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diff --git a/.gitattributes b/.gitattributes new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6833f05 --- /dev/null +++ b/.gitattributes @@ -0,0 +1,3 @@ +* text=auto +*.txt text +*.md text diff --git a/10691-0.txt b/10691-0.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..b1f3db6 --- /dev/null +++ b/10691-0.txt @@ -0,0 +1,15185 @@ +*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 10691 *** + +SELECT SPEECHES +OF +KOSSUTH. + + +Condensed and abridged, +_with Kossuth's express sanction_, + +by +Francis W. Newman. + + + + +PREFACE TO KOSSUTH'S SPEECHES. + +Nothing appears in history similar to the enthusiasm roused by Kossuth +in nations foreign to him, except perhaps the kindling for the First +Crusade by the voice of Peter the Hermit. Then bishops, princes, and +people alike understood the danger which overshadowed Europe from the +Mohammedan powers; and by soundly directed, though fanatical instinct, +all Christendom rushed eastward, till the chivalry of the Seljuk Turks +was crippled on the fields of Palestine. Now also the multitudes of +Europe, uncorrupted by ambition, envy, or filthy lucre, forebode the +deadly struggle impending over us all from the conspiracy of crowned +heads. Seeing the apathy of their own rulers, and knowing, perhaps by +dim report, the deeds of Kossuth, they look to him as the Great Prophet +and Leader, by whom Policy is at length to be moulded into Justice; and +are ready to catch his inspiration before he has uttered a word. Kossuth +undoubtedly is a mighty Orator; but no one is better aware than he, that +the cogency of his arguments is due to the atrocity of our common +enemies, and the enthusiasm which he kindles to the preparations of the +people's heart. + +His orations are a tropical forest, full of strength and majesty, +tangled in luxuriance, a wilderness of self-repetition. Utterly +unsuited to form a book without immense abridgment, they contain +materials adapted equally for immediate political service and for +permanence as a work of wisdom and of genius. To prepare them for the +press is an arduous and responsible duty: the best excuse which I can +give for having assumed it, is, that it has been to me a labour of love. +My task I have felt to be that of a judicious reporter, who cuts short +what is of temporary interest, condenses what is too amplified for his +limits and for written style, severely prunes down the repetitions which +are inevitable where numerous[*] audiences are addressed by the same man +on the same subject, yet amid all these necessary liberties retains not +only the true sentiments and arguments of the speaker, but his forms of +thought and all that is characteristic of his genius. Such an operation, +rightly performed, may, like a diminishing mirror, concentrate the +brilliancy of diffuse orations, and assist their efficacy on minds which +would faint under the effort of grasping the original. + +[Footnote *: The number of speeches, great and small, spoken in his +American half-year, is reckoned to be above 500.] + +It is true, the exuberance of Kossuth is often too Asiatic for English +taste, and that excision of words, which needful abridgment suggests, +will often seem to us a gain. Moreover, remembering that he is a +foreigner, and though marvellous in his mastery of our language, still +naturally often unable to seize the word, or select the construction +which he desired, I have not thought I should show honour to him by +retaining anything verbally unskilful. To a certain cautious extent, I +account myself to be a _translator_, as well as a _reporter_, +and in undertaking so delicate a duty, I am happy to announce that I +have received Kossuth's written approval and thanks. Mere quaintness of +expression I have by no means desired entirely to remove, where it +involved nothing grotesque, obscure, or monotonous. In several passages +where I imperfectly understood the thought, I have had the advantage of +Kossuth's personal explanations, which have enabled me to clear up the +defective report, or real obscurities of his words. + +Nevertheless I have to confess my conviction, that nothing can wholly +compensate for the want of systematic revision by the author himself; +which his great occupations have made impossible. The mistakes in the +reports of the speeches are sometimes rather subtle, and have not roused +my suspicion. Of this I have been, made disagreeably sensible, by +several errata communicated to me by Kossuth in the first great speech +at New York, here marked as No. VII. (which have been corrected in this +edition.) + +Nearly all the points on which attempts have been made to misrepresent +in England the cause of Hungary are cleared up in these speeches. On two +subjects only does it seem needful here to make any remark: +_first_, on the Republicanism of Kossuth; _secondly_, on the +Hungarian levies against Italy in the year 1848. + +1. Kossuth is attacked by his countrymen on opposite grounds: Szemerè +despises him for not becoming a republican early enough, Count Casimir +Bathyanyi reproves him for becoming a republican at all. The facts are +these. Kossuth, like all English statesmen, was a historical royalist, +not a doctrinaire. When the existing reign had become treacherous and +lawless, he was willing to change the line of succession, and make the +Archduke Stephen king. When the dynasty had become universally detested +and actually expelled, he approved most heartily[*] the deposition of +the Hapsburgs; but still held himself in suspense as to the future of +the constitution. By his influence instructions were sent to his +representative in England, which were equivalent to soliciting a dynasty +from the British government. Meanwhile Szemerè, his Home Secretary, took +on himself to avow in the Diet that the government was REPUBLICAN, and +no voice of protest was raised in either house. Indeed, Mr. Vucovics, +who was Minister of Justice under Kossuth, states (see Appendix I.) that +the government and both houses responded unanimously to the republican +avowal, and that the government removed the symbol of the Crown from the +public arms and seal. The press of all shades assented. After this, it +was clear (I presume) to Kossuth, or at least it soon became so, that +all sympathy with royal power was gone out of the nation's heart. +Hungarians may settle that amongst themselves: but as for +Englishmen,--when for seven or eight months together the English +ministry and English peerage would not stir, or speak, or whisper, to +save constitutional royalty and ancient peerage for Hungary and for +Europe while it was yet possible; with what face, with what decency, can +Englishmen censure Kossuth for despairing of a cause, which was +abandoned to ruin by ourselves, the greatest power interested to +maintain it,--which the monarchs have waded through blood and perjury to +destroy,-and which the millions of Hungary will not (in his belief) +peril life and fortune to restore? + +[Footnote *: How unanimous was the whole country, is clear by the facts +stated. How spontaneous was the movement, and free from all government +intrigue, see in Appendix I. This is entirely confirmed by our envoy, +Mr. Blackwell: Blue Book, March--Ap. 1848.] + +2. The ministry of Louis Bathyanyi and Kossuth have been attacked on +opposite grounds,--because they _did_, and because they did +_not_, attempt to subdue the Italians by force of arms. The facts +are rather complicated, but deserve here to be stated concisely. + +When the ministry was appointed, there were _already_ Hungarians in +Italy with Radetzki, and Austrian soldiers in Hungary. The Viennese +ministry promised to exchange them, as fast as could be done without +encountering great expense or dislocating the regiments and making them +inefficient. With this promise the Hungarian ministry was forced to +content itself at the time. At a later period, when it discovered that +the Austrian commanders in Hungary had secret orders not to fight +against the Serbian marauders, and that the Austrian troops could not be +trusted, the Hungarian ministry _desired_ to get back their men +from Italy for their own defence; which desire proved ineffectual, yet +has been severely blamed by some of our monarchists. But meanwhile the +Viennese ministry, as early as June, 1848, endeavoured to buy of the +Hungarian ministry an increased grant of troops against Italy, by +conceding a most energetic "King's Speech" against the Serbs, with which +the Archduke Palatine was to open, and did open, the Diet on July 2d. A +part of this speech is quoted in Appendix II., and indeed it is a +loathsome exhibition of Austrian treachery. The Hungarian ministry were +pressed by the arguments, that since Austria was attacked in Italy by +the King of Sardinia, the war was not merely against the Lombards; and +that the Pragmatic Sanction bound Hungary to defend the empire if +assailed from without. This led them to acknowledge the +_principle_, that they were bound to assist, if able; but they +replied that Hungary itself must first be secured against marauders, and +no troops could be spared until the Serbs were subdued. At the same +time orders were sent to Radetzki from Vienna to offer independence to +the Lombards, and constitutional nationality under the Austrian crown to +the Venetians: hence the Hungarian ministry for a time fancied that they +would not be fighting against the Italians, as they expected the terms +to be accepted by them. When it was farther represented that the +Italians had rejected them,--(for Radetzki, acting probably by secret +orders, suppressed the despatches, and never offered independence to +Lombardy, though the Austrian ministers made diplomatic capital of their +liberality,)--then the Hungarian ministry began to think the Italians +unreasonable; yet they did not go beyond their abstract principle, that +Hungary ought to grant troops for Austrian defence in Italy, provided, +1st, that rebellion in Hungary itself were repressed; 2d, that the +troops should not act against the Italians, unless the Italians had +rejected the offer of national liberties and a constitution coordinate +to those of Hungary, under the Austrian crown. + +The protocol on this subject was drawn on July 5th; the public speech of +Kossuth concerning it was not until July 22d; and in this short interval +the treachery of the dynasty had been so displayed, that Kossuth could +no longer speak in the same tone as a few weeks earlier. For a fuller +development of this, I refer the reader to Appendix III. The real object +of the Austrian ministry, was, to ruin the popularity of Bathyanyi and +Kossuth, if they could induce them to sacrifice Italian freedom; or +else, to accuse them to all the European diplomatists as conspirators +against the integrity of the Austrian empire, if they refused to oppress +the liberties of Italy. + +Finally, the reader has even here proof enough how false is the +statement which has been current in English newspapers, that Kossuth's +visit to America was "a failure." This was an attempt to practise on our +prevalent disgraceful tendency to judge of a cause by its success. +However, the end is not yet seen: America has still to act decisively, +if she would win the lasting glory which we have despised, of rescuing +Law and Right from lawless force, and establishing the future of Europe. + +CONTENTS. + +1. Secrecy of Diplomacy + London, Oct. 30th, 1851. + +2. Monarchy and Republicanism + Copenhagen House, London, Nov. 3d. + +3. Communism and the Sibylline Books + Manchester, Nov. 12th. + +4. Legitimacy of Hungarian Independence + Staten Island, Dec. 5th, 1851. + Declaration of Independence by the Hungarian Nation + +5. Statement of Principles and Aims + New York, Dec. 6th. + +6. Reply to the Baltimore Address + Dec. 10th. + +7. Hereditary Policy of America + New York, to the Corporation, Dec. 11th. + +8. On Nationalities + New York, to the Press. + +9. On Military Institutions + New York, to the Militia, Dec. 16th. + +10. Conditions essential for Democracy and Peace + New York, Tammany Hall, Dec. 17th. + +11. Hungary and Austria in Religious Contrast + In a Brooklyn Church, New York, Dec. 18th. + +12. Public Piracy of Russia + New York, to the Bar, Dec. 19th. + +13. Claims of Hungary on the Female Sex + New York, to the Ladies, Dec. 21st. + +14. Results of the Overthrow of the French Republic + Philadelphia, Dec. 26th. + +15. Interest of America in Hungarian liberty + Baltimore, Dec. 27th. + +16. Novelties in American Republicanism + Washington, Legislative Banquet, Jan. 15th, 1852. + +17. On the Merits of Turkey + +18. Aspects of America toward England + Washington, Jan. 8th, day of battle of New Orleans. + +19. Meaning of Recognizing Hungarian Independence + Washington, last speech. + +20. Contrast of the American to the Hungarian Crisis + Annapolis, Maryland, Jan. 13th, to the Senate. + +21. Thanks for his great Success + Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, Jan. 14th, to the Legislature. + +22. On the present Weakness of Despotism + Harrisburg, Legislative Banquet. + +23. Agencies of Russian Ascendancy and Supremacy + Pittsburg, Pennsylvania, Jan. 26th. + +24. Reply to the Pittsburg Clergy + Jan. 26th. + +25. Hungarian Loan + Cleveland, Ohio, Feb. 3d. + Address to Kossuth from the State Committee of Ohio + +26. Panegyric of Ohio + Columbus, Ohio, Feb. 5th. + +27. Democracy the Spirit of the Age + Columbus, Feb. 6th, to the Legislature. + +28. The Miseries and the Strength of Hungary + Columbus, Feb. 7th. + +29. Ohio and France Contrasted as Republics + Cincinnati, Ohio. + +30. War a Providential Necessity against Oppression + Cincinnati. + +31. On Washington's Policy + Cincinnati, Washington's Birthday, Feb. 24th. + +32. Kossuth's Credentials + Cincinnati, Feb. 25th. + +33. Harmony of the Executive and of the People in America + Indianapolis, at the State House, Feb 27th. + +34. Importance of Foreign Policy and of strengthening England + Louisville, March 6th, at the Court House. + +35. Catholicism _versus_ Jesuitism + St. Louis, Missouri. + +36. The Ides of March + St. Louis, March 15th. + +37. History of Kossuth's Liberation + Jackson, Mississippi, April 1st, address to the Governor. + +38. Pronouncement of the South + Mobile, Alabama, April 3d. + +39. Kossuth's Defence against certain Mean Imputations + Jersey City, April 20th. + +40. The Brotherhood of Nations + Newark, New Jersey, April 22d. + +41. The History and Heart of Massachusetts + Worcester, Massachusetts, April 25th. + +42. Panegyric of Massachusetts + Faneuil Hall, Boston, April 29th. + +43. Self-Government of Hungary + Faneuil Hall, Legislative Banquet. April 30th. + +44. Russia the Antagonist of the U. S. + Salem, May 6th. + +45. The Martyrs of the American Revolution + Lexington, May 11th. + +46. Condition of Europe + Faneuil Hall, Boston, May 14th. + +47. Pronouncement of all the States + Albany, May 20th. + +48. Sound and Unsound Commerce + Buffalo, May 27th. + +49. Russia and the Balance of Power + Syracuse, June 4th. + +50. Retrospect and Prospect + Utica, June 9th. + +51. The Triple Bond + New York, June 22d. + +52. The Future of Nations + New York. + +APPENDICES + +KOSSUTH'S SPEECHES. + +[The speeches of Kossuth in England, though masterly in themselves, are +in great measure superseded by those which he delivered in America, +where the same subjects were treated at far greater length, and viewed +from many different aspects. From the speeches in England I here present +only three topics, in a rather fragmentary form.] + +I.--SECRECY OF DIPLOMACY. + +[_First Extract: from Kossuth's Speech at the Guildhall, London, Oct. +30th_, 1851.] + +The time draws near, when a radical change must take place for the whole +world in the management of diplomacy. Its basis has been secrecy: +therein is the triumph of absolutism, and the misfortune of a free +people. This has won its way not in England only, but throughout the +whole world, even where not a penny of the national property can be +disposed of without public consent. It surely is dangerous to the +interests of the country and to constitutional liberty, to allow such a +secrecy, that the people not only should not know how its interests are +being dealt with, but that after the crisis is passed, the minister +should inform them: "The dinner has been prepared,--and eaten; and the +people has nothing to do, but digest the consequences." What is the +principle of all evil in Europe? The encroaching spirit of Russia.--And +by what power has Russia become so mighty? By its arms?--No: the arms +of Russia are below those of many Powers. It has become almost +omnipotent,--at least very dangerous to liberty,--by diplomatic +intrigues. Now against the secret intrigues of diplomacy there is no +surer safeguard, or more powerful counteraction, than public discussion. +This must be opposed to intrigues, and intrigues are then of no weight +in the destinies of humanity. + + * * * * * + +[_Second Extract from a Short Speech in London, May 25th, 1858_.] + +I must ask leave to make a remark on the system pursued by your +Government in their Foreign relations. You consider yourselves a +constitutional nation: I fear that in some respects you are not so. +There is a Latin proverb [current in Hungary], _Nil de nobis sine +nobis_,--"nothing that concerns us, without us." This in many things +you make your maxim. You say that none of your money shall be spent +without your knowledge and approval; and in your internal affairs you +carry this out; but I think that the secrecy in which the transactions +of your diplomacy are involved is hardly constitutional. Of that most +important portion of your affairs which concerns your country in its +relations with the rest of Europe, what knowledge have you? If any +interpellation is made about any affair not yet concluded, my Lord the +Secretary of the Foreign Office will reply that _he cannot give any +answer, for the negotiations are still pending_. A little later he +will be able to answer, that _as all is now concluded, all comment +will be superfluous_. + +One little fact I will just mention. By the last treaty with Denmark, to +which you became a party, the crown of that kingdom was so settled that +only three lives stand between it and the Czar of Russia. Three lives! +but a fragile barrier, when high political aims are concerned. It is +therefore an allowed fact, that the country which commands entrance to +the Baltic, and which, in the hands of an unfriendly power, would +effectually exclude your commerce from that sea, may pass into the hands +of Russia, whose pretensions in the south of Europe you take so much +pains to check. This your government have done quietly. How many are +there of your people that know and approve it? I hope you will not be +offended, if I say, that I cannot understand how yours can be called in +this respect a constitutional country. + + * * * * * + +II.--MONARCHY AND REPUBLICANISM. + +[_From Kossuth's Speech at Copenhagen House, Nov. 3d, 1851_.] + +In my opinion, the form of Government may be different in different +countries, according to their circumstances, their wishes, their wants. +England loves her Queen, and has full motive to do so. England feels +great, glorious and free, and has full reason to feel so. But the fact +of England being a monarchy cannot be sufficient reason for her to hate +and discredit republican forms of government in other countries +differing in circumstances, in wishes, and in wants. On the other side, +to the United States of America, which under republican government are +likewise great, glorious, and free, their republicanism gives no +sufficient reason to hate and discredit monarchical government in +England. It entirely belongs to the right of every nation to dispose of +its domestic concerns. Therefore I claim for my own country also, that +England, seeing from our past that our cause is just, should profess the +sovereign right of every nation to dispose of itself, and should allow +no power whatever to interfere with our domestic matters. Since I thus +regard the internal affairs of every nation to be its own separate +concern, I did not think it became me here in England to speak about the +future organization of our country. + +But my behavior has not been everywhere appreciated as I hoped. I have +met in certain quarters the remark that I "am slippery, and evade the +question." Now on the point of sincerity I am particularly susceptible. +I have the sentiment of being a straightforward man, and I would not be +charged with having stolen into the sympathies of England without +displaying my true colours. Therefore I must clearly state, that in our +past struggle it was NOT _we_ who made a revolution. We began +peacefully and legislatively to transform the monarchico-aristocratical +constitution of Hungary into a monarchico-democratical constitution. We +preserved our municipal institutions, as our most valuable treasure; but +to them, as well as to the legislative power, we gave, as basis, the +common liberty of the people, instead of the class-privileges of old. +Moreover, in place of the old Board of Council,--which, being a +corporate body, was of course a mockery in regard to that responsibility +of the Executive, which was our chartered right on paper,--we +established the real and personal responsibility of ministers. In this, +we merely[*] upheld what was due to us by constitution, by treaties, by +the coronation-oath of every king,--the right to be "governed as a +self-consistent, independent country, by our native institutions, +according to our own laws." This and all our other reforms we effected +peacefully by careful legislation, which the King sanctioned and swore +to maintain. + +[Footnote *: Many Englishmen have unjustly accused the Hungarians as +having by the laws of March, 1848, effected a SEPARATION of Hungary from +Austria. _Even if this were true_, it could not justify the cause +of the Hapsburgs. The dynasty yielded, under the pressure of +circumstances (as alone will dynasties ever yield), while Hungary did +but petition legally, and was in fact unarmed. The dynasty swore to the +new laws; and then conspired with Croatians, Serbians, and Russians to +overthrow the laws by marauding and force of arms. In fact, if in +January, 1849, Austria would have negotiated, instead of arresting all +Hungarian ambassadors, Hungary would have consented to modify the laws +of March: but the Austrians had already in October ordered the overthrow +of the whole Hungarian constitution, and had no wish to do anything by +legal methods. + +At the same time, the original objection is fundamentally _false_. +No separation of the two countries was effected by the laws of March, +1848; for no legal union ever existed. Only the crowns were united, not +the countries. Kossuth rightly compares the union to that which was +between England and Hanover. At any time in the past, Hungary might have +made _peace_ with a power with which Austria was at _war_, if +the Kings had not falsified their oath by not assembling the Diet: for +the Diet always had the lawful right of War and Peace. Any mode +whatsoever of enforcing the Coronation oath, might, according to this +logic, be condemned as a "separating" of Austria and Hungary.] + +Nevertheless, this very dynasty, in the most perjurious manner, attacked +these laws, this freedom, this constitution, by arms. We defended +ourselves by arms victoriously. When upon this the perjurious dynasty +called in the Russian armies to beat us down, we of course declared the +Hapsburgs to be no longer our sovereigns. We avowed ourselves to be a +free and independent nation, but fixed as yet no definite form of +government,--neither monarchical nor republican. These are plain facts. +Hungary is not now under lawful government, but is being trampled down +by a foreign intruder who is _not_ King of Hungary, being +_neither acknowledged by the nation, nor sanctioned by law_. +Hungary is, in a word, in a state of WAR against the Hapsburg dynasty, a +war of legitimate defence, by which alone it can ever regain +independence and freedom. By such war alone has any nation ever won its +freedom from oppressors; as you see in Switzerland, Belgium, Spain, +Portugal, France, Sweden, Norway, Greece, the United States, and England +itself. + +I can state it, as known to me, with the certainty of matter of fact, +that Hungary will never accept the Hapsburgs as legitimate sovereigns in +the future, nor ever enter into any new moral relations with that +perjurious family. Nor only so; but their perjury has so entirely +plucked out of my nation's heart all faith in monarchy and all +attachment to it, that there is no power on earth to knit the broken tie +again: and therefore Hungary wishes and wills to be a free and +independent republic,--a republic founded on the rule of law, securing +social order, guaranteeing person, property, the moral development as +well as material welfare of the people,--in a word, a republic like that +of the United States, founded on institutions inherited from England +itself. This is the conviction of my people, which I share in the very +heart of my heart. + + * * * * * + +III.--COMMUNISM AND THE SIBYLLINE BOOKS. + +[_From Kossuth's Second Speech at Manchester, Nov. 12th_, 1851.] + +I can understand Communism, but not Socialism. I have read many books on +the subject, I have consulted many doctors; but they differ so much that +I never could understand what they really mean. However, the only sense +which I can see in socialism, is inconsistent with social order and the +security of property. + +Now since France has three times in sixty years failed to obtain +practical results from Political revolutions, all Europe is apt to press +forward into new Social doctrine to regulate the future. Believing then, +that,--not from my merit, but from the state of my country,--I may be +able somewhat to influence the course of the next European revolution, I +think it right plainly to declare beforehand my allegiance to the great +principle of security for personal property. Nevertheless, to give +success to my endeavours in this direction, the rational expectations of +the nations of Europe must speedily be fulfilled; else neither I, nor +more important men, can avail to stay revolutionary movement. The danger +of the case may be illustrated by the ancient story of the Sibylline +books. + +Take Hungary as an instance. Three years ago we should have been +extremely well contented with the laws as made by our parliament in +1848, _which laws did not break the tie between us and the house of +Hapsburg_. But then Austria assailed us with arms, and it became +impossible for us to go on with that constitution; indeed she herself +proclaimed it to be dissolved. We defeated her, and next she called in +the Russian armies. Hungary was then under the necessity of _casting +off the Hapsburg monarchy_; and only the third Sibylline book +remained. Yet Hungary did not even then renounce monarchy, but gave +instructions to her representative in England to say to the Government +of this country, that _if they wished to see monarchy established in +Hungary, we would accept any dynasty they proposed_: but it was +not-listened to. Then came the horrors of Arad,[*] and destroyed all our +faith in monarchy. So the last of the three books was burned. + +[Footnote *: In Arad the Hungarian Generals, who surrendered by Görgy's +persuasion, were hanged or shot; and simultaneously Bathyanyi, who had +been arrested when he came as an ambassador of peace, was judged anew +and murdered by a second court-martial.] + +And so, wherever men's reasonable expectations are not fulfilled, it +cannot be known where their fluctuations will end. Every man who is +anxious for the preservation of person and property should help the +world in obtaining rational freedom: if it be not obtained, mankind will +search after other forms of action, totally subversive of all existing +social order; and where the excitement will subside, I do not know. Men +like me, who merely wish to establish political freedom, will in such +circumstances lose all their influence, and others will get influence +who may become dangerous to all established interests whatsoever. + + * * * * * + + +IV.--LEGITIMACY OF HUNGARIAN INDEPENDENCE. + +[When Kossuth had landed at Staten Island, thus for the first time +setting his foot on American soil, he was met by a deputation, which +made an address to him. He replied as follows (Dec. 5th, 1851)]:-- + +Ladies and gentlemen: The twelve hours that I have had the happiness to +stand on your shores, give me augury that, during my stay in the United +States, I shall have a pleasant duty to perform, in answering the +generous spirit of your people. I hope, however, that you will consider +that I am in the first moments of a hard task,--to address your +intelligent people in a tongue foreign to me. You will not expect from +me an elaborate speech, but will be contented with a few warmly-felt +words. Citizens, accept my fervent thanks for your generous welcome, and +my blessing upon your sanction of my hopes. You have most truly stated +what they are, when you announce the destiny of your glorious country, +and tell me that from it the spirit of liberty will go forth and achieve +the freedom of the world. + +Yes, citizens, these are the hopes which have induced me, in a most +eventful period, to cross the Atlantic. I confidently hope, that as you +have anticipated my wishes by the expression of your generous +sentiments, so you will agree with me, that the spirit of liberty has to +go forth, not only spiritually, but materially, from your glorious +country. That spirit is a power for deeds, but is yet no _deed_ in +itself. Despotism and oppression never yet were beaten except by heroic +resistance. That is a sad necessity,--but it is a necessity +nevertheless. I have so learned it out of the great book of history. I +hope the people of the United States will remember, that in the hour of +_their_ nation's struggle, it received from Europe _more_ than +kind wishes. It received material aid from others in times past, and it +will, doubtless, now impart its mighty agency to achieve the liberty of +other lands. + +Citizens, I thank you for having addressed me, not in the language of +party, but in the language of liberty, which is that of the United +States. I come hither, in the name of Hungary, to entreat, not from any +_party_ among you, but from your _whole nation_, a generous +protection for my country. And for that very reason, neither will I +intermeddle with any of your party questions. In England I often avowed +this principle; inasmuch as the very mission on which I come, is to ask +that the right of every nation to arrange its domestic concerns may be +respected. Notwithstanding this, I am sorry to see, that, before my +arrival, I have been charged with intermeddling with your presidential +election, because in one of my addresses in England I mentioned the name +of your fellow-citizen, Mr. Walker, as one of the candidates for the +Presidency. I confess with warm gratitude, that Mr. Walker uttered such +sentiments in England, as, if happily they are also those of the United +States, will enable me to declare, that Hungary and Europe are free. +Therefore I feel deeply indebted to him. But in no respect did I mix +myself up with your elections. I consider no man honest who does not +observe towards other nations the principles which he desires to be +observed towards his own: and therefore I will not interfere in your +domestic questions. + +Allow me, citizens, to advert to one expression of your kind address, +personal to myself. You named me "Kossuth, Governor of Hungary." + +My nomination to be Governor was not to gratify ambition. Never, +perhaps, did I feel sadder, than at the moment when that title was +conferred upon me; for I compared my feeble faculties and its high +responsibilities. It is therefore not from ambition that I thank you for +the title, but because the title rests upon our Declaration of +Independence; and by acknowledging it as mine, you recognize the +rightfulness and validity of that Declaration. And, gentlemen I frankly +declare that your whole people are bound in honour and duty to recognize +it. At this moment there is no other legitimate existing law in Hungary. +It was not the proclamation of a man or of a party. It was the solemn +declaration of the whole nation in _Congress_ assembled. It was +sanctioned by _every village_, and by _every municipality_. No +counter-proclamation has gone forth from Hungary. It has been overturned +solely by the invasion of an ambitious _foreign_ power, the Czar of +Russia; who can no more legitimately make or unmake a governor of +Hungary, than General Santa Anna, if in your late war he had forced his +way to Washington, could have unmade President Taylor. None of you will +admit that violence can destroy righteousness: it can but establish +unlawful, unrightful _fact_. If so,--if your own people, and not +foreign invaders, are the source of rightful law to _you_,--you +must in consistency recognize _our_ Independence as legitimate, and +its declaration as our still rightful law. + +As to the praises which you were so kind as to bestow upon me, it is no +affectation in me when I declare that I am not conscious of having any +other merit than that of being a plain, straightforward man, a faithful +friend of freedom, a good patriot. And these qualities, gentlemen, are +so natural to _every_ honest man, that it is scarcely worth while +to speak of them; for I cannot conceive how a man with understanding and +with a sound heart, can be anything else than a good patriot and a lover +of freedom. + +Yet my humble capacity has not preserved me from calumnies. Scarcely had +I arrived here, when I learned that I had been charged in the United +States with being an _irreligious man_. So long as despots exist, +and have the means to pay, they will find men to calumniate those who +are opposed to tyranny. But, suppose I were the most dishonest creature +in the world; in the name of all that is sacred, _what would that +matter in respect to the cause of Hungary?