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diff --git a/.gitattributes b/.gitattributes new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6833f05 --- /dev/null +++ b/.gitattributes @@ -0,0 +1,3 @@ +* text=auto +*.txt text +*.md text diff --git a/104-0.txt b/104-0.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..cec0065 --- /dev/null +++ b/104-0.txt @@ -0,0 +1,209 @@ +*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 104 *** + + Inaugural Address of Franklin Delano Roosevelt + Given in Washington, D.C. + March 4th, 1933 + + +President Hoover, Mr. Chief Justice, my friends: + + +This is a day of national consecration, and I am certain that on this +day my fellow Americans expect that on my induction into the Presidency +I will address them with a candor and a decision which the present +situation of our people impels. This is preeminently the time to speak +the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly. Nor need we shrink from +honestly facing conditions in our country today. This great Nation will +endure as it has endured, will revive and will prosper. So, first of +all, let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear +is fear itself—nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror which +paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. In every dark +hour of our national life a leadership of frankness and of vigor has +met with that understanding and support of the people themselves which +is essential to victory. And I am convinced that you will again give +that support to leadership in these critical days. + +In such a spirit on my part and on yours we face our common +difficulties. They concern, thank God, only material things. Values +have shrunk to fantastic levels; taxes have risen; our ability to pay +has fallen; government of all kinds is faced by serious curtailment of +income; the means of exchange are frozen in the currents of trade; the +withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every side; farmers +find no markets for their produce; and the savings of many years in +thousands of families are gone. + +More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of +existence, and an equally great number toil with little return. Only a +foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment. + +And yet our distress comes from no failure of substance. We are +stricken by no plague of locusts. Compared with the perils which our +forefathers conquered because they believed and were not afraid, we +have still much to be thankful for. Nature still offers her bounty and +human efforts have multiplied it. Plenty is at our doorstep, but a +generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the supply. +Primarily this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind’s goods +have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own incompetence, +have admitted their failure and have abdicated. Practices of the +unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public +opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men. + +True they have tried, but their efforts have been cast in the pattern +of an outworn tradition. Faced by failure of credit they have proposed +only the lending of more money. Stripped of the lure of profit by which +to induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have +resorted to exhortations, pleading tearfully for restored confidence. +They only know the rules of a generation of self-seekers. They have no +vision, and when there is no vision the people perish. + +Yes, the money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple +of our civilization. We may now restore that temple to the ancient +truths. The measure of that restoration lies in the extent to which we +apply social values more noble than mere monetary profit. + +Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money; it lies in the joy +of achievement, in the thrill of creative effort. The joy, the moral +stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of +evanescent profits. These dark days, my friends, will be worth all they +cost us if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered +unto but to minister to ourselves—to our fellow men. + +Recognition of that falsity of material wealth as the standard of +success goes hand in hand with the abandonment of the false belief that +public office and high political position are to be valued only by the +standards of pride of place and personal profit; and there must be an +end to a conduct in banking and in business which too often has given +to a sacred trust the likeness of callous and selfish wrongdoing. Small +wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrives only on honesty, on +honor, on the sacredness of obligations, on faithful protection, and on +unselfish performance; without them it cannot live. + +Restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone. This +Nation is asking for action, and action now. + +Our greatest primary task is to put people to work. This is no +unsolvable problem if we face it wisely and courageously. It can be +accomplished in part by direct recruiting by the Government itself, +treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war, but at the +same time, through this employment, accomplishing greatly needed +projects to stimulate and reorganize the use of our great natural +resources. + +Hand in hand with that we must frankly recognize the overbalance of +population in our industrial centers and, by engaging on a national +scale in a redistribution, endeavor to provide a better use of the land +for those best fitted for the land. Yes, the task can be helped by +definite efforts to raise the values of agricultural products and with +this the power to purchase the output of our cities. It can be helped +by preventing realistically the tragedy of the growing loss through +foreclosure of our small homes and our farms. It can be helped by +insistence that the Federal, the State, and the local governments act +forthwith on the demand that their cost be drastically reduced. It can +be helped by the unifying of relief activities which today are often +scattered, uneconomical, unequal. It can be helped by national planning +for and supervision of all forms of transportation and of +communications and other utilities that have a definitely public +character. There are many ways in which it can be helped, but it can +never be helped by merely talking about it. We must act; we must act +quickly. + +And finally, in our progress towards a resumption of work we require +two safeguards against a return of the evils of the old order; there +must be a strict supervision of all banking and credits and +investments; there must be an end to speculation with other people’s +money, and there must be provision for an adequate but sound currency. + +These, my friends, are the lines of attack. I shall presently urge +upon a new Congress, in special session, detailed measures for their +fulfillment, and I shall seek the immediate assistance of the +forty-eight States. + +Through this program of action we address ourselves to putting our own +national house in order and making income balance outgo. Our +international trade relations, though vastly important, are in point of +time and necessity secondary to the establishment of a sound national +economy. I favor as a practical policy the putting of first things +first. I shall spare no effort to restore world trade by international +economic readjustment, but the emergency at home cannot wait on that +accomplishment. + +The basic thought that guides these specific means of national +recovery is not narrowly nationalistic. It is the insistence, as a +first consideration, upon the interdependence of the various elements +in and parts of the United States of America—a recognition of the old +and permanently important manifestation of the American spirit of the +pioneer. It is the way to recovery. It is the immediate way. It is the +strongest assurance that recovery will endure. + +In the field of world policy I would dedicate this Nation to the +policy of the good neighbor—the neighbor who resolutely respects +himself and, because he does so, respects the rights of others—the +neighbor who respects his obligations and respects the sanctity of his +agreements in and with a world of neighbors. + +If I read the temper of our people correctly, we now realize as we +have never realized before our interdependence on each other; that we +cannot merely take but we must give as well; that if we are to go +forward, we must move as a trained and loyal army willing to sacrifice +for the good of a common discipline, because without such discipline no +progress can be made, no leadership becomes effective. We are, I know, +ready and willing to submit our lives and our property to such +discipline, because it makes possible a leadership which aims at the +larger good. This I propose to offer, pledging that the larger purposes +will bind upon us—bind upon us all—as a sacred obligation with a +unity of duty hitherto evoked only in times of armed strife. + +With this pledge taken, I assume unhesitatingly the leadership of this +great army of our people dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our +common problems. + +Action in this image—action to this end—is feasible under the form +of government which we have inherited from our ancestors. Our +Constitution is so simple, so practical that it is possible always to +meet extraordinary needs by changes in emphasis and arrangement without +loss of essential form. That is why our constitutional system has +proved itself the most superbly enduring political mechanism the modern +world has ever seen. It has met every stress of vast expansion of +territory, of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife, of world +relations. + +And it is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and +legislative authority may be wholly equal—wholly adequate—to meet the +unprecedented task before us. But it may be that an unprecedented +demand and need for undelayed action may call for temporary departure +from that normal balance of public procedure. + +I am prepared under my constitutional duty to recommend the measures +that a stricken nation in the midst of a stricken world may require. +These measures, or such other measures as the Congress may build out of +its experience and wisdom, I shall seek, within my constitutional +authority, to bring to speedy adoption. + +But in the event that the Congress shall fail to take one of these two +courses, in the event that the national emergency is still critical, I +shall not evade the clear course of duty that will then confront me. I +shall ask the Congress for the one remaining instrument to meet the +crisis—broad Executive power to wage a war against the emergency, as +great as the power that would be given to me if we were in fact invaded +by a foreign foe. + +For the trust reposed in me I will return the courage and the devotion +that befit the time. I can do no less. + +We face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of +national unity; with the clear consciousness of seeking old and +precious moral values; with the clean satisfaction that comes from the +stern performance of duty by old and young alike. We aim at the +assurance of a rounded—a permanent—national life. + +We do not distrust the future of essential democracy. The people of +the United States have not failed. In their need they have registered a +mandate that they want direct, vigorous action. They have asked for +discipline and direction under leadership. They have made me the +present instrument of their wishes. In the spirit of the gift I take it. + +In this dedication of a Nation we humbly ask the blessing of God. May +He protect each and every one of us. May He guide me in the days to +come. + +*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 104 *** diff --git a/104-h/104-h.htm b/104-h/104-h.htm new file mode 100644 index 0000000..444de08 --- /dev/null +++ b/104-h/104-h.htm @@ -0,0 +1,299 @@ +<!DOCTYPE html PUBLIC "-//W3C//DTD XHTML 1.0 Strict//EN" +"http://www.w3.org/TR/xhtml1/DTD/xhtml1-strict.dtd"> +<html xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml" xml:lang="en" lang="en"> +<head> +<meta http-equiv="Content-Type" content="text/html;charset=UTF-8" /> +<meta http-equiv="Content-Style-Type" content="text/css" /> +<title>The Project Gutenberg eBook of Franklin Delano Roosevelt’s First Inaugural Address</title> + +<style type="text/css"> + +body { margin-left: 20%; + margin-right: 20%; + text-align: justify; } + +h1, h2, h3, h4, h5 {text-align: center; font-style: normal; font-weight: +normal; line-height: 1.5; margin-top: .5em; margin-bottom: .5em;} + +h1 {font-size: 300%; + margin-top: 0.6em; + margin-bottom: 0.6em; + letter-spacing: 0.12em; + word-spacing: 0.2em; + text-indent: 0em;} +h2 {font-size: 150%; margin-top: 2em; margin-bottom: 1em;} +h3 {font-size: 130%; margin-top: 1em;} +h4 {font-size: 120%;} +h5 {font-size: 110%;} + +p {text-indent: 1em; + margin-top: 0.25em; + margin-bottom: 0.25em; } + +p.noindent {text-indent: 0% } + +a:link {color:blue; text-decoration:none} +a:visited {color:blue; text-decoration:none} +a:hover {color:red} + +</style> + +</head> + +<body> +<div>*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 104 ***</div> + +<h1>Inaugural Address</h1> + +<h3>of</h3> + +<h2>Franklin Delano Roosevelt</h2> + +<h3>Given in Washington, D.C.