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+*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 104 ***
+
+          Inaugural Address of Franklin Delano Roosevelt
+                    Given in Washington, D.C.
+                          March 4th, 1933
+
+
+President Hoover, Mr. Chief Justice, my friends:
+
+
+This is a day of national consecration, and I am certain that on this
+day my fellow Americans expect that on my induction into the Presidency
+I will address them with a candor and a decision which the present
+situation of our people impels. This is preeminently the time to speak
+the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly. Nor need we shrink from
+honestly facing conditions in our country today. This great Nation will
+endure as it has endured, will revive and will prosper. So, first of
+all, let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear
+is fear itself—nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror which
+paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. In every dark
+hour of our national life a leadership of frankness and of vigor has
+met with that understanding and support of the people themselves which
+is essential to victory. And I am convinced that you will again give
+that support to leadership in these critical days.
+
+In such a spirit on my part and on yours we face our common
+difficulties. They concern, thank God, only material things. Values
+have shrunk to fantastic levels; taxes have risen; our ability to pay
+has fallen; government of all kinds is faced by serious curtailment of
+income; the means of exchange are frozen in the currents of trade; the
+withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every side; farmers
+find no markets for their produce; and the savings of many years in
+thousands of families are gone.
+
+More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of
+existence, and an equally great number toil with little return. Only a
+foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment.
+
+And yet our distress comes from no failure of substance. We are
+stricken by no plague of locusts. Compared with the perils which our
+forefathers conquered because they believed and were not afraid, we
+have still much to be thankful for. Nature still offers her bounty and
+human efforts have multiplied it. Plenty is at our doorstep, but a
+generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the supply.
+Primarily this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind’s goods
+have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own incompetence,
+have admitted their failure and have abdicated. Practices of the
+unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public
+opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men.
+
+True they have tried, but their efforts have been cast in the pattern
+of an outworn tradition. Faced by failure of credit they have proposed
+only the lending of more money. Stripped of the lure of profit by which
+to induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have
+resorted to exhortations, pleading tearfully for restored confidence.
+They only know the rules of a generation of self-seekers. They have no
+vision, and when there is no vision the people perish.
+
+Yes, the money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple
+of our civilization. We may now restore that temple to the ancient
+truths. The measure of that restoration lies in the extent to which we
+apply social values more noble than mere monetary profit.
+
+Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money; it lies in the joy
+of achievement, in the thrill of creative effort. The joy, the moral
+stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of
+evanescent profits. These dark days, my friends, will be worth all they
+cost us if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered
+unto but to minister to ourselves—to our fellow men.
+
+Recognition of that falsity of material wealth as the standard of
+success goes hand in hand with the abandonment of the false belief that
+public office and high political position are to be valued only by the
+standards of pride of place and personal profit; and there must be an
+end to a conduct in banking and in business which too often has given
+to a sacred trust the likeness of callous and selfish wrongdoing. Small
+wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrives only on honesty, on
+honor, on the sacredness of obligations, on faithful protection, and on
+unselfish performance; without them it cannot live.
+
+Restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone. This
+Nation is asking for action, and action now.
+
+Our greatest primary task is to put people to work. This is no
+unsolvable problem if we face it wisely and courageously. It can be
+accomplished in part by direct recruiting by the Government itself,
+treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war, but at the
+same time, through this employment, accomplishing greatly needed
+projects to stimulate and reorganize the use of our great natural
+resources.
+
+Hand in hand with that we must frankly recognize the overbalance of
+population in our industrial centers and, by engaging on a national
+scale in a redistribution, endeavor to provide a better use of the land
+for those best fitted for the land. Yes, the task can be helped by
+definite efforts to raise the values of agricultural products and with
+this the power to purchase the output of our cities. It can be helped
+by preventing realistically the tragedy of the growing loss through
+foreclosure of our small homes and our farms. It can be helped by
+insistence that the Federal, the State, and the local governments act
+forthwith on the demand that their cost be drastically reduced. It can
+be helped by the unifying of relief activities which today are often
+scattered, uneconomical, unequal. It can be helped by national planning
+for and supervision of all forms of transportation and of
+communications and other utilities that have a definitely public
+character. There are many ways in which it can be helped, but it can
+never be helped by merely talking about it. We must act; we must act
+quickly.
+
+And finally, in our progress towards a resumption of work we require
+two safeguards against a return of the evils of the old order; there
+must be a strict supervision of all banking and credits and
+investments; there must be an end to speculation with other people’s
+money, and there must be provision for an adequate but sound currency.
+
+These, my friends, are the lines of attack. I shall presently urge
+upon a new Congress, in special session, detailed measures for their
+fulfillment, and I shall seek the immediate assistance of the
+forty-eight States.
+
+Through this program of action we address ourselves to putting our own
+national house in order and making income balance outgo. Our
+international trade relations, though vastly important, are in point of
+time and necessity secondary to the establishment of a sound national
+economy. I favor as a practical policy the putting of first things
+first. I shall spare no effort to restore world trade by international
+economic readjustment, but the emergency at home cannot wait on that
+accomplishment.
+
+The basic thought that guides these specific means of national
+recovery is not narrowly nationalistic. It is the insistence, as a
+first consideration, upon the interdependence of the various elements
+in and parts of the United States of America—a recognition of the old
+and permanently important manifestation of the American spirit of the
+pioneer. It is the way to recovery. It is the immediate way. It is the
+strongest assurance that recovery will endure.
+
+In the field of world policy I would dedicate this Nation to the
+policy of the good neighbor—the neighbor who resolutely respects
+himself and, because he does so, respects the rights of others—the
+neighbor who respects his obligations and respects the sanctity of his
+agreements in and with a world of neighbors.
+
+If I read the temper of our people correctly, we now realize as we
+have never realized before our interdependence on each other; that we
+cannot merely take but we must give as well; that if we are to go
+forward, we must move as a trained and loyal army willing to sacrifice
+for the good of a common discipline, because without such discipline no
+progress can be made, no leadership becomes effective. We are, I know,
+ready and willing to submit our lives and our property to such
+discipline, because it makes possible a leadership which aims at the
+larger good. This I propose to offer, pledging that the larger purposes
+will bind upon us—bind upon us all—as a sacred obligation with a
+unity of duty hitherto evoked only in times of armed strife.
+
+With this pledge taken, I assume unhesitatingly the leadership of this
+great army of our people dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our
+common problems.
+
+Action in this image—action to this end—is feasible under the form
+of government which we have inherited from our ancestors. Our
+Constitution is so simple, so practical that it is possible always to
+meet extraordinary needs by changes in emphasis and arrangement without
+loss of essential form. That is why our constitutional system has
+proved itself the most superbly enduring political mechanism the modern
+world has ever seen. It has met every stress of vast expansion of
+territory, of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife, of world
+relations.
+
+And it is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and
+legislative authority may be wholly equal—wholly adequate—to meet the
+unprecedented task before us. But it may be that an unprecedented
+demand and need for undelayed action may call for temporary departure
+from that normal balance of public procedure.
+
+I am prepared under my constitutional duty to recommend the measures
+that a stricken nation in the midst of a stricken world may require.
+These measures, or such other measures as the Congress may build out of
+its experience and wisdom, I shall seek, within my constitutional
+authority, to bring to speedy adoption.
+
+But in the event that the Congress shall fail to take one of these two
+courses, in the event that the national emergency is still critical, I
+shall not evade the clear course of duty that will then confront me. I
+shall ask the Congress for the one remaining instrument to meet the
+crisis—broad Executive power to wage a war against the emergency, as
+great as the power that would be given to me if we were in fact invaded
+by a foreign foe.
+
+For the trust reposed in me I will return the courage and the devotion
+that befit the time. I can do no less.
+
+We face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of
+national unity; with the clear consciousness of seeking old and
+precious moral values; with the clean satisfaction that comes from the
+stern performance of duty by old and young alike. We aim at the
+assurance of a rounded—a permanent—national life.
+
+We do not distrust the future of essential democracy. The people of
+the United States have not failed. In their need they have registered a
+mandate that they want direct, vigorous action. They have asked for
+discipline and direction under leadership. They have made me the
+present instrument of their wishes. In the spirit of the gift I take it.
+
+In this dedication of a Nation we humbly ask the blessing of God. May
+He protect each and every one of us. May He guide me in the days to
+come.