_ Would that cause become +less just, less righteous, less worthy of your sympathy, because I, for +instance, am a bad man? No! I believe you. It is not a question in +regard to any individual here. It is a question with regard to a just +cause, the cause of a country worthy to take its place in the great +family of the free nations of the world. Until I learn that you refuse +to recognize nations, whenever their governors fall short of religious +perfection, I need not care much about attacks on my mere personality. +But one thing I can scarcely comprehend,--that the PRESS--that mighty +vehicle of justice and champion of human rights--could have found an +organ, and that, in the United States, which (to say nothing of personal +calumnies) should degrade itself to assert that it was not the people of +Hungary, it was not myself and my coadjutors, that contended for +liberty; but it was the Emperor of Austria who was the champion of +liberty. Do not give it groans, gentlemen, but rather thank it; for +there can be no better service to any cause, than for its opponents to +manifest that they have nothing to say but what is ridiculous. That +_must_ have been a sacred and just cause, whose detractors need to +assert that the Emperor of Austria is the champion of freedom throughout +his own dominions and throughout the European continent. + +I thank you that you have given me full proof that all these calumnies +have affected neither your judgment nor your heart. As this will be the +place whence I shall start back for Europe, I shall once more have the +happiness of addressing you publicly and bidding you an affectionate +adieu:--hoping then to be able to thank you for _acts_, as I now +thank you for _sentiments_. + + * * * * * + +DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE BY THE HUNGARIAN NATION. + +[The reader may be glad to possess the most important portions of this +celebrated document. The opponents of Kossuth have of late pretended, +that the deposition of the Hapsburgs _caused_ the overthrow of +Hungary. But the deposition was not carried until Austria was thoroughly +beaten, and Russia _had engaged_ to give her utmost aid. This +finally united all Hungary. At no earlier period would Hungary have +acted with full unanimity in so decisive a step. To have delayed it +longer would not have averted Russian invasion, and would have caused +deep discontent in Hungary. Nothing but the wilful disobedience of +Görgey, who wasted a month at Buda at this very crisis, saved the +Hapsburgs from being conquered in Vienna, before the Russian armies +could possibly come up.] + +We, the legally-constituted representatives of the Hungarian nation +assembled in Diet, do by these presents solemnly proclaim, in +maintenance of the inalienable natural rights of Hungary, with all its +appurtenances and dependencies, to occupy the position of an Independent +European state; that the house of Lorraine-Hapsburg, as perjured in the +sight of God and man, has forfeited its right to the Hungarian throne. +At the same time, we feel ourselves bound in duty to make known the +motives and reasons which have impelled us to this decision, that the +civilized world may learn we have not taken this step out of overweening +confidence in our own wisdom, or out of revolutionary excitement, but +that it is an act of the last necessity, adopted to preserve from utter +destruction a nation persecuted to the limit of the most enduring +patience. + +Three hundred years have passed since the Hungarian nation, by free +election, placed the house of Austria upon its throne, in accordance +with stipulations made on both sides, and ratified by treaty. These +three hundred years have been, for the country, a period of +uninterrupted suffering. + +The Creator has blessed this country with all the elements of wealth and +happiness. Its area of one hundred and ten thousand square miles +presents, in varied profusion, innumerable sources of prosperity. Its +population, numbering nearly fifteen millions, feels the glow of +youthful strength within its veins, and has shown temper and docility +which warrant its proving at once the main organ of civilization in +Eastern Europe, and the guardian of that civilization when attacked. +Never was a more grateful task appointed to a reigning dynasty by the +dispensation of Providence than that which devolved upon the house of +Lorraine-Hapsburg. It would have sufficed, to do nothing to impede the +development of the country. Had this been the rule observed, Hungary +would now rank among the most prosperous nations. It was only necessary +that it should not envy the Hungarians the moderate share of +constitutional liberty which they timidly maintained during the +difficulties of a thousand years with rare fidelity to their sovereigns, +and the house of Hapsburg might long have counted this nation among the +most faithful adherents of the throne. + +This dynasty, however, which can at no epoch point to a ruler who based +his power on the freedom of the people, adopted a course towards this +nation, from father to son, which deserves the appellation of perjury. + +The house of Austria has publicly used every effort to deprive the +country of its legitimate Independence and Constitution, designing to +reduce it to a level with the other provinces long since deprived of all +freedom, and to unite all in a common sink of slavery. Foiled in this +effort by the untiring vigilance of the nation, it directed its +endeavour to lame the power, to check the progress of Hungary, causing +it to minister to the gain of the provinces of Austria, but only to the +extent which enabled those provinces to bear the load of taxation with +which the prodigality of the imperial house weighed them down; having +first deprived those provinces of all constitutional means of +remonstrating against a policy which was not based upon the welfare of +the subject, but solely tended to maintain despotism and crush liberty +in every country of Europe. + +It has frequently happened that the Hungarian nation, in despite of this +systematized tyranny, has been obliged to take up arms in self-defence. +Although constantly victorious in these constitutional struggles, yet so +moderate has the nation ever been in its use of the victory, so strongly +has it confided in the king's plighted word, that it has ever laid down +arms as soon as the king, by new compacts and fresh oaths, has +guaranteed the duration of its rights and liberty. But every new +compact was as futile as those which preceded it; each oath which fell +from the royal lips was but a renewal of previous perjuries. The policy +of the house of Austria, which aimed at destroying the independence of +Hungary as a state, has been pursued unaltered for three hundred years. + +It was in vain that the Hungarian nation shed its blood for the +deliverance of Austria whenever it was in danger; vain were all the +sacrifices which it made to serve the interests of the reigning house; +in vain did it, on the renewal of the royal promises, forget the wounds +which the past had inflicted; vain was the fidelity cherished by the +Hungarians for their king, and which, in moments of danger, assumed a +character of devotion; they were in vain, since the history of the +government of that dynasty in Hungary presents but an unbroken series of +perjured deeds from generation to generation. + +In spite of such treatment, the Hungarian nation has all along respected +the tie by which it was united to this dynasty; and in now decreeing its +expulsion from the throne, it acts under the natural law of +self-preservation, being driven to pronounce this sentence by the full +conviction that the house of Lorraine-Hapsburg is compassing the +destruction of Hungary as an independent State: so that this dynasty has +been the first to tear the bands by which it was united to the Hungarian +nation, and to confess that it had torn them in the face of Europe. For +many causes a nation is justified, before God and man, in expelling a +reigning dynasty. Among such are the following: + +1. When the dynasty forms alliances with the enemies of the country, +with robbers, or partizan chieftains to oppress the nation: 2. When it +attempts to annihilate the Independence of the country and its +Constitution, supported on oaths, by attacking with an armed force the +people who have committed no act of revolt: 3. When the integrity of a +country, which the sovereign has sworn to maintain, is violated, and its +resources cut away: 4. When foreign armies are employed to murder the +people, and to oppress their liberties. + +Each of the grounds here enumerated would justify the exclusion of a +dynasty from the throne. But the House of Lorraine-Hapsburg is +unexampled in the compass of its perjuries, and has committed every one +of these crimes against the nation.*** + +In former times, a governing COUNCIL, under the name of the Royal +Hungarian Stadtholdership, the president of which was the Palatine, held +its seat at Buda, whose sacred duty it was to watch over the integrity +of the state, the inviolability of the Constitution, and the sanctity of +the laws; but this _collegiate_ authority not presenting any +element of _personal_ responsibility, the Vienna cabinet gradually +degraded this council to the position of an administrative organ of +court absolutism. In this manner, while Hungary had ostensibly an +independent government, the despotic Vienna cabinet disposed at will of +the money and blood of the people for foreign purposes, postponing our +commercial interests to the success of courtly cabals, injurious to the +welfare of the people, so that we were excluded from all connection with +the other countries of the world, and were degraded to the position of a +colony. The mode of governing by a MINISTRY was intended to put a stop +to these proceedings, which caused the rights of the country to moulder +uselessly in its parchments; by the change,[*] these rights and the +royal oath were both to become a reality. It was the apprehension of +this, and especially the fear of losing its control over the money and +blood of the country, which caused the house of Austria to resolve on +involving Hungary, by the foulest intrigues, in the horrors of fire and +slaughter, that, having plunged the country in a civil war, it might +seize the opportunity to dismember the kingdom, and to blot out the name +of Hungary from the list of independent nations, and unite its plundered +and bleeding limbs with the Austrian monarchy. + +[Footnote *: The change was solemnly enacted in the Parliamentary Laws of +March, 1848, which King Ferdinand V. sanctioned by his public oath in +April, 1848.] + +The beginning of this course was, (after a Ministry had been called into +existence), by ordering an Austrian general [Jellachich] to rise in +rebellion against the laws of the country and nominating him Ban of +Croatia, a kingdom belonging to the kingdom of Hungary.*** + +The Ban revolted therefore in the name of the emperor, and rebelled +openly against the king of Hungary, who is however one and the same +person; and he went so far as to decree the separation of Croatia and +Slavonia from _Hungary_, with which they had been united for eight +hundred years, as well as to incorporate them with the _Austrian_ +empire. Public opinion and undoubted facts threw the blame of these +proceedings on the Archduke Louis, uncle to the emperor, on his brother, +the Archduke Francis Charles, and especially on the consort of the +last-named prince, the Archduchess Sophia; and since the Ban, in this +act of rebellion, openly alleged that he acted as a faithful subject of +the emperor, the ministry of Hungary requested their sovereign, by a +public declaration, to wipe off the stigma which these proceedings threw +upon the family. At that moment affairs were not prosperous for Austria +in Italy; the emperor therefore did proclaim that the Ban and his +associates were guilty of high treason, and of exciting to rebellion. +But while publishing this edict, the Ban and his accomplices were +covered with favours at court, and supplied for their enterprise with +money, arms, and ammunition. The Hungarians, confiding in the royal +proclamation, and not wishing to provoke a civil conflict, did not hunt +out those proscribed traitors in their lair, and only adopted measures +for checking any extension of the rebellion. But soon afterward the +inhabitants of South Hungary, of Servian race, were excited to rebellion +by precisely the same means. + +These were also declared by the king to be rebels, but were +nevertheless, like the others, supplied with money, arms, and +ammunition. The king's commissioned officers and civil servants enlisted +bands of robbers in the principality of Servia to strengthen the rebels, +and aid them in massacring the peaceable Hungarian and German +inhabitants of the Banat. The command of these rebellious bodies was +further entrusted to the rebel leaders of the Croatians. + +During this rebellion of the Hungarian Servians, scenes of cruelty were +witnessed at which the heart shudders; the peaceable inhabitants were +tortured with a cruelty which makes the hair stand on end. Whole towns +and villages, once flourishing, were laid waste. Hungarians fleeing +before these murderers were reduced to the condition of vagrants and +beggars in their own country; the most lovely districts were converted +into a wilderness.*** + +The greater part of the Hungarian regiments were, according to the old +system of government, scattered through the other provinces of the +empire. In Hungary itself, the troops quartered were mostly Austrian; +and they afforded more protection to the rebels than to the laws, or to +the internal peace of the country. The withdrawal of these troops, and +the return of the national militia, was demanded of the government, but +was either refused, or its fulfilment delayed; and when our brave +comrades, on hearing the distress of the country, returned in masses, +they were persecuted, and such as were obliged to yield to superior +force were disarmed, and sentenced to death for having defended their +country against rebels. + +The Hungarian ministry begged the king earnestly to issue orders to all +troops and commanders of fortresses in Hungary, enjoining fidelity to +the Constitution, and obedience to the ministers of Hungary. Such a +proclamation was sent to the Palatine, the viceroy of Hungary, Archduke +Stephen, at Buda. The necessary letters were written and sent to the +post-office. But this nephew of the king, the Archduke Palatine, +shamelessly caused these letters to be smuggled back from the +post-office, although they had been countersigned by the responsible +ministers; and they were afterward found among his papers when he +treacherously departed from the country. + +The rebel Ban menaced the Hungarian coast with an attack, and the +government, with the king's consent, ordered an armed corps to march +into Styria for the defence of Fiume; but this whole force received +orders to march into Italy.*** + +The rebel force occupied Fiume, and disunited it from the kingdom of +Hungary, and this hateful deception was disavowed by the Vienna cabinet +as having been a _misunderstanding_; the furnishing of arms, +ammunition, and money to the rebels of Croatia was also declared to have +been a misunderstanding. Finally, instructions were issued to the +effect that, until special orders were given, the army and the +commanders of fortresses were not to follow the orders of the Hungarian +ministers, but were to execute those of the Austrian cabinet.*** + +The king from that moment began to address the man whom he himself had +branded as a rebel, as "dear and loyal" (Lieber Getreuer); he praised +him for having revolted, and encouraged him to proceed in the path he +had entered upon. + +He expressed a like sympathy for the Servian rebels, whose hands yet +reeked from the massacres they had perpetrated. It was under this +command that the Ban of Croatia, after being proclaimed as a rebel, +assembled an army, and announced his commission from the king to carry +fire and sword into Hungary, upon which the Austrian troops stationed in +the country united with him.*** + +Even then the Diet did not give up all confidence in the power of the +royal oath, and the king was once more requested to order the rebels to +quit the country. The answer given was a reference to a manifesto of the +Austrian ministry, declaring it to be their determination to deprive the +Hungarian nation of the independent management of their financial, +commercial, and war affairs. The king at the same time refused his +assent to the bills submitted for approval respecting troops and the +subsidy for covering the expenditure. + +Upon this the Hungarian ministers resigned, but the names submitted by +the president of the council, at the demand of the king, were not +approved of for successors. The Diet then, bound by its duty to secure +the safety of the country, voted the supplies, and ordered the troops to +be levied. The nation obeyed the summons with readiness. + +The representatives of the people then summoned the nephew of the +emperor to join the camp, and as Palatine[*] to lead the troops against +the rebels. He not only obeyed the summons, but made public professions +of his devotion to the cause. As soon, however, as an engagement +threatened, he fled secretly from the camp and the country, like a +coward traitor. Among his papers a plan, formed by him some time +previously, was found, according to which Hungary was to be +simultaneously attacked on nine sides at once--from Styria, Austria, +Moravia, Silesia, Galicia, and Transylvania. + +[Footnote *: The Palatine was a high officer elected by the Diet, as its +organ, and the defender of its Constitution. In fact, they always +elected a prince of the blood royal. He was virtually a Viceroy.] + +From a correspondence with the Minister of War, seized at the same time, +it was discovered that the commanding generals in the military frontier +and the Austrian provinces adjoining Hungary had received orders to +enter Hungary, and support the rebels with their united forces. + +This attack from nine points at once really began. The most painful +aggression took place in Transylvania; for the traitorous commander in +that district did not content himself with the practices considered +lawful in war by disciplined troops. He stirred up the Wallachian +peasants to take up arms against their own constitutional rights, and, +aided by the rebellious Servian hordes, commenced a course of Vandalism +and extinction, sparing neither women, children, nor aged men; murdering +and torturing the defenceless Hungarian inhabitants; burning the most +flourishing villages and towns, among which, Nagy-Igmand, the seat of +learning for Transylvania, was reduced to a heap of ruins. + +But the Hungarian nation, although taken by surprise, unarmed and +unprepared, did not abandon its future prospects in any agony of +despair. + +Measures were immediately taken to increase the small standing army by +volunteers and the levy of the people. These troops, supplying the want +of experience by the enthusiasm arising from the feeling that they had +right on their side, defeated the Croatian armaments, and drove them out +of the country.*** + +The defeated army fled in the direction of Vienna, where the emperor +continued his demoralizing policy, and nominated the beaten and flying +rebel as his plenipotentiary and substitute in Hungary, suspending by +this act the constitution and institutions of the country, all its +authorities, courts of justice, and tribunals, laying the kingdom under +martial law, and placing in the hand of, and under the unlimited +authority of, a rebel, the honour, the property and the lives of the +people; in the hand of a man who, with armed bands, had braved the laws, +and attacked the Constitution of the country. + +But the house of Austria was not contented with the unjustifiable +violation of oaths taken by its head. + +The rebellious Ban was taken under the protection of the troops +stationed near Vienna, and commanded by Prince Windischgrätz. These +troops, after taking Vienna by storm, were led as an imperial Austrian +army to conquer Hungary. But the Hungarian nation, persisting in its +loyalty, sent an envoy to the advancing enemy. This envoy, coming under +a flag of truce, was treated as a prisoner, and thrown into prison. No +heed was paid to the remonstrances and the demands of the Hungarian +nation for justice. The threat of the gallows was, on the contrary, +thundered against all who had taken arms in defence of a wretched and +oppressed country. But before the army had time to enter Hungary, a +family revolution in the tyrannical reigning house was perpetrated at +Olmütz. Ferdinand V. was forced to resign a throne which had been +polluted with so much blood and perjury, and the son of Francis Charles, +(who also abdicated his claim to the inheritance,) the youthful Archduke +Francis Joseph, caused himself to be proclaimed Emperor of Austria and +King of Hungary. But no one can by any family compact dispose of the +constitutional throne without the Hungarian nation. + +At this critical moment the Hungarian nation demanded nothing more than +the maintenance of its laws and institutions, and peace guaranteed by +their integrity. Had the assent of the nation to this change in the +occupant of the throne been asked in a legal manner, and the young +prince offered to take the customary oath that he would preserve the +Constitution, the Hungarian nation would not have refused to elect him +king in accordance with the treaties extant, and to crown him with St. +Stephen's crown, before he had dipped his hand in the blood of the +people. + +He, however, refusing to perform an act so sacred in the eyes of God and +man, and in strange contrast to the innocence natural to youthful +breasts, declared in his first words his intention of conquering +Hungary, (which he dared to call a rebellious country, whereas it was he +himself that raised rebellion there,) and of depriving it of that +independence which it had maintained for a thousand years, to +incorporate it into the Austrian monarchy.*** + +But even then an attempt was made to bring about a peaceful arrangement, +and a deputation was sent to the generals of the perjured dynasty. This +house in its blind self-confidence, refused to enter into any +negotiation, and dared to demand an unconditional submission from the +nation. The deputation was further detained, and one of the number, the +former President[*] of the Ministry, was even thrown into prison. Our +deserted capital was occupied, and was turned into a place of execution; +a part of the prisoners of war were there consigned to the axe, another +part were thrown into dungeons, while the remainder were exposed to +fearful sufferings from hunger, and were thus forced to enter the ranks +of the army in Italy. + +[Footnote *: Louis Bathyanyi. See Note to p. 6.] + +[**]Finally, to reap the fruit of so much perfidy, the Emperor Francis +Joseph dared to call himself King of Hungary, in the manifesto of the +9th of March [1849], wherein he openly declares that he erases the +Hungarian nation from the list of the independent nations of Europe, and +that he divides its territory into five parts, cutting off Transylvania, +Croatia, Slavonia, and Fiume from Hungary, creating at the same time a +principality (vayvodeschaft) for the Servian rebels, and, having +paralyzed the political existence of the country, declares it +incorporated into the Austrian monarchy. + +[Footnote **: This paragraph, omitted above, is inserted here, where the +reader will better understand it.] + +The measure of the crimes of the Austrian house was, however, filled up, +when, after[*] its defeat, it applied for help to the Emperor of Russia; +and, in spite of the remonstrances and protestations of the Porte, and +of the consuls of the European powers at Bucharest, in defiance of +international rights, and to the endangering of the balance of power in +Europe, caused the Russian troops, stationed at Wallachia, to be led +into Transylvania, for the destruction of the Hungarian nation. + +[Footnote *: The Russian army entered Transylvania on January 3d, 1849; +this is the army which was driven out again. But the main Russian armies +were only on the move in April, and took two months longer to enter +Hungary. These were applied for late in March.] + +Three months ago we were driven back upon the Theiss; our just arms have +already recovered all Transylvania; Klausenburg, Hermanstadt, and +Kronstadt are taken; one portion of the troops of Austria is driven into +Bukowina; another, together with the Russian force sent to aid them, is +totally defeated, and to the last man obliged to evacuate Transylvania, +and to flee into Wallachia. Upper Hungary is cleared of foes. + +The Servian rebellion is further suppressed; the forts of St. Thomas and +the Roman intrenchment have been taken by storm, and the whole country +between the Danube and the Theiss, including the country of Bacs, has +been recovered for the nation. + +The commander-in-chief of the perjured house of Austria has himself been +defeated in five consecutive battles, and has with his whole army been +driven back upon and even over the Danube. + +Founding a line of conduct upon all these occurrences, and confiding in +the justice of an eternal God, we in the face of the civilized world, in +reliance upon the natural rights of the Hungarian nation, and upon the +power it has developed to maintain them, further impelled by that sense +of duty which urges every nation to defend its existence, do hereby +declare and proclaim in the name of the nation regally represented by +us, the following:-- + +1st. Hungary, with Transylvania, as legally united with it, and the +possessions and dependencies, are hereby declared to constitute a free, +independent, sovereign state. The territorial unity of this state is +declared to be inviolable, and its territory to be indivisible. + +2d. The house of Hapsburg-Lorraine--having by treachery, perjury, and +levying of war against the Hungarian nation, as well as by its +outrageous violation of all compacts, in breaking up the integral +territory of the kingdom, in the separation of Transylvania, Croatia, +Slavonia, Fiume, and its districts, from Hungary--further, by compassing +the destruction of the independence of the country by arms, and by +calling in the disciplined army of a foreign power, for the purpose of +annihilating its nationality, by violation both of the Pragmatic +Sanction and of treaties concluded between Austria and Hungary, on which +the alliance between the two countries depended--is, as treacherous and +perjured, for ever excluded from the throne of the united states of +Hungary and Transylvania, and all their possessions and dependencies, +and are hereby deprived of the style and title, as well as of the +armorial bearings belonging to the crown of Hungary, and declared to be +banished for ever from the united countries and their dependencies and +possessions. They are therefore declared to be deposed, degraded, and +banished for ever from the Hungarian territory. + +3d. The Hungarian nation, in the exercise of its rights and sovereign +will, being determined to assume the position of a free and independent +state among the nations of Europe, declares it to be its intention to +establish and maintain friendly and neighbourly relations with those +states with which it was formerly united under the same sovereign, as +well as to contract alliances with all other nations. + +4th. The form of government to be adopted for the future will be fixed +by the Diet of the nation. + +But until this point shall be decided, on the basis of the foregoing and +received principles which have been recognized for ages, the government +of the united countries, their possessions and dependencies, shall be +conducted on personal responsibility, and under the obligation to render +an account of all acts, by Louis Kossuth, who has by acclamation, and +with the unanimous approbation of the Diet of the nation, been named +Governing President (Gubernator), and the ministers whom he shall +appoint. + +And this resolution of ours we proclaim for the knowledge of all nations +of the civilized world, with the conviction that the Hungarian nation +will be received by them among the free and independent nations of the +world, with the same friendship and free acknowledgment of its rights +which the Hungarians proffer to other countries. + +We also hereby proclaim and make known to all the inhabitants of the +united states of Hungary and Transylvania, their possessions and +dependencies, that all authorities, communes, towns, and the civil +officers, both in the counties and cities, are completely set free and +released from all the obligations under which they stood, by oath or +otherwise, to the said house of Hapsburg; and that any individual daring +to contravene this decree, and by word or deed in any way to aid or abet +any one violating it, shall be treated and punished as guilty of high +treason. And by the publication of this decree, we hereby bind and +oblige all the inhabitants of these countries to obedience to the +government, now instituted formally, and endowed with all necessary +legal powers. + +_Debreczin, April_ 14, 1849. + + * * * * * + +V.