<br/> +March 4th, 1933</h3> + +<hr /> + +<p class="noindent"> +President Hoover, Mr. Chief Justice, my friends: +</p> + +<p> +This is a day of national consecration, and I am certain that on this day my +fellow Americans expect that on my induction into the Presidency I will address +them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our people +impels. This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, +frankly and boldly. Nor need we shrink from honestly facing conditions in our +country today. This great Nation will endure as it has endured, will revive and +will prosper. So, first of all, let me assert my firm belief that the only +thing we have to fear is fear itself—nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror +which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. In every dark +hour of our national life a leadership of frankness and of vigor has met with +that understanding and support of the people themselves which is essential to +victory. And I am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership +in these critical days. +</p> + +<p> +In such a spirit on my part and on yours we face our common difficulties. They +concern, thank God, only material things. Values have shrunk to fantastic +levels; taxes have risen; our ability to pay has fallen; government of all +kinds is faced by serious curtailment of income; the means of exchange are +frozen in the currents of trade; the withered leaves of industrial enterprise +lie on every side; farmers find no markets for their produce; and the savings +of many years in thousands of families are gone. +</p> + +<p> +More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of +existence, and an equally great number toil with little return. Only a foolish +optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment. +</p> + +<p> +And yet our distress comes from no failure of substance. We are stricken by no +plague of locusts. Compared with the perils which our forefathers conquered +because they believed and were not afraid, we have still much to be thankful +for. Nature still offers her bounty and human efforts have multiplied it. +Plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishes in the very +sight of the supply. Primarily this is because the rulers of the exchange of +mankind’s goods have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own +incompetence, have admitted their failure and have abdicated. Practices of the +unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public opinion, +rejected by the hearts and minds of men. +</p> + +<p> +True they have tried, but their efforts have been cast in the pattern of an +outworn tradition. Faced by failure of credit they have proposed only the +lending of more money. Stripped of the lure of profit by which to induce our +people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortations, +pleading tearfully for restored confidence. They only know the rules of a +generation of self-seekers. They have no vision, and when there is no vision +the people perish. +</p> + +<p> +Yes, the money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our +civilization. We may now restore that temple to the ancient truths. The measure +of that restoration lies in the extent to which we apply social values more +noble than mere monetary profit. +</p> + +<p> +Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money; it lies in the joy of +achievement, in the thrill of creative effort. The joy, the moral stimulation +of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of evanescent profits. +These dark days, my friends, will be worth all they cost us if they teach us +that our true destiny is not to be ministered unto but to minister to +ourselves—to our fellow men. +</p> + +<p> +Recognition of that falsity of material wealth as the standard of success goes +hand in hand with the abandonment of the false belief that public office and +high political position are to be valued only by the standards of pride of +place and personal profit; and there must be an end to a conduct in banking and +in business which too often has given to a sacred trust the likeness of callous +and selfish wrongdoing. Small wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrives +only on honesty, on honor, on the sacredness of obligations, on faithful +protection, and on unselfish performance; without them it cannot live. +</p> + +<p> +Restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone. This Nation is +asking for action, and action now. +</p> + +<p> +Our greatest primary task is to put people to work. This is no unsolvable +problem if we face it wisely and courageously. It can be accomplished in part +by direct recruiting by the Government itself, treating the task as we would +treat the emergency of a war, but at the same time, through this employment, +accomplishing greatly needed projects to stimulate and reorganize the use of +our great natural resources. +</p> + +<p> +Hand in hand with that we must frankly recognize the overbalance of population +in our industrial centers and, by engaging on a national scale in a +redistribution, endeavor to provide a better use of the land for those best +fitted for the land. Yes, the task can be helped by definite efforts to raise +the values of agricultural products and with this the power to purchase the +output of our cities. It can be helped by preventing realistically the tragedy +of the growing loss through foreclosure of our small homes and our farms. It +can be helped by insistence that the Federal, the State, and the local +governments act forthwith on the demand that their cost be drastically reduced. +It can be helped by the unifying of relief activities which today are often +scattered, uneconomical, unequal. It can be helped by national planning for and +supervision of all forms of transportation and of communications and other +utilities that have a definitely public character. There are many ways in which +it can be helped, but it can never be helped by merely talking about it. We +must act; we must act quickly. +</p> + +<p> +And finally, in our progress towards a resumption of work we require two +safeguards against a return of the evils of the old order; there must be a +strict supervision of all banking and credits and investments; there must be an +end to speculation with other people’s money, and there must be provision for +an adequate but sound currency. +</p> + +<p> +These, my friends, are the lines of attack. I shall presently urge upon a new +Congress, in special session, detailed measures for their fulfillment, and I +shall seek the immediate assistance of the forty-eight States. +</p> + +<p> +Through this program of action we address ourselves to putting our own national +house in order and making income balance outgo. Our international trade +relations, though vastly important, are in point of time and necessity +secondary to the establishment of a sound national economy. I favor as a +practical policy the putting of first things first. I shall spare no effort to +restore world trade by international economic readjustment, but the emergency +at home cannot wait on that accomplishment. +</p> + +<p> +The basic thought that guides these specific means of national recovery is not +narrowly nationalistic. It is the insistence, as a first consideration, upon +the interdependence of the various elements in and parts of the United States +of America—a recognition of the old and permanently important manifestation of +the American spirit of the pioneer. It is the way to recovery. It is the +immediate way. It is the strongest assurance that recovery will endure. +</p> + +<p> +In the field of world policy I would dedicate this Nation to the policy of the +good neighbor—the neighbor who resolutely respects himself and, because he does +so, respects the rights of others—the neighbor who respects his obligations and +respects the sanctity of his agreements in and with a world of neighbors. +</p> + +<p> +If I read the temper of our people correctly, we now realize as we have never +realized before our interdependence on each other; that we cannot merely take +but we must give as well; that if we are to go forward, we must move as a +trained and loyal army willing to sacrifice for the good of a common +discipline, because without such discipline no progress can be made, no +leadership becomes effective. We are, I know, ready and willing to submit our +lives and our property to such discipline, because it makes possible a +leadership which aims at the larger good. This I propose to offer, pledging +that the larger purposes will bind upon us—bind upon us all—as a sacred +obligation with a unity of duty hitherto evoked only in times of armed strife. +</p> + +<p> +With this pledge taken, I assume unhesitatingly the leadership of this great +army of our people dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our common problems. +</p> + +<p> +Action in this image—action to this end—is feasible under the form of +government which we have inherited from our ancestors. Our Constitution is so +simple, so practical that it is possible always to meet extraordinary needs by +changes in emphasis and arrangement without loss of essential form. That is why +our constitutional system has proved itself the most superbly enduring +political mechanism the modern world has ever seen. It has met every stress of +vast expansion of territory, of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife, of +world relations. +</p> + +<p> +And it is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and legislative +authority may be wholly equal—wholly adequate—to meet the unprecedented task +before us. But it may be that an unprecedented demand and need for undelayed +action may call for temporary departure from that normal balance of public +procedure. +</p> + +<p> +I am prepared under my constitutional duty to recommend the measures that a +stricken nation in the midst of a stricken world may require. These measures, +or such other measures as the Congress may build out of its experience and +wisdom, I shall seek, within my constitutional authority, to bring to speedy +adoption. +</p> + +<p> +But in the event that the Congress shall fail to take one of these two courses, +in the event that the national emergency is still critical, I shall not evade +the clear course of duty that will then confront me. I shall ask the Congress +for the one remaining instrument to meet the crisis—broad Executive power to +wage a war against the emergency, as great as the power that would be given to +me if we were in fact invaded by a foreign foe. +</p> + +<p> +For the trust reposed in me I will return the courage and the devotion that +befit the time. I can do no less. +</p> + +<p> +We face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of national +unity; with the clear consciousness of seeking old and precious moral values; +with the clean satisfaction that comes from the stern performance of duty by +old and young alike. We aim at the assurance of a rounded—a permanent—national +life. +</p> + +<p> +We do not distrust the future of essential democracy. The people of the United +States have not failed. In their need they have registered a mandate that they +want direct, vigorous action. They have asked for discipline and direction +under leadership. They have made me the present instrument of their wishes. In +the spirit of the gift I take it. +</p> + +<p> +In this dedication of a Nation we humbly ask the blessing of God. May He +protect each and every one of us. May He guide me in the days to come. +</p> + +<div>*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 104 ***</div> +</body> + +</html> + diff --git a/LICENSE.txt b/LICENSE.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6312041 --- /dev/null +++ b/LICENSE.txt @@ -0,0 +1,11 @@ +This eBook, including all associated images, markup, improvements, +metadata, and any other content or labor, has been confirmed to be +in the PUBLIC DOMAIN IN THE UNITED STATES. + +Procedures for determining public domain status are described in +the "Copyright How-To" at https://www.gutenberg.org. + +No investigation has been made concerning possible copyrights in +jurisdictions other than the United States. Anyone seeking to utilize +this eBook outside of the United States should confirm copyright +status under the laws that apply to them. diff --git a/README.md b/README.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..5b32e04 --- /dev/null +++ b/README.md @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +Project Gutenberg (https://www.gutenberg.org) public repository for +eBook #104 (https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/104) diff --git a/old/104-0.txt b/old/104-0.