+
+*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 104 ***
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+<div>*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 104 ***</div>
+
+<h1>Inaugural Address</h1>
+
+<h3>of</h3>
+
+<h2>Franklin Delano Roosevelt</h2>
+
+<h3>Given in Washington, D.C.<br/>
+March 4th, 1933</h3>
+
+<hr />
+
+<p class="noindent">
+President Hoover, Mr. Chief Justice, my friends:
+</p>
+
+<p>
+This is a day of national consecration, and I am certain that on this day my
+fellow Americans expect that on my induction into the Presidency I will address
+them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our people
+impels. This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth,
+frankly and boldly. Nor need we shrink from honestly facing conditions in our
+country today. This great Nation will endure as it has endured, will revive and
+will prosper. So, first of all, let me assert my firm belief that the only
+thing we have to fear is fear itself—nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror
+which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. In every dark
+hour of our national life a leadership of frankness and of vigor has met with
+that understanding and support of the people themselves which is essential to
+victory. And I am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership
+in these critical days.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+In such a spirit on my part and on yours we face our common difficulties. They
+concern, thank God, only material things. Values have shrunk to fantastic
+levels; taxes have risen; our ability to pay has fallen; government of all
+kinds is faced by serious curtailment of income; the means of exchange are
+frozen in the currents of trade; the withered leaves of industrial enterprise
+lie on every side; farmers find no markets for their produce; and the savings
+of many years in thousands of families are gone.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of
+existence, and an equally great number toil with little return. Only a foolish
+optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+And yet our distress comes from no failure of substance. We are stricken by no
+plague of locusts. Compared with the perils which our forefathers conquered
+because they believed and were not afraid, we have still much to be thankful
+for. Nature still offers her bounty and human efforts have multiplied it.
+Plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishes in the very
+sight of the supply. Primarily this is because the rulers of the exchange of
+mankind’s goods have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own
+incompetence, have admitted their failure and have abdicated. Practices of the
+unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public opinion,
+rejected by the hearts and minds of men.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+True they have tried, but their efforts have been cast in the pattern of an
+outworn tradition. Faced by failure of credit they have proposed only the
+lending of more money. Stripped of the lure of profit by which to induce our
+people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortations,
+pleading tearfully for restored confidence. They only know the rules of a
+generation of self-seekers. They have no vision, and when there is no vision
+the people perish.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+Yes, the money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our
+civilization. We may now restore that temple to the ancient truths. The measure
+of that restoration lies in the extent to which we apply social values more
+noble than mere monetary profit.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money; it lies in the joy of
+achievement, in the thrill of creative effort. The joy, the moral stimulation
+of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of evanescent profits.
+These dark days, my friends, will be worth all they cost us if they teach us
+that our true destiny is not to be ministered unto but to minister to
+ourselves—to our fellow men.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+Recognition of that falsity of material wealth as the standard of success goes
+hand in hand with the abandonment of the false belief that public office and
+high political position are to be valued only by the standards of pride of
+place and personal profit; and there must be an end to a conduct in banking and
+in business which too often has given to a sacred trust the likeness of callous
+and selfish wrongdoing. Small wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrives
+only on honesty, on honor, on the sacredness of obligations, on faithful
+protection, and on unselfish performance; without them it cannot live.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+Restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone. This Nation is
+asking for action, and action now.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+Our greatest primary task is to put people to work. This is no unsolvable
+problem if we face it wisely and courageously. It can be accomplished in part
+by direct recruiting by the Government itself, treating the task as we would
+treat the emergency of a war, but at the same time, through this employment,
+accomplishing greatly needed projects to stimulate and reorganize the use of
+our great natural resources.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+Hand in hand with that we must frankly recognize the overbalance of population
+in our industrial centers and, by engaging on a national scale in a
+redistribution, endeavor to provide a better use of the land for those best
+fitted for the land. Yes, the task can be helped by definite efforts to raise
+the values of agricultural products and with this the power to purchase the
+output of our cities. It can be helped by preventing realistically the tragedy
+of the growing loss through foreclosure of our small homes and our farms. It
+can be helped by insistence that the Federal, the State, and the local
+governments act forthwith on the demand that their cost be drastically reduced.
+It can be helped by the unifying of relief activities which today are often
+scattered, uneconomical, unequal. It can be helped by national planning for and
+supervision of all forms of transportation and of communications and other
+utilities that have a definitely public character. There are many ways in which
+it can be helped, but it can never be helped by merely talking about it. We
+must act; we must act quickly.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+And finally, in our progress towards a resumption of work we require two
+safeguards against a return of the evils of the old order; there must be a
+strict supervision of all banking and credits and investments; there must be an
+end to speculation with other people’s money, and there must be provision for
+an adequate but sound currency.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+These, my friends, are the lines of attack. I shall presently urge upon a new
+Congress, in special session, detailed measures for their fulfillment, and I
+shall seek the immediate assistance of the forty-eight States.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+Through this program of action we address ourselves to putting our own national
+house in order and making income balance outgo. Our international trade
+relations, though vastly important, are in point of time and necessity
+secondary to the establishment of a sound national economy. I favor as a
+practical policy the putting of first things first. I shall spare no effort to
+restore world trade by international economic readjustment, but the emergency
+at home cannot wait on that accomplishment.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+The basic thought that guides these specific means of national recovery is not
+narrowly nationalistic. It is the insistence, as a first consideration, upon
+the interdependence of the various elements in and parts of the United States
+of America—a recognition of the old and permanently important manifestation of
+the American spirit of the pioneer. It is the way to recovery. It is the
+immediate way. It is the strongest assurance that recovery will endure.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+In the field of world policy I would dedicate this Nation to the policy of the
+good neighbor—the neighbor who resolutely respects himself and, because he does
+so, respects the rights of others—the neighbor who respects his obligations and
+respects the sanctity of his agreements in and with a world of neighbors.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+If I read the temper of our people correctly, we now realize as we have never
+realized before our interdependence on each other; that we cannot merely take
+but we must give as well; that if we are to go forward, we must move as a
+trained and loyal army willing to sacrifice for the good of a common
+discipline, because without such discipline no progress can be made, no
+leadership becomes effective. We are, I know, ready and willing to submit our
+lives and our property to such discipline, because it makes possible a
+leadership which aims at the larger good. This I propose to offer, pledging
+that the larger purposes will bind upon us—bind upon us all—as a sacred
+obligation with a unity of duty hitherto evoked only in times of armed strife.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+With this pledge taken, I assume unhesitatingly the leadership of this great
+army of our people dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our common problems.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+Action in this image—action to this end—is feasible under the form of
+government which we have inherited from our ancestors. Our Constitution is so
+simple, so practical that it is possible always to meet extraordinary needs by
+changes in emphasis and arrangement without loss of essential form. That is why
+our constitutional system has proved itself the most superbly enduring
+political mechanism the modern world has ever seen. It has met every stress of
+vast expansion of territory, of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife, of
+world relations.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+And it is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and legislative
+authority may be wholly equal—wholly adequate—to meet the unprecedented task
+before us. But it may be that an unprecedented demand and need for undelayed
+action may call for temporary departure from that normal balance of public
+procedure.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+I am prepared under my constitutional duty to recommend the measures that a
+stricken nation in the midst of a stricken world may require. These measures,
+or such other measures as the Congress may build out of its experience and
+wisdom, I shall seek, within my constitutional authority, to bring to speedy
+adoption.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+But in the event that the Congress shall fail to take one of these two courses,
+in the event that the national emergency is still critical, I shall not evade
+the clear course of duty that will then confront me. I shall ask the Congress
+for the one remaining instrument to meet the crisis—broad Executive power to
+wage a war against the emergency, as great as the power that would be given to
+me if we were in fact invaded by a foreign foe.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+For the trust reposed in me I will return the courage and the devotion that
+befit the time. I can do no less.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+We face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of national
+unity; with the clear consciousness of seeking old and precious moral values;
+with the clean satisfaction that comes from the stern performance of duty by
+old and young alike. We aim at the assurance of a rounded—a permanent—national
+life.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+We do not distrust the future of essential democracy. The people of the United
+States have not failed. In their need they have registered a mandate that they
+want direct, vigorous action. They have asked for discipline and direction
+under leadership. They have made me the present instrument of their wishes. In
+the spirit of the gift I take it.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+In this dedication of a Nation we humbly ask the blessing of God. May He
+protect each and every one of us. May He guide me in the days to come.
+</p>
+
+<div>*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 104 ***</div>
+</body>
+
+</html>
+
diff --git a/LICENSE.txt b/LICENSE.txt
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@@ -0,0 +1,11 @@
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+metadata, and any other content or labor, has been confirmed to be
+in the PUBLIC DOMAIN IN THE UNITED STATES.
+
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+
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diff --git a/README.md b/README.md
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--- /dev/null
+++ b/README.md
@@ -0,0 +1,2 @@
+Project Gutenberg (https://www.gutenberg.org) public repository for
+eBook #104 (https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/104)
diff --git a/old/104-0.txt b/old/104-0.txt
new file mode 100644
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--- /dev/null
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@@ -0,0 +1,582 @@
+The Project Gutenberg eBook of Franklin Delano Roosevelt’s First Inaugural Address, by Franklin Delano Roosevelt
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and
+most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions
+whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms
+of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at
+www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you
+will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before
+using this eBook.
+
+Title: Franklin Delano Roosevelt’s First Inaugural Address
+
+Author: Franklin Delano Roosevelt
+
+Release Date: February, 1994 [eBook #104]
+[Most recently updated: July 12, 2023]
+
+Language: English
+
+
+*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK FDR’S FIRST INAUGURAL ADDRESS ***
+
+
+
+
+          Inaugural Address of Franklin Delano Roosevelt
+                    Given in Washington, D.C.