--STATEMENT OF PRINCIPLES AND AIMS. + +[_Castle Garden, New York, Dec. 6th_.] + +After apologies for his weakness through the effects of the sea, Kossuth +continued:-- + +Citizens! much as I want some hours of rest, much as I need to become +acquainted with my ground, before I enter publicly on matters of +business, I yet took it for a duty of honour to respond at once to your +generous welcome. I have to thank the People, the Congress, and the +Government of the United States for my liberation. I must not try to +express what I felt, when I,--a wanderer,--but not the less the +legitimate official chief of Hungary,--first saw the glorious flag of +the stripes and stars fluttering over my head--when I saw around me the +gallant officers and the crew of the _Mississippi_ frigate--most of +them worthy representatives of true American principles, American +greatness, American generosity. It was not a mere chance which cast the +star-spangled banner around me; it was your protecting will. The United +States of America, conscious of their glorious calling as well as of +their power, declared by this unparalleled act their resolve to become +the protectors of human rights. To see a powerful vessel of America, +coming to far Asia, in order to break the chains by which the mightiest +despots of Europe fettered the activity of an exiled Magyar, whose name +disturbed their sleep--to be restored by such a protection to freedom +and activity--you may well conceive, was intensely felt by me; as indeed +I still feel it. Others _spoke_--you _acted_; and I was free! +You acted; and at this act of yours tyrants trembled; humanity shouted +out with joy; the Magyar nation, crushed, but not broken, raised its +head with resolution and with hope; and the brilliancy of your stars was +greeted by Europe's oppressed millions as the morning star of liberty. +Now, gentlemen, you must be aware how great my gratitude must be. You +have restored me to life--in restoring me to activity; and should my +life, by the blessing of the Almighty, still prove useful to my +fatherland and to humanity, it will be your merit--it will be your work. +May you and your country be blessed for it! + +Your generous part in my liberation is taken by the world for the +revelation of the fact, that the United States are resolved not to allow +the despots of the world to trample on oppressed humanity. That is why +my liberation was cheered from Sweden to Portugal as a ray of hope. Even +those nations which most desire my presence in Europe now, have said to +me, "Hasten on, hasten on, to the great, free, rich, and powerful people +of the United States, and bring over its brotherly aid to the cause of +your country, so intimately connected with European liberty;" and here I +stand to plead the cause of common human rights before your great +Republic. Humble as I am, God the Almighty has selected me to represent +the cause of humanity before you. My warrant hereto is written in the +sympathy and confidence of all who are oppressed, and of all who, as +your elder sister the British nation, sympathize with the oppressed. It +is written in the hopes and expectations you have entitled the world to +entertain, by liberating me out of my prison. But it has pleased the +Almighty to make out of my humble self yet another opportunity for a +thing which may prove a happy turning-point in the destinies of the +world. I bring you a brotherly greeting from the people of Great +Britain. I speak not in an official character, imparted by diplomacy +whose secrecy is the curse of the world, but I am the harbinger of the +public spirit of the people, which I witnessed pronouncing itself in the +most decided manner, openly--that the people of England, united to you +with enlightened brotherly love, as it is united in blood--conscious of +your strength as it is conscious of its own, has for ever abandoned +every sentiment of irritation and rivalry, and desires the brotherly +alliance of the United States to secure to every nation the sovereign +right to dispose of itself, and to protect that right against +encroaching arrogance. It desires to league with you against the league +of despots, and with you to stand sponsor at the approaching baptism of +European liberty. + +Now, gentlemen, I have stated my position. I am a straightforward man. I +am a republican. I have avowed it openly in monarchical but free +England; and am happy to state that I have lost nothing by this avowal +there. I hope I shall not lose here, in republican America, by that +frankness, which must be one of the chief qualities of every republican. +So I beg leave openly to state the following points: FIRST that I take +it to be duty of honour and principle not to meddle with any +party-question of your own domestic affairs. SECONDLY, I profess my +admiration for the glorious principle of union, on which stands the +mighty pyramid of your greatness. Taking my ground on this +constitutional fact, it is not to a party, but to your united people +that I will confidently address my humble requests. Within the limits +of your laws I will use every honest exertion to gain your effectual +sympathy, and your financial material and political aid for my country's +freedom and independence, and entreat the realization of the hopes which +your generosity has raised. And, therefore, THIRDLY, I frankly state +that my aim is to restore my fatherland to the full enjoyment of her own +independence, which has been legitimately declared, and cannot have lost +its rightfulness by the violent invasion of foreign Russian arms. What +can be opposed to it? The frown of Mr. Hulsemann--the anger of that +satellite of the Czar, called Francis-Joseph of Austria! and the +immense danger (with which some European and American papers threaten +you), lest your minister at Vienna receive his passports, and Mr. +Hulsemann leave Washington, should I be received in my official +capacity? Now, as to your Minister at Vienna, how you can reconcile the +letting him stay there with your opinion of the cause of Hungary, I do +not know; for the present absolutist atmosphere of Europe is not very +propitious to American principles. But as to Mr. Hulsemann, do not +believe that he would be so ready to leave Washington. He has extremely +well digested the caustic words which Mr. Webster has administered to +him so gloriously. I know that your public spirit would never allow any +responsible depository of the executive power to be regulated in its +policy by all the Hulsemanns or all the Francis-Josephs in the world. +But it is also my agreeable conviction that the highminded Government of +the United States shares warmly the sentiments of the people. It has +proved it by executing in a ready and dignified manner the resolution of +Congress on behalf of my liberation. It has proved it by calling on the +Congress to consider how I shall be received, and even this morning I +was honoured by the express order of the Government with an official +salute from the batteries of the United States, in a manner in which, +according to the military rules, only a high official personage can be +greeted. + +I came not to your glorious shores to enjoy a happy rest--I came not to +gather triumphs of personal distinction, but as a humble petitioner, in +my country's name, as its freely chosen constitutional leader, to +entreat your generous aid. I have no other claims than those which the +oppressed principle of freedom has to the aid of victorious liberty. If +you consider these claims not sufficient for your active and effectual +sympathy, then let me know at once that the hopes have failed, with +which Europe has looked to your great, mighty, and glorious +Republic--let me know it at once that I may hasten back and say to the +oppressed nations, "Let us fight, forsaken and single-handed, the battle +of Leonidas; let us trust to God, to our right, and to our good sword; +for we have no other help on earth." But if your generous Republican +hearts are animated by the high principle of freedom and of the +community in human destinies,--if you have the will, as undoubtedly you +have the power, to support the cause of freedom against the sacrilegious +league of despotism, then give me some days of calm reflection, to +become acquainted with the ground upon which I stand--let me take kind +advice as to my course--let me learn whether any steps have been already +taken in favour of that cause which I have the honour to represent; and +then let me have a new opportunity to expound before you my humble +request in a practical way. + +I confidently hope, Mr. Mayor, the Corporation and Citizens of THE +EMPIRE CITY will grant me a second opportunity. If this be your generous +will, then let me take this for a boon of happier days; and let me add, +with a sigh of thanksgiving to the Almighty God, that Providence has +selected your glorious country to be the pillar of freedom, as it is +already the asylum to oppressed humanity. + +I am told that I shall have the high honour to review your patriotic +militia. My heart throbs at the idea of seeing this gallant army +enlisted on the side of freedom against despotism. The world would then +soon be free, and you the saviours of humanity. Citizens of New York, it +is under your protection that I place the sacred cause of freedom and +the independence of Hungary. + + * * * * * + +VI.--REPLY TO THE BALTIMORE ADDRESS. + +[_Dec. 10th_, 1851.] + +Mr. Henry P. Brooks, Chairman of the Committee of the Baltimore City +Council, came forward, and after congratulating Kossuth upon his release +from peril, and arrival in America, he presented the following +resolutions of the Council written on parchment:-- + +IN CITY COUNCIL. + +Whereas it is understood that Louis Kossuth, the illustrious Hungarian +patriot and exile, is about seeking an asylum upon our shores; and +whereas it is believed that the city of Baltimore, in common with the +whole people of the United States, feel a deep and abiding interest in +the cause of freedom wherever it is assailed, and entertain the most +sincere regret for the unfortunate condition of Hungary; and whereas, in +the reception of Kossuth, an opportunity is offered of expressing our +sympathy for the cause of Hungarian independence--of recording our +detestation of the unholy coalition by which that gallant people have +been crushed, and of evincing our admiration of the noble conduct of the +Turkish Sultan in refusing to deliver to the despots of Europe that +illustrious exile and patriot whom it is about to be our privilege and +pride to receive, as it befits the chosen people of liberty to receive +one who has so nobly battled and suffered in that sacred cause; +therefore-- + +_Resolved_, By the Mayor and City Council of Baltimore, that we +look to the arrival of Kossuth upon our shores with mingled feelings of +satisfaction and regret--satisfaction that we are enabled to afford a +safe asylum to an illustrious patriot--regret that the cause of liberty +should give birth to such necessity. + +_Resolved_, That we sympathize fully with the Hungarians in their +important struggles for Independence, but mindful of that Providence +which crowned our own efforts for liberty with success, trust yet to +behold that glorious future which their noble leader so eloquently +predicts for his beloved country. + +_Resolved_, That we regard the alliance with Russia and Austria for +the purpose of crushing the spirit of liberty in Hungary as a fit +accompaniment in the annals of time for the infamous partition of +unfortunate Poland by the same tyrannical powers, each alike worthy of +the execration of the civilized world. + +_Resolved_, That we cordially welcome Kossuth and his exiled +companions to the full enjoyment of American liberty and an asylum +beyond the reach of European despotism. + +_Resolved_, further, That a Joint Committee of five from each +branch of the City Council be appointed, whose duty it shall be, in +conjunction with the Mayor, in the event of their arrival in our city, +to tender to them appropriate public tokens of our esteem and admiration +for their gallant conduct, as well as of our sympathy for their +sufferings and their cause. + +Committee under the last resolution--First Branch: Henry P. Brooke, John +Dukehart, J. Hanson Thomas, David Blanford, John Thomas Morris. + +Second Branch: Jacob J. Cohen, W. B. Morris, Hugh A. Cooper, James C. +Ninde, Geo. A. Lovering. + +JOHN H. J. JEROME, Mayor. +JOHN S. BROWN, President of First Branch. +HUGH BOLTON, President of Second Branch. +City of Baltimore, State of Maryland, United States of America, Oct. 28, +A.D. 1851. + +[After hearing several other--complimentary addresses, Kossuth in a few +minutes replied. He began with apologies, and then proceeded]:-- + +Permit me to say, that in my opinion the word "glory" should be blotted +out from the Dictionary in respect to individuals, and only left for use +in respect to nations. Whatever a man can do for his country, even +though he should live a long life, and have the strongest faculties, +would not be too much: for he ought to use his utmost exertions, and his +utmost powers, in return for the gifts he receives. Whatever a man can +do on behalf of his country and of humanity, would never be so much as +his duty calls upon him to do, still less so much as to merit the use of +the word "glory" in regard to himself. Once more, I say, that duty +belongs to the man and glory to the nation. When an honest man does his +duty to his own country, and becomes a patriot, he acts for all +humanity, and does his duty to mankind. + +You have bestowed great attention upon the cause of Hungary, and the +subject is here well understood generally, which is a benefit to me. I +declare to you all, that I find more exact knowledge of the Hungarian +cause here, than in any other place I have been. Yet I am astonished to +see in a report of the proceedings of the United States Senate, that a +member rose and said that we were not struggling for the principle of +Freedom and of Liberty, but rather for the support of our ancient +Charter. This, gentlemen, is a misrepresentation of our cause. There is +a truth in the assertion that we were struggling for our _ancient +rights_, for the right of self-government is an ancient right. The +right of self-government was ours a thousand years ago, and has been +guaranteed to us by the coronation oaths of more than thirty of our +kings. I say that this right was guaranteed to us, yet it had become a +dead letter in the course of time. Before the Revolution of 1848 we were +long struggling to enforce our notorious but often invaded rights; but +the whole people were not interested in them: for although they were +constitutional rights, they were restricted in ancient times, not to a +particular _race_, but to a particular _class_, called Nobles. +These did not belong to the Magyars alone, but to all the races that +settled in the country, to the Sclaves, to the Wallachians, the Serbs, +and to others, whatever their race or their extraction. Yet none but the +_Nobles_ were privileged. We saw that for one class only to be +interested in these rights was not enough, and we wished to make them a +benefit to every man in the country, and to replace the old Constitution +by one which should give a common and universal right to all men to +vote, without regard to the tongue they speak or the Church at which +they pray. I need not enter further into the subject than to say, that +we established a system of practically universal suffrage, of equality +in representation, a just share in taxation for the support of the +State, and equality in the benefits of public education, and in all +those blessings which are derived from the freedom of a free people. + +It has been asked by some, why I allowed a treacherous general to ruin +our cause. I have always been anxious not to assume any duty for which I +might be unsuited. If I had undertaken the practical direction of +military operations, and anything went amiss, I feared that my +conscience would torture me, as guilty of the fall of my country, as I +had not been familiar with military tactics. I therefore entrusted my +country's cause, thus far, into other hands; and I weep for the result. +In exile, I have tried to profit by the past and prepare for the future. +I believe that the confidence of Hungary in me is not shaken by +misfortune nor broken by my calumniators. I have had all in my own hands +once; and if ever I am in the same position again, I will act. I will +not become a Napoleon nor an Alexander, and labour for my own ambition; +but I will labour for freedom and for the moral well-being of man. I do +but ask you to enforce your own great constitutional principles, and not +permit Russia to interfere. + + * * * * * + +VII.--HEREDITARY POLICY OF AMERICA. + +[_Speech at the Corporation Dinner, New York, Dec. 11th_, +1851.] + +The Mayor having made an address to Kossuth, closed by proposing the +following toast:-- + +"Hungary--Betrayed but not subdued. Her call for help is but the echo of +our appeal against the tread of the oppressor." + +Kossuth rose to reply. The enthusiasm with which he was greeted was +unparalleled. It shook the building, and the chandeliers and candelabras +trembled before it. Every one present rose to his feet, and appeared +excited to frenzy. The ladies participated in honouring the Hungarian +hero. At length the storm of applause subsided, and then ensued a +silence most intense. Every eye was fixed on Kossuth, and when he +commenced his speech, the noise caused by the dropping of a pin could be +heard throughout the large and capacious room. + +KOSSUTH'S SPEECH. + +Sir,--In returning you my most humble thanks for the honour you did me +by your toast, and by coupling my name with that cause which is the +sacred aim of my life, I am so overwhelmed with emotion by all it has +been my strange lot to experience since I am on your glorious shores, +that I am unable to find words; and knowing that all the honour I meet +with has the higher meaning of principles, I beg leave at once to fall +back on my duties, which are the lasting topics of my reflections, my +sorrows, and my hopes. I take the present for a highly important +opportunity, which may decide the success or failure of my visit. I must +therefore implore your indulgence for a pretty long and plain +development of my views concerning that cause which the citizens of New +York, and you particularly, gentlemen, honour with generous interest. + +When I perceive that the sympathy of your people with Hungary is almost +universal, and that they pronounce their feelings in its favour with a +resolution such as denotes noble and great deeds about to follow; I +might feel inclined to take for granted, at least _in principle_, +that we shall have your generous aid for restoring to our land its +sovereign independence. Nothing but _details_ of negotiation would +seem to be left for me, were not my confidence checked, by being told, +that, according to many of your most distinguished Statesmen, it is a +ruling principle of your public policy never to interfere in European +affairs. + +I highly respect the source of this conviction, gentlemen. This source +is your religious attachment to the doctrines of those who bequeathed to +you the immortal constitution which, aided by the unparalleled benefits +of nature, has raised you, in seventy-five years, from an infant people +to a mighty nation. The wisdom of the founders of your great republic +you see in its happy results. What would be the consequences of +departing from that wisdom, you are not sure. You therefore +instinctively fear to touch, even with improving hands, the dear legacy +of those great men. And as to your glorious constitution, all humanity +can only wish that you and your posterity may long preserve this +religious attachment to its fundamental principles, which by no means +exclude development and progress: and that every citizen of your great +union, thankfully acknowledging its immense benefits, may never forget +to love it more than momentary passion or selfish and immediate +interest. May every citizen of your glorious country for ever remember +that a partial discomfort of a corner in a large, sure, and comfortable +house, may be well amended without breaking the foundation; and that +amongst all possible means of getting rid of that partial discomfort, +the worst would be to burn down the house with his own hands. + +But while I acknowledge the wisdom of your attachment to fundamental +doctrines, I beg leave with equal frankness to state, that, in my +opinion, there can be scarcely anything more dangerous to the +progressive development of a nation, than to mistake for a basis that +which is none; to mistake for a principle that which is but a transitory +convenience; to take for substantial that which is but accidental; or to +take for a constitutional doctrine that which is but a momentary +exigency of administrative policy. Such a course of action would be like +to a healthy man refusing substantial food, because when he was once +weak in stomach his physician ordered him a severe diet. Let me suppose, +gentlemen, that that doctrine of non-interference was really bequeathed +to you by your Washingtons (and that it was not, I will essay to prove +afterwards), and let me even suppose that your Washingtons imparted to +it such an interpretation, as were equivalent to the words of Cain, "Am +I my brother's keeper?" (which supposition would be, of course, a +sacrilege; but I am forced to such suppositions:) I may be entitled to +ask, is the dress which suited the child, still suitable to the full +grown man? Would it not be ridiculous to lay the man into the child's +cradle, and to sing him to sleep by a lullaby? In the origin of the +United States you were an infant people, and you had, of course, nothing +to do but to grow, to grow, and to grow. But now you are so far grown +that there is no foreign power on earth from which you have anything to +fear for your existence or security. In fact, your growth is that of a +giant. Of old, your infant frame was composed of thirteen states, and +was restricted to the borders of the Atlantic: now, your massive bulk is +spread to the gulf of Mexico and the Pacific, and your territory is a +continent. Your right hand touches Europe over the waves; your left +reaches across the Pacific to eastern Asia; and there, between two +quarters of the world, there you stand, in proud immensity, a world +yourselves. Then you were a small people of three millions and a half; +now you are a mighty nation of twenty-four millions. Thus you have fully +entered into the second stadium of national life, in which a nation +lives at length not for itself separately, but as a member of the great +family of human nations; having a right to whatever is due from that +family _towards_ every one of its full-grown members, but also +engaged to every duty which that great family may claim _from_ +every one of its full-grown members. + +A nation may, either from comparative weakness, or by choice and policy, +as Japan and China, or by both these motives, as Paraguay under Dr. +Francia,--be induced to live a life secluded from the world, indifferent +to the destinies of mankind, in which it cannot or will not have any +share. But then it must be willing to be also excluded from the benefits +of progress, civilization and national intercourse, while disavowing all +care about all other nations in the world. No citizen of the United +States has, or ever will have, the wish to see this country degraded to +the rotting vegetation of a Paraguay, or the mummy existence of a Japan +and China. The feeling of self-dignity, and the expansiveness of that +enterprizing spirit which is congenial to freemen, would revolt against +the very idea of such a degrading national captivity. But if there were +even a will to live such a mummy life, there is no possibility to do so. +The very existence of your great country, the principles upon which it +is founded, its geographical position, its present scale of +civilization, and all its moral and material interests, would lead on +your people not only to maintain, but necessarily more and more to +develop your foreign intercourse. Then, being in so many respects linked +to mankind at large, you cannot have the will, nor yet the power, to +remain indifferent to the outward world. And if you cannot remain +indifferent, you must resolve to throw your weight into that balance in +which the fate and condition of man is weighed. You are a power on +earth. You must be a power on earth, and must therefore accept all the +consequences of this position. You cannot allow that any power in the +world should dispose of the fate of that great family of mankind, of +which you are so pre-eminent a member: else you would resign your proud +place and your still prouder future, and be a power on earth no more. + +I hope I have sufficiently shown, that should even that doctrine of +non-interference have been established by the founders of your republic, +that which might have been very proper to your infancy would not now be +suitable to your manhood. It is a beautiful word of Montesquieu, that +republics are to be founded on virtue. And you know that virtue between +man and man, as sanctioned by our Christian religion, is but an exercise +of that great principle--"Thou shalt do to others as thou desirest +others to do to thee." Thus I might rely simply upon your generous +republican hearts, and upon the consistency of your principles; but I +beg to add some essential differences in material respects, between your +present condition and that of yore. Of your twenty-four millions, more +than nineteen are spread over yonder immense territory, the richest of +the world, employed in the cultivation of the soil, that honourable +occupation, which in every time has proved to be the most inexhaustible +and most unfailing source of public welfare and private happiness, as +also the most unwavering ally of freedom, and the most faithful fosterer +of all those upright, noble, generous sentiments which the constant +intercourse with ever young, ever great, ever beautiful virtue, imparts +to man. Now this immense agricultural interest, desiring large markets, +at the same time affords a solid basis to your manufacturing industry, +and in consequence to your immensely developed commerce. All this places +such a difference between the republic of Washington and your present +grandeur, that though you may well be attached to your original +principles (for the principles of liberty are everlastingly the same), +yet not so in respect to the exigencies of your policy. For if it is to +be regulated by _interest_, your country has other interests to-day +than it had then; and if ever it is to be regulated by the higher +consideration of _principles_, you are strong enough to feel that +the time is already come. And I, standing here before you to plead the +cause of oppressed humanity, am bold to declare that there may never +again come a crisis, at which such an elevation of your policy would +prove either more glorious to you, or more beneficial to man: for we in +Europe are apparently on the eye of that day, when either the hopes or +the fears of oppressed nations will be crushed for a long time. + +Having stated so far the difference of the situation, I beg leave now to +assert that it is an error to suppose that non-interference in foreign +matters has been bequeathed to the people of the United States by your +great Washington as a doctrine and as a constitutional principle. +Firstly, Washington never even recommended to you non-interference in +the sense of _indifference_ to the fate of other nations. He only +recommended _neutrality_. And there is a mighty diversity between +these two ideas. Neutrality has reference to a state of war between two +belligerent powers, and it is this case which Washington contemplated, +when he, in his Farewell Address, advised the people of the United +States not to enter into entangling alliances. Let quarrelling powers, +let quarrelling nations go to war--but do you consider your own +concerns; leave foreign powers to quarrel about ambitious topics, or +narrow partial interests. Neutrality is a matter of convenience--not of +principle. But while neutrality has reference to a state of war between +belligerent powers, the principle of non-interference, on the contrary, +lays down the sovereign right of nations to arrange their own domestic +concerns. Therefore these two ideas of neutrality and non-interference +are entirely different, having reference to two entirely different +matters. The sovereign right of every nation to rule over itself, to +alter its own institutions, to change the form of its own government, is +a common public law of nations, common to all, and, _therefore, put +under the common guarantee of all_. This sovereign right of every +nation to dispose of itself, you, the people of the United States must +recognize; for it is the common law of mankind, in which, because it is +such, every nation is equally interested. You must recognize it, +secondly, because the very existence of your great republic, as also the +independence of every nation, rests upon this ground. If that sovereign +right of nations were no common public law of mankind, then your own +independence would be no matter of right, but only a matter of fact, +which might be subject, for all future time, to all sorts of chances +from foreign conspiracy and violence. And where is the citizen of the +United States who would not revolt at the idea that this great republic +is not a righteous nor a lawful existence, but only a mere accident--a +mere matter of fact? If it were so, you were not entitled to invoke the +protection of God for your great country; for the protection of God +cannot, without sacrilege, be invoked but in behalf of justice and +right. You would have no right to look to the sympathy of mankind for +yourselves; for you would profess an abrogation of the laws of humanity +upon which is founded your own independence, your own nationality. + +Now, gentlemen, if these be principles of common law, of that law which +God has given to every nation of humanity--if to organize itself is the +common lawful right of every nation; then the interference with this +common law of all humanity, the violent act of hindering, by armed +forces, a nation from exercising that sovereign right, must be +considered as a violation of that common public law upon which your very +existence rests, and which, being a common law of all humanity, is, by +God himself, placed