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..f5a0981 --- /dev/null +++ b/old/104-0.txt @@ -0,0 +1,582 @@ +The Project Gutenberg eBook of Franklin Delano Roosevelt’s First Inaugural Address, by Franklin Delano Roosevelt + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and +most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions +whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms +of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at +www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you +will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before +using this eBook. + +Title: Franklin Delano Roosevelt’s First Inaugural Address + +Author: Franklin Delano Roosevelt + +Release Date: February, 1994 [eBook #104] +[Most recently updated: July 12, 2023] + +Language: English + + +*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK FDR’S FIRST INAUGURAL ADDRESS *** + + + + + Inaugural Address of Franklin Delano Roosevelt + Given in Washington, D.C. + March 4th, 1933 + + +President Hoover, Mr. Chief Justice, my friends: + + +This is a day of national consecration, and I am certain that on this +day my fellow Americans expect that on my induction into the Presidency +I will address them with a candor and a decision which the present +situation of our people impels. This is preeminently the time to speak +the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly. Nor need we shrink from +honestly facing conditions in our country today. This great Nation will +endure as it has endured, will revive and will prosper. So, first of +all, let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear +is fear itself—nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror which +paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. In every dark +hour of our national life a leadership of frankness and of vigor has +met with that understanding and support of the people themselves which +is essential to victory. And I am convinced that you will again give +that support to leadership in these critical days. + +In such a spirit on my part and on yours we face our common +difficulties. They concern, thank God, only material things. Values +have shrunk to fantastic levels; taxes have risen; our ability to pay +has fallen; government of all kinds is faced by serious curtailment of +income; the means of exchange are frozen in the currents of trade; the +withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every side; farmers +find no markets for their produce; and the savings of many years in +thousands of families are gone. + +More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of +existence, and an equally great number toil with little return. Only a +foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment. + +And yet our distress comes from no failure of substance. We are +stricken by no plague of locusts. Compared with the perils which our +forefathers conquered because they believed and were not afraid, we +have still much to be thankful for. Nature still offers her bounty and +human efforts have multiplied it. Plenty is at our doorstep, but a +generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the supply. +Primarily this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind’s goods +have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own incompetence, +have admitted their failure and have abdicated. Practices of the +unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public +opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men. + +True they have tried, but their efforts have been cast in the pattern +of an outworn tradition. Faced by failure of credit they have proposed +only the lending of more money. Stripped of the lure of profit by which +to induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have +resorted to exhortations, pleading tearfully for restored confidence. +They only know the rules of a generation of self-seekers. They have no +vision, and when there is no vision the people perish. + +Yes, the money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple +of our civilization. We may now restore that temple to the ancient +truths. The measure of that restoration lies in the extent to which we +apply social values more noble than mere monetary profit. + +Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money; it lies in the joy +of achievement, in the thrill of creative effort. The joy, the moral +stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of +evanescent profits. These dark days, my friends, will be worth all they +cost us if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered +unto but to minister to ourselves—to our fellow men. + +Recognition of that falsity of material wealth as the standard of +success goes hand in hand with the abandonment of the false belief that +public office and high political position are to be valued only by the +standards of pride of place and personal profit; and there must be an +end to a conduct in banking and in business which too often has given +to a sacred trust the likeness of callous and selfish wrongdoing. Small +wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrives only on honesty, on +honor, on the sacredness of obligations, on faithful protection, and on +unselfish performance; without them it cannot live. + +Restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone. This +Nation is asking for action, and action now. + +Our greatest primary task is to put people to work. This is no +unsolvable problem if we face it wisely and courageously. It can be +accomplished in part by direct recruiting by the Government itself, +treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war, but at the +same time, through this employment, accomplishing greatly needed +projects to stimulate and reorganize the use of our great natural +resources. + +Hand in hand with that we must frankly recognize the overbalance of +population in our industrial centers and, by engaging on a national +scale in a redistribution, endeavor to provide a better use of the land +for those best fitted for the land. Yes, the task can be helped by +definite efforts to raise the values of agricultural products and with +this the power to purchase the output of our cities. It can be helped +by preventing realistically the tragedy of the growing loss through +foreclosure of our small homes and our farms. It can be helped by +insistence that the Federal, the State, and the local governments act +forthwith on the demand that their cost be drastically reduced. It can +be helped by the unifying of relief activities which today are often +scattered, uneconomical, unequal. It can be helped by national planning +for and supervision of all forms of transportation and of +communications and other utilities that have a definitely public +character. There are many ways in which it can be helped, but it can +never be helped by merely talking about it. We must act; we must act +quickly. + +And finally, in our progress towards a resumption of work we require +two safeguards against a return of the evils of the old order; there +must be a strict supervision of all banking and credits and +investments; there must be an end to speculation with other people’s +money, and there must be provision for an adequate but sound currency. + +These, my friends, are the lines of attack. I shall presently urge +upon a new Congress, in special session, detailed measures for their +fulfillment, and I shall seek the immediate assistance of the +forty-eight States. + +Through this program of action we address ourselves to putting our own +national house in order and making income balance outgo. Our +international trade relations, though vastly important, are in point of +time and necessity secondary to the establishment of a sound national +economy. I favor as a practical policy the putting of first things +first. I shall spare no effort to restore world trade by international +economic readjustment, but the emergency at home cannot wait on that +accomplishment. + +The basic thought that guides these specific means of national +recovery is not narrowly nationalistic. It is the insistence, as a +first consideration, upon the interdependence of the various elements +in and parts of the United States of America—a recognition of the old +and permanently important manifestation of the American spirit of the +pioneer. It is the way to recovery. It is the immediate way. It is the +strongest assurance that recovery will endure. + +In the field of world policy I would dedicate this Nation to the +policy of the good neighbor—the neighbor who resolutely respects +himself and, because he does so, respects the rights of others—the +neighbor who respects his obligations and respects the sanctity of his +agreements in and with a world of neighbors. + +If I read the temper of our people correctly, we now realize as we +have never realized before our interdependence on each other; that we +cannot merely take but we must give as well; that if we are to go +forward, we must move as a trained and loyal army willing to sacrifice +for the good of a common discipline, because without such discipline no +progress can be made, no leadership becomes effective. We are, I know, +ready and willing to submit our lives and our property to such +discipline, because it makes possible a leadership which aims at the +larger good. This I propose to offer, pledging that the larger purposes +will bind upon us—bind upon us all—as a sacred obligation with a +unity of duty hitherto evoked only in times of armed strife. + +With this pledge taken, I assume unhesitatingly the leadership of this +great army of our people dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our +common problems. + +Action in this image—action to this end—is feasible under the form +of government which we have inherited from our ancestors. Our +Constitution is so simple, so practical that it is possible always to +meet extraordinary needs by changes in emphasis and arrangement without +loss of essential form. That is why our constitutional system has +proved itself the most superbly enduring political mechanism the modern +world has ever seen. It has met every stress of vast expansion of +territory, of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife, of world +relations. + +And it is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and +legislative authority may be wholly equal—wholly adequate—to meet the +unprecedented task before us. But it may be that an unprecedented +demand and need for undelayed action may call for temporary departure +from that normal balance of public procedure. + +I am prepared under my constitutional duty to recommend the measures +that a stricken nation in the midst of a stricken world may require. +These measures, or such other measures as the Congress may build out of +its experience and wisdom, I shall seek, within my constitutional +authority, to bring to speedy adoption. + +But in the event that the Congress shall fail to take one of these two +courses, in the event that the national emergency is still critical, I +shall not evade the clear course of duty that will then confront me. I +shall ask the Congress for the one remaining instrument to meet the +crisis—broad Executive power to wage a war against the emergency, as +great as the power that would be given to me if we were in fact invaded +by a foreign foe. + +For the trust reposed in me I will return the courage and the devotion +that befit the time. I can do no less. + +We face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of +national unity; with the clear consciousness of seeking old and +precious moral values; with the clean satisfaction that comes from the +stern performance of duty by old and young alike. We aim at the +assurance of a rounded—a permanent—national life. + +We do not distrust the future of essential democracy. The people of +the United States have not failed. In their need they have registered a +mandate that they want direct, vigorous action. They have asked for +discipline and direction under leadership. They have made me the +present instrument of their wishes. In the spirit of the gift I take it. + +In this dedication of a Nation we humbly ask the blessing of God. May +He protect each and every one of us. May He guide me in the days to +come. + + + + +*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK FDR’S FIRST INAUGURAL ADDRESS *** + +Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will +be renamed. + +Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright +law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, +so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the +United States without permission and without paying copyright +royalties. Special rules, set forth in the General Terms of Use part +of this license, apply to copying and distributing Project +Gutenberg™ electronic works to protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG™ +concept and trademark. 