+                          March 4th, 1933
+
+
+President Hoover, Mr. Chief Justice, my friends:
+
+
+This is a day of national consecration, and I am certain that on this
+day my fellow Americans expect that on my induction into the Presidency
+I will address them with a candor and a decision which the present
+situation of our people impels. This is preeminently the time to speak
+the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly. Nor need we shrink from
+honestly facing conditions in our country today. This great Nation will
+endure as it has endured, will revive and will prosper. So, first of
+all, let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear
+is fear itself—nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror which
+paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. In every dark
+hour of our national life a leadership of frankness and of vigor has
+met with that understanding and support of the people themselves which
+is essential to victory. And I am convinced that you will again give
+that support to leadership in these critical days.
+
+In such a spirit on my part and on yours we face our common
+difficulties. They concern, thank God, only material things. Values
+have shrunk to fantastic levels; taxes have risen; our ability to pay
+has fallen; government of all kinds is faced by serious curtailment of
+income; the means of exchange are frozen in the currents of trade; the
+withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every side; farmers
+find no markets for their produce; and the savings of many years in
+thousands of families are gone.
+
+More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of
+existence, and an equally great number toil with little return. Only a
+foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment.
+
+And yet our distress comes from no failure of substance. We are
+stricken by no plague of locusts. Compared with the perils which our
+forefathers conquered because they believed and were not afraid, we
+have still much to be thankful for. Nature still offers her bounty and
+human efforts have multiplied it. Plenty is at our doorstep, but a
+generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the supply.
+Primarily this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind’s goods
+have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own incompetence,
+have admitted their failure and have abdicated. Practices of the
+unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public
+opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men.
+
+True they have tried, but their efforts have been cast in the pattern
+of an outworn tradition. Faced by failure of credit they have proposed
+only the lending of more money. Stripped of the lure of profit by which
+to induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have
+resorted to exhortations, pleading tearfully for restored confidence.
+They only know the rules of a generation of self-seekers. They have no
+vision, and when there is no vision the people perish.
+
+Yes, the money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple
+of our civilization. We may now restore that temple to the ancient
+truths. The measure of that restoration lies in the extent to which we
+apply social values more noble than mere monetary profit.
+
+Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money; it lies in the joy
+of achievement, in the thrill of creative effort. The joy, the moral
+stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of
+evanescent profits. These dark days, my friends, will be worth all they
+cost us if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered
+unto but to minister to ourselves—to our fellow men.
+
+Recognition of that falsity of material wealth as the standard of
+success goes hand in hand with the abandonment of the false belief that
+public office and high political position are to be valued only by the
+standards of pride of place and personal profit; and there must be an
+end to a conduct in banking and in business which too often has given
+to a sacred trust the likeness of callous and selfish wrongdoing. Small
+wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrives only on honesty, on
+honor, on the sacredness of obligations, on faithful protection, and on
+unselfish performance; without them it cannot live.
+
+Restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone. This
+Nation is asking for action, and action now.
+
+Our greatest primary task is to put people to work. This is no
+unsolvable problem if we face it wisely and courageously. It can be
+accomplished in part by direct recruiting by the Government itself,
+treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war, but at the
+same time, through this employment, accomplishing greatly needed
+projects to stimulate and reorganize the use of our great natural
+resources.
+
+Hand in hand with that we must frankly recognize the overbalance of
+population in our industrial centers and, by engaging on a national
+scale in a redistribution, endeavor to provide a better use of the land
+for those best fitted for the land. Yes, the task can be helped by
+definite efforts to raise the values of agricultural products and with
+this the power to purchase the output of our cities. It can be helped
+by preventing realistically the tragedy of the growing loss through
+foreclosure of our small homes and our farms. It can be helped by
+insistence that the Federal, the State, and the local governments act
+forthwith on the demand that their cost be drastically reduced. It can
+be helped by the unifying of relief activities which today are often
+scattered, uneconomical, unequal. It can be helped by national planning
+for and supervision of all forms of transportation and of
+communications and other utilities that have a definitely public
+character. There are many ways in which it can be helped, but it can
+never be helped by merely talking about it. We must act; we must act
+quickly.
+
+And finally, in our progress towards a resumption of work we require
+two safeguards against a return of the evils of the old order; there
+must be a strict supervision of all banking and credits and
+investments; there must be an end to speculation with other people’s
+money, and there must be provision for an adequate but sound currency.
+
+These, my friends, are the lines of attack. I shall presently urge
+upon a new Congress, in special session, detailed measures for their
+fulfillment, and I shall seek the immediate assistance of the
+forty-eight States.
+
+Through this program of action we address ourselves to putting our own
+national house in order and making income balance outgo. Our
+international trade relations, though vastly important, are in point of
+time and necessity secondary to the establishment of a sound national
+economy. I favor as a practical policy the putting of first things
+first. I shall spare no effort to restore world trade by international
+economic readjustment, but the emergency at home cannot wait on that
+accomplishment.
+
+The basic thought that guides these specific means of national
+recovery is not narrowly nationalistic. It is the insistence, as a
+first consideration, upon the interdependence of the various elements
+in and parts of the United States of America—a recognition of the old
+and permanently important manifestation of the American spirit of the
+pioneer. It is the way to recovery. It is the immediate way. It is the
+strongest assurance that recovery will endure.
+
+In the field of world policy I would dedicate this Nation to the
+policy of the good neighbor—the neighbor who resolutely respects
+himself and, because he does so, respects the rights of others—the
+neighbor who respects his obligations and respects the sanctity of his
+agreements in and with a world of neighbors.
+
+If I read the temper of our people correctly, we now realize as we
+have never realized before our interdependence on each other; that we
+cannot merely take but we must give as well; that if we are to go
+forward, we must move as a trained and loyal army willing to sacrifice
+for the good of a common discipline, because without such discipline no
+progress can be made, no leadership becomes effective. We are, I know,
+ready and willing to submit our lives and our property to such
+discipline, because it makes possible a leadership which aims at the
+larger good. This I propose to offer, pledging that the larger purposes
+will bind upon us—bind upon us all—as a sacred obligation with a
+unity of duty hitherto evoked only in times of armed strife.
+
+With this pledge taken, I assume unhesitatingly the leadership of this
+great army of our people dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our
+common problems.
+
+Action in this image—action to this end—is feasible under the form
+of government which we have inherited from our ancestors. Our
+Constitution is so simple, so practical that it is possible always to
+meet extraordinary needs by changes in emphasis and arrangement without
+loss of essential form. That is why our constitutional system has
+proved itself the most superbly enduring political mechanism the modern
+world has ever seen. It has met every stress of vast expansion of
+territory, of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife, of world
+relations.
+
+And it is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and
+legislative authority may be wholly equal—wholly adequate—to meet the
+unprecedented task before us. But it may be that an unprecedented
+demand and need for undelayed action may call for temporary departure
+from that normal balance of public procedure.
+
+I am prepared under my constitutional duty to recommend the measures
+that a stricken nation in the midst of a stricken world may require.
+These measures, or such other measures as the Congress may build out of
+its experience and wisdom, I shall seek, within my constitutional
+authority, to bring to speedy adoption.
+
+But in the event that the Congress shall fail to take one of these two
+courses, in the event that the national emergency is still critical, I
+shall not evade the clear course of duty that will then confront me. I
+shall ask the Congress for the one remaining instrument to meet the
+crisis—broad Executive power to wage a war against the emergency, as
+great as the power that would be given to me if we were in fact invaded
+by a foreign foe.
+
+For the trust reposed in me I will return the courage and the devotion
+that befit the time. I can do no less.
+
+We face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of
+national unity; with the clear consciousness of seeking old and
+precious moral values; with the clean satisfaction that comes from the
+stern performance of duty by old and young alike. We aim at the
+assurance of a rounded—a permanent—national life.
+
+We do not distrust the future of essential democracy. The people of
+the United States have not failed. In their need they have registered a
+mandate that they want direct, vigorous action. They have asked for
+discipline and direction under leadership. They have made me the
+present instrument of their wishes. In the spirit of the gift I take it.
+
+In this dedication of a Nation we humbly ask the blessing of God. May
+He protect each and every one of us. May He guide me in the days to
+come.
+
+
+
+
+*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK FDR’S FIRST INAUGURAL ADDRESS ***
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+<div style='text-align:center; font-size:1.2em; font-weight:bold'>The Project Gutenberg eBook of Franklin Delano Roosevelt’s First Inaugural Address, by Franklin Delano Roosevelt</div>
+<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'>
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and
+most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions
+whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms
+of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online
+at <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org">www.gutenberg.org</a>. If you
+are not located in the United States, you will have to check the laws of the
+country where you are located before using this eBook.
