our own Legislatures, and declaring themselves invested + with Power to legislate for us in all cases whatsoever. + </p> + <p> + He has abdicated Government here, by declaring us out of his Protection + and waging War against us. + </p> + <p> + He has plundered our seas, ravaged our Coasts, burnt our towns, and + destroyed the lives of our people. + </p> + <p> + He is at this time transporting large armies of foreign mercenaries to + compleat the works of death, desolation and tyranny, already begun with + circumstances of Cruelty & perfidy scarcely paralleled in the most + barbarous ages, and totally unworthy of the Head of a civilized nation. + </p> + <p> + He has constrained our fellow Citizens taken Captive on the high Seas to + bear Arms against their Country, to become the executioners of their + friends and Brethren, or to fall themselves by their Hands. + </p> + <p> + He has excited domestic insurrections amongst us, and has endeavoured to + bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers, the merciless Indian Savages, + whose known rule of warfare, is an undistinguished destruction of all + ages, sexes and conditions. + </p> + <p> + In every stage of these Oppressions We have Petitioned for Redress in the + most humble terms: Our repeated Petitions have been answered only by + repeated injury. A Prince, whose character is thus marked by every act + which may define a Tyrant, is unfit to be the ruler of a free People. + </p> + <p> + Nor have We been wanting in attention to our British brethren. We have + warned them from time to time of attempts by their legislature to extend + an unwarrantable jurisdiction over us. We have reminded them of the + circumstances of our emigration and settlement here. We have appealed to + their native justice and magnanimity, and we have conjured them by the + ties of our common kindred to disavow these usurpations, which would + inevitably interrupt our connections and correspondence. They too have + been deaf to the voice of justice and of consanguinity. We must, + therefore, acquiesce in the necessity, which denounces our Separation, and + hold them, as we hold the rest of mankind, Enemies in War, in Peace + Friends. + </p> + <p> + We, therefore, the Representatives of the United States of America, in + General Congress, Assembled, appealing to the Supreme Judge of the world + for the rectitude of our intentions, do, in the Name, and by the Authority + of the good People of these Colonies, solemnly publish and declare, That + these United Colonies are, and of Right ought to be Free and Independent + States; that they are Absolved from all Allegiance to the British Crown, + and that all political connection between them and the State of Great + Britain, is and ought to be totally dissolved; and that as Free and + Independent States, they have full Power to levy War, conclude Peace, + contract Alliances, establish Commerce, and to do all other Acts and + Things which Independent States may of right do. And for the support of + this Declaration, with a firm reliance on the Protection of Divine + Providence, we mutually pledge to each other our Lives, our Fortunes and + our sacred Honor. + </p> +</div> + +<hr> + +<p><a id="handwritten"></a></p> + +<h2> + THOMAS JEFFERSON'S HANDWRITTEN DRAFTS +</h2> +<p> + The following four images are of engravings taken from + Jefferson’s draft of the Declaration of Independence, + in his handwriting with emendations in the handwritings + of Benjamin Franklin and John Adams. Tapping the "ENLARGE" + button will display the image in full-size. +</p> +<div class="gallery"> + <div class="fig"> + <p><img src="images/dec1th.jpg" + alt="First page. Handwritten draft text with editing notes and crossed out words, on faded parchment paper."></p> + <p><a href="images/dec1.jpg">ENLARGE PAGE 1</a></p> + </div> + <div class="fig"> + <p><img src="images/dec2th.jpg" + alt="Second page. Handwritten draft text with editing notes and crossed out words, on faded parchment paper."></p> + <p><a href="images/dec2.jpg">ENLARGE PAGE 2</a></p> + </div> + <div class="fig"> + <p><img src="images/dec3th.jpg" + alt="Third page. Handwritten draft text with editing notes and crossed out words, on faded parchment paper."></p> + <p><a href="images/dec3.jpg">ENLARGE PAGE 3</a></p> + </div> + <div class="fig"> + <p><img src="images/dec4th.jpg" + alt="Fourth page. Handwritten draft text with editing notes and crossed out words, on faded parchment paper."></p> + <p><a href="images/dec4.jpg">ENLARGE PAGE 4</a></p> + </div> +</div> + +<div>*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 1 ***</div> </body> </html> diff --git a/1-h/images/cover.jpg b/1-h/images/cover.jpg Binary files differnew file mode 100644 index 0000000..a33c791 --- /dev/null +++ b/1-h/images/cover.jpg diff --git a/1-h/aimages/dec1.jpg b/1-h/images/dec1.jpg Binary files differindex b9bb6c3..b9bb6c3 100755..100644 --- a/1-h/aimages/dec1.jpg +++ b/1-h/images/dec1.jpg diff --git a/1-h/aimages/dec1th.jpg b/1-h/images/dec1th.jpg Binary files differindex 4f1931d..4f1931d 100755..100644 --- a/1-h/aimages/dec1th.jpg +++ b/1-h/images/dec1th.jpg diff --git a/1-h/aimages/dec2.jpg b/1-h/images/dec2.jpg Binary files differindex 397dc50..397dc50 100755..100644 --- a/1-h/aimages/dec2.jpg +++ b/1-h/images/dec2.jpg diff --git a/1-h/aimages/dec2th.jpg b/1-h/images/dec2th.jpg Binary files differindex ced26e4..ced26e4 100755..100644 --- a/1-h/aimages/dec2th.jpg +++ b/1-h/images/dec2th.jpg diff --git a/1-h/aimages/dec3.jpg b/1-h/images/dec3.jpg Binary files differindex 22eb47e..22eb47e 100755..100644 --- a/1-h/aimages/dec3.jpg +++ b/1-h/images/dec3.jpg diff --git a/1-h/aimages/dec3th.jpg b/1-h/images/dec3th.jpg Binary files differindex 8407c13..8407c13 100755..100644 --- a/1-h/aimages/dec3th.jpg +++ b/1-h/images/dec3th.jpg diff --git a/1-h/aimages/dec4.jpg b/1-h/images/dec4.jpg Binary files differindex d61ae33..d61ae33 100755..100644 --- a/1-h/aimages/dec4.jpg +++ b/1-h/images/dec4.jpg diff --git a/1-h/aimages/dec4th.jpg b/1-h/images/dec4th.jpg Binary files differindex aa3ea89..aa3ea89 100755..100644 --- a/1-h/aimages/dec4th.jpg +++ b/1-h/images/dec4th.jpg |