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You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms +of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online +at <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org">www.gutenberg.org</a>. If you +are not located in the United States, you will have to check the laws of the +country where you are located before using this eBook. +</div> +<div style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:1em; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Title: Franklin Delano Roosevelt’s First Inaugural Address</div> +<div style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:1em; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Author: Franklin Delano Roosevelt</div> +<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'>Release Date: February, 1994 [eBook #104]<br /> +[Most recently updated: July 12, 2023]</div> +<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'>Language: English</div> +<div style='margin-top:2em; margin-bottom:4em'>*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK FDR’S FIRST INAUGURAL ADDRESS ***</div> + +<h1>Inaugural Address</h1> + +<h3>of</h3> + +<h2>Franklin Delano Roosevelt</h2> + +<h3>Given in Washington, D.C.<br/> +March 4th, 1933</h3> + +<hr /> + +<p class="noindent"> +President Hoover, Mr. Chief Justice, my friends: +</p> + +<p> +This is a day of national consecration, and I am certain that on this day my +fellow Americans expect that on my induction into the Presidency I will address +them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our people +impels. This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, +frankly and boldly. Nor need we shrink from honestly facing conditions in our +country today. This great Nation will endure as it has endured, will revive and +will prosper. So, first of all, let me assert my firm belief that the only +thing we have to fear is fear itself—nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror +which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. In every dark +hour of our national life a leadership of frankness and of vigor has met with +that understanding and support of the people themselves which is essential to +victory. And I am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership +in these critical days. +</p> + +<p> +In such a spirit on my part and on yours we face our common difficulties. They +concern, thank God, only material things. Values have shrunk to fantastic +levels; taxes have risen; our ability to pay has fallen; government of all +kinds is faced by serious curtailment of income; the means of exchange are +frozen in the currents of trade; the withered leaves of industrial enterprise +lie on every side; farmers find no markets for their produce; and the savings +of many years in thousands of families are gone. +</p> + +<p> +More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of +existence, and an equally great number toil with little return. Only a foolish +optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment. +</p> + +<p> +And yet our distress comes from no failure of substance. We are stricken by no +plague of locusts. Compared with the perils which our forefathers conquered +because they believed and were not afraid, we have still much to be thankful +for. Nature still offers her bounty and human efforts have multiplied it. +Plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishes in the very +sight of the supply. Primarily this is because the rulers of the exchange of +mankind’s goods have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own +incompetence, have admitted their failure and have abdicated. Practices of the +unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public opinion, +rejected by the hearts and minds of men. +</p> + +<p> +True they have tried, but their efforts have been cast in the pattern of an +outworn tradition. Faced by failure of credit they have proposed only the +lending of more money. Stripped of the lure of profit by which to induce our +people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortations, +pleading tearfully for restored confidence. They only know the rules of a +generation of self-seekers. They have no vision, and when there is no vision +the people perish. +</p> + +<p> +Yes, the money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our +civilization. We may now restore that temple to the ancient truths. The measure +of that restoration lies in the extent to which we apply social values more +noble than mere monetary profit. +</p> + +<p> +Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money; it lies in the joy of +achievement, in the thrill of creative effort. The joy, the moral stimulation +of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of evanescent profits. +These dark days, my friends, will be worth all they cost us if they teach us +that our true destiny is not to be ministered unto but to minister to +ourselves—to our fellow men. +</p> + +<p> +Recognition of that falsity of material wealth as the standard of success goes +hand in hand with the abandonment of the false belief that public office and +high political position are to be valued only by the standards of pride of +place and personal profit; and there must be an end to a conduct in banking and +in business which too often has given to a sacred trust the likeness of callous +and selfish wrongdoing. Small wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrives +only on honesty, on honor, on the sacredness of obligations, on faithful +protection, and on unselfish performance; without them it cannot live. +</p> + +<p> +Restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone. This Nation is +asking for action, and action now. +</p> + +<p> +Our greatest primary task is to put people to work. This is no unsolvable +problem if we face it wisely and courageously. It can be accomplished in part +by direct recruiting by the Government itself, treating the task as we would +treat the emergency of a war, but at the same time, through this employment, +accomplishing greatly needed projects to stimulate and reorganize the use of +our great natural resources. +</p> + +<p> +Hand in hand with that we must frankly recognize the overbalance of population +in our industrial centers and, by engaging on a national scale in a +redistribution, endeavor to provide a better use of the land for those best +fitted for the land. Yes, the task can be helped by definite efforts to raise +the values of agricultural products and with this the power to purchase the +output of our cities. It can be helped by preventing realistically the tragedy +of the growing loss through foreclosure of our small homes and our farms. It +can be helped by insistence that the Federal, the State, and the local +governments act forthwith on the demand that their cost be drastically reduced. +It can be helped by the unifying of relief activities which today are often +scattered, uneconomical, unequal. It can be helped by national planning for and +supervision of all forms of transportation and of communications and other +utilities that have a definitely public character. There are many ways in which +it can be helped, but it can never be helped by merely talking about it. We +must act; we must act quickly. +</p> + +<p> +And finally, in our progress towards a resumption of work we require two +safeguards against a return of the evils of the old order; there must be a +strict supervision of all banking and credits and investments; there must be an +end to speculation with other people’s money, and there must be provision for +an adequate but sound currency. +</p> + +<p> +These, my friends, are the lines of attack. I shall presently urge upon a new +Congress, in special session, detailed measures for their fulfillment, and I +shall seek the immediate assistance of the forty-eight States. +</p> + +<p> +Through this program of action we address ourselves to putting our own national +house in order and making income balance outgo. Our international trade +relations, though vastly important, are in point of time and necessity +secondary to the establishment of a sound national economy. I favor as a +practical policy the putting of first things first. I shall spare no effort to +restore world trade by international economic readjustment, but the emergency +at home cannot wait on that accomplishment. +</p> + +<p> +The basic thought that guides these specific means of national recovery is not +narrowly nationalistic. It is the insistence, as a first consideration, upon +the interdependence of the various elements in and parts of the United States +of America—a recognition of the old and permanently important manifestation of +the American spirit of the pioneer. It is the way to recovery. It is the +immediate way. It is the strongest assurance that recovery will endure. +</p> + +<p> +In the field of world policy I would dedicate this Nation to the policy of the +good neighbor—the neighbor who resolutely respects himself and, because he does +so, respects the rights of others—the neighbor who respects his obligations and +respects the sanctity of his agreements in and with a world of neighbors. +</p> + +<p> +If I read the temper of our people correctly, we now realize as we have never +realized before our interdependence on each other; that we cannot merely take +but we must give as well; that if we are to go forward, we must move as a +trained and loyal army willing to sacrifice for the good of a common +discipline, because without such discipline no progress can be made, no +leadership becomes effective. We are, I know, ready and willing to submit our +lives and our property to such discipline, because it makes possible a +leadership which aims at the larger good. This I propose to offer, pledging +that the larger purposes will bind upon us—bind upon us all—as a sacred +obligation with a unity of duty hitherto evoked only in times of armed strife. +</p> + +<p> +With this pledge taken, I assume unhesitatingly the leadership of this great +army of our people dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our common problems. +</p> + +<p> +Action in this image—action to this end—is feasible under the form of +government which we have inherited from our ancestors. Our Constitution is so +simple, so practical that it is possible always to meet extraordinary needs by +changes in emphasis and arrangement without loss of essential form. That is why +our constitutional system has proved itself the most superbly enduring +political mechanism the modern world has ever seen. It has met every stress of +vast expansion of territory, of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife, of +world relations. +</p> + +<p> +And it is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and legislative +authority may be wholly equal—wholly adequate—to meet the unprecedented task +before us. But it may be that an unprecedented demand and need for undelayed +action may call for temporary departure from that normal balance of public +procedure. +</p> + +<p> +I am prepared under my constitutional duty to recommend the measures that a +stricken nation in the midst of a stricken world may require. These measures, +or such other measures as the Congress may build out of its experience and +wisdom, I shall seek, within my constitutional authority, to bring to speedy +adoption. +</p> + +<p> +But in the event that the Congress shall fail to take one of these two courses, +in the event that the national emergency is still critical, I shall not evade +the clear course of duty that will then confront me. I shall ask the Congress +for the one remaining instrument to meet the crisis—broad Executive power to +wage a war against the emergency, as great as the power that would be given to +me if we were in fact invaded by a foreign foe. +</p> + +<p> +For the trust reposed in me I will return the courage and the devotion that +befit the time. I can do no less. +</p> + +<p> +We face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of national +unity; with the clear consciousness of seeking old and precious moral values; +with the clean satisfaction that comes from the stern performance of duty by +old and young alike. We aim at the assurance of a rounded—a permanent—national +life. +</p> + +<p> +We do not distrust the future of essential democracy. The people of the United +States have not failed. In their need they have registered a mandate that they +want direct, vigorous action. They have asked for discipline and direction +under leadership. They have made me the present instrument of their wishes. In +the spirit of the gift I take it. +</p> + +<p> +In this dedication of a Nation we humbly ask the blessing of God. May He +protect each and every one of us. May He guide me in the days to come. +</p> + +<div style='display:block; margin-top:4em'>*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK FDR’S FIRST INAUGURAL ADDRESS ***</div> +<div style='text-align:left'> + +<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> +Updated editions will replace the previous one—the old editions will +be renamed. +</div> + +<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> +Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright +law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, +so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United +States without permission and without paying copyright +royalties. Special rules, set forth in the General Terms of Use part +of this license, apply to copying and distributing Project +Gutenberg™ electronic works to protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG™ +concept and trademark. 