+</div>
+<div style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:1em; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Title: Franklin Delano Roosevelt’s First Inaugural Address</div>
+<div style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:1em; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Author: Franklin Delano Roosevelt</div>
+<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'>Release Date: February, 1994 [eBook #104]<br />
+[Most recently updated: July 12, 2023]</div>
+<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'>Language: English</div>
+<div style='margin-top:2em; margin-bottom:4em'>*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK FDR’S FIRST INAUGURAL ADDRESS ***</div>
+
+<h1>Inaugural Address</h1>
+
+<h3>of</h3>
+
+<h2>Franklin Delano Roosevelt</h2>
+
+<h3>Given in Washington, D.C.<br/>
+March 4th, 1933</h3>
+
+<hr />
+
+<p class="noindent">
+President Hoover, Mr. Chief Justice, my friends:
+</p>
+
+<p>
+This is a day of national consecration, and I am certain that on this day my
+fellow Americans expect that on my induction into the Presidency I will address
+them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our people
+impels. This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth,
+frankly and boldly. Nor need we shrink from honestly facing conditions in our
+country today. This great Nation will endure as it has endured, will revive and
+will prosper. So, first of all, let me assert my firm belief that the only
+thing we have to fear is fear itself—nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror
+which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. In every dark
+hour of our national life a leadership of frankness and of vigor has met with
+that understanding and support of the people themselves which is essential to
+victory. And I am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership
+in these critical days.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+In such a spirit on my part and on yours we face our common difficulties. They
+concern, thank God, only material things. Values have shrunk to fantastic
+levels; taxes have risen; our ability to pay has fallen; government of all
+kinds is faced by serious curtailment of income; the means of exchange are
+frozen in the currents of trade; the withered leaves of industrial enterprise
+lie on every side; farmers find no markets for their produce; and the savings
+of many years in thousands of families are gone.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of
+existence, and an equally great number toil with little return. Only a foolish
+optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+And yet our distress comes from no failure of substance. We are stricken by no
+plague of locusts. Compared with the perils which our forefathers conquered
+because they believed and were not afraid, we have still much to be thankful
+for. Nature still offers her bounty and human efforts have multiplied it.
+Plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishes in the very
+sight of the supply. Primarily this is because the rulers of the exchange of
+mankind’s goods have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own
+incompetence, have admitted their failure and have abdicated. Practices of the
+unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public opinion,
+rejected by the hearts and minds of men.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+True they have tried, but their efforts have been cast in the pattern of an
+outworn tradition. Faced by failure of credit they have proposed only the
+lending of more money. Stripped of the lure of profit by which to induce our
+people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortations,
+pleading tearfully for restored confidence. They only know the rules of a
+generation of self-seekers. They have no vision, and when there is no vision
+the people perish.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+Yes, the money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our
+civilization. We may now restore that temple to the ancient truths. The measure
+of that restoration lies in the extent to which we apply social values more
+noble than mere monetary profit.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money; it lies in the joy of
+achievement, in the thrill of creative effort. The joy, the moral stimulation
+of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of evanescent profits.
+These dark days, my friends, will be worth all they cost us if they teach us
+that our true destiny is not to be ministered unto but to minister to
+ourselves—to our fellow men.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+Recognition of that falsity of material wealth as the standard of success goes
+hand in hand with the abandonment of the false belief that public office and
+high political position are to be valued only by the standards of pride of
+place and personal profit; and there must be an end to a conduct in banking and
+in business which too often has given to a sacred trust the likeness of callous
+and selfish wrongdoing. Small wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrives
+only on honesty, on honor, on the sacredness of obligations, on faithful
+protection, and on unselfish performance; without them it cannot live.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+Restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone. This Nation is
+asking for action, and action now.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+Our greatest primary task is to put people to work. This is no unsolvable
+problem if we face it wisely and courageously. It can be accomplished in part
+by direct recruiting by the Government itself, treating the task as we would
+treat the emergency of a war, but at the same time, through this employment,
+accomplishing greatly needed projects to stimulate and reorganize the use of
+our great natural resources.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+Hand in hand with that we must frankly recognize the overbalance of population
+in our industrial centers and, by engaging on a national scale in a
+redistribution, endeavor to provide a better use of the land for those best
+fitted for the land. Yes, the task can be helped by definite efforts to raise
+the values of agricultural products and with this the power to purchase the
+output of our cities. It can be helped by preventing realistically the tragedy
+of the growing loss through foreclosure of our small homes and our farms. It
+can be helped by insistence that the Federal, the State, and the local
+governments act forthwith on the demand that their cost be drastically reduced.
+It can be helped by the unifying of relief activities which today are often
+scattered, uneconomical, unequal. It can be helped by national planning for and
+supervision of all forms of transportation and of communications and other
+utilities that have a definitely public character. There are many ways in which
+it can be helped, but it can never be helped by merely talking about it. We
+must act; we must act quickly.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+And finally, in our progress towards a resumption of work we require two
+safeguards against a return of the evils of the old order; there must be a
+strict supervision of all banking and credits and investments; there must be an
+end to speculation with other people’s money, and there must be provision for
+an adequate but sound currency.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+These, my friends, are the lines of attack. I shall presently urge upon a new
+Congress, in special session, detailed measures for their fulfillment, and I
+shall seek the immediate assistance of the forty-eight States.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+Through this program of action we address ourselves to putting our own national
+house in order and making income balance outgo. Our international trade
+relations, though vastly important, are in point of time and necessity
+secondary to the establishment of a sound national economy. I favor as a
+practical policy the putting of first things first. I shall spare no effort to
+restore world trade by international economic readjustment, but the emergency
+at home cannot wait on that accomplishment.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+The basic thought that guides these specific means of national recovery is not
+narrowly nationalistic. It is the insistence, as a first consideration, upon
+the interdependence of the various elements in and parts of the United States
+of America—a recognition of the old and permanently important manifestation of
+the American spirit of the pioneer. It is the way to recovery. It is the
+immediate way. It is the strongest assurance that recovery will endure.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+In the field of world policy I would dedicate this Nation to the policy of the
+good neighbor—the neighbor who resolutely respects himself and, because he does
+so, respects the rights of others—the neighbor who respects his obligations and
+respects the sanctity of his agreements in and with a world of neighbors.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+If I read the temper of our people correctly, we now realize as we have never
+realized before our interdependence on each other; that we cannot merely take
+but we must give as well; that if we are to go forward, we must move as a
+trained and loyal army willing to sacrifice for the good of a common
+discipline, because without such discipline no progress can be made, no
+leadership becomes effective. We are, I know, ready and willing to submit our
+lives and our property to such discipline, because it makes possible a
+leadership which aims at the larger good. This I propose to offer, pledging
+that the larger purposes will bind upon us—bind upon us all—as a sacred
+obligation with a unity of duty hitherto evoked only in times of armed strife.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+With this pledge taken, I assume unhesitatingly the leadership of this great
+army of our people dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our common problems.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+Action in this image—action to this end—is feasible under the form of
+government which we have inherited from our ancestors. Our Constitution is so
+simple, so practical that it is possible always to meet extraordinary needs by
+changes in emphasis and arrangement without loss of essential form. That is why
+our constitutional system has proved itself the most superbly enduring
+political mechanism the modern world has ever seen. It has met every stress of
+vast expansion of territory, of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife, of
+world relations.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+And it is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and legislative
+authority may be wholly equal—wholly adequate—to meet the unprecedented task
+before us. But it may be that an unprecedented demand and need for undelayed
+action may call for temporary departure from that normal balance of public
+procedure.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+I am prepared under my constitutional duty to recommend the measures that a
+stricken nation in the midst of a stricken world may require. These measures,
+or such other measures as the Congress may build out of its experience and
+wisdom, I shall seek, within my constitutional authority, to bring to speedy
+adoption.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+But in the event that the Congress shall fail to take one of these two courses,
+in the event that the national emergency is still critical, I shall not evade
+the clear course of duty that will then confront me. I shall ask the Congress
+for the one remaining instrument to meet the crisis—broad Executive power to
+wage a war against the emergency, as great as the power that would be given to
+me if we were in fact invaded by a foreign foe.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+For the trust reposed in me I will return the courage and the devotion that
+befit the time. I can do no less.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+We face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of national
+unity; with the clear consciousness of seeking old and precious moral values;
+with the clean satisfaction that comes from the stern performance of duty by
+old and young alike. We aim at the assurance of a rounded—a permanent—national
+life.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+We do not distrust the future of essential democracy. The people of the United
+States have not failed. In their need they have registered a mandate that they
+want direct, vigorous action. They have asked for discipline and direction
+under leadership. They have made me the present instrument of their wishes. In
+the spirit of the gift I take it.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+In this dedication of a Nation we humbly ask the blessing of God. May He
+protect each and every one of us. May He guide me in the days to come.
+</p>
+
+<div style='display:block; margin-top:4em'>*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK FDR’S FIRST INAUGURAL ADDRESS ***</div>
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+The Project Gutenberg EBook of Franklin Delano Roosevelt's First Inaugural
+Address, by Franklin Delano Roosevelt
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: Franklin Delano Roosevelt's First Inaugural Address
+
+Author: Franklin Delano Roosevelt
+
+Release Date: May 14, 2008 [EBook #104]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ASCII
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK FDR'S FIRST INAUGURAL ADDRESS ***
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+          Inaugural Address of Franklin Delano Roosevelt
+                    Given in Washington, D.C.