under the safeguard of all humanity; for it is God +himself who commands us to love our neighbours as we love ourselves, and +to do towards others as we desire others to do towards us. Upon this +point you cannot remain indifferent. You may well remain neutral to war +between two belligerent nations, but you cannot remain indifferent to +the violation of the common law of humanity. That indifference +Washington has never taught you. I defy any man to show me, out of the +eleven volumes of Washington's writings, a single word to that effect. +He could not have recommended this indifference without ceasing to be +wise as he was; for without justice there is no wisdom on earth. He +could not have recommended it without becoming inconsistent; for it was +this common law of mankind which your fathers invoked before God and man +when they proclaimed your independence. It was he himself, your great +Washington, who not only accepted, but again and again asked, foreign +aid--foreign help for the support of that common law of mankind in +respect to your own independence. Knowledge and instruction are so +universally spread amongst the enlightened people of the United States, +the history of your country is such a household science at the most +lonely hearths of your remotest settlements, that it may be sufficient +for me to refer, in that respect, to the instructions and correspondence +between Washington and the Minister at Paris--the equally immortal +Franklin--the modest man with the proud epitaph, which tells the world +that he wrested the lightning from heaven, and the sceptre from the +tyrant's hands. + +I will go further. Even that doctrine of neutrality which Washington +taught and bequeathed to you, he taught not as a constitutional +_principle_--a lasting regulation for all future time, but only as +a matter of temporary _policy_. I refer in that respect to the very +words of his Farewell Address. There he states explicitly that "it is +your _policy_ to steer clear of _permanent_ alliances with any +portion of the foreign world." These are his very words. Policy is the +word, and you know that policy is not the science of principle, but of +exigencies; and that principles are, of course, by a free and powerful +nation, never to be sacrificed to exigencies. The exigencies pass away +like the bubbles of a shower, but the nation is immortal: it must +consider the future also, and not only the egotistical dominion of the +passing hour: it must be aware that to an immortal nation nothing can be +of higher importance than immortal principles. Again, in the same +address Washington explicitly says, in reference to his policy of +neutrality, that "with him a predominant motive has been to _gain +time_ to your country to settle and mature its institutions, and to +progress without interruption to that degree of strength and consistency +which is necessary to give it the command of its own fortunes." These +are highly memorable words, gentlemen. Here I take my ground; and +casting a glance of admiration over your glorious land, I confidently +ask you, gentlemen, are your institutions settled and matured or are +they not? Are you, or are you not, come to such a degree of strength and +consistency as to be the masters of your own fortunes? Oh! how do I +thank God for having given me the glorious view of this country's +greatness, which answers this question for me! Yes! you _have_ +attained that degree of strength and consistency in which your less +fortunate brethren may well claim your protecting hand. + +One word more on Washington's doctrines. In one of his letters, written +to Lafayette, he says:--"Let us only have twenty years of peace, and our +country will come to such a degree of power and wealth that we shall be +able, in a just cause, to defy any power on earth whatsoever." "In a +just cause!" Now, in the name of eternal truth, and by all that is dear +and sacred to man, since the history of mankind is recorded, there has +been no cause more just than the cause of Hungary. Never was there a +people, without the slightest reason, more sacrilegiously, more +treacherously attacked, or by fouler means than Hungary. Never has +crime, cursed ambition, despotism, and violence, united more wickedly to +crush freedom, and the very life, than against Hungary. Never was a +country more mortally aggrieved than Hungary is. All _your_ +sufferings--all _your_ complaints, which, with so much right, drove +your forefathers to take up arms, are but slight grievances in +comparison with those immense deep wounds, out of which the heart of +Hungary bleeds! If the cause of our people is not sufficiently just to +insure the protection of God, and the support of right-willing men--then +there is no just cause, and no justice on earth. Then the blood of no +new Abel will moan towards Heaven. The genius of charity, Christian +love, and justice will mourningly fly the earth; a heavy curse will fall +upon morality--oppressed men will despair, and only the Cains of mankind +walk proudly with impious brow about the ruins of liberty on earth. + +Now, allow me briefly to consider how your Foreign Policy has grown and +enlarged itself. I will only recall to your memory the message of +President Monroe, when he clearly stated that the United States would +take up arms to protect the American Colonies of Spain, now free +republics, should the Holy (or rather unholy) Alliance make an attempt +either to aid Spain to reduce the new American republics to their +ancient colonial state, or to compel them to adopt political systems +more conformable to the policy and views of that alliance. I entreat you +to mark this well, gentlemen. Not only the forced introduction of +monarchy, but in general the interference of foreign powers in the +contest, was declared sufficient motive for the United States to protect +the colonies. Let me remind you that this declaration of President +Monroe was not only approved and confirmed by the people of the United +States, but that Great Britain itself joined the United States, in the +declaration of this decision and this policy. I further recall to your +memory the instructions given in 1826 to your Envoys to the Congress of +Panama, Richard Anderson and John Sergeant, where it was clearly stated +that the United States would have opposed, with their whole force, the +interference of the continental powers in that struggle for +independence. It is true, that this declaration to go even to war, to +protect the independence of foreign States against foreign interference, +was restricted to the continent of America; for President Monroe +declares in his message that the United States can have no concern in +European straggles, being distant and separated from Europe by the great +Atlantic Ocean. But I would remark that this indifference to European +concerns is again a matter, not of principle but of temporary +exigency--the motives of which have, by the lapse of time, entirely +disappeared--so much that the balance is even turned to the opposite +side. + +President Monroe mentions _distance_ as a motive of the +above-stated distinction. Well, since the prodigious development of your +Fulton's glorious invention, distance is no longer calculated by miles, +but by hours; and, being so, Europe is of course less distant from you +than the greater part of the American continent. But, let even the word +distance be taken in a nominal sense. Europe is nearer to you than the +greatest part of the American continent--yea! even nearer than perhaps +some parts of your own territory. President Monroe's second motive is, +that you are separated from Europe _by the Atlantic_. Now, at the +present time, and in the present condition of navigation, the Atlantic +is no separation, but rather a link; as the means of that commercial +intercourse which brings the interest of Europe home to you, connecting +you with it by every tie of moral as well as material interest. + +There is immense truth in that which the French Legation in the United +States expressed to your government in an able note of 27th October +past:--"America is closely connected with Europe, being only separated +from the latter by a distance scarcely exceeding eight days' journey, by +one of the most important of general interests--the interest of +commerce. The nations of America and Europe are at this day so +dependent upon one another, that the effects of any event, prosperous or +otherwise, happening on one side of the Atlantic, are immediately felt +on the other side. The result of this community of interests, +commercial, political, and moral, between Europe and America--of this +frequency and rapidity of intercourse between them, is, that it becomes +as difficult to point out the geographical degree where American policy +shall terminate, and European policy begin, as it is to trace out the +line where American commerce begins and European commerce terminates. +Where may be said to begin or terminate the ideas which are in the +ascendant in Europe and in America?" + +It is chiefly in New York that I feel induced to urge this, because New +York is, by innumerable ties, connected with Europe--more connected than +several parts of Europe itself. It is the agricultural interest of this +great country which chiefly wants an outlet and a market. Now, it is far +more to Europe than to the American continent that you have to look in +that respect. On this account you cannot remain indifferent to the fate +of freedom on the European continent: for be sure, gentlemen--and I +would say this chiefly to the gentlemen of trade--should absolutism gain +ground in Europe, it will, it must, put every possible obstacle in the +way of commercial intercourse with republican America: for commercial +intercourse is the most powerful convoyer of principles, and be sure the +victory of absolutism on the European continent will in no quarter have +more injurious national consequences than against your vast agricultural +and commercial interests. Then why not prevent it, while it is still +possible to do so with comparatively small sacrifices, rather than abide +that fatal catastrophe, and have to mourn the immense sacrifices it +would then cost? + +Even in political considerations, now-a-days, you have stronger motives +to feel interested in the fate of Europe than in the fate of the Central +or Southern parts of America. Whatever may happen in the institutions +of these parts, you are too powerful to see your own institutions +affected by it. But let Europe become absolutistical (as, unless +Hungary be restored to its independence, and Italy become free, be sure +it will)--and your children will see those words, which your national +government spoke in 1827, fulfilled on a larger scale than they were +meant, that "the absolutism of Europe will not be appeased, until every +vestige of human freedom has been obliterated even here." And oh! do not +rely too fondly upon your power. It is great, assuredly. You have not to +fear any single power on earth. But look to history. Mighty empires +have vanished. Let not the enemies of freedom grow too strong. +Victorious over Europe, and then united, they would be too strong even +for you! And be sure they hate you most cordially. They consider you as +their most dangerous opponent. Absolutism cannot sleep tranquilly, while +the republican principle has such a mighty representative as your +country is. Yes, gentlemen, it was the fear of driving the absolutists +to fanatical effort, which induced your great Statesmen not to extend to +Europe the principle on which they acted towards the New World, and by +no means the publicly avowed feeble motives. Every manifestation of your +public life in those times shows that I am right to say so. The European +nations were, about 1823, in such a degraded situation, that indeed you +must have felt anxious not to come into any political contact with that +pestilential atmosphere, when, as Mr. Clay said in 1818, in his speech +about the emancipation of South America, "Paris was transferred to St. +Petersburg." But scarcely a year later, the Greek nation came in its +contest to an important crisis, which gave you hope that the spirit of +freedom was waking again, and at once you abandoned the principle of +political indifference for Europe. You know, your Clays and your +Websters spoke, as if really they were speaking for my very cause. You +know how your citizens acted in behalf of that struggle for liberty in a +part of Europe which is more distant than Hungary: and again when Poland +fell, you know what spirit pervaded the United States. + +I have shown you how Washington's policy has been gradually changed: but +one mighty difference I must still commemorate. Your population has, +since Monroe's time, nearly doubled, I believe; or at least has +increased by millions. And what sort of men are these millions? Are they +only native-born Americans? No European emigrants? Many are men, who +though citizens of the United States are, by the most sacred ties of +relationship, attached to the fate of Europe. That is a consideration +worthy of reflection with your wisest men, who will, ere long agree with +me, that in your present condition you are at least as much interested +in the state of Europe, as twenty-eight years ago your fathers were in +the fate of Central and Southern America. And really so it is. The +unexampled sympathy for the cause of my country which I have met with in +the United States proves that it is so. Your generous interference with +the Turkish captivity of the Governor of Hungary, proves that is so. And +this progressive development in your foreign policy, is, in fact, no +longer a mere instinctive ebullition of public opinion, which is about +hereafter to direct your governmental policy; the opinion of the people +is _already_ avowed as the policy of the government. I have a most +decisive authority to rely upon in saying so. It is the message of the +President of the United States. His Excellency, Millard Fillmore, made a +communication to Congress, a few days ago, and there I read the +paragraph:--"The deep interest which we feel in the spread of liberal +principles, and the establishment of free governments, and the sympathy +with which we witness every struggle against oppression, _forbid that +we should be indifferent_ to a case in which the strong arm of a +foreign power is invoked to stifle public sentiment and repress the +spirit of freedom in any country." + +Now, gentlemen, here is the ground which I take for my earnest +endeavours to benefit the cause of Hungary. I have only respectfully to +ask: Is a principle which the public opinion of the United States so +resolutely professes, and which the government of the United States, +with the full sentiment of its responsibility, declares to your Congress +to be a ruling principle of your national government--is that principle +meant to be serious? Indeed, it would be a most impertinent outrage +towards your great people and your national government, to entertain the +insulting opinion, that what the people of the United States and its +national government profess in such a solemn diplomatic manner could be +meant as a mere sporting with the most sacred interests of humanity. God +forbid that I should think so. Therefore, I take the principle of your +policy as I find it established--and I come in the name of oppressed +humanity to claim the unavoidable, practical, consequences of your own +freely chosen policy, which you have avowed to the whole world; to claim +the realization of those expectations which you, the sovereign people of +the United States, have chosen, of your own accord, to raise in the +bosom of my countrymen and of all the oppressed. + +You will excuse me, gentlemen, for having dwelt so long upon that +principle of non-interference with European measures: but I have found +it to be the stone of stumbling thrown in my way when I spoke of what I +humbly request from the United States. I have been charged as arrogantly +attempting to change your existing policy, and since I cannot in one +speech exhaust the complex and mighty whole of my mission, I choose on +the present opportunity to develop my views about that fundamental +principle: and having shown, not theoretically, but practically, that it +is a mistake to think that you had, at any time, such a principle, and +having shown that if you ever entertained such a policy, you have been +forced to abandon it--so much, at least, I hope I have achieved. My +humble requests to your active sympathy may be still opposed by--I know +not what other motives; but the objection, that you must not interfere +with European concerns--this objection is disposed of, once and for +ever, I hope. It remains now to inquire, whether, since you have +professed not to be indifferent to the cause of European freedom--the +cause of Hungary is such as to have just claims to your active and +effectual assistance and support. It is, gentlemen. + +To prove this I do not now intend to enter into an explanation of the +particulars of our struggle, which I had the honour to conduct, as the +chosen Chief Magistrate of my native land. It is highly gratifying to me +to find that the cause of Hungary is--excepting some ridiculous +misrepresentations of ill-will--correctly understood here. I will only +state now one fact, and that is, that our endeavours for independence +were crushed by the armed interference of a foreign despotic power--the +principle of all evil on earth--Russia. And stating this fact, I will +not again intrude upon you with my own views, but recall to your memory +the doctrines established by your own statesmen. Firstly--I return to +your great Washington. He says, in one of his letters to Lafayette, "My +policies are plain and simple; I think every nation has a right to +establish that form of government under which it conceives it can live +most happy; and that no government ought to interfere with the internal +concerns of another." Here I take my ground:--upon a principle of +Washington--a _principle_, not a mere temporary policy calculated +for the first twenty years of your infancy. Russia _has_ interfered +with the internal concerns of Hungary, and by doing so has violated the +policy of the United States, established as a lasting principle by +Washington himself. It is a lasting principle. I could appeal in my +support to the opinion of every statesman of the United States, of every +party, of every time; but to save time, I pass at once from the first +President of the United States to the last, and recall to your memory +this word of the present annual message of his Excellency President +Fillmore:--"Let every people choose for itself, and make and alter its +political institutions to suit its own condition and convenience." I beg +leave also to quote the statement of your present Secretary of State, +Mr. Webster, who, in his speech on the Greek question, speaks +thus:--"The law of nations maintains that in extreme cases resistance is +lawful, and that one nation has no right to interfere in the affairs of +another." Well, that precisely is the ground upon which we Hungarians +stand. + +But I may perhaps meet the objection (I am sorry to say I have met it +already)--"Well, we own that it has been violated by Russia in the case +of Hungary, but after all what is Hungary to us? Let every people take +care of itself, what is that to us?" So some speak: it is the old +doctrine of private egotism, "Every one for himself, and God for us +all." I will answer the objection again by the words of Mr. Webster, +who, in his speech on the Greek question, having professed that the +internal sovereignty of every nation is a law of nations--thus goes on, +"But it may be asked 'what is all that to us?' The question is easily +answered. _We are one of the nations_, and we as a nation have +precisely the same interest in international law as a private individual +has in the laws of his country." The principle which your honourable +Secretary of State professes, is a principle of eternal truth. No man +can disavow it, no political party can disavow it. Thus happily I am +able to address my prayers, not to a party, but to the whole people of +the United States, and will go on to do so as long as I have no reason +to regard one party as opposed or indifferent to my country's cause. + +But from certain quarters it may be avowed, "Well, we acknowledge every +nation's sovereign right; we acknowledge it to be a law of nations that +no foreign power interfere in the affairs of another, and we are +determined to respect this common law of mankind; but if others do not +respect that law it is not ours to meddle with them." Let me answer by +an analysis:--_Every nation has the same interest in international, +law as a private individual has in the laws of his country_. That is +an acknowledged principle with your statesmen. What then is the latter +relation? Does it suffice that an individual do not himself violate the +law? Must he not so far as is in his power also prevent others from +violating the law? Suppose you see that a wicked man is about to rob--to +murder your neighbour, or to burn his house, will you wrap yourself in +your own virtuous lawfulness, and say, "I myself neither rob, nor +murder, nor burn; but what others do is not my concern. I am not my +brother's keeper. _I sympathize with him_; but I am not called on to +save him from being robbed, murdered, or burnt." What honest man of the +world would answer so? None of you. None of the people of the United +States, I am sure. That would be the damned maxim of the Pharisees of +old, who thanked God that they were not as others were. Our Saviour was +not content himself to avoid trading in the hall of the temple, but he +drove out those who were trading there. + +The duty of enforcing observance to the common law of nations has no +other _limit_ than the power to fulfil it. Of course the republic +of St. Marino, or the Prince of Monaco, cannot stop the Czar of Russia +in his ambitious annoyance. It was ridiculous when the Prince of Modena +refused to recognize the government of Louis Philippe--"but to whom much +is given, from him will much be expected," says the Lord. Every +condition has not only its rights, but also its own duties; and whatever +exists as a power on earth, is in duty a part of the executive +government of mankind, called to maintain the law of nations. Woe, a +thousandfold woe to humanity, should there be no force on earth to +maintain the laws of humanity. Woe to humanity, should those who are as +mighty as they are free, not feel interested to maintain the laws of +mankind, because they are rightful laws,--but only in so far as some +partial money-interests would desire it. Woe to mankind if every despot +of the world may dare to trample down the laws of humanity, and no free +nation make these laws respected. People of the United States, humanity +expects that your glorious republic will prove to the world, that +_republics are founded on virtue_--it expects to see you the +guardians of the laws of humanity. + +I will come to the last possible objection. I may be told, "You are +right in your principles, your cause is just, and you have our sympathy, +but, after all, we _cannot_ go to war for your country; we cannot +furnish you armies and fleets; we cannot fight your battle for you." +There is the rub! Who can exactly tell what would have been the issue of +your own struggle for independence (though your country was in a far +happier geographical position than we, poor Hungarians), had France +given such an answer to your forefathers in 1778 and 1781, instead of +sending to your aid a fleet of thirty-eight men-of-war, and auxiliary +troops, and 24,000 muskets, and a loan of nineteen millions? And what +was far more than all this, did it not show that France resolved with +all its power to espouse the cause of your independence? But, perhaps, I +shall be told that France did this, not out of love of freedom, but out +of hatred against England. Well, let it be; but let me then ask, shall +the curse of olden times--hatred--be more efficient in the destinies of +mankind than love of freedom, principles of justice, and the laws of +humanity? And is America in the days of steam navigation more distant +from Europe to-day, than France was from America seventy-three years +ago? However, I most solemnly declare that it is not my intention to +rely literally upon this example. It is not my wish to entangle the +United States in war, or to engage your great people to send out armies +and fleets to raise up and restore Hungary. Not at all, gentlemen; I +most solemnly declare that I have never entertained such expectations or +such hopes; and here I come to the practical point. + +The principle of evil in Europe is the enervating spirit of Russian +absolutism. Upon this rests the daring boldness of every petty tyrant to +trample upon oppressed nations, and to crush liberty. To this Moloch of +ambition has my native land fallen a victim. It is with this that +Montalembert threatens the French republicans. It was Russian +intervention in Hungary which governed French intervention in Rome, and +gave German tyrants hardihood to crush all the endeavours for freedom +and unity in Germany. The despots of the European continent are leagued +against the freedom of the world. That is A MATTER OF FACT. The second +matter of fact is that the European continent is on the eve of a new +revolution. It is not necessary to be initiated in the secret +preparations of the European democracy to be aware of that approaching +contingency. It is pointed out by the French constitution itself, +prescribing a new Presidential election for the next spring. Now, +suppose that the ambition of Louis Napoleon, encouraged by Russian +secret aid, awaits this time (_which I scarcely believe_), and +suppose that there should be a Republic in France; of course the first +act of the new French President must be, at least, to recall the French +troops from Rome. Nobody can doubt that a revolution in Italy will +follow. Or if there is no peaceful solution in France, but a revolution, +then every man knows that whenever the heart of France boils up, the +pulsation is felt throughout Europe, and oppressed nations once more +rise, and Russia again interferes. + +Now I humbly ask, with the view of these circumstances before your eyes, +can it be convenient to such a great power as this glorious Republic, to +await the very outbreak, and not until then to discuss and decide on +your foreign policy? There may come, as under the last President, at a +late hour, agents to see how matters stand in Hungary. Russian +interference and treason achieved what the sacrilegious Hapsburg dynasty +failed to achieve. You know the old words, "While Rome debated, Saguntum +fell." So I respectfully press upon you my FIRST entreaty: it is, that +your people will in good time express to your central government what +course of foreign policy it wishes to be pursued in the case of the +approaching events I have mentioned. And I most confidently hope that +there is only one course possible, consistently with the above recorded +principles. If you acknowledge that the right of every nation to alter +its institutions and government is a law of nations--if you acknowledge +the interference of foreign powers in that sovereign right to be a +violation of the law of nations, as you really do--if you are +_forbidden to remain indifferent_ to this violation of international +law (as your President openly professes that you are)--then there +is no other course possible than neither to interfere in that +sovereign right of nations, nor to allow any other powers +whatever to interfere. + +But you will perhaps object to me, "That amounts to going to war." I +answer: no--that amounts to preventing war. What is wanted to that +effect? It is wanted, that, being aware of the precarious condition of +Europe, your national government should, as soon as possible, send +instructions to your Minister at London, to declare to the English +government that the United States, acknowledging the sovereign right of +every nation to dispose of its own domestic concerns, have resolved not +to interfere, but also not to let any foreign power whatever interfere +with this sovereign right in order to repress the spirit of freedom in +any country. Consequently, to invite the Cabinet of St. James's into +this policy, and declare that the United States are resolved to act +conjointly with England in that decision, in the approaching crisis of +the European continent. Such is my FIRST humble request. If the citizens +of the United States, instead of honouring me with the offers of their +hospitality, would be pleased to pass convenient resolutions, and to +ratify them to their national government--if the press would hasten to +give its aid, and in consequence the national government instructed its +Minister in England accordingly, and by communication to the Congress, +as it is wont, give publicity to this step, I am entirely sure that you +would find the people of Great Britain heartily joining this direction +of policy. No power could feel peculiarly offended by it; no existing +relation would be broken or injured: and still any future interference +of Russia against the restoration of Hungary to that independence which +was formally declared in 1849 would be prevented, Russian arrogance and +preponderance would be checked, and the oppressed nations of Europe soon +become free. + +There may be some over-anxious men, who perhaps would say, "But if such +a declaration of your government were not respected, and Russia still +did interfere, then you would be obliged by this previous declaration, +to go to war; and you don't desire to have a war." That objection seems +to me as if somebody were to say, "If the vault of heaven breaks down, +what shall we do?" My answer is, "But it will not break down." Even so I +answer. But your declaration _will_ be respected--Russia will not +interfere--you will have no occasion for war--you will have prevented +war. Be sure Russia would twice, thrice consider, before provoking +against itself, besides the roused judgment of nations--(to say nothing +of the legions of republican France)--the English "Lion" and the +star-surrounded "Eagle" of America. Remember that you, in conjunction +with England, once before declared that you would not permit European +absolutism to interfere with the formerly Spanish colonies of America. +Did this declaration bring you to a war? quite the contrary; it +prevented war. So it would be in our case also. Let me therefore most +humbly entreat you, people of the United States, to give such practical +direction to your generous sympathy for Hungary, as to arrange meetings +and pass such resolutions, in every possible place of this Union, as I +took the liberty to mention above. + +The SECOND measure which I beg leave to mention, has reference to +commercial interest. In later times a doctrine has stolen into the code +of international law, which is as contrary to the commercial interests +of nations as to their independence. The pettiest despot of the world is +permitted to exclude your commerce from whatever port he pleases. He +has only to arrange the blockade, and your commerce is shut out; or, if +captured Venice, bleeding Lombardy, or my prostrate but resolute +Hungary, rises to shake off the Austrian tyrant's yoke (as