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You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: Franklin Delano Roosevelt's First Inaugural Address + +Author: Franklin Delano Roosevelt + +Release Date: May 14, 2008 [EBook #104] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ASCII + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK FDR'S FIRST INAUGURAL ADDRESS *** + + + + + + + + + + + + + Inaugural Address of Franklin Delano Roosevelt + Given in Washington, D.C. + March 4th, 1933 + + +President Hoover, Mr. Chief Justice, my friends: + + +This is a day of national consecration, and I am certain that on this +day my fellow Americans expect that on my induction into the Presidency +I will address them with a candor and a decision which the present +situation of our people impels. This is preeminently the time to speak +the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly. Nor need we shrink from +honestly facing conditions in our country today. This great Nation will +endure as it has endured, will revive and will prosper. So, first of +all, let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear +is fear itself--nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror which +paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. In every dark +hour of our national life a leadership of frankness and of vigor has +met with that understanding and support of the people themselves which +is essential to victory. And I am convinced that you will again give +that support to leadership in these critical days. + +In such a spirit on my part and on yours we face our common +difficulties. They concern, thank God, only material things. Values +have shrunk to fantastic levels; taxes have risen; our ability to pay +has fallen; government of all kinds is faced by serious curtailment of +income; the means of exchange are frozen in the currents of trade; the +withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every side; farmers +find no markets for their produce; and the savings of many years in +thousands of families are gone. + +More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of +existence, and an equally great number toil with little return. Only a +foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment. + +And yet our distress comes from no failure of substance. We are +stricken by no plague of locusts. Compared with the perils which our +forefathers conquered because they believed and were not afraid, we +have still much to be thankful for. Nature still offers her bounty and +human efforts have multiplied it. Plenty is at our doorstep, but a +generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the supply. +Primarily this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind's goods +have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own incompetence, +have admitted their failure and have abdicated. Practices of the +unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public +opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men. + +True they have tried, but their efforts have been cast in the pattern +of an outworn tradition. Faced by failure of credit they have proposed +only the lending of more money. Stripped of the lure of profit by which +to induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have +resorted to exhortations, pleading tearfully for restored confidence. +They only know the rules of a generation of self-seekers. They have no +vision, and when there is no vision the people perish. + +Yes, the money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple +of our civilization. We may now restore that temple to the ancient +truths. The measure of that restoration lies in the extent to which we +apply social values more noble than mere monetary profit. + +Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money; it lies in the joy +of achievement, in the thrill of creative effort. The joy, the moral +stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of +evanescent profits. These dark days, my friends, will be worth all they +cost us if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered +unto but to minister to ourselves--to our fellow men. + +Recognition of that falsity of material wealth as the standard of +success goes hand in hand with the abandonment of the false belief that +public office and high political position are to be valued only by the +standards of pride of place and personal profit; and there must be an +end to a conduct in banking and in business which too often has given +to a sacred trust the likeness of callous and selfish wrongdoing. Small +wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrives only on honesty, on +honor, on the sacredness of obligations, on faithful protection, and on +unselfish performance; without them it cannot live. + +Restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone. This +Nation is asking for action, and action now. + +Our greatest primary task is to put people to work. This is no +unsolvable problem if we face it wisely and courageously. It can be +accomplished in part by direct recruiting by the Government itself, +treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war, but at the +same time, through this employment, accomplishing greatly needed +projects to stimulate and reorganize the use of our great natural +resources. + +Hand in hand with that we must frankly recognize the overbalance of +population in our industrial centers and, by engaging on a national +scale in a redistribution, endeavor to provide a better use of the land +for those best fitted for the land. Yes, the task can be helped by +definite efforts to raise the values of agricultural products and with +this the power to purchase the output of our cities. It can be helped +by preventing realistically the tragedy of the growing loss through +foreclosure of our small homes and our farms. It can be helped by +insistence that the Federal, the State, and the local governments act +forthwith on the demand that their cost be drastically reduced. It can +be helped by the unifying of relief activities which today are often +scattered, uneconomical, unequal. It can be helped by national planning +for and supervision of all forms of transportation and of +communications and other utilities that have a definitely public +character. There are many ways in which it can be helped, but it can +never be helped by merely talking about it. We must act; we must act +quickly. + +And finally, in our progress towards a resumption of work we require +two safeguards against a return of the evils of the old order; there +must be a strict supervision of all banking and credits and +investments; there must be an end to speculation with other people's +money, and there must be provision for an adequate but sound currency. + +These, my friends, are the lines of attack. I shall presently urge +upon a new Congress, in special session, detailed measures for their +fulfillment, and I shall seek the immediate assistance of the +forty-eight States. + +Through this program of action we address ourselves to putting our own +national house in order and making income balance outgo. Our +international trade relations, though vastly important, are in point of +time and necessity secondary to the establishment of a sound national +economy. I favor as a practical policy the putting of first things +first. I shall spare no effort to restore world trade by international +economic readjustment, but the emergency at home cannot wait on that +accomplishment. + +The basic thought that guides these specific means of national +recovery is not narrowly nationalistic. It is the insistence, as a +first consideration, upon the interdependence of the various elements +in and parts of the United States of America--a recognition of the old +and permanently important manifestation of the American spirit of the +pioneer. It is the way to recovery. It is the immediate way. It is the +strongest assurance that recovery will endure. + +In the field of world policy I would dedicate this Nation to the +policy of the good neighbor--the neighbor who resolutely respects +himself and, because he does so, respects the rights of others--the +neighbor who respects his obligations and respects the sanctity of his +agreements in and with a world of neighbors. + +If I read the temper of our people correctly, we now realize as we +have never realized before our interdependence on each other; that we +cannot merely take but we must give as well; that if we are to go +forward, we must move as a trained and loyal army willing to sacrifice +for the good of a common discipline, because without such discipline no +progress can be made, no leadership becomes effective. We are, I know, +ready and willing to submit our lives and our property to such +discipline, because it makes possible a leadership which aims at the +larger good. This I propose to offer, pledging that the larger purposes +will bind upon us--bind upon us all--as a sacred obligation with a +unity of duty hitherto evoked only in times of armed strife. + +With this pledge taken, I assume unhesitatingly the leadership of this +great army of our people dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our +common problems. + +Action in this image--action to this end--is feasible under the form +of government which we have inherited from our ancestors. Our +Constitution is so simple, so practical that it is possible always to +meet extraordinary needs by changes in emphasis and arrangement without +loss of essential form. That is why our constitutional system has +proved itself the most superbly enduring political mechanism the modern +world has ever seen. It has met every stress of vast expansion of +territory, of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife, of world +relations. + +And it is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and +legislative authority may be wholly equal--wholly adequate--to meet the +unprecedented task before us. But it may be that an unprecedented +demand and need for undelayed action may call for temporary departure +from that normal balance of public procedure. + +I am prepared under my constitutional duty to recommend the measures +that a stricken nation in the midst of a stricken world may require. +These measures, or such other measures as the Congress may build out of +its experience and wisdom, I shall seek, within my constitutional +authority, to bring to speedy adoption. + +But in the event that the Congress shall fail to take one of these two +courses, in the event that the national emergency is still critical, I +shall not evade the clear course of duty that will then confront me. I +shall ask the Congress for the one remaining instrument to meet the +crisis--broad Executive power to wage a war against the emergency, as +great as the power that would be given to me if we were in fact invaded +by a foreign foe. + +For the trust reposed in me I will return the courage and the devotion +that befit the time. I can do no less. + +We face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of +national unity; with the clear consciousness of seeking old and +precious moral values; with the clean satisfaction that comes from the +stern performance of duty by old and young alike. We aim at the +assurance of a rounded--a permanent--national life. + +We do not distrust the future of essential democracy. The people of +the United States have not failed. In their need they have registered a +mandate that they want direct, vigorous action. They have asked for +discipline and direction under leadership. They have made me the +present instrument of their wishes. In the spirit of the gift I take it. + +In this dedication of a Nation we humbly ask the blessing of God. May +He protect each and every one of us. May He guide me in the days to +come. + + + + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Franklin Delano Roosevelt's First +Inaugural Address, by Franklin Delano Roosevelt + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK FDR'S FIRST INAUGURAL ADDRESS *** + +***** This file should be named 104.txt or 104.zip ***** +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: + https://www.gutenberg.org/1/0/104/ + + + +Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions +will be renamed. + +Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no +one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation +(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without +permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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FOR PUBLIC DOMAIN ETEXTS*Ver.04.29.93*END* + + + + Inaugural Speech of Franklin Delano Roosevelt + Given in Washington, D.C. + March 4th, 1933 + + +President Hoover, Mr. Chief Justice, my friends: + + This is a day of national consecration, and I am certain +that my fellow-Americans expect that on my induction into the +Presidency I will address them with a candor and a decision which +the present situation of our nation impels. + +This is pre-eminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, +frankly and boldly. Nor need we shrink from honestly facing conditions +in our country today. This great nation will endure as it has endured, +will revive and will prosper. + +So first of all let me assert my firm belief that +the only thing we have to fear. . .is fear itself. . . +nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes +needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. + +In every dark hour of our national life a leadership +of frankness and vigor has met with that understanding +and support of the people themselves which is essential to victory. +I am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership +in these critical days. +In such a spirit on my part and on yours we face our +common difficulties. They concern, thank God, only material things. +Values have shrunken to fantastic levels: taxes have risen, +our ability to pay has fallen, government of all kinds is faced by +serious curtailment of income, the means of exchange are frozen +in the currents of trade, the withered leaves of industrial enterprise +lie on every side, farmers find no markets for their produce, +the savings of many years in thousands of families are gone. + +More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem +of existence, and an equally great number toil with little return. +Only a foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment. + +Yet our distress comes from no failure of substance. +We are stricken by no plague of locusts. Compared with +the perils which our forefathers conquered because they believed +and were not afraid, we have still much to be thankful for. +Nature still offers her bounty and human efforts have multiplied it. +Plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishes +in the very sight of the supply. + +Primarily, this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind's goods +have failed through their own stubbornness and their own incompetence, +have admitted their failures and abdicated. Practices of the +unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public opinion, +rejected by the hearts and minds of men. + +True, they have tried, but their efforts have been cast +in the pattern of an outworn tradition. Faced by failure +of credit, they have proposed only the lending of more money. + +Stripped of the lure of profit by which to induce our people +to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortations, +pleading tearfully for restored conditions. They know only the rules +of a generation of self-seekers. + +They have no vision, and when there is no vision the people perish. + +The money changers have fled their high seats in the temple +of our civilization. We may now restore that temple +to the ancient truths. + +The measure of the restoration lies in the extent to which +we apply social values more noble than mere monetary profit. + +Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money, it lies +in the joy of achievement, in the thrill of creative effort. + +The joy and moral stimulation of work no longer +must be forgotten in the mad chase of evanescent profits. +These dark days will be worth all they cost us if they +teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered unto +but to minister to ourselves and to our fellow-men. + +Recognition of the falsity of material wealth as the standard +of success goes hand in hand with the abandonment of the false +belief that public office and high political position are to be values +only by the standards of pride of place and personal profit, +and there must be an end to a conduct in banking and in business +which too often has given to a sacred trust the likeness +of callous and selfish wrongdoing. + +Small wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrives only on honesty, +on honor, on the sacredness of obligations, on faithful protection, +on unselfish performance. Without them it cannot live. + +Restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone. +This nation asks for action, and action now. + +Our greatest primary task is to put people to work. This is +no unsolvable problem if we face it wisely and courageously. + +It can be accompanied in part by direct recruiting by the +government itself, treating the task as we would treat the +emergency of a war, but at the same time, through this +employment, accomplishing greatly needed projects to stimulate +and reorganize the use of our national resources. + +Hand in hand with this, we must frankly recognize the over-balance +of population in our industrial centers and, by engaging on a national +scale in a redistribution, endeavor to provide a better use of the land +for those best fitted for the land. + +The task can be helped by definite efforts to raise the values +of agricultural products and with this the power to purchase +the output of our cities. + +It can be helped by preventing realistically the tragedy +of the growing loss, through foreclosure, of our small homes +and our farms. + +It can be helped by insistence that the Federal, State, and +local governments act forthwith on the demand that their cost +be drastically reduced. + +It can be helped by the unifying of relief activities which today +are often scattered, uneconomical and unequal. It can be helped +by national planning for and supervision of all forms of transportation +and of communications and other utilities which have a definitely +public character. + +There are many ways in which it can be helped, but it can never +be helped merely by talking about it. We must act, and act quickly. + +Finally, in our progress toward a resumption of work we require +two safeguards against a return of the evils of the old order: +there must be a strict supervision of all banking and credits and investments; +there must be an end to speculation with other people's money, and there must +be provision for an adequate but sound currency. + +These are the lines of attack. I shall presently urge upon a new Congress +in special session detailed measures for their fulfillment, and I shall seek +the immediate assistance of the several States. + +Through this program of action we address ourselves to putting +our own national house in order and making income balance outgo. + +Our international trade relations, though vastly important, +are, to point in time and necessity, secondary to the establishment +of a sound national economy. + +I favor as a practical policy the putting of first things first. +I shall spare no effort to restore world trade by international economic +readjustment, but the emergency at home cannot wait on that accomplishment. + +The basic thought that guides these specific means of national recovery +is not narrowly nationalistic. + +It is the insistence, as a first consideration, upon the interdependence +of the various elements in and parts of the United States. . . +a recognition of the old and permanently important manifestation +of the American spirit of the pioneer. + +It is the way to recovery. It is the immediate way. It is the strongest +assurance that the recovery will endure. + +In the field of world policy I would dedicate this nation to the policy +of the good neighbor. . .the neighbor who resolutely respects himself and, +because he does so, respects the rights of others. . .the neighbor +who respects his obligations and respects the sanctity of his agreements +in and with a world of neighbors. + +If I read the temper of our people correctly, we now realize, +as we have never realized before, our interdependence on each other: +that we cannot merely take, but we must give as well, +that if we are to go forward we must move as a trained and loyal +army willing to sacrifice for the good of a common discipline, +because, without such discipline, no progress is made, +no leadership becomes effective. + +We are, I know, ready and willing to submit our lives and property +to such discipline because it makes possibly a leadership which aims +at a larger good. + +This I propose to offer, pledging that the larger purposes +will hind upon us all as a sacred obligation with a unity +of duty hitherto evoked only in time of armed strife. + +With this pledge taken, I assume unhesitatingly the leadership of this great +army of our people, dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our common problems. + +Action in this image and to this end is feasible under the form of government +which we have inherited from our ancestors. + +Our Constitution is so simple and practical that it is possible +always to meet extraordinary needs by changes in emphasis +and arrangement without loss of essential form. + +That is why our constitutional system has proved itself +the most superbly enduring political mechanism the modern world +has produced. It has met every stress of vast expansion of territory, +of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife, of world relations. + +It is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive +and legislative authority may be wholly adequate to meet +the unprecedented task before us. But it may be that an +unprecedented demand and need for undelayed action may call +for temporary departure from that normal balance of public procedure. + +I am prepared under my constitutional duty to recommend the measures +that a stricken nation in the midst of a stricken world may require. + +But in the event that the Congress shall fail to take one of these courses, +and in the event that the national emergency is still critical, +I shall not evade the clear course of duty that will then confront me. + +I shall ask the Congress for the one remaining instrument +to meet the crisis. . .broad executive power to wage a war +against the emergency as great as the power that would be given +to me if we were in fact invaded by a foreign foe. + +For the trust reposed in me I will return the courage +and the devotion that befit the time. I can do no less. + +We face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm +courage of national unity, with the clear consciousness +of seeking old and precious moral values, with the clean +satisfaction that comes from the stern performance of duty +by old and young alike. + +We aim at the assurance of a rounded and permanent national life. + +We do not distrust the future of essential democracy. +The people of the United States have not failed. +In their need they have registered a mandate +that they want direct, vigorous action. + +They have asked for discipline and direction under leadership. +They have made me the present instrument of their wishes. +In the spirit of the gift I will take it. + +In this dedication of a nation we humbly ask the blessing of God. +May He protect each and every one of us! May He guide me in the +days to come! + +*** +End of the Project Gutenberg Edition of: + +President Franklin Delano Roosevelt's First Inaugural Speech + + diff --git a/old/old/fdr10.zip b/old/old/fdr10.zip Binary files differnew file mode 100644 index 0000000..341c803 --- /dev/null +++ b/old/old/fdr10.zip diff --git a/old/old/fdr11.txt b/old/old/fdr11.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..99b3425 --- /dev/null +++ b/old/old/fdr11.txt @@ -0,0 +1,571 @@ +The Project Gutenberg EBook of Franklin Delano Roosevelts First +Inaugural Address + +Copyright laws are changing all over the world. Be sure to check the +copyright laws for your country before downloading or redistributing +this or any other Project Gutenberg eBook. + +This header should be the first thing seen when viewing this Project +Gutenberg file. Please do not remove it. 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You can also find out about how to make a +donation to Project Gutenberg, and how to get involved. + + +**Welcome To The World of Free Plain Vanilla Electronic Texts** + +**eBooks Readable By Both Humans and By Computers, Since 1971** + +*****These eBooks Were Prepared By Thousands of Volunteers!