+                          March 4th, 1933
+
+
+President Hoover, Mr. Chief Justice, my friends:
+
+
+This is a day of national consecration, and I am certain that on this
+day my fellow Americans expect that on my induction into the Presidency
+I will address them with a candor and a decision which the present
+situation of our people impels. This is preeminently the time to speak
+the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly. Nor need we shrink from
+honestly facing conditions in our country today. This great Nation will
+endure as it has endured, will revive and will prosper. So, first of
+all, let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear
+is fear itself--nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror which
+paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. In every dark
+hour of our national life a leadership of frankness and of vigor has
+met with that understanding and support of the people themselves which
+is essential to victory. And I am convinced that you will again give
+that support to leadership in these critical days.
+
+In such a spirit on my part and on yours we face our common
+difficulties. They concern, thank God, only material things. Values
+have shrunk to fantastic levels; taxes have risen; our ability to pay
+has fallen; government of all kinds is faced by serious curtailment of
+income; the means of exchange are frozen in the currents of trade; the
+withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every side; farmers
+find no markets for their produce; and the savings of many years in
+thousands of families are gone.
+
+More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of
+existence, and an equally great number toil with little return. Only a
+foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment.
+
+And yet our distress comes from no failure of substance. We are
+stricken by no plague of locusts. Compared with the perils which our
+forefathers conquered because they believed and were not afraid, we
+have still much to be thankful for. Nature still offers her bounty and
+human efforts have multiplied it. Plenty is at our doorstep, but a
+generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the supply.
+Primarily this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind's goods
+have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own incompetence,
+have admitted their failure and have abdicated. Practices of the
+unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public
+opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men.
+
+True they have tried, but their efforts have been cast in the pattern
+of an outworn tradition. Faced by failure of credit they have proposed
+only the lending of more money. Stripped of the lure of profit by which
+to induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have
+resorted to exhortations, pleading tearfully for restored confidence.
+They only know the rules of a generation of self-seekers. They have no
+vision, and when there is no vision the people perish.
+
+Yes, the money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple
+of our civilization. We may now restore that temple to the ancient
+truths. The measure of that restoration lies in the extent to which we
+apply social values more noble than mere monetary profit.
+
+Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money; it lies in the joy
+of achievement, in the thrill of creative effort. The joy, the moral
+stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of
+evanescent profits. These dark days, my friends, will be worth all they
+cost us if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered
+unto but to minister to ourselves--to our fellow men.
+
+Recognition of that falsity of material wealth as the standard of
+success goes hand in hand with the abandonment of the false belief that
+public office and high political position are to be valued only by the
+standards of pride of place and personal profit; and there must be an
+end to a conduct in banking and in business which too often has given
+to a sacred trust the likeness of callous and selfish wrongdoing. Small
+wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrives only on honesty, on
+honor, on the sacredness of obligations, on faithful protection, and on
+unselfish performance; without them it cannot live.
+
+Restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone. This
+Nation is asking for action, and action now.
+
+Our greatest primary task is to put people to work. This is no
+unsolvable problem if we face it wisely and courageously. It can be
+accomplished in part by direct recruiting by the Government itself,
+treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war, but at the
+same time, through this employment, accomplishing greatly needed
+projects to stimulate and reorganize the use of our great natural
+resources.
+
+Hand in hand with that we must frankly recognize the overbalance of
+population in our industrial centers and, by engaging on a national
+scale in a redistribution, endeavor to provide a better use of the land
+for those best fitted for the land. Yes, the task can be helped by
+definite efforts to raise the values of agricultural products and with
+this the power to purchase the output of our cities. It can be helped
+by preventing realistically the tragedy of the growing loss through
+foreclosure of our small homes and our farms. It can be helped by
+insistence that the Federal, the State, and the local governments act
+forthwith on the demand that their cost be drastically reduced. It can
+be helped by the unifying of relief activities which today are often
+scattered, uneconomical, unequal. It can be helped by national planning
+for and supervision of all forms of transportation and of
+communications and other utilities that have a definitely public
+character. There are many ways in which it can be helped, but it can
+never be helped by merely talking about it. We must act; we must act
+quickly.
+
+And finally, in our progress towards a resumption of work we require
+two safeguards against a return of the evils of the old order; there
+must be a strict supervision of all banking and credits and
+investments; there must be an end to speculation with other people's
+money, and there must be provision for an adequate but sound currency.
+
+These, my friends, are the lines of attack. I shall presently urge
+upon a new Congress, in special session, detailed measures for their
+fulfillment, and I shall seek the immediate assistance of the
+forty-eight States.
+
+Through this program of action we address ourselves to putting our own
+national house in order and making income balance outgo. Our
+international trade relations, though vastly important, are in point of
+time and necessity secondary to the establishment of a sound national
+economy. I favor as a practical policy the putting of first things
+first. I shall spare no effort to restore world trade by international
+economic readjustment, but the emergency at home cannot wait on that
+accomplishment.
+
+The basic thought that guides these specific means of national
+recovery is not narrowly nationalistic. It is the insistence, as a
+first consideration, upon the interdependence of the various elements
+in and parts of the United States of America--a recognition of the old
+and permanently important manifestation of the American spirit of the
+pioneer. It is the way to recovery. It is the immediate way. It is the
+strongest assurance that recovery will endure.
+
+In the field of world policy I would dedicate this Nation to the
+policy of the good neighbor--the neighbor who resolutely respects
+himself and, because he does so, respects the rights of others--the
+neighbor who respects his obligations and respects the sanctity of his
+agreements in and with a world of neighbors.
+
+If I read the temper of our people correctly, we now realize as we
+have never realized before our interdependence on each other; that we
+cannot merely take but we must give as well; that if we are to go
+forward, we must move as a trained and loyal army willing to sacrifice
+for the good of a common discipline, because without such discipline no
+progress can be made, no leadership becomes effective. We are, I know,
+ready and willing to submit our lives and our property to such
+discipline, because it makes possible a leadership which aims at the
+larger good. This I propose to offer, pledging that the larger purposes
+will bind upon us--bind upon us all--as a sacred obligation with a
+unity of duty hitherto evoked only in times of armed strife.
+
+With this pledge taken, I assume unhesitatingly the leadership of this
+great army of our people dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our
+common problems.
+
+Action in this image--action to this end--is feasible under the form
+of government which we have inherited from our ancestors. Our
+Constitution is so simple, so practical that it is possible always to
+meet extraordinary needs by changes in emphasis and arrangement without
+loss of essential form. That is why our constitutional system has
+proved itself the most superbly enduring political mechanism the modern
+world has ever seen. It has met every stress of vast expansion of
+territory, of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife, of world
+relations.
+
+And it is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and
+legislative authority may be wholly equal--wholly adequate--to meet the
+unprecedented task before us. But it may be that an unprecedented
+demand and need for undelayed action may call for temporary departure
+from that normal balance of public procedure.
+
+I am prepared under my constitutional duty to recommend the measures
+that a stricken nation in the midst of a stricken world may require.
+These measures, or such other measures as the Congress may build out of
+its experience and wisdom, I shall seek, within my constitutional
+authority, to bring to speedy adoption.
+
+But in the event that the Congress shall fail to take one of these two
+courses, in the event that the national emergency is still critical, I
+shall not evade the clear course of duty that will then confront me. I
+shall ask the Congress for the one remaining instrument to meet the
+crisis--broad Executive power to wage a war against the emergency, as
+great as the power that would be given to me if we were in fact invaded
+by a foreign foe.
+
+For the trust reposed in me I will return the courage and the devotion
+that befit the time. I can do no less.
+
+We face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of
+national unity; with the clear consciousness of seeking old and
+precious moral values; with the clean satisfaction that comes from the
+stern performance of duty by old and young alike. We aim at the
+assurance of a rounded--a permanent--national life.
+
+We do not distrust the future of essential democracy. The people of
+the United States have not failed. In their need they have registered a
+mandate that they want direct, vigorous action. They have asked for
+discipline and direction under leadership. They have made me the
+present instrument of their wishes. In the spirit of the gift I take it.
+
+In this dedication of a Nation we humbly ask the blessing of God. May
+He protect each and every one of us. May He guide me in the days to
+come.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Franklin Delano Roosevelt's First
+Inaugural Address, by Franklin Delano Roosevelt
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+*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK FDR'S FIRST INAUGURAL ADDRESS ***
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+
+
+        Inaugural Speech of Franklin Delano Roosevelt
+                  Given in Washington, D.C.
+                       March 4th, 1933
+
+
+President Hoover, Mr. Chief Justice, my friends:
+
+  This is a day of national consecration, and I am certain 
+that my fellow-Americans expect that on my induction into the 
+Presidency I will address them with a candor and a decision which 
+the present situation of our nation impels.
+
+This is pre-eminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth,
+frankly and boldly.  Nor need we shrink from honestly facing conditions
+in our country today.  This great nation will endure as it has endured,
+will revive and will prosper.
+
+So first of all let me assert my firm belief that
+the only thing we have to fear. . .is fear itself. . .
+nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes
+needed efforts to convert retreat into advance.
+
+In every dark hour of our national life a leadership
+of frankness and vigor has met with that understanding
+and support of the people themselves which is essential to victory.
+I am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership
+in these critical days.
+In such a spirit on my part and on yours we face our 
+common difficulties.  They concern, thank God, only material things.
+Values have shrunken to fantastic levels:  taxes have risen,
+our ability to pay has fallen, government of all kinds is faced by
+serious curtailment of income, the means of exchange are frozen
+in the currents of trade, the withered leaves of industrial enterprise
+lie on every side, farmers find no markets for their produce,
+the savings of many years in thousands of families are gone.
+
+More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem
+of existence, and an equally great number toil with little return.
+Only a foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment.
+
+Yet our distress comes from no failure of substance.
+We are stricken by no plague of locusts.  Compared with
+the perils which our forefathers conquered because they believed
+and were not afraid, we have still much to be thankful for.
+Nature still offers her bounty and human efforts have multiplied it.
+Plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishes
+in the very sight of the supply.
+
+Primarily, this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind's goods
+have failed through their own stubbornness and their own incompetence,
+have admitted their failures and abdicated.  Practices of the
+unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public opinion,
+rejected by the hearts and minds of men.
+
+True, they have tried, but their efforts have been cast 
+in the pattern of an outworn tradition.  Faced by failure
+of credit, they have proposed only the lending of more money.
+
+Stripped of the lure of profit by which to induce our people
+to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortations,
+pleading tearfully for restored conditions.  They know only the rules
+of a generation of self-seekers.
+
+They have no vision, and when there is no vision the people perish.
+
+The money changers have fled their high seats in the temple
+of our civilization.  We may now restore that temple
+to the ancient truths.
+
+The measure of the restoration lies in the extent to which
+we apply social values more noble than mere monetary profit.
+
+Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money, it lies
+in the joy of achievement, in the thrill of creative effort.
+
+The joy and moral stimulation of work no longer
+must be forgotten in the mad chase of evanescent profits.
+These dark days will be worth all they cost us if they
+teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered unto
+but to minister to ourselves and to our fellow-men.
+
+Recognition of the falsity of material wealth as the standard
+of success goes hand in hand with the abandonment of the false
+belief that public office and high political position are to be values
+only by the standards of pride of place and personal profit,
+and there must be an end to a conduct in banking and in business
+which too often has given to a sacred trust the likeness 
+of callous and selfish wrongdoing.
+
+Small wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrives only on honesty,
+on honor, on the sacredness of obligations, on faithful protection,
+on unselfish performance.  Without them it cannot live.
+
+Restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone.
+This nation asks for action, and action now.
+
+Our greatest primary task is to put people to work.  This is
+no unsolvable problem if we face it wisely and courageously.
+
+It can be accompanied in part by direct recruiting by the 
+government itself, treating the task as we would treat the 
+emergency of a war, but at the same time, through this 
+employment, accomplishing greatly needed projects to stimulate 
+and reorganize the use of our national resources.
+
+Hand in hand with this, we must frankly recognize the over-balance
+of population in our industrial centers and, by engaging on a national
+scale in a redistribution, endeavor to provide a better use of the land
+for those best fitted for the land.
+
+The task can be helped by definite efforts to raise the values
+of agricultural products and with this the power to purchase
+the output of our cities.
+
+It can be helped by preventing realistically the tragedy 
+of the growing loss, through foreclosure, of our small homes
+and our farms.
+
+It can be helped by insistence that the Federal, State, and
+local governments act forthwith on the demand that their cost 
+be drastically reduced.
+
+It can be helped by the unifying of relief activities which today
+are often scattered, uneconomical and unequal.  It can be helped
+by national planning for and supervision of all forms of transportation
+and of communications and other utilities which have a definitely
+public character.
+
+There are many ways in which it can be helped, but it can never
+be helped merely by talking about it.  We must act, and act quickly.
+
+Finally, in our progress toward a resumption of work we require
+two safeguards against a return of the evils of the old order:
+there must be a strict supervision of all banking and credits and investments;
+there must be an end to speculation with other people's money, and there must
+be provision for an adequate but sound currency.
+
+These are the lines of attack.  I shall presently urge upon a new Congress
+in special session detailed measures for their fulfillment, and I shall seek
+the immediate assistance of the several States.
+
+Through this program of action we address ourselves to putting
+our own national house in order and making income balance outgo.
+
+Our international trade relations, though vastly important,
+are, to point in time and necessity, secondary to the establishment
+of a sound national economy.
+
+I favor as a practical policy the putting of first things first.
+I shall spare no effort to restore world trade by international economic
+readjustment, but the emergency at home cannot wait on that accomplishment.
+
+The basic thought that guides these specific means of national recovery
+is not narrowly nationalistic.
+
+It is the insistence, as a first consideration, upon the interdependence
+of the various elements in and parts of the United States. . .
+a recognition of the old and permanently important manifestation
+of the American spirit of the pioneer.
+
+It is the way to recovery.  It is the immediate way.  It is the strongest
+assurance that the recovery will endure.
+
+In the field of world policy I would dedicate this nation to the policy
+of the good neighbor. . .the neighbor who resolutely respects himself and,
+because he does so, respects the rights of others. . .the neighbor
+who respects his obligations and respects the sanctity of his agreements
+in and with a world of neighbors.
+
+If I read the temper of our people correctly, we now realize,
+as we have never realized before, our interdependence on each other:
+that we cannot merely take, but we must give as well,
+that if we are to go forward we must move as a trained and loyal 
+army willing to sacrifice for the good of a common discipline, 
+because, without such discipline, no progress is made,
+no leadership becomes effective.
+
+We are, I know, ready and willing to submit our lives and property
+to such discipline because it makes possibly a leadership which aims
+at a larger good.
+
+This I propose to offer, pledging that the larger purposes
+will hind upon us all as a sacred obligation with a unity
+of duty hitherto evoked only in time of armed strife.
+
+With this pledge taken, I assume unhesitatingly the leadership of this great
+army of our people, dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our common problems.
+
+Action in this image and to this end is feasible under the form of government
+which we have inherited from our ancestors.
+
+Our Constitution is so simple and practical that it is possible
+always to meet extraordinary needs by changes in emphasis
+and arrangement without loss of essential form.
+
+That is why our constitutional system has proved itself 
+the most superbly enduring political mechanism the modern world 
+has produced.  It has met every stress of vast expansion of territory,
+of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife, of world relations.
+
+It is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive 
+and legislative authority may be wholly adequate to meet
+the unprecedented task before us.  But it may be that an 
+unprecedented demand and need for undelayed action may call
+for temporary departure from that normal balance of public procedure.
+
+I am prepared under my constitutional duty to recommend the measures
+that a stricken nation in the midst of a stricken world may require.
+
+But in the event that the Congress shall fail to take one of these courses,
+and in the event that the national emergency is still critical,
+I shall not evade the clear course of duty that will then confront me.
+
+I shall ask the Congress for the one remaining instrument 
+to meet the crisis. . .broad executive power to wage a war
+against the emergency as great as the power that would be given
+to me if we were in fact invaded by a foreign foe.
+
+For the trust reposed in me I will return the courage
+and the devotion that befit the time.  I can do no less.
+
+We face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm 
+courage of national unity, with the clear consciousness
+of seeking old and precious moral values, with the clean 
+satisfaction that comes from the stern performance of duty
+by old and young alike.
+
+We aim at the assurance of a rounded and permanent national life.
+
+We do not distrust the future of essential democracy.  
+The people of the United States have not failed.
+In their need they have registered a mandate
+that they want direct, vigorous action.
+
+They have asked for discipline and direction under leadership.
+They have made me the present instrument of their wishes.
+In the spirit of the gift I will take it.
+
+In this dedication of a nation we humbly ask the blessing of God.
+May He protect each and every one of us!  May He guide me in the
+days to come!
+
+***
+End of the Project Gutenberg Edition of:
+
+President Franklin Delano Roosevelt's First Inaugural Speech
+
+
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+The Project Gutenberg EBook of Franklin Delano Roosevelt�s First
+Inaugural Address
+
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+
+
+Title: Franklin Delano Roosevelt's First Inaugural Address
+
+Author: Franklin Delano Roosevelt
+
+Release Date: February, 1994 [Etext #104]
+[Yes, we are more than one year ahead of schedule]
+[This file was last updated on March 22, 2003]
+
+Edition: 11
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ASCII
+
+*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK OF FDR'S FIRST INAUGURAL ADDRESS ***
+
+
+Additional editing by Jose Menendez.
+
+
+
+
+          Inaugural Address of Franklin Delano Roosevelt
+                    Given in Washington, D.C.