surely they +will), that tyrant believes he has the right, from that very moment, to +exclude your commerce from the uprisen nation. Now, this is an +absurdity--a tyrannical invention of tyrants violating your +interest--your independence. The United States have not always regarded +things from the despotic point of view. I find, in a note of Mr. +Everett, Minister of the United States in Spain, dated "Madrid, Jan. 20, +1826," these words:--"In the war between Spain and the Spanish American +colonies, the United States have freely granted to _both_ parties +the hospitality of their ports and territory, and have allowed the +agents of _both_ to procure within their jurisdiction, in the way +of lawful trade, _any_ supplies which suited their convenience." +Now, gentlemen, this is the principle which humanity expects, for your +own and for mankind's benefit, to see maintained by you, and not yonder +fatal course, which permits tyrants to draw from your country every +facility for the oppression of their nations, but forbids nations to buy +the means of defence. That was not the principle of your Washington. +When he speaks of harmony, of friendly intercourse, and of peace, he +always takes care to apply his ideas to _nations_, and not to +_governments_--still less to tyrants who subdue nations by foreign +arms. The sacred word Nation, with all its natural rights, should not be +blotted out, at least from _your_ political dictionary: and yet I +am sorry to see that the word nation is often replaced by the word +Government. Gentlemen, I humbly wish that the public opinion of the +people of the United States, conscious of its own rights, should loudly +and resolutely declare that the people of the United States will +continue its commercial intercourse with any or every nation, be it in +revolution against its oppressors or be it not; and that the people of +the United States expect confidently, that its government will provide +for the protection of your trade. I feel assured, that your national +government, seeing public opinion so pronounced, will judge it +convenient to augment your naval forces in the Mediterranean: and to +look for some such station for it as would not force the navy of +republican America to make disavowals inconsistent with republican +principles or republican dignity, only because King So-and-So, be he +even the cursed King of Naples, grants the favour of an anchoring place +for the naval forces of your republic. I believe your illustrious +country should everywhere freely unfurl the star-spangled banner of +liberty, with all its congenial principles, and not make itself in any +respect dependent on the glorious smiles of the Kings Bomba et Compagne. + +The THIRD object of my wishes, gentlemen, is the recognition of the +independence of Hungary when the critical moment arrives. Your own +declaration of independence proclaims the right of every nation to +assume among the powers of the earth the separate and equal station to +which "the laws of nature and nature's God" entitle them. The political +existence of your glorious republic is founded upon this principle, upon +this right. Our nation stands upon the same ground: there is a striking +resemblance between your cause and that of my country. On the 4th July, +1776, John Adams spoke thus in your Congress, "Sink or swim, live or +die, survive or perish, I am for this declaration. In the beginning we +did not go so far as separation from the Crown, but 'there is a divinity +which shapes our ends.'" These noble words were present to my mind on +the 14th April, 1849, when I moved the forfeiture of the Crown by the +Hapsburgs in the National Assembly of Hungary. Our condition was the +same; and if there be any difference, I venture to say it is in favour +of us. Your country, before this declaration, was not a +_self-consisting independent_ State. Hungary was. Through the +lapse of a thousand years, through every vicissitude of this long +period, while nations vanished and empires fell, _the self-consisting +independence of Hungary was never disputed_, but was recognized by +all powers of the earth, sanctioned by treaties made with the Hapsburg +dynasty, at the era when this dynasty, by the freewill of my nation, +which acted as one of two contracting parties, was invested with the +kingly crown of Hungary. Even more, this independence of the kingdom was +acknowledged to make a part of the international law of Europe, and was +guaranteed not only by foreign European governments, such as Great +Britain, but also by several of those once constitutional states which +belonged formerly to the German, and after its dissolution, to the +Austrian empire. + +This independent condition of Hungary is clearly defined in one of our +fundamental laws of 1791, in these words:--"Hungary is a free and +independent kingdom, having its own self-consistent existence and +constitution, and not subject[*] to any other nation or country in the +world." This therefore was our ancient right. _We were not dependent +on, nor a part of, the Austrian empire, as your country was dependent on +England._ It was clearly defined that we owed to Austria nothing but +good neighbourhood, and the only tie between us and Austria was, that we +elected to be our kings the same dynasty which were also the sovereigns +of Austria, and occupied the same line of hereditary succession as our +kings; but by accepting this; our forefathers, with the consent of the +King, again declared, that though Hungary accepts the dynasty as our +hereditary kings, all the other franchises, rights, and laws of the +nation shall remain in full power and intact; and our country shall not +be governed like the other dominions of that dynasty, but according to +our constitutionally established authorities. We could not belong to +"the Austrian Empire," for that empire did not then as yet exist, while +Hungary had already existed as a substantive kingdom for many centuries, +and for some two hundred and eighty years under the government of that +Hapsburgian dynasty. The Austrian Empire, as you know, was established +only in 1806, when the Rhenish confederacy of Napoleon struck the +deathblow of the German empire, of which Francis II. of Austria, was not +_hereditary_ but _elected_ Emperor. That Hungary had belonged +to the _German_ empire is a thing which no man in the world ever +imagined yet. It is only now that the Hapsburgian tyrant professes an +intention to melt Hungary into the German Confederation; but you know +this intention to be in so striking opposition to the European public +law, that England and France solemnly protested against it, so that it +is not carried out even to-day. The German Empire having died, its late +Emperor Francis, also King of Hungary, chose to entitle himself Austrian +Emperor, in 1806; but even in that fundamental charter he solemnly +declared that Hungary and its annexed provinces _are not intended to +make, and will not make, a part of the Austrian Empire_. Subsequently +he entered with this empire into the German Confederation, but Hungary, +as well as Lombardy and Venice, not making part of the Austrian empire, +still remained separated, and were not received into the confederacy. + +[Footnote *: In the original Latin, _obnoxium_, "not entangled, or +compromised, with any other."] + +The laws which we succeeded to carry in 1848, of course altered nothing +in that old chartered condition of Hungary. We transformed the +peasantry into freeholders, and abolished feudal incumbrances. We +replaced the political privileges of aristocracy by the common liberty +of the whole people; gave to the people at large representation in the +legislature; transformed our municipalities into democratic +corporations; introduced equality before the law for the whole people in +rights and duties, and abolished the immunity of taxation which had been +enjoyed by the class called _Noble_; secured equal religious +liberty to all, secured liberty of the press and of association, +provided for public gratuitous instruction of the whole people of every +confession and of whatever tongue. In all this we did no wrong. All +these were, as you see, internal reforms which did not at all interfere +with our allegiance to the king and were carried lawfully in peaceful +legislation _with the king's own sanction_. Besides this there was +one other thing which was carried. We were formerly governed by a Board +of Council, which had the express duty to govern according to our laws, +and be responsible for doing so; but we found by long experience that a +Corporation cannot really be responsible; and that this was the reason +why the absolutist tendency of the dynasty succeeded in encroaching upon +our liberty. So we replaced the Board of Council by Ministers; the empty +responsibility of a Board by the individual responsibility of men--and +_the king consented to it_. I myself was named by him Minister of +the Treasury. That is all. But precisely here was the rub. The dynasty +could not bear the idea that we would not give to its ambition the life +sweat of our people; it was not contented with the 1,500,000 dollars +which were generously appropriated to it yearly. It dreaded that it +would be disabled in future from using our brave army, against our will, +to crush the spirit of freedom in the world. Therefore it resorted to +the most outrageous conspiracy, and attacked us by arms, and upon +receiving a false report of a great victory this young usurper issued a +proclamation declaring that Hungary shall no more exist--that its +independence, its constitution, its very existence is abolished, and it +shall be absorbed, like a farm or fold, into the Austrian Empire. To all +this Hungary answered, "Thou shalt not exist, tyrant, but we will;" and +we banished him, and issued the declaration of the deposition of his +dynasty, and of our separate independence. + +So you see, gentlemen, that there is a very great difference between +your declaration and ours--it is in our favour. There is another +difference; you declared your independence of the English crown when it +was yet very doubtful whether you would be successful. We declared our +independence of the Austrian crown only after we, in legitimate defence, +were already victorious; when we had actually beaten the pretender, and +had thus already proved that we had strength to become an independent +power. One thing more: our declaration of independence was not only +overwhelmingly voted in our Congress, but every county, every +municipality, solemnly declared its consent and adherence to it; so it +became sanctioned, not by mere representatives, but by the whole nation +positively, and by the fundamental institutions of Hungary. And so it +still remains. Nothing has since happened on the part of the nation +contrary to this declaration. One thing only happened,--a foreign +power, Russia, came with its armed bondsmen, and, aided by treason, has +overthrown us for a while. Now, I put the question before God and +humanity to you, free sovereign people of America, can this violation of +international law abolish the legitimate character of our declaration of +independence? If not, then here I take my ground, because I am in this +very manifesto entrusted with the charge of Governor of my fatherland. I +have sworn, before God and my nation, to endeavour to maintain and +secure this act of independence. And so may God the Almighty help me as +I will--I will, until my nation is again in the condition to dispose of +its government, which I confidently trust,--yea, more, I know,--will be +republican. And then I retire to the humble condition of my former +private life, equalling, in one thing at least, your Washington, not in +merits, but in honesty. That is the only ambition of my life. Amen. +Here, then, is my THIRD humble wish: that the people of the United +States would, by all constitutional means of its wonted public life, +declare that, acknowledging the legitimacy of our independence, it is +anxious to greet Hungary amongst the independent powers of the earth, +and invites the government of the United States to recognize this +independence _at the earliest convenient time_. That is all. Let +me see the principle announced: the rest may well be left to the wisdom +of your government, with some confidence in my own respectful discretion +also. + +So much for the people of the United States, in its public and political +capacity. But if that sympathy which I have the honour to meet with is +really intended to become beneficial, there is one humble wish more +which I entertain: it is a respectful appeal to generous feeling. +Gentlemen, I would rather starve than rely, for myself and family, on +foreign aid; but for my country's Freedom, I would not be ashamed to go +begging from door to door. I have taken the advice of some kind friends +whether it be lawful to express such a humble request, for I feel it an +honourable duty neither to offend nor to evade your laws. I am told it +is lawful. There are two means to see this my humble wish accomplished. +The first is, by spontaneous subscription; the second is, by a loan. The +latter may require private consultation in a narrower circle. As to +subscriptions, the idea was brought home to my mind by a plain but very +generous letter, which I had the honour to receive, and which I beg to +read. It is as follows:-- + +CINCINNATI, O., Nov. 14, 1851. + +M. LOUIS KOSSUTH, Governor of Hungary:--Sir--I have authorized the +office of the Ohio Life Insurance and Trust Company, in New York, to +honour your draft on me for one thousand dollars. Respectfully yours, W. +SMEAD. + +I beg leave here publicly to return my most humble thanks to the +gentleman, for his ample aid, and the delicate manner in which he +offered it; and it came to my mind, that where one individual is ready +to make such sacrifices to my country's cause, there may perhaps be many +who would give their small share to it, if they were only apprised that +it will be thankfully accepted, however small it may be. And it came to +my mind, that millions of drops make an ocean, and the United States +number many millions of inhabitants, all warmly attached to liberty. A +million dollars, paid singly, would be to me far _more_ precious +than paid in one single draft; for it would practically show the +sympathy of the people at large. Would I were so happy as your +Washington was, when he also, for your glorious country's sake, in the +hours of your need, called to France for money. + +Sir, I have done. I came to your shores an exile: you have poured upon +me the triumph of a welcome such as the world has never yet seen. And +why? Because you took me for the representative of that principle of +liberty which God has destined to become the common benefit of all +humanity. It is glorious to see a free and mighty people so greet the +principle of freedom, in the person of one who is persecuted and +helpless. Be blessed for it! Your generous deed will be recorded; and as +millions of Europe's oppressed nations will, even now, raise their +thanksgiving to God for this ray of hope, which by this act you have +thrown on the dark night of their fate; even so, through all posterity, +oppressed men will look to your memory as to a token of God that there +is a hope for freedom on earth, since there is a people like you to feel +its worth and to support its cause. + + * * * * * + +VIII.--ON NATIONALITIES. + +[_Speech at the Banquet of the Press, New York_.] + +At this Banquet, Mr. Bryant, the poet, presided, and numerous speeches +were delivered, among which was one by the well-known author, Mr. +Bancroft, lately ambassador in England. This gentleman closed by saying, +that when the illustrious Governor of Hungary uttered the solemn truth, +that Europe had no hope but in republican institutions--that was a +renunciation to the world that the Austrian monarchy was sick and dying, +and that vitality remained in the people alone. And as he uttered that +truth, not his own race only--not the Magyars only, but every +nationality of Hungary, all the fifteen or twenty millions within its +limits--all cried out that he was the representative of their +convictions--that he was the man of their affections, that he was the +utterer of truths on which they relied. + +Our guest crosses the Atlantic, and he is received; and what is the +great fact that constitutes his reception? He finds there the military +arranged to do him honour. And among those who, on that day, bore arms, +were men of every tongue that is spoken between the steppes of Tartary, +eastward, towards the Pacific ocean. The great truth that was pronounced +on that occasion--I do not fear to utter it--was, let who will cavil, +_la solidarité des peuples_--the sublime truth that all men are +brothers--that all nations, too, are brethren, and are responsible for +one another. + +The chairman also spoke eloquently in introducing the third toast, which +was briefly, LOUIS KOSSUTH. As Mr. Bryant pronounced his name, Kossuth +rose, and was received with multifarious demonstrations of enthusiasm. +At last he proceeded as follows:-- + +Gentlemen.--I know that in your hands the Independent Republican Press +is a weapon to defend truth and justice, a torch lit at the fire of +immortality, a spark of which glisters in every man's soul and proves +its divine origin: and as the cause of my country is just and true, and +wants nothing but light to secure support from every friend of freedom, +every noble-minded man,--for this reason I address you with joy, +gentlemen. + +Though it is sorrowful to see how Austrian intrigues, distorting plain +open history into a tissue of falsehood, find their way even into the +American press, I am proud and happy that the immense majority of you, +conscious of your noble vocation and instinct with the generosity of +freedom, protect our sacred rights against the dark plots of tyranny. +Your Independent Press has likewise proved that its freedom is the most +efficient protection even against calumny; a far better one than +restrictive prevention, which condemns the human intellect to eternal +minority. + +I address you, gentlemen, with the greater joy, because through you I +have the invaluable benefit of reaching the whole of your great, +glorious, and free people. + +Eighty years ago the immortal Franklin's own press was almost the only +one in the colonies: now you have above three thousand newspapers, with +a circulation of five millions of copies. I am told that the journals of +New York State alone exceed in number those of all the rest of the world +outside of your great Union, and that the circulation of the newspapers +of this city alone nearly reaches that of the whole empire of Great +Britain! But, what is more,--I boldly declare that, except in the United +States, there is scarcely anywhere a practical freedom of the press. +Indeed, concerning Norway I am not quite aware. But throughout the +European continent you know how the press is fettered. In France, under +nominally republican government, all the fruits of victorious +revolutions are nipt by the blasting grip of _centralized_ +power,--legislative and administrative omnipotence. The independence of +the French press is crushed; the government cannot bear the free word of +public opinion; and in a republic, the shout "Vive la république" is +become almost a crime. This is a mournful sight, but is an efficient +warning against centralization. It is chiefly Great Britain which boasts +of a free press; and assuredly in one sense the freedom is almost +unlimited: for I saw placards with the printer's name stating that Queen +Victoria is no lawful queen, and all those who rule ought to be hanged; +but men only laughed at the foolish extravagance. Nevertheless, I hope +the generous people of Great Britain will not be offended when I say +that their press is not practically free. Its freedom is not real, for +it is not a _common benefit_ to all: it is but a particular +benefit, that is, a _privilege_. Taxation there forbids the use of +newspapers to the poor. Absence of taxation enables your journals to be +published at one tenth, or even one twentieth, of the English price: +hence several of your daily papers reach from thirty to sixty thousand +readers, while in England one paper alone is on this scale,--the London +'Times,' which circulates thirty thousand, perhaps. Such being the +condition of your press, in addressing you I address a whole people; nor +only so, but a whole intelligent people. + +The wide diffusion of intelligence among you is in fact proved by the +immense circulation of your journals. It is not solely the cheap price +which renders your press a common benefit, and not a mere privilege to +the richer; but it is the universality of public instruction. It is +glorious to know that in this flourishing young city alone nearly a +hundred thousand children receive public education annually. Do you +know, gentlemen, what I consider to be your most glorious monument? if +it be, as I have read, that, when your engineers draw geometrical lines +to guide your wandering squatters in the solitudes where virgin Nature +adores her Lord, they place on every thirty-sixth square of the district +marked out to be a township, a modest wooden pole with the glorious +mark, POPULAR EDUCATION. This is your proudest monument. In my opinion, +not your geographical situation, not your material power, not the bold +enterprizing spirit of your people, is the chief guarantee of their +future; but the universality of education: for a whole people, once +become intelligent, never can consent not to be free. You will always be +willing to be free, and you are great and powerful enough to be as good +as your will. + +My humble prayers in my country's cause I address to your entire nation: +but you, gentlemen, are the engineers through whom my cause must reach +them. It is therefore highly gratifying to me to see, not isolated men, +but the powerful complex of the great word PRESS, granting me this +important manifestation of generous sentiment. I beg you to consider, +that whatever and wherever I speak, is _always_ spoken to the +press; and for all the imperfections of my language let me plead for +your indulgence, as one of your professional colleagues: for indeed such +I have been. + +Yes, gentlemen; I commenced my public career as a journalist. You, under +your happy institutions, know not the torment of writing with hands +fettered by an Austrian censor. To sit at the desk, with a heart full of +the necessity of the moment, a conscience stirred with righteous +feeling, a mind animated with convictions and principles, and a whole +soul warmed by a patriot's fire;--to see before your eyes the scissors +of the censor ready to lop your ideas, maim your arguments, murder your +thoughts, render vain your laborious days and sleepless nights;--to know +that the people will judge you, not by what you have felt, thought, +written, but by what the censor will let you say;--to perceive that the +prohibition has no rule or limit but the arbitrary pleasure of a man who +is doomed by profession to be a coward and a fool;--oh! his little +scissors suspended over one are a worse misery than the sword of +Damocles. Oh! to go on, day by day, in such a work of Sisyphus, believe +me, is no small sacrifice of any intelligent man to fatherland and +humanity. And this is the present condition of the press, not in Hungary +only, but in all countries cursed by Austrian rule. Indeed, our recent +reforms gave freedom of the press, not to my fatherland only, but +indirectly to Vienna, Prague, Lemberg; in a word, to the whole empire of +Austria and this must ensure your sympathy to us. Contrariwise, the +interference of Russia has crushed the press on the whole European +continent. Freedom of the press is incompatible with the preponderance +of Russia, and with the very existence of the Austrian dynasty, the +sworn enemy of every liberal thought. This must engage your generous +support to sweep away those tyrants, and to raise liberty where now foul +oppression rules. + +Some time back there appeared in certain New York papers systematic +falsehoods, which went so far as to state that we, the Hungarians, had +struggled for oppression, while it was the Austrian dynasty which stood +up for liberty! Such effrontery astonishes even one who has seen +Russian treacheries. We may be misrepresented, scorned, jeered at, +censured. Our martyrs, whose blood cries for revenge, may be laughed at +as fools. Heroes, who will command the veneration of history, may be +called Don Quixotes. But that among freemen and professed republicans +even the honour of an unfortunate nation, in its most mournful +suffering, should not be sacred,--that is indeed a sorrowful page in +human history. + +You cannot expect me to enter into a special refutation of this compound +of calumnies. I may reserve it for my pen. But inasmuch as the basis of +all the calumnies lies in general ignorance concerning the relation of +the Magyars to other races of Hungary, permit me to speak on the +question of NATIONALITIES, a false theory of which plays so mischievous +a part in the destinies of Europe. No word has been more misrepresented +than the word Nationality, which is become in the hands of absolutism a +dangerous instrument against liberty. + +Let me ask you, gentlemen: are you, the people of the United States, a +_nation_, or not? Have you a _national_ government, or not? +You answer, yes: and yet you are not all of one blood, nor of one +language. Millions of you speak English; others French, German, Italian, +Spanish, Danish, and even several Indian dialects: yet you are a nation. +Neither your central government, nor those of separate states, nor your +municipalities, legislate or administer in every language spoken among +you; yet you have a national government. + +Now, suppose many of you were struck with the curse of Babel, and +exclaimed, "This union is an oppression! our laws, our institutions, our +state and city governments, are an oppression! What is union to us? what +are rights? what avail laws? what is freedom? what is geography? what +is community of interests to us? They are all nothing; LANGUAGE is +everything. Let us divide the Union, divide the states, divide the very +cities, divide the whole territory, according to languages. Let the +people of every language become a separate state: for every nation has a +right to national life, and to us, the language, and nothing else, is +the nationality. Unless the state is founded upon language, its +organization is tyranny." + +What then would become of your great Union? What of your constitution, +the glorious legacy of your greatest man? What of those immortal stars +on mankind's moral sky? What would become of your country itself, +whence the spirit of freedom soars into light, and rising hope +irradiates the future of humanity? What would become of this grand, +mighty complex of your republic, should her integrity ever be rent by +the fanatics of language? Where now she walks among the rising temples +of liberty and happiness, she soon would tread upon ruins, and mourn +over human hopes. But happy art then, free nation of America, founded on +the only solid basis,--liberty! a principle steady as the world, eternal +as the truth, universal for every climate, for every time, like +Providence. Tyrants are not in the midst of you to throw the apple of +discord and raise hatred in this national family, hatred of +_races_, that curse of humanity, that venomous ally of despotism. +Glorious it is to see the oppressed of diverse countries,--diverse in +language, history, habits,--wandering to these shores, and becoming +members of this great nation, regenerated by the principle of common +liberty. + +If language alone makes a nation, then there is no great nation on +earth: for there is no country whose population is counted by millions, +but speaks more than one language. No! It is not language only. +Community of interests, of rights, of duties, of history, but chiefly +community of institutions; by which a population, varying perhaps in +tongue and race, is bound together through daily intercourse in the +towns, which are the centres and home of commerce and industry:--besides +these, the very mountain-ranges, the system of rivers and streams,--the +soil, the dust of which is mingled with the mortal remains of those +ancestors who bled on the same field, for the same interests, the common +inheritance of glory and of woe, the community of laws and institutions, +common freedom or common oppression:--all this enters into the complex +idea of Nationality. + +That this is instinctively felt by the common sense of the people, +nowhere is more manifestly shown than at this very moment in my native +land. Hungary was declared by Francis Joseph of Austria _no more to +exist_ as a Nation, no more as a State. It was and is put under +martial law. Strangers, aliens to our laws and history as well as to our +tongue, rule now, where our fathers lived and our brothers bled. To be a +Hungarian is become almost a crime in our own native land. Well: to +justify before the world the extinction of Hungary, the partition of its +territory, and the reincorporating of the dissected limbs into the +common body of servitude, the treacherous dynasty was anxious to show +that the Hungarians are in a minority in their own land. They hoped that +intimidation and terrorism would induce even the very Magyars to disavow +their language and birth. They ordered a census of races to be made. +They performed it with the iron rule of martial law; and dealt so +arbitrarily that thousands of women and men, who professed to be +Magyars, who professed not to know any other language than the Magyar, +were, notwithstanding all their protestation, put down as Sclaves, +Serbs, Germans, or Wallachians, because their names had not quite a +Hungarian sound. And still what was the issue of this malignant plot? +That of the twelve millions of inhabitants of Hungary proper, the +Magyars turned out to be more than eight millions, some two millions +more than we know the case really is. The people instinctively felt that +the tyrant had the design through the pretext of language to destroy the +existence of the complex nation, and it met the tyrannic plot as if it +answered, "We are, and must be, a nation; and if the tyrant takes +language only for the mark of nationality, then we are all Magyars." And +mark well, gentlemen! this happened, not under my governorship, but +under the rule of Austrian martial law. The Cabinet of Vienna became +furious; it thought of a new census, but prudent men told them that a +new census would give the whole twelve millions as Magyars; thus no new +census was taken. + +But on the European continent there unhappily has grown up a school, +which bound the idea of nationality to the idea of language only, and +joined political pretensions to it. There are some who advocate the +theory that existing States must cease, and the territories of the world +be divided anew by languages and nations, separated by tongues. + +You are aware that this idea, if it were not impracticable, would be a +curse to humanity--a deathblow to civilization and progress, and throw +back mankind by centuries. It would be an eternal source of strife and +war: for there is a holy, almost religious tie, by which man's heart is +bound to his home, and no man would