***** + + +Title: Franklin Delano Roosevelt's First Inaugural Address + +Author: Franklin Delano Roosevelt + +Release Date: February, 1994 [Etext #104] +[Yes, we are more than one year ahead of schedule] +[This file was last updated on March 22, 2003] + +Edition: 11 + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ASCII + +*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK OF FDR'S FIRST INAUGURAL ADDRESS *** + + +Additional editing by Jose Menendez. + + + + + Inaugural Address of Franklin Delano Roosevelt + Given in Washington, D.C. + March 4th, 1933 + + +President Hoover, Mr. Chief Justice, my friends: + + +This is a day of national consecration, and I am certain that on this +day my fellow Americans expect that on my induction into the Presidency +I will address them with a candor and a decision which the present +situation of our people impels. This is preeminently the time to speak +the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly. Nor need we shrink from +honestly facing conditions in our country today. This great Nation will +endure as it has endured, will revive and will prosper. So, first of +all, let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear +is fear itself--nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror which +paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. In every dark +hour of our national life a leadership of frankness and of vigor has +met with that understanding and support of the people themselves which +is essential to victory. And I am convinced that you will again give +that support to leadership in these critical days. + +In such a spirit on my part and on yours we face our common +difficulties. They concern, thank God, only material things. Values +have shrunk to fantastic levels; taxes have risen; our ability to pay +has fallen; government of all kinds is faced by serious curtailment of +income; the means of exchange are frozen in the currents of trade; the +withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every side; farmers +find no markets for their produce; and the savings of many years in +thousands of families are gone. + +More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of +existence, and an equally great number toil with little return. Only a +foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment. + +And yet our distress comes from no failure of substance. We are +stricken by no plague of locusts. Compared with the perils which our +forefathers conquered because they believed and were not afraid, we +have still much to be thankful for. Nature still offers her bounty and +human efforts have multiplied it. Plenty is at our doorstep, but a +generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the supply. +Primarily this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind's goods +have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own incompetence, +have admitted their failure and have abdicated. Practices of the +unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public +opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men. + +True they have tried, but their efforts have been cast in the pattern +of an outworn tradition. Faced by failure of credit they have proposed +only the lending of more money. Stripped of the lure of profit by which +to induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have +resorted to exhortations, pleading tearfully for restored confidence. +They only know the rules of a generation of self-seekers. They have no +vision, and when there is no vision the people perish. + +Yes, the money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple +of our civilization. We may now restore that temple to the ancient +truths. The measure of that restoration lies in the extent to which we +apply social values more noble than mere monetary profit. + +Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money; it lies in the joy +of achievement, in the thrill of creative effort. The joy, the moral +stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of +evanescent profits. These dark days, my friends, will be worth all they +cost us if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered +unto but to minister to ourselves--to our fellow men. + +Recognition of that falsity of material wealth as the standard of +success goes hand in hand with the abandonment of the false belief that +public office and high political position are to be valued only by the +standards of pride of place and personal profit; and there must be an +end to a conduct in banking and in business which too often has given +to a sacred trust the likeness of callous and selfish wrongdoing. Small +wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrives only on honesty, on +honor, on the sacredness of obligations, on faithful protection, and on +unselfish performance; without them it cannot live. + +Restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone. This +Nation is asking for action, and action now. + +Our greatest primary task is to put people to work. This is no +unsolvable problem if we face it wisely and courageously. It can be +accomplished in part by direct recruiting by the Government itself, +treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war, but at the +same time, through this employment, accomplishing greatly needed +projects to stimulate and reorganize the use of our great natural +resources. + +Hand in hand with that we must frankly recognize the overbalance of +population in our industrial centers and, by engaging on a national +scale in a redistribution, endeavor to provide a better use of the land +for those best fitted for the land. Yes, the task can be helped by +definite efforts to raise the values of agricultural products and with +this the power to purchase the output of our cities. It can be helped +by preventing realistically the tragedy of the growing loss through +foreclosure of our small homes and our farms. It can be helped by +insistence that the Federal, the State, and the local governments act +forthwith on the demand that their cost be drastically reduced. It can +be helped by the unifying of relief activities which today are often +scattered, uneconomical, unequal. It can be helped by national planning +for and supervision of all forms of transportation and of +communications and other utilities that have a definitely public +character. There are many ways in which it can be helped, but it can +never be helped by merely talking about it. We must act; we must act +quickly. + +And finally, in our progress towards a resumption of work we require +two safeguards against a return of the evils of the old order; there +must be a strict supervision of all banking and credits and +investments; there must be an end to speculation with other people's +money, and there must be provision for an adequate but sound currency. + +These, my friends, are the lines of attack. I shall presently urge +upon a new Congress, in special session, detailed measures for their +fulfillment, and I shall seek the immediate assistance of the +forty-eight States. + +Through this program of action we address ourselves to putting our own +national house in order and making income balance outgo. Our +international trade relations, though vastly important, are in point of +time and necessity secondary to the establishment of a sound national +economy. I favor as a practical policy the putting of first things +first. I shall spare no effort to restore world trade by international +economic readjustment, but the emergency at home cannot wait on that +accomplishment. + +The basic thought that guides these specific means of national +recovery is not narrowly nationalistic. It is the insistence, as a +first consideration, upon the interdependence of the various elements +in and parts of the United States of America--a recognition of the old +and permanently important manifestation of the American spirit of the +pioneer. It is the way to recovery. It is the immediate way. It is the +strongest assurance that recovery will endure. + +In the field of world policy I would dedicate this Nation to the +policy of the good neighbor--the neighbor who resolutely respects +himself and, because he does so, respects the rights of others--the +neighbor who respects his obligations and respects the sanctity of his +agreements in and with a world of neighbors. + +If I read the temper of our people correctly, we now realize as we +have never realized before our interdependence on each other; that we +cannot merely take but we must give as well; that if we are to go +forward, we must move as a trained and loyal army willing to sacrifice +for the good of a common discipline, because without such discipline no +progress can be made, no leadership becomes effective. We are, I know, +ready and willing to submit our lives and our property to such +discipline, because it makes possible a leadership which aims at the +larger good. This I propose to offer, pledging that the larger purposes +will bind upon us--bind upon us all--as a sacred obligation with a +unity of duty hitherto evoked only in times of armed strife. + +With this pledge taken, I assume unhesitatingly the leadership of this +great army of our people dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our +common problems. + +Action in this image--action to this end--is feasible under the form +of government which we have inherited from our ancestors. Our +Constitution is so simple, so practical that it is possible always to +meet extraordinary needs by changes in emphasis and arrangement without +loss of essential form. That is why our constitutional system has +proved itself the most superbly enduring political mechanism the modern +world has ever seen. It has met every stress of vast expansion of +territory, of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife, of world +relations. + +And it is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and +legislative authority may be wholly equal--wholly adequate--to meet the +unprecedented task before us. But it may be that an unprecedented +demand and need for undelayed action may call for temporary departure +from that normal balance of public procedure. + +I am prepared under my constitutional duty to recommend the measures +that a stricken nation in the midst of a stricken world may require. +These measures, or such other measures as the Congress may build out of +its experience and wisdom, I shall seek, within my constitutional +authority, to bring to speedy adoption. + +But in the event that the Congress shall fail to take one of these two +courses, in the event that the national emergency is still critical, I +shall not evade the clear course of duty that will then confront me. I +shall ask the Congress for the one remaining instrument to meet the +crisis--broad Executive power to wage a war against the emergency, as +great as the power that would be given to me if we were in fact invaded +by a foreign foe. + +For the trust reposed in me I will return the courage and the devotion +that befit the time. I can do no less. + +We face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of +national unity; with the clear consciousness of seeking old and +precious moral values; with the clean satisfaction that comes from the +stern performance of duty by old and young alike. We aim at the +assurance of a rounded--a permanent--national life. + +We do not distrust the future of essential democracy. The people of +the United States have not failed. In their need they have registered a +mandate that they want direct, vigorous action. They have asked for +discipline and direction under leadership. They have made me the +present instrument of their wishes. In the spirit of the gift I take it. + +In this dedication of a Nation we humbly ask the blessing of God. May +He protect each and every one of us. May He guide me in the days to +come. + + + +*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK OF FDR'S FIRST INAUGURAL ADDRESS *** + +This file should be named fdr11.txt or fdr11.zip +Corrected EDITIONS of our eBooks get a new NUMBER, fdr12.txt +VERSIONS based on separate sources get new LETTER, fdr11a.txt + +Project Gutenberg eBooks are often created from several printed +editions, all of which are confirmed as Public Domain in the US +unless a copyright notice is included. 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\ No newline at end of file diff --git a/old/old/fdr11.zip b/old/old/fdr11.zip Binary files differnew file mode 100644 index 0000000..ddf549e --- /dev/null +++ b/old/old/fdr11.zip diff --git a/old/old/fdr11h.htm b/old/old/fdr11h.htm new file mode 100644 index 0000000..69c8d61 --- /dev/null +++ b/old/old/fdr11h.htm @@ -0,0 +1,587 @@ +<!DOCTYPE HTML PUBLIC "-//W3C//DTD HTML 4.01 Transitional//EN"> +<HTML><HEAD> +<TITLE>The Project Gutenberg eBook Franklin Delano Roosevelt's First Inaugural Address</TITLE> +<META http-equiv="Content-Type" content="text/html; charset=iso-8859-1"> +<STYLE TYPE="text/css"> +<!-- +DIV.book { margin-left: 5%; margin-right: 5%; text-align: justify; } +P { text-indent: 2em; } +P.pg { text-indent: 0em; } +--> +</STYLE> +</HEAD> +<BODY> +<center><h1>The Project Gutenberg EBook of<br><a href="#title">Franklin Delano Roosevelt’s<br>First Inaugural Address</a></h1> +</center> +<DIV align="justify"> +<p class="pg"><br> +Copyright laws are changing all over the world. 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You can also find out about how to make a +donation to Project Gutenberg, and how to get involved. +<p class="pg"> +**Welcome To The World of Free Plain Vanilla Electronic Texts** +<p class="pg"> +**eBooks Readable By Both Humans and By Computers, Since 1971** +<p class="pg"> +*****These eBooks Were Prepared By Thousands of Volunteers!