+                          March 4th, 1933
+
+
+President Hoover, Mr. Chief Justice, my friends:
+
+
+This is a day of national consecration, and I am certain that on this
+day my fellow Americans expect that on my induction into the Presidency
+I will address them with a candor and a decision which the present
+situation of our people impels. This is preeminently the time to speak
+the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly. Nor need we shrink from
+honestly facing conditions in our country today. This great Nation will
+endure as it has endured, will revive and will prosper. So, first of
+all, let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear
+is fear itself--nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror which
+paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. In every dark
+hour of our national life a leadership of frankness and of vigor has
+met with that understanding and support of the people themselves which
+is essential to victory. And I am convinced that you will again give
+that support to leadership in these critical days.
+
+In such a spirit on my part and on yours we face our common
+difficulties. They concern, thank God, only material things. Values
+have shrunk to fantastic levels; taxes have risen; our ability to pay
+has fallen; government of all kinds is faced by serious curtailment of
+income; the means of exchange are frozen in the currents of trade; the
+withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every side; farmers
+find no markets for their produce; and the savings of many years in
+thousands of families are gone.
+
+More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of
+existence, and an equally great number toil with little return. Only a
+foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment.
+
+And yet our distress comes from no failure of substance. We are
+stricken by no plague of locusts. Compared with the perils which our
+forefathers conquered because they believed and were not afraid, we
+have still much to be thankful for. Nature still offers her bounty and
+human efforts have multiplied it. Plenty is at our doorstep, but a
+generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the supply.
+Primarily this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind's goods
+have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own incompetence,
+have admitted their failure and have abdicated. Practices of the
+unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public
+opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men.
+
+True they have tried, but their efforts have been cast in the pattern
+of an outworn tradition. Faced by failure of credit they have proposed
+only the lending of more money. Stripped of the lure of profit by which
+to induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have
+resorted to exhortations, pleading tearfully for restored confidence.
+They only know the rules of a generation of self-seekers. They have no
+vision, and when there is no vision the people perish.
+
+Yes, the money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple
+of our civilization. We may now restore that temple to the ancient
+truths. The measure of that restoration lies in the extent to which we
+apply social values more noble than mere monetary profit.
+
+Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money; it lies in the joy
+of achievement, in the thrill of creative effort. The joy, the moral
+stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of
+evanescent profits. These dark days, my friends, will be worth all they
+cost us if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered
+unto but to minister to ourselves--to our fellow men.
+
+Recognition of that falsity of material wealth as the standard of
+success goes hand in hand with the abandonment of the false belief that
+public office and high political position are to be valued only by the
+standards of pride of place and personal profit; and there must be an
+end to a conduct in banking and in business which too often has given
+to a sacred trust the likeness of callous and selfish wrongdoing. Small
+wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrives only on honesty, on
+honor, on the sacredness of obligations, on faithful protection, and on
+unselfish performance; without them it cannot live.
+
+Restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone. This
+Nation is asking for action, and action now.
+
+Our greatest primary task is to put people to work. This is no
+unsolvable problem if we face it wisely and courageously. It can be
+accomplished in part by direct recruiting by the Government itself,
+treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war, but at the
+same time, through this employment, accomplishing greatly needed
+projects to stimulate and reorganize the use of our great natural
+resources.
+
+Hand in hand with that we must frankly recognize the overbalance of
+population in our industrial centers and, by engaging on a national
+scale in a redistribution, endeavor to provide a better use of the land
+for those best fitted for the land. Yes, the task can be helped by
+definite efforts to raise the values of agricultural products and with
+this the power to purchase the output of our cities. It can be helped
+by preventing realistically the tragedy of the growing loss through
+foreclosure of our small homes and our farms. It can be helped by
+insistence that the Federal, the State, and the local governments act
+forthwith on the demand that their cost be drastically reduced. It can
+be helped by the unifying of relief activities which today are often
+scattered, uneconomical, unequal. It can be helped by national planning
+for and supervision of all forms of transportation and of
+communications and other utilities that have a definitely public
+character. There are many ways in which it can be helped, but it can
+never be helped by merely talking about it. We must act; we must act
+quickly.
+
+And finally, in our progress towards a resumption of work we require
+two safeguards against a return of the evils of the old order; there
+must be a strict supervision of all banking and credits and
+investments; there must be an end to speculation with other people's
+money, and there must be provision for an adequate but sound currency.
+
+These, my friends, are the lines of attack. I shall presently urge
+upon a new Congress, in special session, detailed measures for their
+fulfillment, and I shall seek the immediate assistance of the
+forty-eight States.
+
+Through this program of action we address ourselves to putting our own
+national house in order and making income balance outgo. Our
+international trade relations, though vastly important, are in point of
+time and necessity secondary to the establishment of a sound national
+economy. I favor as a practical policy the putting of first things
+first. I shall spare no effort to restore world trade by international
+economic readjustment, but the emergency at home cannot wait on that
+accomplishment.
+
+The basic thought that guides these specific means of national
+recovery is not narrowly nationalistic. It is the insistence, as a
+first consideration, upon the interdependence of the various elements
+in and parts of the United States of America--a recognition of the old
+and permanently important manifestation of the American spirit of the
+pioneer. It is the way to recovery. It is the immediate way. It is the
+strongest assurance that recovery will endure.
+
+In the field of world policy I would dedicate this Nation to the
+policy of the good neighbor--the neighbor who resolutely respects
+himself and, because he does so, respects the rights of others--the
+neighbor who respects his obligations and respects the sanctity of his
+agreements in and with a world of neighbors.
+
+If I read the temper of our people correctly, we now realize as we
+have never realized before our interdependence on each other; that we
+cannot merely take but we must give as well; that if we are to go
+forward, we must move as a trained and loyal army willing to sacrifice
+for the good of a common discipline, because without such discipline no
+progress can be made, no leadership becomes effective. We are, I know,
+ready and willing to submit our lives and our property to such
+discipline, because it makes possible a leadership which aims at the
+larger good. This I propose to offer, pledging that the larger purposes
+will bind upon us--bind upon us all--as a sacred obligation with a
+unity of duty hitherto evoked only in times of armed strife.
+
+With this pledge taken, I assume unhesitatingly the leadership of this
+great army of our people dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our
+common problems.
+
+Action in this image--action to this end--is feasible under the form
+of government which we have inherited from our ancestors. Our
+Constitution is so simple, so practical that it is possible always to
+meet extraordinary needs by changes in emphasis and arrangement without
+loss of essential form. That is why our constitutional system has
+proved itself the most superbly enduring political mechanism the modern
+world has ever seen. It has met every stress of vast expansion of
+territory, of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife, of world
+relations.
+
+And it is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and
+legislative authority may be wholly equal--wholly adequate--to meet the
+unprecedented task before us. But it may be that an unprecedented
+demand and need for undelayed action may call for temporary departure
+from that normal balance of public procedure.
+
+I am prepared under my constitutional duty to recommend the measures
+that a stricken nation in the midst of a stricken world may require.
+These measures, or such other measures as the Congress may build out of
+its experience and wisdom, I shall seek, within my constitutional
+authority, to bring to speedy adoption.
+
+But in the event that the Congress shall fail to take one of these two
+courses, in the event that the national emergency is still critical, I
+shall not evade the clear course of duty that will then confront me. I
+shall ask the Congress for the one remaining instrument to meet the
+crisis--broad Executive power to wage a war against the emergency, as
+great as the power that would be given to me if we were in fact invaded
+by a foreign foe.
+
+For the trust reposed in me I will return the courage and the devotion
+that befit the time. I can do no less.
+
+We face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of
+national unity; with the clear consciousness of seeking old and
+precious moral values; with the clean satisfaction that comes from the
+stern performance of duty by old and young alike. We aim at the
+assurance of a rounded--a permanent--national life.
+
+We do not distrust the future of essential democracy. The people of
+the United States have not failed. In their need they have registered a
+mandate that they want direct, vigorous action. They have asked for
+discipline and direction under leadership. They have made me the
+present instrument of their wishes. In the spirit of the gift I take it.
+
+In this dedication of a Nation we humbly ask the blessing of God. May
+He protect each and every one of us. May He guide me in the days to
+come.
+
+
+
+*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK OF FDR'S FIRST INAUGURAL ADDRESS ***
+
+This file should be named fdr11.txt or fdr11.zip
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+<TITLE>The Project Gutenberg eBook Franklin Delano Roosevelt's First Inaugural Address</TITLE>
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+<center><h1>The Project Gutenberg EBook of<br><a href="#title">Franklin Delano Roosevelt&#8217;s<br>First Inaugural Address</a></h1>
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+<p class="pg">
+Title: Franklin Delano Roosevelt&#8217;s First Inaugural Address
+<p class="pg">
+Author: Franklin Delano Roosevelt
+<p class="pg">
+Release Date: February, 1994  [Etext #104]
+<br>[Yes, we are more than one year ahead of schedule]
+<br>[This HTML edition was first posted on March 22, 2003]
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+Edition: 11
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+Language: English
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+Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1
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+*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK, FDR&#8217;S FIRST INAUGURAL ADDRESS ***
+<p class="pg" align="center"><br><br>
+HTML formatting and additional editing by Jose Menendez.