ever consent to abandon his native +land only because his neighbours speak another language than himself. +His heart claims that sacred spot where the ashes of his fathers +lie--where his own cradle stood--where he dreamed the happy dreams of +youth, and where nature itself bears a mark of his manhood's toil. The +idea were worse than the old migration of nations was. Nothing but +despotism would rise out of such a fanatical strife of all mankind. + +And really it is very curious. Nobody of the advocates of this +mischievous theory is willing to yield to it for himself--but others he +desires to yield to it. Every Frenchman becomes furious when his Alsace +is claimed to Germany by the right of language--or the borders of his +Pyrenees to Spain--but there are some amongst the very men who feel +revolted at this idea, who claim of Germany that it should yield up +large territory because one part of the inhabitants speak a different +tongue, and would claim from Hungary to divide its territory, which God +himself has limited by its range of mountains and the system of streams, +as also by all the links of a community of more than a thousand years; +to cut off our right hand, Transylvania, and to give it up to the +neighbouring Wallachia, to cut out like Shylock one pound of our very +breast--the Banat--and the rich country between the Danube and +Theiss--to augment by it Turkish Serbia and so forth. It is the new +ambition of conquest, but an easy conquest not by arms, but by language. + +So much I know, at least, that this absurd idea cannot, and will not, be +advocated by any man here in the United States; which did not open its +hospitable shores to humanity, and greet the flocking millions of +emigrants with the right of a citizen, in order that the Union may be +cut to pieces, and even your single States divided into new-framed, +independent countries according to languages. + +And do you know, gentlemen, whence this absurd theory sprang up on the +European Continent? It was the idea of Panslavismus--that is the idea +that the mighty stock of Sclavonic races is called to rule the world, as +once the Roman did. It was a Russian plot--it was a dark design to make +out of national feelings a tool to Russian preponderance over the world. + +Perhaps you are not aware of the historical origin of this plot. It was +after that most immortal act of tyranny, the third division of Poland, +that the chance of fate brought the Prince Czartorinsky, to the Court of +Catherine of Russia. He subsequently became minister of Alexander the +Czar. It was in this quality that, with the noble aim to benefit his +fallen fatherland, he claimed from the young Czar the restoration of +Poland, suggesting for equivalent the idea of Russian preponderance over +all nations of the old Sclavonic race. I believe his intention was +sincere; I believe he did not mean to overlook those natural borders, +which, besides the affinity of language, God himself has drawn between +the nations. But he forgot that he might be no longer able to master +the spirits which he would raise, and that an undesired fanaticism might +force sundry fantastical shapes into his framework, by which the frame +itself must burst in pieces. He forgot that Russian preponderance cannot +be propitious to liberty; he forgot that it cannot be favourable even to +the development of the Sclave nationality, because Sclavonic nations +would by this idea be degraded into mere Russians, that is, absorbed by +despotism. + +Russia got hold of the fanciful idea very readily! May be that young +Alexander had in the first moment noble inclinations; the warm heart of +youth is susceptible to noble instincts. It is not common in history to +find young princes so premature in tyranny as Francis-Joseph of Austria. +But a few years of power were sufficient to extinguish every spark of +noble sentiment, if there was one, in Alexander's heart. Upon the +throne of the Romanoffs the man is soon absorbed by the Autocrat. The +traditional policy of St. Petersburg is not an atmosphere in which the +plant of regeneration can grow, and the fanciful idea became soon a +weapon of oppression and of Russian preponderance--Russia availed +herself of the idea of Panslavism to break Turkey down, and to make an +obedient satellite out of Austria. Turkey still withstands her, but +Austria has fallen into the snare. Russia sent out its agents, its +moneys, its venomous secret diplomacy; it whispered to the Sclave +nations about hatred against foreign dominion--about independence of +religion connected with nationality under its own supremacy; but chiefly +it spoke to them of Panslavism under the protectorate of the Czar. The +millions of his large empire also, all oppressed--all in servitude--all +a tool to his ambition; them too he flattered with the idea of becoming +rulers of the world, in order that they might not think of liberty: he +knew that man's breast cannot maintain in ascendancy two great passions +at once. He gave them ambition and excluded the spirit of liberty. This +ambition got hold of all the Sclave nations through Europe; so +Panslavism became the source of a movement, not of nationality, but of +the dominion of languages. That word "language" replaced every other +sentiment, and so it became a curse to the development of liberty. + +Only one part of the Sclavonic races saw the matter clear, and withstood +the current of this dark Russian plot. These were the Polish +Democrats--the only ones who understood that to fight for liberty is to +fight for nationality. Therefore they fought in our ranks, and were +willing to flock in thousands upon thousands to aid us in our struggle; +but we could not arm them, so I would not accept them. We ourselves had +a hundredfold more hands ready to fight than arms--and there was nobody +in the world to supply us with arms. + +Now let me see what was the condition of Hungary under these +circumstances. + +Eight hundred and fifty years ago, when the first King of Hungary, St. +Stephen, becoming Christian himself, converted the Hungarian nation to +Christianity, it was the Roman Catholic clergy of Germany whom he +invited to assist him in his pious work. They did assist him, but the +assistance, as happens with human nature, was accompanied by some +worldly designs. Hungary offered a wide field to the ambition of +foreigners, and they persuaded the King to adopt a curious principle, +which he laid down in his last Will and Testament--that it is not good +for the people of a country to be but of one extraction and speak but +one tongue. A second rule was, to adopt the language of the +Church--Latin--for the language of government, legislature, law and all +public proceedings. This is the origin of that fatality, that Democracy +did not grow up for centuries in Hungary. The public proceedings being +in Latin, the laws given in Latin, public instruction carried on in +Latin, the great mass of the people, who were agriculturists, did not +partake in any of this; and the few who in the ranks of the people +partook in it, became severed and alienated from the people's interests. +This dead Latin language, introduced into the public life of a living +nation, was the most mischievous barrier against liberty. The first +blow to it was stricken by the Reformation. The Protestant Church, +introducing the national language into the divine services, became a +medium to the development of the spirit of liberty, and so our ancient +struggles for religious liberty were always connected with the +maintenance of political rights. But still, Latin public life went on +down to 1780. At that time, Joseph of Hapsburg, aiming at +centralization, replaced the Latin by the German tongue. This roused the +national spirit of Hungary; and our forefathers seeing that the dead +Latin language, excluding the people from the public concerns, cannot be +propitious to liberty, and anxious to oppose the design of the Viennese +Cabinet to Germanize Hungary, and _so melt it into the common +absolutism of the Austrian dynasty_--I say, anxious to oppose this +design by a cheerful public life of the people itself, from the year +1790 began to pass laws in the direction that by-and-by, step by step, +the Latin language should be replaced in the public proceedings of the +Legislature and of the Government by a living language familiar to the +people itself. And what was more natural, than that, being in the +necessity to choose one language, they choose the Magyar? the more so, +since those who spoke Hungarian were not only more than those who spoke +any one of the other languages, but were if not more than, at least +equal to, all those who spoke several other languages together. + +Be so kind to mark well, gentlemen; no other language was oppressed--the +Hungarian language was enforced upon nobody. Wherever another language +was in use even in public life; of whatever Church--whatever popular +school--whatever community--it was not replaced by the Hungarian +language. It was only the dead Latin, which by-and-by became eliminated +from the diplomatic public life, and replaced by the living Hungarian in +Hungary. + +In Hungary, I say. Gentlemen, be pleased to mark: never was this measure +extended into the municipal life of Croatia and Sclavonia, which, though +belonging for 800 years to Hungary, still were not Hungary, but a race +with distinct local institutions. + +The Croatians and Sclavonians themselves repeatedly urged us in the +common parliament to afford them opportunity to learn the Hungarian +language, that, having the right, they might also enjoy the benefit, of +being employed in the government offices of our common Hungary. This +opportunity was afforded to them, but nobody was forced to make use of +it; while neither with their own municipal and public life, nor with the +domestic, social, religious life, of any other people in Hungary itself, +did the Hungarian language ever interfere. It replaced only the Latin +language, which no people spoke, and which was contrary to liberty, +because it excluded the millions from public life. Willing to give +freedom to the people, we expelled that Latin tongue; which was an +obstacle to its future. We did what every other nation in the old world +has done, clearing by it the way to the universal liberty. + +Your country is happy even in that respect. Being a young nation, you +did not find the Latin tongue in your way when you established this +Republic; so you did not want a law to eject it from your public life. +You have a living language, which is spoken in your Congress, in your +State Legislatures, and by which your Government rules. It is not the +native language of your whole people--and yet no man in the Union takes +it for an oppression that legislature and government is not carried on +in every language spoken in the United States. + +And one thing I have to mention yet. This replacing of the Latin +language by the Hungarian was not a work of our recent measures, it was +done before, step by step, from 1791. When we carried in 1848 our +democratic reforms, and gave political, social, civil, and full +religious freedom to the whole people, we extended our cares to the +equal protection of every tongue and race, affording to all equal right +to aid out of the public funds, for the moral, religious, and scientific +development in churches and in schools. Nay, we extended this even to +political affairs, sanctioning the free use of every tongue, in the +municipalities and communal corporations, as well as in the +administration of justice. The promulgation of the laws in every tongue, +the right to petition and to claim justice in each man's tongue, the +duty of the government to answer in the same, all this was granted, and +thus far more was done in that respect also, than any other nation ever +accorded to the claims of tongues; by far more than the United States +ever did, though there is no country in the world where so many +different languages are spoken as here. + +It is therefore the most calumnious misrepresentation to say that the +Hungarians struggled for the dominion of their own _race_. No; we +struggled for civil, political, social, and religious freedom, common to +all, against Austrian despotism. We struggled for the great principle +of _self-government against centralization_; because centralization +is absolutism; and is inconsistent with constitutional rights. Austria +has given the very proof of it. The House of Austria had never the +intention to grant constitutional life to the nations of Europe. I will +prove that on another occasion. But the friends of the Hapsburgs say, +it has granted a constitution--in March, 1849. Well, where is that +Constitution now? It was not only never executed, but it was, three +months ago, formally withdrawn. Even the word Ministry is blotted out +from the Dictionary of the Austrian government! Schwarzenberg is again +House, Court, and State Chancellor, as Metternich was; only Metternich +ruled not with the iron rule of martial law over the whole empire of +Austria as Schwarzenberg does. Metternich _encroached upon_ the +constitutional rights of Hungary, Transylvania, Croatia, and Slavonia. +Schwarzenberg has _abolished_ them, and young Francis-Joseph has +melted all the nations together into common bondage, where the promised +_equality of nationalities_ is carried out most literally, to be +sure, for they are all equally oppressed, and all are equally ruled by +absolutist principles and by the German language. And why was that +illusory constitution withdrawn? Because it was a lie from the +beginning; an impossibility. It was founded on the principle of +centralization. It centralized thirteen different nations, which had had +no political history in common, except to have groaned under Austrian +rule. Under such circumstances to have a common life was an absurdity +augmented by deceit. + +I cannot exhaust this vast topic in one speech. We want Republican +institutions, so founded on self-government everywhere, that the people +themselves may be sovereign everywhere. This is the cause, for which I +humbly request your protecting aid. It is the cause of oppressed Europe. +It is the cause of Germany, bleeding under some thirty petty tyrants who +lean on that league of despots, the basis of which is Petersburg. It is +the cause of fair, but unfortunate Italy, which in so many respects is +now dear to our heart. We have a common enemy; so we are brothers in +arms for freedom and independence. I know how Italy is situated; and I +dare confidently to declare, there is no hope for Italy, but in that +great republican party, at the head of which Mazzini stands. It has +nothing to do with communistical schemes, or the French doctrines of +Socialism: but it wills, that Italy be free and republican. Whither else +could Italy look for freedom and independence, if not to that party +which Mazzini leads? To the King of Naples perhaps? Let me be silent +about that execrated man. Or to the dynasty of Sardinia and Piedmont? +This professes to be constitutional; yet it captures those poor +Hungarian soldiers who seek an asylum in Piedmont,--captures, and +delivers them to Austria to be shot: and they _are_ shot, +increasing the number of those 3742 martyrs whom Radetzky murdered on +the scaffold during three short years. The House of Savoy is become the +blood-hound of Austria against fugitive Hungarians. + +Gentlemen, the generous sympathy of public opinion here (God be +blessed!) is strongly aroused to the wrongs and sufferings of Hungary. I +look to _your_ aid to keep that sympathy alive,--to urge the +formation of societies to collect funds and support a loan,--to move in +favour of the propositions which I had the honour to express at the +Corporation Banquet. Consider not the weakness of my address, but only +the strength of my cause; and following the generous impulse of your +republican hearts, accord to it the protective aid of the free +independent Press. Then I may yet see fulfilled the noble words of your +Chairman's poetry:-- + + Truth crush'd to earth shall rise again; + The eternal years of God are hers; + But error, wounded, writhes in pain, + And dies _among_.... + (let me add, Sir,).. _with all_ her worshippers. + +In the course of the same evening, one of the toasts drunk was, "To the +Political Exiles of Europe," to which Michael Doheny, Esq., an Irish +exile, first responded, in a speech full of animosity against England. +After him Mr. DANA made the following speech, which may be a useful +comment on that of Kossuth. + +My friend, who has taken his seat, spoke in his own right as a political +exile from Ireland, a country than which none has more deeply suffered +from the woes of foreign domination. I speak here by no such title. And +yet if any man may without presumption claim to speak in behalf of the +political exiles and rebels against tyranny, of several nations, of all +nations, indeed it is an American. For he is not only himself the heir +of a nation of rebels, but his whole lineage is cosmopolitan, and he may +boast that he is akin to all the races of Europe. We have no exclusive +origin, thank God! In the veins of our country there flows the blood of +a thousand tribes, just as our language is made up of a thousand idioms. +We hear a good deal from certain quarters about the greatness of races, +the practical energy of this race, the artistic genius of the other, and +the great intellectual qualities of another. America disproves of all +these dogmas, and establishes in their stead the higher principle that +all races are capable of a noble development under noble institutions. +Give freedom to the Celt, the Slavon, or the Italian, or whatever other +people; give them freedom and independence; establish among them the +great principle of _local self-government_, and the earth does not +more surely revolve in its orbit than they will in due time ripen into +all the excellence and all the dignity of humanity. Men make and control +institutions, but institutions in their turn make men. And if a people +under Providence are endowed with institutions that have given free play +and healthy growth to the most useful and admirable powers of man, it is +not for that people to boast of its race as better than other races, and +thank God, like the Pharisee, that it is not as other men. No, it is for +that people to see the cause of its good fortune in its institutions, +and to remember that it has responsibilities, and that it owes a helping +hand to others that honestly struggle for such benefits. Especially is +this the case with the American people, made up as they are from all +races, and absorbing yearly as they do so much of the best blood of all. +America has thriven and grown strong upon the misfortunes of Europe. Our +toast specially refers to the political exiles of Europe, but the truth +is, that all the exiles of that continent are political. Every shipload +of emigrants that seeks our shores has been banished by political +causes; for had the institutions of their country been such as to secure +to them freedom and the prosperity of freedom, do you think they would +have forsaken their homes and the homes of their fathers to seek new +homes beyond the ocean? We owe then to Europe a debt for all this +population and power that it has flung upon our shores, and how else can +we pay it except by doing what we can to help the European nations to +gain their freedom and form institutions under which there will be no +political exiles? For one I go for paying that debt, according to our +means and opportunities. I saw the other day in the streets a large +body of Europeans of various nations, marching along with a red flag. +In Paris, or Rome, or Vienna, such a procession would have been +impossible, or if it could have got into the streets, it would have been +assailed by the soldiery, and its members either shot down or flung into +prison. Yet in New York they went peacefully on their way, made their +demonstration in all freedom, and no trouble or harm came of it. Very +many of those men were political exiles. And why? Not because they were +bad men, for here in New York nothing could be more quiet and +appropriate than their behaviour. But they prove, that from whatever +country there are political exiles, there the institutions are bad. I +know we are in the habit of hearing about Red Republicans and Socialists +as men who are dangerous on account of their opinions, and who have +deserved to be banished from France, from Germany, from Italy. I will +not now say anything about those opinions, but this I do say, that a +country where all opinions and every opinion cannot be held and freely +discussed, has a bad system of government and bad institutions. It is +not the men nor their opinions that stand condemned, but the government +and institutions. Therefore it is that we must sympathize with such +exiles, without regard to their opinions, and pray earnestly and labour +earnestly for the elevation of all countries to freedom. + + * * * * * + +IX.--ON MILITARY INSTITUTIONS. + +[_Speech to the New York Militia, December 16th._] + +The First Division, consisting of four brigades, was presented to +Kossuth in the Castle Garden. Major-General Sandford then proceeded to +address Kossuth as follows:-- + +Governor Kossuth:--It is with no ordinary feeling of gratification that +I have this opportunity of addressing you, in the name and on behalf of +the citizen soldiers of the city of New York. With an unbounded +admiration of your devotion to the great cause of constitutional +liberty, and of that indomitable firmness with which you have persevered +under all circumstances in sustaining it, they were most happy to +testify, upon your arrival in our city, their sense of your services in +that cause which they are organized to sustain, and now they are again +assembled to greet you with a heart-felt welcome, and to listen to the +voice of one whom they have learned to respect, to love, and to +venerate. The body of men now presented to you, about five thousand in +number, represents the First Division of New York State Militia. The +division enrols about fifty thousand men in this city and upon Staten +Island, and the law of our State only imposes upon the general body the +duty of appearing armed and equipped once in each year, at an annual +parade appointed for that purpose. But out of this large number the law +provides for the organization of those who are willing and desirous to +acquire that degree of military science, to fit them, upon any sudden +emergency of domestic insurrection or of foreign aggression, to sustain +the laws and support the institutions of our country. They uniform and +equip themselves at their own expense, and they serve without pay, +satisfied with the consciousness that they are discharging a duty to +their country, and qualifying themselves to sustain the honour of our +flag and the freedom won by our fathers. They represent fairly all +classes of our citizens. Our hard-working and ingenious mechanic--our +enterprising and energetic merchant--our intelligent professional +men--our grocers, butchers, bakers, and cartmen, are all to be found in +our ranks, exhibiting in public spirit, energy, and intelligence, a body +of men not to be surpassed, even in this country of active enterprise +and widely diffused intelligence. It is amongst such men, devoted to +such a service, that, you may feel well assured, the intelligence of the +noble struggle of the Hungarian people for their rights and liberties +was received with the deepest feeling, and the progress of your contest +watched with the most earnest solicitude. They exulted in your +victories as the triumph of freedom over oppression and despotism--they +saw in your almost superhuman energies and dauntless courage the hearts +of a people determined to be free. They rejoiced that a great nation, +with kindred principles and institutions, was established as an +independent republic amidst the despotisms of Europe. But, alas! all +their hopes and anticipations were blasted. Such an example amidst the +down-trodden subjects of the arbitrary governments of Europe, was viewed +with alarm by their despotic rulers, and the enslaved hordes of the +imperial Russian were hurled upon the free sons of Hungary. Even with +such mighty odds, we should not have despaired for Hungary, had she been +afforded but one year of peaceful preparation to complete her +organization and develop her resources. Her gallant sons upon her own +soil, and battling for their homes, their altars, and their +independence, would have been unconquerable. But treason and despotism +combined, triumphed over freedom. Then commenced a scene of horrors and +cruelty, such as despots only and the minions of despots can perpetrate. + +Hungarian liberty may be cast down, but cannot be destroyed. The sacred +flame burns unquenched in the hearts of the people, and will again burst +forth, a glorious light to enlighten the nation--but a consuming fire to +their oppressors. But when? and how shall this be accomplished? Sir, we +believe and feel with you that this will be accomplished whenever the +free people of America, uniting with those kindred nations of Europe +which sustain and shall secure free institutions, will support and +insist upon that great moral principle of international law which you +have recently so eloquently and ably expounded--that one nation should +not interfere with the domestic concerns of another. Establish this +great and just principle, and Hungary would again assume her station +among the nations of the earth--free and independent. Establish this +great principle, and Germany and Italy would also soon be free. Sir, we +believe in this great principle; we believe it to be a principle of +justice and humanity; we believe it to be the inalienable right of every +people to establish such forms of government as are best adapted to +their condition, and as they may deem best calculated to ensure their +own rights, liberties, and pursuit of happiness. And we believe that +this great principle of international law should be the basis of the +intercourse of nations, and that we have no more right to make free with +the forms of government of other nations, than with their forms of +religion. But this principle being conceded and established, how is it +to be enforced? How are the despotic dynasties of Europe to be prevented +from lending their combined energies to crush every germ of freedom +amongst those who, if left to themselves, would, like Hungary, be free +and independent. Solely by the method which you have so ably developed. +Solely by inducing those nations which are strong enough to maintain the +principles of international law--to unite in their support, and by such +union, effectually to guarantee the peace of the world. To effect this +most desirable object, you have adopted the true method. You would +operate upon the public opinion, and public opinion operating upon free +government, creates and establishes public and international law. But +when we see this great principle of non-intervention violated--when we +see a free and united people crushed and trampled upon by foreign +despots, because they have dared to proclaim and establish equal rights +and privileges as the basis of their own institutions, must we look +tamely on and see the life-blood of freedom crushed out by the iron heel +of barbaric despotism, and hear the death-groans of the brave and free +without daring to express our feelings or to extend the hand of sympathy +and comfort to the suffering sons of liberty? No! in the name of +outraged justice and humanity, no! We will openly, warmly, and freely +express our sympathy in the cause of freedom, and our approbation of the +devotion, the endurance, and the gallantry of her sons. We will, by all +constitutional modes, endeavour to sustain those principles, which will +terminate this outrage upon the sacred laws of justice and humanity. We +will further aid this cause by contributing our share to the +contributions offered by our people to enable you to advance the +establishment of those principles so important to the emancipation of +your beloved Hungary, and so essential to the preservation of civil and +religious liberty. And now upon this interesting occasion, I hail the +presence of this noble company of faithful and devoted sons of Hungary, +your companions in exile and in prison, and present them to this +division; men, who, like our fathers, pledged their sacred honours "to +sustain the independence of their country." [Here there was an outburst +of cheering, and Colonel Berczenszy and the other Hungarians, companions +in arms of Kossuth, all rose, and were again greeted with another burst +of enthusiastic cheering.] We receive them as friends and brothers, and +as martyrs in the same holy cause of constitutional liberty in which our +fathers fought and bled, and suffered, and triumphed; and in which, we +trust and believe, you will also live to triumph and rejoice, in the +bosom of your own, your native land. + +Loud applause followed the conclusion of this address. + +Kossuth then rose and said-- + +General and gentlemen,--I accept with the highest gratitude, the honour +to meet the first division of the New York State Militia, who having, in +their capacity of citizen soldiers, honoured me on my arrival by their +participation in the generous welcome which I met with, have also, by +the military honour bestowed on me, so much contributed to impart to +this great demonstration that public character which cannot fail to +prove highly beneficial to the cause which I hold up before the free +people of this mighty republic, and which I dare confidently to state is +the great question of freedom and independence to the European +continent. I entreat you, gentlemen, not to expect any elaborate speech +from me, because really I am unprepared to make one. You are citizen +soldiers, a glorious title, to which I have the ambition of aspiring; +so, I hope you will kindly excuse me, if I endeavour to speak to you +_as_ soldiers. Do you know, gentlemen, what is the finest speech I +ever heard or read? It is the address of Garibaldi to his Roman soldiers +in the last war, when he told them:--"Soldiers, what I have to offer you +is fatigue, danger, struggling, and death--the chill of the cold night, +the open air, and the burning sun--no lodgings, no munitions, no +provisions--but forced marches, dangerous watchposts, and continual +struggling with bayonets against batteries. Let those who love freedom +and their country, follow me." That is the most glorious speech I ever +heard in my life. But, of course, that is no speech for to-day. I will +speak so, when I again meet the soldiers of Hungary, to fight once more +the battle of freedom and independence. [After various compliments to +General Sandford on the appearance of his soldiers, and the good order +of the republic, Kossuth continued as follows:] I thank you for the +explanation of the organization and discipline of this gallant division. +Europe has many things to learn from America. It has to learn the value +of free institutions--the expansive power of freedom--the practical +value of local self-government, as opposed to centralization. But one of +the most important lessons you give to Europe, is in the organization of +the militia of the United States. You have the best organized army in +the