***** +<p class="pg"> +Title: Franklin Delano Roosevelt’s First Inaugural Address +<p class="pg"> +Author: Franklin Delano Roosevelt +<p class="pg"> +Release Date: February, 1994 [Etext #104] +<br>[Yes, we are more than one year ahead of schedule] +<br>[This HTML edition was first posted on March 22, 2003] +<p class="pg"> +Edition: 11 +<p class="pg"> +Language: English +<p class="pg"> +Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 +<p class="pg"> +*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK, FDR’S FIRST INAUGURAL ADDRESS *** +<p class="pg" align="center"><br><br> +HTML formatting and additional editing by Jose Menendez. +<br><br><br><br></DIV> +<DIV class="book"> +<a name="title"></a><hr size="3" noshade><br><br> +<center> +<h1>INAUGURAL ADDRESS</h1><h3>OF</h3><h2>FRANKLIN DELANO ROOSEVELT</h2> +<br><br><h3>Given in Washington, D.C.<br> +March 4th, 1933</h3><br> +<hr size="3" noshade></center> +<p><br> +President Hoover, Mr. Chief Justice, my friends: +<br><br><p> +This is a day of national consecration, and I am certain that on this +day my fellow Americans expect that on my induction into the Presidency +I will address them with a candor and a decision which the present +situation of our people impels. This is preeminently the time to speak +the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly. Nor need we shrink +from honestly facing conditions in our country today. This great +Nation will endure as it has endured, will revive and will prosper. So, +first of all, let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have +to fear is fear itself—nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror which +paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. In every dark +hour of our national life a leadership of frankness and of vigor has +met with that understanding and support of the people themselves which +is essential to victory. And I am convinced that you will again give +that support to leadership in these critical days. +<p> +In such a spirit on my part and on yours we face our common +difficulties. They concern, thank God, only material things. Values +have shrunk to fantastic levels; taxes have risen; our ability to pay +has fallen; government of all kinds is faced by serious curtailment of +income; the means of exchange are frozen in the currents of trade; the +withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every side; farmers +find no markets for their produce; and the savings of many years in +thousands of families are gone. +<p> +More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of +existence, and an equally great number toil with little return. Only a +foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment. +<p> +And yet our distress comes from no failure of substance. We are +stricken by no plague of locusts. Compared with the perils which our +forefathers conquered because they believed and were not afraid, we +have still much to be thankful for. Nature still offers her bounty and +human efforts have multiplied it. Plenty is at our doorstep, but a +generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the supply. +Primarily this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind’s +goods have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own +incompetence, have admitted their failure and have abdicated. +Practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the +court of public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men. +<p> +True they have tried, but their efforts have been cast in the pattern +of an outworn tradition. Faced by failure of credit they have +proposed only the lending of more money. Stripped of the lure of profit +by which to induce our people to follow their false leadership, they +have resorted to exhortations, pleading tearfully for restored +confidence. They only know the rules of a generation of self-seekers. +They have no vision, and when there is no vision the people perish. +<p> +Yes, the money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple +of our civilization. We may now restore that temple to the ancient +truths. The measure of that restoration lies in the extent to which we +apply social values more noble than mere monetary profit. +<p> +Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money; it lies in the joy +of achievement, in the thrill of creative effort. The joy, the moral +stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of +evanescent profits. These dark days, my friends, will be worth all they cost us if +they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered unto but to +minister to ourselves—to our fellow men. +<p> +Recognition of that falsity of material wealth as the standard of +success goes hand in hand with the abandonment of the false belief that +public office and high political position are to be valued only by the +standards of pride of place and personal profit; and there must be an +end to a conduct in banking and in business which too often has given +to a sacred trust the likeness of callous and selfish wrongdoing. Small +wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrives only on honesty, on +honor, on the sacredness of obligations, on faithful protection, and on +unselfish performance; without them it cannot live. +<p> +Restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone. This +Nation is asking for action, and action now. +<p> +Our greatest primary task is to put people to work. This is no +unsolvable problem if we face it wisely and courageously. It can be +accomplished in part by direct recruiting by the Government itself, +treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war, but at the +same time, through this employment, accomplishing greatly needed +projects to stimulate and reorganize the use of our great natural +resources. +<p> +Hand in hand with that we must frankly recognize the overbalance of +population in our industrial centers and, by engaging on a national +scale in a redistribution, endeavor to provide a better use of the land +for those best fitted for the land. Yes, the task can be helped by +definite efforts to raise the values of agricultural products and with +this the power to purchase the output of our cities. It can be helped +by preventing realistically the tragedy of the growing loss through +foreclosure of our small homes and our farms. It can be helped by +insistence that the Federal, the State, and the local governments act +forthwith on the demand that their cost be drastically reduced. It can +be helped by the unifying of relief activities which today are often +scattered, uneconomical, unequal. It can be helped by national +planning for and supervision of all forms of transportation and of +communications and other utilities that have a definitely public +character. There are many ways in which it can be helped, but it can +never be helped by merely talking about it. We must act; we must act +quickly. +<p> +And finally, in our progress towards a resumption of work we require +two safeguards against a return of the evils of the old order; there +must be a strict supervision of all banking and credits and +investments; there must be an end to speculation with other people’s +money, and there must be provision for an adequate but sound currency. +<p> +These, my friends, are the lines of attack. I shall presently urge +upon a new Congress, in special session, detailed measures for their +fulfillment, and I shall seek the immediate assistance of the forty-eight +States. +<p> +Through this program of action we address ourselves to putting our own +national house in order and making income balance outgo. Our international +trade relations, though vastly important, are in point of time and +necessity secondary to the establishment of a sound national economy. +I favor as a practical policy the putting of first things first. I shall +spare no effort to restore world trade by international economic +readjustment, but the emergency at home cannot wait on that accomplishment. +<p> +The basic thought that guides these specific means of national +recovery is not narrowly nationalistic. It is the insistence, as a +first consideration, upon the interdependence of the various elements +in and parts of the United States of America—a recognition of the old +and permanently important manifestation of the American spirit of the +pioneer. It is the way to recovery. It is the immediate way. It is +the strongest assurance that recovery will endure. +<p> +In the field of world policy I would dedicate this Nation to the +policy of the good neighbor—the neighbor who resolutely respects +himself and, because he does so, respects the rights of others—the +neighbor who respects his obligations and respects the sanctity of his +agreements in and with a world of neighbors. +<p> +If I read the temper of our people correctly, we now realize as we +have never realized before our interdependence on each other; that we +cannot merely take but we must give as well; that if we are to go +forward, we must move as a trained and loyal army willing to sacrifice +for the good of a common discipline, because without such discipline no +progress can be made, no leadership becomes effective. We are, I know, +ready and willing to submit our lives and our property to such +discipline, because it makes possible a leadership which aims at the +larger good. This I propose to offer, pledging that the larger purposes +will bind upon us—bind upon us all—as a sacred obligation with a +unity of duty hitherto evoked only in times of armed strife. +<p> +With this pledge taken, I assume unhesitatingly the leadership of this +great army of our people dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our +common problems. +<p> +Action in this image—action to this end—is feasible under the form +of government which we have inherited from our ancestors. Our +Constitution is so simple, so practical that it is possible always to +meet extraordinary needs by changes in emphasis and arrangement without +loss of essential form. That is why our constitutional system has +proved itself the most superbly enduring political mechanism the modern +world has ever seen. It has met every stress of vast expansion of +territory, of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife, of world +relations. +<p> +And it is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and +legislative authority may be wholly equal—wholly adequate—to meet the +unprecedented task before us. But it may be that an unprecedented +demand and need for undelayed action may call for temporary departure +from that normal balance of public procedure. +<p> +I am prepared under my constitutional duty to recommend the measures +that a stricken nation in the midst of a stricken world may require. +These measures, or such other measures as the Congress may build out of +its experience and wisdom, I shall seek, within my constitutional +authority, to bring to speedy adoption. +<p> +But in the event that the Congress shall fail to take one of these two +courses, in the event that the national emergency is still critical, I +shall not evade the clear course of duty that will then confront me. I +shall ask the Congress for the one remaining instrument to meet the +crisis—broad Executive power to wage a war against the emergency, as +great as the power that would be given to me if we were in fact invaded +by a foreign foe. +<p> +For the trust reposed in me I will return the courage and the devotion +that befit the time. I can do no less. +<p> +We face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of +national unity; with the clear consciousness of seeking old and +precious moral values; with the clean satisfaction that comes from the +stern performance of duty by old and young alike. We aim at the +assurance of a rounded—a permanent—national life. +<p> +We do not distrust the future of essential democracy. The people of +the United States have not failed. In their need they have registered a +mandate that they want direct, vigorous action. They have asked for +discipline and direction under leadership. They have made me the +present instrument of their wishes. In the spirit of the gift I take it. +<p> +In this dedication of a Nation we humbly ask the blessing of God. May +He protect each and every one of us. May He guide me in the days to +come. +<br><br><hr size="3" noshade></DIV> +<br><DIV align="justify"> +<a name="footer">*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK, FDR’S FIRST INAUGURAL ADDRESS ***</a> +<p class="pg"> +This file should be named fdr11h.htm or fdr11h.zip<br> +Corrected EDITIONS of our eBooks get a new NUMBER, fdr12h.htm<br> +VERSIONS based on separate sources get a new LETTER, fdr10a.htm +<p class="pg"> +Project Gutenberg eBooks are often created from several printed +editions, all of which are confirmed as Public Domain in the US +unless a copyright notice is included. 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