+<br><br><br><br></DIV>
+<DIV class="book">
+<a name="title"></a><hr size="3" noshade><br><br>
+<center>
+<h1>INAUGURAL ADDRESS</h1><h3>OF</h3><h2>FRANKLIN DELANO ROOSEVELT</h2>
+<br><br><h3>Given in Washington, D.C.<br>
+March 4th, 1933</h3><br>
+<hr size="3" noshade></center>
+<p><br>
+President Hoover, Mr. Chief Justice, my friends:
+<br><br><p>
+This is a day of national consecration, and I am certain that on this
+day my fellow Americans expect that on my induction into the Presidency
+I will address them with a candor and a decision which the present
+situation of our people impels. This is preeminently the time to speak
+the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly. Nor need we shrink
+from honestly facing conditions in our country today. This great
+Nation will endure as it has endured, will revive and will prosper. So,
+first of all, let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have
+to fear is fear itself&#8212;nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror which
+paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. In every dark
+hour of our national life a leadership of frankness and of vigor has
+met with that understanding and support of the people themselves which
+is essential to victory. And I am convinced that you will again give
+that support to leadership in these critical days.
+<p>
+In such a spirit on my part and on yours we face our common
+difficulties. They concern, thank God, only material things. Values
+have shrunk to fantastic levels; taxes have risen; our ability to pay
+has fallen; government of all kinds is faced by serious curtailment of
+income; the means of exchange are frozen in the currents of trade; the
+withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every side; farmers
+find no markets for their produce; and the savings of many years in
+thousands of families are gone.
+<p>
+More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of
+existence, and an equally great number toil with little return. Only a
+foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment.
+<p>
+And yet our distress comes from no failure of substance. We are
+stricken by no plague of locusts. Compared with the perils which our
+forefathers conquered because they believed and were not afraid, we
+have still much to be thankful for. Nature still offers her bounty and
+human efforts have multiplied it. Plenty is at our doorstep, but a
+generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the supply.
+Primarily this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind&#8217;s
+goods have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own
+incompetence, have admitted their failure and have abdicated.
+Practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the
+court of public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men.
+<p>
+True they have tried, but their efforts have been cast in the pattern
+of an outworn tradition. Faced by failure of credit they have
+proposed only the lending of more money. Stripped of the lure of profit
+by which to induce our people to follow their false leadership, they
+have resorted to exhortations, pleading tearfully for restored
+confidence. They only know the rules of a generation of self-seekers.
+They have no vision, and when there is no vision the people perish.
+<p>
+Yes, the money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple
+of our civilization. We may now restore that temple to the ancient
+truths. The measure of that restoration lies in the extent to which we
+apply social values more noble than mere monetary profit.
+<p>
+Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money; it lies in the joy
+of achievement, in the thrill of creative effort. The joy, the moral
+stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of
+evanescent profits. These dark days, my friends, will be worth all they cost us if
+they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered unto but to
+minister to ourselves&#8212;to our fellow men.
+<p>
+Recognition of that falsity of material wealth as the standard of
+success goes hand in hand with the abandonment of the false belief that
+public office and high political position are to be valued only by the
+standards of pride of place and personal profit; and there must be an
+end to a conduct in banking and in business which too often has given
+to a sacred trust the likeness of callous and selfish wrongdoing. Small
+wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrives only on honesty, on
+honor, on the sacredness of obligations, on faithful protection, and on
+unselfish performance; without them it cannot live.
+<p>
+Restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone. This
+Nation is asking for action, and action now.
+<p>
+Our greatest primary task is to put people to work. This is no
+unsolvable problem if we face it wisely and courageously. It can be
+accomplished in part by direct recruiting by the Government itself,
+treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war, but at the
+same time, through this employment, accomplishing greatly needed
+projects to stimulate and reorganize the use of our great natural
+resources.
+<p>
+Hand in hand with that we must frankly recognize the overbalance of
+population in our industrial centers and, by engaging on a national
+scale in a redistribution, endeavor to provide a better use of the land
+for those best fitted for the land. Yes, the task can be helped by
+definite efforts to raise the values of agricultural products and with
+this the power to purchase the output of our cities. It can be helped
+by preventing realistically the tragedy of the growing loss through
+foreclosure of our small homes and our farms. It can be helped by
+insistence that the Federal, the State, and the local governments act
+forthwith on the demand that their cost be drastically reduced. It can
+be helped by the unifying of relief activities which today are often
+scattered, uneconomical, unequal. It can be helped by national
+planning for and supervision of all forms of transportation and of
+communications and other utilities that have a definitely public
+character. There are many ways in which it can be helped, but it can
+never be helped by merely talking about it. We must act; we must act
+quickly.
+<p>
+And finally, in our progress towards a resumption of work we require
+two safeguards against a return of the evils of the old order; there
+must be a strict supervision of all banking and credits and
+investments; there must be an end to speculation with other people&#8217;s
+money, and there must be provision for an adequate but sound currency.
+<p>
+These, my friends, are the lines of attack. I shall presently urge
+upon a new Congress, in special session, detailed measures for their
+fulfillment, and I shall seek the immediate assistance of the forty-eight
+States.
+<p>
+Through this program of action we address ourselves to putting our own
+national house in order and making income balance outgo. Our international
+trade relations, though vastly important, are in point of time and
+necessity secondary to the establishment of a sound national economy.
+I favor as a practical policy the putting of first things first. I shall
+spare no effort to restore world trade by international economic
+readjustment, but the emergency at home cannot wait on that accomplishment.
+<p>
+The basic thought that guides these specific means of national
+recovery is not narrowly nationalistic. It is the insistence, as a
+first consideration, upon the interdependence of the various elements
+in and parts of the United States of America&#8212;a recognition of the old
+and permanently important manifestation of the American spirit of the
+pioneer. It is the way to recovery. It is the immediate way. It is
+the strongest assurance that recovery will endure.
+<p>
+In the field of world policy I would dedicate this Nation to the
+policy of the good neighbor&#8212;the neighbor who resolutely respects
+himself and, because he does so, respects the rights of others&#8212;the
+neighbor who respects his obligations and respects the sanctity of his
+agreements in and with a world of neighbors.
+<p>
+If I read the temper of our people correctly, we now realize as we
+have never realized before our interdependence on each other; that we
+cannot merely take but we must give as well; that if we are to go
+forward, we must move as a trained and loyal army willing to sacrifice
+for the good of a common discipline, because without such discipline no
+progress can be made, no leadership becomes effective. We are, I know,
+ready and willing to submit our lives and our property to such
+discipline, because it makes possible a leadership which aims at the
+larger good. This I propose to offer, pledging that the larger purposes
+will bind upon us&#8212;bind upon us all&#8212;as a sacred obligation with a
+unity of duty hitherto evoked only in times of armed strife.
+<p>
+With this pledge taken, I assume unhesitatingly the leadership of this
+great army of our people dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our
+common problems.
+<p>
+Action in this image&#8212;action to this end&#8212;is feasible under the form
+of government which we have inherited from our ancestors. Our
+Constitution is so simple, so practical that it is possible always to
+meet extraordinary needs by changes in emphasis and arrangement without
+loss of essential form. That is why our constitutional system has
+proved itself the most superbly enduring political mechanism the modern
+world has ever seen. It has met every stress of vast expansion of
+territory, of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife, of world
+relations.
+<p>
+And it is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and
+legislative authority may be wholly equal&#8212;wholly adequate&#8212;to meet the
+unprecedented task before us. But it may be that an unprecedented
+demand and need for undelayed action may call for temporary departure
+from that normal balance of public procedure.
+<p>
+I am prepared under my constitutional duty to recommend the measures
+that a stricken nation in the midst of a stricken world may require.
+These measures, or such other measures as the Congress may build out of
+its experience and wisdom, I shall seek, within my constitutional
+authority, to bring to speedy adoption.
+<p>
+But in the event that the Congress shall fail to take one of these two
+courses, in the event that the national emergency is still critical, I
+shall not evade the clear course of duty that will then confront me. I
+shall ask the Congress for the one remaining instrument to meet the
+crisis&#8212;broad Executive power to wage a war against the emergency, as
+great as the power that would be given to me if we were in fact invaded
+by a foreign foe.
+<p>
+For the trust reposed in me I will return the courage and the devotion
+that befit the time. I can do no less.
+<p>
+We face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of
+national unity; with the clear consciousness of seeking old and
+precious moral values; with the clean satisfaction that comes from the
+stern performance of duty by old and young alike. We aim at the
+assurance of a rounded&#8212;a permanent&#8212;national life.
+<p>
+We do not distrust the future of essential democracy. The people of
+the United States have not failed. In their need they have registered a
+mandate that they want direct, vigorous action. They have asked for
+discipline and direction under leadership. They have made me the
+present instrument of their wishes. In the spirit of the gift I take it.
+<p>
+In this dedication of a Nation we humbly ask the blessing of God. May
+He protect each and every one of us. May He guide me in the days to
+come.
+<br><br><hr size="3" noshade></DIV>
+<br><DIV align="justify">
+<a name="footer">*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK, FDR&#8217;S FIRST INAUGURAL ADDRESS ***</a>
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