world, and yet you have scarcely a standing army at all. That is a +necessary thing for Europe to learn from America---that great standing +armies must cease. But they can cease, only _then_, when the nations +are free; for great standing armies are not national institutions, they +are the instruments of dynastic violence or foreign despotism. The +existence of tyranny imposes on Europe great standing armies. When the +nations once become free, they will not want them, because they will not +war with each other. Freedom will become a friendly link among nations. +But as far as they may want them, your example shows that a popular +militia, like yours, is the mightiest national Defence. Thirty-seven +years ago a great battle was fought at New Orleans, which showed what a +defence your country has in its militia. Nay more, your history proves +that this institution affords the most powerful means of Offensive war, +should war become indispensable. I am aware, gentlemen, that your war +with Mexico was chiefly carried on by volunteers. I know what a +distinguished part the volunteers of New York took in that war. And who +were these volunteers? Who were those from New York city, and of other +regiments? They were of your militia, the source of that military spirit +which is the glory of your country, and its safety when needed in time +of war or social disorder. I learned all this from the United States, +and it was my firm intention to carry out this militia organization in +Hungary. My idea was and still is to do so, and I will endeavour, with +the help of God, to carry it out. + +My idea is, there are duties towards one native land common to every +citizen, and public instruction and education must have such a direction +as to enable every citizen to perform them. One of these duties is to +defend it in time of danger, to take up arms for its freedom and +independence and security. My idea is to lay such a foundation for +public instruction, in the schools, that every boy in Hungary shall be +educated in military skill, so much as is necessary for the defence of +his native land, and those who feel inclined to adopt the profession of +arms, might complete their education in higher public schools and +universities, as is the case in the professions of the bar, and physic, +and the pulpit. But I would have no distinction among the citizens. To +defend our country is a common duty, and every one must know how to +perform it. Taking the basis of your organization as an example for +Hungary, Hungary would have at least one million of men ready to defend +it against the oppression of any power whatever. That the militia of +Hungary, thus developed, would be the most solid guardian of my +country's freedom and independence, we have shown in our past struggles. +The glorious deeds which the unnamed heroes of the people achieved, +proves what with previous preparation they could do in defence of their +native land. Often they have gone into battle without knowing how to +fire or cock a musket; but they took batteries by their bayonets, and +they achieved glorious deeds like those that are classed among the deeds +of immortality. We have not either wish or inclination for conquest. We +are content with our native land if it be independent and free. For the +maintenance of that independence and freedom, we established by law the +institution of the National Guard. It is like your militia. I consider +the organization to be like a porcupine, which moves on its own road +quietly, but when attacked or when danger approaches, stretches forth +its thorns. May God Almighty grant that I may soon see developed in my +native land, the great institution of a National Guard! + +The power of Hungary, thus established, is a basis indispensable to the +freedom of Europe. I will prove this in a few words. The enemy of +European freedom is Russia. Now, can Hungary be a barrier to secure +Europe against this power of Russia? I answer: yes. You are a nation of +twenty-four millions, and you have an organized militia of some three +millions; Hungary is a nation of fifteen millions, and at least can have +one million of brave citizen soldiers. I hope this may be regarded, +then, as a positive proof of what I say about the ability of Hungary to +resist the power of despotism, and defend Europe against Russian +encroachments. Another thing is, the weakness of Russia herself; for she +is not so strong as people generally believe. It has taken her whole +power to put down Hungary, and all she can raise consists of 750,000 +men. Then you must consider that the Russian territory is of immense +extent, and that its population is oppressed; tranquillity and the order +of the grave,--not the order of contentment,--is kept in Russia itself, +only by the armed soldiery of the Czar. Now, it is not much when I say +that 250,000 men are indispensable to keep tranquillity in the interior +of that empire; 100,000 men are necessary to guard its frontiers +extending from Siberia to Turkey; 100,000 to keep down the heroic spirit +of oppressed Poland, Take all this together, and you will see that +Russia scarcely can, at the utmost, employ 300,000 men in a foreign war, +and, really, it had not more engaged, as history will prove, in the +greatest struggle it made for existence--it could not bring more into +the field. The million of citizen soldiers would not require to be so +brave as they are, to be a match for those 300,000 men; and, therefore, +the first result of restored independence in Hungary would be--should +the Czar once more have the arrogant intention to put his foot upon +mankind's neck, as he blasphemously boasted he had the authority of God +to do--the repression of his power by Hungary. Not only would it be +repressed, but Hungary could assault him in a quarter where she would +find powerful allies. His financial embarrassments are very great, for +you know that even in the brief war in Hungary he was necessitated to +raise a loan in England. We should have for our allies the oppressed +people, and our steps would be marked by the liberation of all who are +now enslaved. First among our allies would be the Polish nation, which +is not restricted to the Poland of the maps, but extends through the +wide provinces of Gallicia, Lithuania, &c. These are proofs that the +might of Russia is not so immense that it should intimidate a nation +fighting in a just cause. With Hungary once free, Russia would never +dare to threaten European liberty again. + +But if Russia is so weak as I have shown her to be, why, you may say, do +I ask your support and aid against her interference? Because Russia is +only thirty hours' distance from Hungary, and one of her large armies +stands prepared to move at any time against the liberties of our people, +before we could have time to develop our resources. This is the motive +why I ask, in the name of my country, the great and beneficial support +of the United States to check and prevent Russian interference in +Hungary, so that we may have _time_ to erect it into an +insurmountable barrier and impregnable fortress against the despotism of +the Czar. This, I say, is the reason why I claim aid from the United +States, and ask it to assume its rightful executive in the police of +nations. That is the only glory which is wanting to the lustre of your +glorious stars. The militia of the United States having been the +assertors of the independence and liberties of this country and the +guardians of its security, have now scarcely any other calling; and I +confidently hope, that being your condition, you will not deny your +generous support to the great principle of non-interference, in the next +struggle which Hungary will make for freedom and independence, which +even now is felt in the air, and is pointed out by the finger of God +himself. My _second_ earnest wish and hope is, that the people will +see that their commerce with other people, whether in revolution or not, +shall be secured. It is not so much my interest as it is your right; and +I hope the militia of the United States will ever be ready to protect +oppressed humanity. My _third_ humble claim is, that this great +republic shall recognize the legitimate independence of Hungary. The +militia of this country fought and bled for that principle upon your own +soil; so, by the glory of your predecessors--by all the blessings which +have flowed from your struggle, which make your glory and happiness--you +will feel inclined to support this my humble claim for the recognition +of the legitimate independence of my fatherland. + +I thank you for the generous sympathy, and for the reception and welcome +of my companions, the devoted sons of Hungary, who were ready to +sacrifice life and fortune to the independence of their native land. +There are several among them who were already soldiers before our +struggle, and they employed their military skill in the service of their +country. But there were others who were not soldiers, yet whose +patriotism led them to embrace the cause of their native land, and they +proved to be brave and efficient supporters of the freedom for which +they fought. Thanking you for the sympathy you have expressed for them, +I promise you, gentlemen, that they will prove themselves worthy of it. +I will point out to them the most dangerous places, and I know they will +acquit themselves honourably and bravely. As to myself, I have here a +sword on my side given to me by an American citizen. This being a gift +from a citizen of the United States, I take it as a token of +encouragement to go on in that way by which, with the blessing of +Almighty God, I shall yet be enabled again to see my fatherland +independent and free. I swear here before you, that this American sword +in my hand shall be always faithful in the cause of freedom--that it +shall be ever foremost in the battle--and that it shall never be +polluted by ambition or cowardice. + + * * * * * + +X.--CONDITIONS ESSENTIAL FOR DEMOCRACY AND PEACE. + +[_Reply to the Address of the Democrats of Tammany Hall, New York, +Dec. 17th_.] + +Mr. Sickles, who made the address, closed by stating that he contributed +to the cause of Hungary "a golden dollar, fresh from the free mines of +the Pacific;" adding that he trusted millions would follow, and that the +"Almighty Dollar," if still the proverb of a money-making people, would +become a symbol of its noblest instincts and truest ambition. + +Kossuth, in reply, after warm thanks, declined the personal praises +bestowed on him, and sketched the series of events by which the Austrian +tyranny had converted him from insignificance into a man of importance. +He then proceeded to comment on France[*] as follows:--I hope that the +great French nation will soon succeed to establish a true republic. But +I have come to the conviction, that for freedom there is no duration in +CENTRALIZATION, which is a legacy of ambitious men. To be conquerors, +power must be centralized; but to be a free nation, self-government must +reign in families, villages, cities, counties, states. As power now is +lodged in France, the government has in its hand an army of half a +million of men, under that iron discipline which is needed in a standing +army. It has under its control a budget of more than a thousand million +francs. It can dispose of every public office in France; it has a civil +army of more than 500,000 men: the mayor of the least village derives +his appointment from the government. All the police, all the _gens +d'armes_, are in its hands. Now, gentlemen, is it not clear +that--with such authority and force,--not to become dangerous to +liberty, every President needs to be a Washington. And Washingtons are +not so thickly strewn around. Woe to the country, whose institutions are +such, that their freedom depends on the personal character of one man. +Be he the best man in the world, he will not overcome the essential +repugnance of his position to freedom. When France abandons this +_centralization_, and carries out her own principles of "Liberty, +Equality, Fraternity," by _local self-government_, she will be the +great basis of European republics. As to sovereignty of the people, I +take it that the right to cast a vote for the election of a President +once in four years does not exhaust the sovereign rights of a nation. A +people deciding about its own matters, must be everywhere master of its +own fate, in village communes as much as in electing its chief officer. + +[Footnote *: The news of the _coup d'état_ had not yet reached him.] + +You have spoken about certain persons who will have "peace at any +price." Of course you feel that permanent peace _cannot_ be had at +any less price, than that which buys justice: nor can there be justice, +where is no freedom. Under oppression is neither contentment nor +tranquillity. There are some who prefer being oppressed to the dangers +of shaking off oppression; but I am sure there are millions who fear +death less than enslavement. Peace therefore will not exist, though all +your Rothschilds and Barings help the despots. To withhold material aid +from the oppressed will not avert the war, but by depriving the leaders +of the means of concert will simply make the struggle more lingering: a +result surely not desired by friends of peace. + +But, sir, I thank you for your dollar. The ocean is composed of drops. +The greatest results are achieved, not by individuals, but by the humble +industry of mankind, incessantly bringing man nearer to the aim +providentially destined for him. Not all the Rothschilds together can +wield such sums as poor people can; for the poor count by millions. +Those dollars of the people have another great value. One million of +them given by a million of men gives hope to the popular cause: it gives +the sympathy and support of a million men. I bless God for that word of +yours, that the one dollar should be followed by many; for then your +example would not only in a financial respect be a great benefit, but +afford a foundation for that freedom which the Almighty designs for the +nations. Here is a great glory for your country to aim at. It is +glorious to stand at the top of the pyramid of humanity; more glorious +to become yourselves the pillar on which the welfare of human nature +rests. For this, mankind looks to your country with hope and confidence. + + * * * * * + +XI.--HUNGARY AND AUSTRIA IN RELIGIOUS CONTRAST. + +[_Address in the Plymouth Church at Brooklyn, Dec. 18th, 1851_.] + +The Rev. H. W. Beecher having assured Kossuth of the deep and religious +interest long felt and expressed towards him within those very walls: +Kossuth replied, declaring that he felt himself always in the power of +God, and believed Christianity and freedom to be but one cause. He went +on to add: + +The cause of Hungary is strongly connected with the principle of +religious liberty on earth. In the first war of the sixteenth century a +battle was fought by the Moslems in Hungary, by which the power of our +nation was almost overthrown. At that time the monarchy was elective. A +Hungarian, who was Governor of Transylvania, was chosen king, but +another party elected Ferdinand of Austria to be King of Hungary. A long +struggle ensued, in which the Princes of Transylvania called in Turkish +aid against the House of Austria. + +In the hour of necessity, the House of Austria complied with the wishes +of my nation, whenever my country had taken up arms; but no sooner was +the sword laid down, than this dynasty always neglected to perform its +promises. In the midst of the last century, under Maria Theresa, those +who did not belong to the Catholic faith were almost excluded from all +offices. Joseph succeeded, who was a tolerant man; but scarcely was he +in his grave, when the Emperor Francis renewed persecution, and it was +only in 1848, that religious liberty was established to every creed. +When the House of Austria took arms against the laws of 1848, they took +arms against religious liberty. + +In our Parliament, it was Roman Catholics who stood in the van of battle +for religious liberty: but when I say this, I must state it without +drawing any commentary from it. It was reserved to our revolution to +show the development of the glorious cause of freedom. When my country +imposed on me the duty to govern the land, I was ready to show the +confidence I had in religious freedom. I chose a Catholic Minister to be +Minister of Education in Hungary, and he fully justified the confidence +I reposed in him. He has shown that our Constitution is founded upon +equality; that it regards all men as citizens, and makes no distinction +of profession. It is only under free institutions that a clergyman can +remain a clergyman with burning heart towards his own duties, and yet, +when called to perform the duties of a citizen, be no longer a clergyman +but a citizen. Could the Church of Rome have appreciated this principle, +and have acted upon it, my friend Mazzini were not now necessary for the +freedom of Italy. But as Rome did not appreciate it, the temporal power +of the Pope will probably fall at the next revolution. + +My principles are, that the Church shall not meddle with politics, and +Government will not meddle with religion. In every society there are +political and civil concerns on one side, and on the other social +concerns; for the first, civil authority must be established--in +political and civil respects every one has to acknowledge the power of +its jurisdiction. But, in respect to social interests, it is quite the +contrary. Religion is not an institution--it is a matter of conscience. + +For the support of these principles I ask your generous aid. You know +that whenever the House of Austria attains to any strength, its first +step is to break down religious liberty. And Austria is helped by +Russia, which is even still less propitious to these principles; you +remember the insolence or hardship to which in Russia those people are +subject who do not belong to the Greek Church; at the present time the +poor Jews are subjected to great indignities, and compelled, if not to +shave off their hair, to cut it in a particular manner, so as to +distinguish them from members of the Greek Church. But Hungary, by the +providence of God, is destined to become once more the vanguard of +civilization, and of religious liberty for the whole of the European +Continent against the encroachments of Russian despotism, as it has +already been the barrier of Christianity, against Islamism. + +Kossuth then proceeded to explain, that any moneys contributed by the +generosity of the American public would not be employed as a warlike +fund, for which it would be utterly insignificant; but solely as a means +of enabling the oppressed to concert their measures. After this he +canvassed _the three props_ of Austria, and pointed out the +weakness of them all; viz. its loans,--its army,--and Russia. Its loans +run fast to a bankruptcy. Its army is composed of nations which hate it. +Under the Austrian government, the Tyrol perhaps alone has escaped +bombardments, scaffolds, and jails filled with patriots. The armies are +raised by forcible conscriptions, and contain some hundred thousand +Hungarians who recently fought and conquered Austria, whom Austria now +keeps in drill to serve against her when the time comes. As to the third +prop--Russia,--possibly for some days yet in the future it may support +Austria; but not in a long war: Austria can never stand in a long war. + +I am told (said Kossuth) that some who call themselves "men of peace" +cry out for _peace at any price_. But is the present condition +peace? Is the scaffold peace?--that scaffold, on which in Lombardy +during the "peaceful" years the blood of 3742 patriots has been shed. +When the prisons of Austria are filled with patriots, is that peace? or +is the discontent of all the nations peace? I do not believe that the +Lord created the world for _such_ a kind of peace as that,--to be a +prison,--to be a volcano, boiling up and ready to break out. No: but +with justice and liberty there will be contentment, and with +contentment, peace--lasting peace, consistent peace: while from the +tyrants of the world there is oppression, and with oppression the +breaking forth of war..... + + * * * * * + +XII.--PUBLIC PIRACY OF RUSSIA + +[_Reply to the Address of the Bar of New York, Dec. 19th, 1851_.] + +A reception and a banquet to Kossuth having been prepared by the Bar at +Tripler Hall, ex-justice Jones introduced him with a short speech; after +which Judge Sandford, in the name of the whole Bar, read an ample +address, of which the following is the principal part:-- + +Governor Kossuth.--The Bar of New York, having participated with their +fellow-citizens in extending to you that cordial and enthusiastic +welcome which greeted your landing upon the shores of America, have +solicited the opportunity to express to you, as a member of the legal +profession, their respect for your great talents and eminent +attainments, and their admiration for the ardour and enthusiasm with +which you have devoted all your powers and energies to the sacred cause +of the emancipation of your native land. Wherever freedom has needed an +advocate, wherever law has required a supporter, wherever tyranny and +oppression have provoked resistance, and men have been found for the +occasion, it is the proud honour of our common profession to have +presented from our ranks some prominent individual who has generously +and boldly engaged in the service; and Hungary has furnished to the +world one of the most striking in the brilliant series of illustrious +examples. As early as the year 1840, the public history of Hungary had +made us acquainted with the distinguished part which a Mr. Kossuth, an +attorney, as he was then described, had performed in sustaining the laws +of his country. Mr. Kossuth, the Attorney of that day, has since matured +into the Counsellor, Statesman, Patriot, Governor, and now stands before +us the Exile more distinguished for his firmness and undaunted courage +in his last reverse than for his exaltation by the free choice of his +countrymen. After the years of your imprisonment and painful anxiety had +worn away, and the illegal measure of your arrest had been publicly +acknowledged, we found you restored to your personal liberty, and again +ardently engaged in the great cause of your country's freedom. At the +meeting of the Diet of Hungary which was held in November, 1847, and +before the flame of revolution had illuminated Europe, we found a series +of acts resolved upon by that body, which declared an equality of civil +rights and of public burdens among all classes, denominations, and races +in Hungary and its provinces, perfect toleration for every form of +religion, an extension of the elective franchise, universal freedom in +the sale of landed property, liberty to strangers to settle in the +country, the emancipation of the Jews, the sum of eight millions set +apart to encourage manufactures and construct roads, and the nobles of +Hungary, by a voluntary act, abolishing the old tenure of the lands, +thereby constituting the producing classes to be absolute owners of +nearly one half of the cultivated territory in the kingdom. This great +advance made by your country in a system of benign and ameliorating +legislation, was checked by occurrences which are too fresh in your +recollection to require a recapitulation. We welcome you among us; we +tender you our admiration for your efforts; our sympathy for your +sufferings; our cordial wishes that your persevering labours may be +successful in restoring your country to her place among nations, and her +people to the enjoyment of those blessings of civil and religious +liberty, to which, by their intelligence and bravery, and by the _laws +of nature and of nature's God_, they are justly entitled. Our +professional pursuits have led us to the study of the system of +jurisprudence which has been matured by the wisdom and experience of +ages, but which has been recognized by all eminent jurists to be founded +upon the defined principles of Christianity. From that great source of +law we have learned, that as members of the family of mankind, our +duties are not bounded by the territorial limits of the government which +protects us, nor circumscribed as to time or space. We have framed a +constitution of government, and under it have adopted a system of laws +which we are bound to execute and obey. The stability and efficiency of +our own government are dependent upon the intelligence, virtue, and +moderation of our people. It has been justly remarked by one of our most +distinguished jurists, that "in a republic, every citizen is himself in +some measure entrusted with the public safety, and acts an important +part for its weal or woe." Trained as we have been in these principles +of self-government, appreciating all the blessings which a bounteous +Creator has so profusely showered upon us, and desirous to see the +principles of civil and religious liberty extended to other nations, we +rejoice at every uprising of their oppressed people; we sympathize with +their struggles, and within the limits of our public laws and public +policy, we aid them in their efforts. If through weakness or treachery +they fail, we grieve at their misfortunes. In you, sir, we behold a +personification of that great principle which forms the corner stone of +our own revered Constitution--the right of self-government. Darkened as +has been the horizon of suffering Hungary, in you, sir, still burns that +living fire of freedom, which we trust will yet light up her firmament, +and shed its lustrous flame over her wasted lands. "The unnamed +demi-gods" whose blood has moistened her battle-fields, the martyrs +whose lives have been freely offered up on the scaffold and beneath the +axe, the living exiles now scattered through distant lands, have not +suffered, are not suffering in vain. Governments were created for the +benefit of the many, and not of the few. A day, an hour of retribution +will yet come; the Almighty promise will not be forgotten--"Vengeance is +mine--I will repay it, saith the Lord." + +Kossuth thereupon replied:-- + +Gentlemen,--Highly as I value the opportunity to meet the gentlemen of +the Bar, I should have felt very much embarrassed to have to answer the +address of that corporation before such a numerous and distinguished +assembly, had not you, sir, relieved my well-founded anxiety by justly +anticipating and appreciating my difficulties. Let me hope, that herein +you were the interpreter of this distinguished assembly's indulgence. + +Gentlemen of the Bar, you have the noble task to be the first +interpreters of the law; to make it subservient to justice; to maintain +its eternal principles against encroachment; and to restore those +principles to life, whenever they become obliterated by misunderstanding +or by violence. My opinion is, that Law must keep pace in its +development with institutions and intelligence, and until these are +perfect, law is and must be with them in continual progress. Justice is +immortal, eternal, and immutable, like God himself; and the development +of law is only then a progress, when it is directed towards those +principles which, like Him, are eternal; and whenever prejudice or error +succeeds in establishing in customary law any doctrine contrary to +eternal justice, it is one of your noblest duties, gentlemen,--having no +written Code to fetter justice within the bonds of error and +prejudice,--it is one of your noblest duties to apply _Principles_, +--to show that an unjust custom is a corrupt practice, an +abuse; and by showing this, to originate that change, or rather +development in the unwritten, customary law, which is necessary to make +it protect justice, instead of opposing and violating it. + +If this be your noble vocation in respect to the Private laws of your +country, let me entreat you, gentlemen, to extend it to that Public law +which, regulating the mutual duties of nations towards each other, rules +the destinies of humanity. You know that in that eternal code of "nature +and of nature's God," which your forefathers invoked when they raised +the colonies of England to the rank of a free nation, there are no +pettifogging subtleties, but only everlasting principles: everlasting, +like those by which the world is ruled. You know that when artificial +cunning of ambitious oppressors succeeds to pervert those principles, +and when passive indifference or thoughtlessness submits to it, as +weakness must submit: it is the noble destiny--let me say, duty--of +enlightened nations, alike powerful as free, to restore those eternal +principles to practical validity, so that justice, light, and truth may +sway, where injustice, oppression, and error have prevailed. Raise high +the torch of truth; cast its beams on the dark field of arbitrary +prejudice; become the champions of principles, and your people will be +the regenerators of International law. + +It will. A tempestuous life has somewhat sharpened my eye, and had it +even not done so, still I would dare to say, I know how to read your +people's heart. It is conscious of your country's power; it is jealous +of its own dignity; it knows that it is able to restore the law of +nations to the principles of justice and right; and knowing its ability, +its will shall not be lacking. Let the cause of Hungary become the +opportunity for the restoration of true and just international law. +Mankind is come to the eleventh hour in its destinies. One hour of delay +more, and its fate may be sealed, and nothing left to the generous +inclinations of your people--so tender-hearted, so noble, and so +kind--but to mourn over murdered nations, its beloved brethren in +humanity. + +I have but to make a few remarks about two objections, which I am told I +shall have to contend with. The first is, that it is a leading principle +of the United States not to interfere with European nations. I may +perhaps assume that you have been pleased to acquaint yourselves with +what I have elsewhere said on that argument; viz. that the United States +had never entertained or confessed such a principle, or at any rate had +abandoned it, and had been forced to do so: which indicates it to have +been only a temporary policy. I stated the mighty difference between +neutrality and non-interference; so I will only briefly remark that a +like difference exists between alliance and interference. Every +independent power has the right to form alliances, but is not under duty +to do so: it may remain neutral, if it please. Neither alliances nor +neutrality are matters of principle, but simply of policy. They may hurt +interest, but do not violate law; whereas with interference the contrary +is the case. Interference with the sovereign right of nations to resist +oppression, or to alter their institutions and government, is a +violation of the law of nations and of God: therefore non-interference +is a duty common to every power and every nation, and is placed under +the safeguard of every power, of every nation. He who violates that law +is like a pirate: every power on earth has the duty to chase him down as +a curse to human nature. There is not a man in the United States but +would avow that a pirate must be chased down; and no man more readily +than the gentlemen of trade. A gentleman who came yesterday to honour +me with the invitation of Cincinnati, that rising wonder of the +West,--with eloquence which speaks volumes in one word, designated as +_piracy_ the interference of foreign violence with the domestic +concerns of a nation. There is such a moving power in a word of truth! +That word has relieved me of many long speeches. I no longer need to +discuss the principle of your foreign policy: there can be no doubt +about what is lawful, what is a duty, against piracy. Your naval forces +are, and must be, instructed to put down piracy wherever they meet it, +on whatever geographic lines, whether in European or in American waters. +You sent your Commodore Decatur for that purpose to the Mediterranean, +who told the Dey of Algiers, that "if he claims powder, he will have it +with the balls;" and no man in the United States imagined this to oppose +your received policy. Nobody then objected that it is the ruling +principle of the United States not to meddle with European or African +concerns; rather, if your government had neglected so to do, I am sure +the gentlemen of trade would have been foremost to complain. Now, in the +name of all which is pleasing to God and sacred to man, if all are ready +thus to unite in the outcry against a rover, who, at the danger of his +own life, boards some frail ship, murders some poor sailors, or takes a +few bales of cotton--is there no hope to see a similar universal outcry +against those great pirates who board, not some small cutters, but the +beloved home of nations? who murder, not some few sailors, but whole +peoples? who shed blood, not by drops, but by torrents? who rob, not +some hundred weight of merchandize, but the freedom, independence, +welfare, and the very existence of nations? Oh God and Father of human +kind! spare--oh spare that degradation to thy children; that in their +destinies some bales of cotton should more weigh than those great +moralities. Alas! what a pitiful sight! A miserable pickpocket, a +drunken highway robber, chased by the whole human race to the gallows: +and those who pickpocket the life-sweat of nations, rob them of their +welfare, of their liberty, and murder them by thousands--these +high-handed criminals proudly raise their brow, trample upon mankind, +and degrade its laws before their high reverential name, and term +themselves "most sacred majesties." But may God be blessed, there is +hope for human nature; for there is a powerful, free, mighty people here +on the virgin soil of America, ready to protect the laws of man and of +Heaven against the execrated pirates and their associates. + +But again I am told, "The United States, as a power, are not +indifferent; we sympathize deeply with those who are oppressed; we will +respect the laws of nations; but we have no interest to make them +respected by others towards others." Interest! and always interest! Oh, +how cupidity has succeeded to misrepresent the word? Is there any +interest which could outweigh the interest of justice and of right? +Interest! But I answer by the very words of one of the most +distinguished members of your profession, gentlemen, the present +Honourable Secretary of State:--"The United States, as a nation, have +precisely the same interest (yes, _interest_ is his word) in +international law as a private individual has in the laws of his +country." He was a member of the bar who advanced that principle of +eternal justice against the mere fact of policy; and now that he is in +the position to carry out the principle which he has advanced, I +confidently trust he will be as good as his word,[*] and that his +honourable colleagues, the gentlemen of the bar, will remember their +calling to maintain the permanent principles of justice against the +encroachments of accidental policy. + +[Footnote *: See the extracts from Mr. Webster's speech at the Washington +Banquet.] + +But I may be answered--"If we (the United States) avow that we will not +endure the interference of Russia in Hungary (for that is the practical +meaning, I will not deny), and if Russia should not respect our +declaration; then we _might_ have to go to war." Well, I am not the +man to decline the consequences of my principles. I will not steal into +your sympathy by evasion. Yes, gentlemen, I confess, _should_ +Russia not respect such a declaration of your country, then you are +forced to go to war, or else be degraded before mankind. But, +gentlemen, you must not shrink back from the mere _word_ war; you +must consider what is the probability of its occurrence. I have already +stated publicly my certain knowledge how vulnerable Russia is; how weak +she is internally. But the best clue to you as to what will be her +future conduct, if you act decisively, will be gained by examining the +extreme caution and timidity with which, in the late events, she felt +her way, before she interposed by force. + +The last French Revolution broke out in February, 1848. The Czar hates +republics,--name and thing; but he did not interfere against the France +of Lamartine, any more than against the France of Louis Philippe in +1830. Why not? He dared not. But he resorted to his natural and his +most dangerous weapon, _secret diplomacy_. He sent male and female +intriguers to Paris, and succeeded in turning the revolution into a mock +republic. But from the pulsations of the great French heart every tyrant +had trembled. The German nation took its destiny into its own hands, and +proposed to itself to become ONE, in Frankfort. The throne in Berlin +quaked; the Austrian emperor fled from his palace, a few weeks after he +had with his own hands waved the flag of freedom out of his window. In +Vienna an Austrian Parliament met. A constitution was devised for Polish +Gallicia, linked by blood, history, and nature, to the Poland domineered +over by the Czar; while on its western frontier another Polish province, +Posen, was wrapt in revolutionary flames. You can imagine how the Czar +raged, how he wished to unite all mankind in one head, so that he might +cut it off with a single blow; and still he nowhere interfered. Why not? +Again I say, he was prudently afraid. However, the French republic +became very innocent to him--almost an ally in some respects, really an +ally in others, as in the case of unfortunate Rome. The gentlemen of +Frankfort proved also to be very innocent. The hopes of Germany +failed--the people were shot down in Vienna, Prague, Lemberg,--the +Austrian mock Parliament was sent from Vienna to Kremsen, and from +Kremsen home. Only Hungary stood firm, steady, victorious--the Czar had +nothing more to fear from all revolutionary Europe--nothing from +Germany--nothing from France. He had no fear from the United States, +since he knew that your government then was not willing to meddle with +European affairs: so he had free hands in Hungary. But one thing still +he did not know, and that was--what will _England_ and what will +_Turkey_ say, if he interferes?--and that consideration alone was +sufficient to check him. So anxious was he to feel the pulse of England +and of Turkey, that he sent first a small army--some ten thousand +men--to help the Austrians in Transylvania; and sent them in such a +manner as to have, in case of need, for excuse, that he was called to do +so, _not by Austria only, but by that part of the people also, which +deceived by foul delusion, stood by Austria!_ Oh, it was an infernal +plot! We beat down and drove out his 10,000 men, together with all the +Austrians--but the Czar had won his game. He was hereby assured that he +would have no foreign power to oppose him when he dared to violate the +law of nations by an armed interference in Hungary. So he interfered +with all his might. + +It is a torture even to remember, how like a dream vanished all our +hopes that there is yet justice on earth. When I saw my nation, as a +handful of brave men, forsaken to fight alone that immense battle for +humanity; when I saw Russian diplomacy stealing, like secret poison, +into our ranks, introducing treason into them;--but let me not look +back; it is all in vain; the past is past. _Forward_ is my word, +and forward I will go; for I know that there is yet a God in heaven, and +there is a people like you on earth, and there is a power of decided +will here also in this bleeding heart. It is my motto still, that "there +is no difficulty to him who wills." But so much is a fact, so much is +sure, that _the Czar did not dare to interfere until he was assured +that he would meet no foreign power to oppose him_. Show him, free +people of America--show him in a manly declaration, that he will meet +your force if he dares once more to trample on the laws of +nations--accompany this declaration with an augmentation of your +Mediterranean fleets, and be sure he will not stir. You will have no +war, and Austria falls almost without a battle, like a house without +foundation, raised upon the sand; Hungary--my poor Hungary--will be +free, and Europe's oppressed continent able to arrange its domestic +concerns. Even without my appeal to your sympathy, you have the source +in your own generous hearts. This meeting is a substantial proof of it. +Receive my thanks. + +I have done, gentlemen; I am worn out. I must reserve for another +occasion what I would say further, were I able. I know that when I +speak in this glorious country, there is the mighty engine of the press +which enables me to address the whole people. Let me now say that the +ground on which the hopes of my native land rest, is the principle of +justice, right, and law. To the maintenance of these you have devoted +your lives, gentlemen of the Bar. I leave them under your professional +care, and trust they will find many advocates among you. + + * * * * * + +XIII.--CLAIMS OF HUNGARY ON THE FEMALE SEX. + +[_Speech to the Ladies of New York_.] + +The Rev. Dr. Tyng having spoken in the name of the Ladies of New York, +and concluded with the words: "And now, sir, the ladies whom I have the +honour to represent, knowing your history, and fully aware of its vast +importance, desire themselves to be the audience, and to hear the voice +of Kossuth, and the claims of Hungary." Kossuth replied as follows:-- + +I would I were able to answer that call. I would I were able suitably to +fill the place which your kindness has assigned to me. You were pleased +to say that Austria was blind to let me escape. Be assured that it was +not the merit of Austria. She would have been very glad to bury me +alive, but the Sultan of Turkey took courage, and notwithstanding all +the remonstrances of Austria, I am free. + +Ladies, worn out as I am, still I am very glad that the ladies of New +York condescend to listen to my farewell. When in the midst of a busy +day, the watchful care of a guardian angel throws some flowers of joy in +the thorny way of man, he gathers them up with thanks: a cheerful thrill +quivers through his heart, like the melody of an Aeolian harp; but the +earnest duties of life soon claim his attention and his cares. The +melodious thrill dies away, and on he must go; on he goes, joyless, +cheerless, and cold, every fibre of his heart bent to the earnest duties +of the day. But when the hard work of the day is done, and the stress of +mind for a moment subsides, then the heart again claims its right, and +the tender fingers of our memory gather up again the violets of joy +which the guardian angel threw in our way, and we look at them with +delight; while we cherish them as the favourite gifts of life--we are as +glad as the child on Christmas eve. These are the happiest moments of +man's life. But when we are not noisy, not eloquent, we are silent +almost mute, like nature in a midsummer's night, reposing from the +burning heat of the day. Ladies, that is my condition now. It is a hard +day's work which I have had to do here. I am delivering my farewell +address; and every compassionate smile, every warm grasp of the hand, +every token of kindness which I have received (and I have received so +many), every flower of consolation which the ladies of New York have +thrown on my thorny way, rushes with double force to my memory. I feel +happy in this memory--there is a solemn tranquillity about my mind; but +in such a moment I would rather be silent than speak. You know, ladies, +that it is not the deepest feelings which are the loudest. + +And besides, I have to say farewell to New York! This is a sorrowful +word. What immense hopes are linked in my memory with its name!--hopes +of resurrection for my fatherland--hopes of liberation for the European +continent! Will the expectations which the mighty outburst of New York's +heart foreshadowed, be realized? or will the ray of consolation pass +away like an electric flash? Oh, could I cast one single glance into the +book of futurity! No, God forgive me this impious wish. It is He who hid +the future from man, and what he does is well done. It were not good for +man to know his destiny. The sense of duty would falter or be unstrung, +if we were assured of the failure or success of our aims. It is because +we do not know the future, that we retain our energy of duty, So on will +I go in my work, with the full energy of my humble abilities, without +despair, but with hope. + +It is Eastern blood which runs in my veins. If I have somewhat of +Eastern fatalism, it is the fatalism of a Christian who trusts with +unwavering faith in the boundless goodness of a Divine Providence. But +among all these different feelings and thoughts that come upon me in the +hour of my farewell, one thing is almost indispensable to me, and that +is, the assurance that the sympathy I have met with here will not pass +away like the cheers which a warbling girl receives on the stage--that +it will be preserved as a principle, and that when the emotion subsides, +the calmness of reflection will but strengthen it. This consolation I +wanted, and this consolation I have, because, ladies, I place it in your +hands. I bestow on your motherly and sisterly cares, the hopes of +Europe's oppressed nations,--the hopes of civil, political, social, and +religious liberty. Oh let me entreat you, with the brief and stammering +words of a warm heart, overwhelmed with emotions and with sorrowful +cares--let me entreat you, ladies, to be watchful of the sympathy of +your people, like the mother over the cradle of her beloved child. It is +worthy of your watchful care, because, it is the cradle of regenerated +humanity. + +Especially in regard to my poor fatherland, I have particular claims on +the fairer and better half of humanity, which you are. The _first_ +of these claims is, that there is not perhaps on the face of the earth a +nation, which in its institutions has shown more chivalric regard for +ladies than the Hungarian. It is a praiseworthy trait of the Oriental +character. You know that it was the Moorish race in Spain, who were the +founders of the chivalric era in Europe, so full of personal virtue, so +full of noble deeds, so devoted to the service of ladies, to heroism, +and to the protection of the oppressed. You are told that the ladies of +the East are degraded to less almost than a human condition, being +secluded from all social life, and pent up within the harem's walls. And +so it is. But you must not judge the East by the measure of European +civilization. They have their own civilization, quite different from +ours in views, inclinations, affections, and thoughts. We in Hungary +have gained from the West the advantages of civilization for our women, +but we have preserved for them the regard and reverence of our Oriental +character. Nay, more than that, we carried these views into our +institutions and into our laws. With us, the widow remains the head of +the family, as the father was. As long as she lives, she is the mistress +of the property of her deceased husband. The chivalrous spirit of the +nation supposes she will provide, with motherly care, for the wants of +her children; and she remains in possession so long as she bears her +deceased husband's name. Under the old constitution of Hungary (which we +reformed upon a democratic basis--it having been aristocratic) the widow +of a lord had the right to send her representative to the parliament, +and in the county elections of public functionaries widows had a right +to vote alike with the men. Perhaps this chivalric character of my +nation, so full of regard toward the fair sex, may somewhat commend my +mission to the ladies of America. + +Our _second_ particular claim is, that the source of all the +misfortune which now weighs so heavily upon my bleeding fatherland, is +in two ladies--Catharine of Russia, and Sophia of Hapsburg, the +ambitious mother of this second Nero, Francis-Joseph. You know that one +hundred and fifty years ago, Charles the Twelfth of Sweden, the bravest +of the brave, foreseeing the growth of Russia, and fearing that it would +oppress and overwhelm civilization, ventured with a handful of men to +attack its rising power. After immortal deeds, and almost fabulous +victories, one loss made him a refugee upon Turkish soil, like myself. +But, happier than myself, he succeeded in persuading Turkey of the +necessity of checking Russia in her overweening ambition, and curtailing +her growth. On went Mehemet Baltadji with his Turks, and met Peter the +Czar, and pent him up in a corner, where there was no possibility of +escape. There Mehemet held him with iron grasp till hunger came to his +aid. Nature claimed her rights, and in a council of war it was decided +to surrender to Mehemet. Then Catharine who was present in the camp, +appeared in person before the Grand Vizier to sue for mercy. She was +fair, and she was rich with jewels of nameless value. She went to the +Grand Vizier's tent. She came back without her jewels, but she brought +mercy, and Russia was saved. From that celebrated day dates the downfall +of Turkey, and the growth of Russia. Out of this source flowed the +stream of Russian preponderance over the European continent. The +depression of liberty, and the nameless sufferings of Poland and of my +poor native land, are the dreadful fruits of Catharine's success on that +day, cursed in the records of the human race. + +The second lady who will be cursed through all posterity in her memory, +is Sophia, the mother of the present usurper of Hungary--she who had the +ambitious dream to raise the power of a child upon the ruins of liberty, +and on the neck of prostrate nations. It was her ambition--the evil +genius of the House of Hapsburg in the present day--which brought +desolation upon us. I need only mention one fact to characterize what +kind of a heart was in that woman. On the anniversary of the day of +Arad, where our martyrs bled, she came to the court with a bracelet of +rubies set in so many roses as was the number of heads of the brave +Hungarians who fell there, declaring that she joyfully exhibited it to +the company as a memento which she wears on her very arm, to cherish in +eternal memory the pleasure she derived from the killing of those heroes +at Arad. This very fact may give you a true knowledge of the character +of that woman, and this is the _second_ claim to the ladies' +sympathy for oppressed humanity and for my poor fatherland. + +Our _third_ particular claim is the behaviour of our ladies during +the last war. It is no arbitrary praise--it is a fact,--that, in the +struggle for our rights and freedom, we had no more powerful +auxiliaries, and no more faithful executors of the will of the nation, +than the women of Hungary. You know that in ancient Rome, after the +battle of Cannae, which was won by Hannibal, the Senate called on the +people spontaneously to sacrifice all their wealth on the altar of their +fatherland. Every jewel, every ornament was brought forth, but still the +tribune judged it necessary to pass a law prohibiting the ladies of Rome +to wear more than half an ounce of gold, or particoloured splendid +dresses. Now, we wanted in Hungary no such law. The women of Hungary +brought all that they had. You would have been astonished to see how, in +the most wealthy houses of Hungary, if you were invited to dinner, you +would be forced to eat soup with iron spoons. When the wounded and the +sick--and many of them we had, because we fought hard--when the wounded +and the sick were not so well provided as it would have been our duty +and our pleasure to do, I ordered the respective public functionaries to +take care of them. But the poor wounded went on suffering, and the +proper officers were but slow in providing for them. When I saw this, +one single word was spoken to the ladies of Hungary, and in a short time +there was provision made for hundreds of thousands of sick. And I never +met a single mother who would have withheld her son from sharing in the +battle; but I have met many who ordered and commanded their children to +fight for their fatherland. I saw many and many brides who urged on the +bridegrooms to delay their day of happiness till they should come back +victorious from the battles of their fatherland. Thus acted the ladies +of Hungary. A country deserves to live; a country deserves to have a +future, when the women, as much as the men, love and cherish it. + +But I have a stronger motive than all these to claim your protecting +sympathy for my country's cause. It is her nameless woe, nameless +sufferings. In the name of that ocean of bloody tears which the impious +hand of the tyrant wrung from the eyes of the childless mothers, of the +brides who beheld the executioner's sword between them and their wedding +day--in the name of all these mothers, wives, brides, daughters, and +sisters, who, by thousands of thousands, weep over the graves of Magyars +so dear to their hearts,--who weep the bloody tears of a patriot (as +they all are) over the face of their beloved native land--in the name of +all those torturing stripes with which the flogging hand of Austrian +tyrants dared to outrage human nature in the womankind of my native +land--in the name of that daily curse against Austria with which even +the prayers of our women are mixed--in the name of the nameless +sufferings of my own dear wife [here the whole audience rose and cheered +vehemently]--the faithful companion of my life,--of her, who for months +and for months was hunted by my country's tyrants, with no hope, no +support, no protection, but at the humble threshold of the hard-working +people, as noble and generous as they are poor--in the name of my poor +little children, who when so young as to be scarcely conscious of life, +had already to learn what an Austrian prison is--in the name of all +this, and what is still worse, in the name of liberty trodden down, I +claim, ladies of New York, your protecting sympathy for my country's +cause. Nobody can do more for it than you. The heart of man is as soft +wax in your tender hands. Mould it, ladies; mould it into the form of +generous compassion for my country's wrongs, inspire it with the noble +feelings of your own hearts, inspire it with the consciousness of your +country's power, dignity, and might. You are the framers of man's +character. Whatever be the fate of man, one stamp he always bears on his +brow--that which the mother's hand impressed upon the soul of the child. +The smile of your lips can make a hero out of the coward, and a generous +man out of the egotist; one word from you inspires the youth to noble +resolutions; the lustre of your eyes is the fairest reward for the toils +of life. You can kindle energy even in the breast of broken age, that +once more it may blaze up in a noble generous deed before it dies. All +this power you have. Use it, ladies, in behalf of your country's glory, +and for the benefit of oppressed humanity, and when you meet a cold +calculator, who thinks by arithmetic when he is called to feel the +wrongs of oppressed nations, convert him, ladies. Your smiles are +commands, and the truth which pours forth instinctively from your +hearts, is mightier than the logic articulated by any scholar. The Peri +excluded from Paradise, brought many generous gifts to heaven in order +to regain it. She brought the dying sigh of a patriot; the kiss of a +faithful girl imprinted upon the lips of her bridegroom, when they were +distorted by the venom of the plague. She brought many other fair gifts; +but the doors of Paradise opened before her only when she brought with +her the first prayer of a man converted to charity and brotherly love +for his oppressed brethren and humanity. + +Remember the power which you have, and which I have endeavoured to point +out in a few brief words. Remember this, and form associations; +establish ladies' committees to raise substantial aid for Hungary. Now I +have done. One word only remains to be said-a word of deep sorrow, the +word, "Farewell, New York!" New York! that word will for ever make every +string of my heart thrill. I am like a wandering bird. I am worse than a +wandering bird. He may return to his summer home, I have no home on +earth! Here I felt almost at home. But "Forward" is my call, and I must +part. I part with the hope that the sympathy which I have met here in a +short transitory home will bring me yet back to my own beloved home, so +that my ashes may yet mix with the dust of my native soil. Ladies, +remember Hungary, and--farewell! + + * * * * * + +XIV.--RESULTS OF THE OVERTHROW OF THE FRENCH REPUBLIC. + +[_Speech at the Citizens' Banquet, Philadelphia, Dec. 26th._] + +Mr. Dallas, the Chairman, made an eloquent address advocating the cause +of Hungary against Russia, and avowing the duty of America to give +warlike aid. This speech was the more remarkable, as coming immediately +after the arrival of the news of Louis Napoleon's usurpation. The mind +of the public was naturally so full of the event, that Kossuth could not +avoid to discuss it; but the topic is so threadbare to the reader, that +it will suffice here to preserve a few sentiments. + +In the opening, Kossuth complained of forged letters and forged cheques +sent to annoy him, and anonymous letters of false accusation circulated +against him. Proceeding from this to public topics, and the certainty of +a new convulsion in Europe, he said, that it might prove in the future +highly dangerous to the moneyed interests, if the world be persuaded +that the holders of great disposable wealth use it to aid despotism, and +that the possession of it checks the generous propensity to forward the +triumph of freedom. If the world be confirmed in this persuasion, the +results will be painfully felt by those gentlemen, whose treasures are +always open for the despots to crush liberty with. Such moneylenders +have excited boundless hatred in all that section of Europe, which has +had to suffer from their ready financial aid to despotism. I (said +Kossuth) am no Socialist, no Communist; and if I get the means to act +efficiently, I shall so act that the inevitable revolution may not +subvert the rights of property: but so much I confidently declare--that +to the spreading of Communist doctrines in certain quarters of Europe +nobody has so much contributed as those European capitalists, who by +incessantly aiding the despots with their money have inspired many of +the oppressed with the belief that financial wealth is dangerous to the +freedom of the world. Rothschild is the most efficient apostle of +Communism. + +In regard to Louis Bonaparte's temporary success, Kossuth argued, that +it would secure, when France makes her next move for freedom, two +results beneficial to liberty: First, that in future, the French +republicans would abandon their delusive and disastrous Centralization. +We have shown (said he) in Hungary, that for a nation to be invincible, +its life must not be bound up with its metropolis. Henceforward, in +European aspirations, centralization is replaced by federative harmony. +I thank Louis Napoleon for it. _Your_ principles of local +self-government, gentlemen, were hitherto professed on the continent of +Europe chiefly by us Hungarians: now they will conquer the world,--a new +victory for humanity. Had the old French republic stood, it would have +perpetuated the curse of _great standing armies_, which are +instruments of ambition and a wasting pestilence. Again; the blow struck +by Louis Napoleon has forced his nation into the common destiny of +Europe. It has forbidden France ever in future to play a separate game, +and think to keep her own liberty, without effectively espousing the +cause of foreign liberty. + +What is the sum of all this? First, that there is nothing in the news +from France to alter any judgments which you might previously have +formed, or cause you any suspense. Secondly, it only more than ever +claims from you an immediately decisive conduct. The success of freedom +now depends entirely on what policy the United States of America will +adopt. + +Well! gentlemen. It may be that the United States have no reply to the +hopes of the world. You will then see a mournful tear in the eye of +humanity, and its breast heaving with sighs. We presume, you are so +powerful that you can afford not to care about the treading down of the +law of nations and the funeral of European freedom. You are so glorious +at home, that you can afford to lose the glory (at so rare a crisis!) of +saving liberty and justice on earth. Yet in your own hour of trial you +asked and received military and naval aid from France. Your President +has informed the world, that you are not willing to allow "the strong +arm of a foreign power to suppress the spirit of freedom in any +country." If after this you tell me that you are _afraid_ of +Russia, and are _too weak_ to help us,--and would rather be on good +terms with the Czar, than rejoice in the liberty and independence of +Hungary, Italy, Germany, France,--dreadful as it would be, I would wipe +away my tear, and say to my brethren, "Let us pray, and let us go to the +Lord's Last Supper, and thence to battle and to death." I would then +leave you, gentlemen, with a dying farewell, and with a prayer that the +sun of freedom may never drop below the horizon of your happy land. + +I am in Philadelphia, the city of brotherly love, the city of William +Penn, whose likeness I saw this day in a history of your city, with this +motto under it: "_Si vis pacem, para bellum_"--(prepare for war, if +thou wilt have peace)--a weighty memento, gentlemen, to the name of +William Penn. + +And I am in that city which is the cradle of your independence--where, +in the hour of your need, the appeal was proclaimed to the Law of +Nature's God, and that appeal for help from Europe, which was granted to +you. + +I stood in Independence Hall, whence the spirit of freedom lisps eternal +words of history to the secret recesses of your hearts. Man may well be +silent where from such a place history so speaks. So my task is +done--with me the pain, with you the decision--and, let me add the +prophetic words of the poet, "the moral of the strain." + +Kossuth took his seat amid the three times three of the audience. + + * * * * * + +XV.--INTEREST OF AMERICA IN HUNGARIAN LIBERTY. + +[_Baltimore, Dec. 27th_.] + +On the 27th December Kossuth reached Baltimore, and was met by an +immense concourse of citizens and a long line of military, who escorted +him to his quarters with much enthusiastic demonstration. In the evening +he addressed the citizens in the Hall of the Maryland Institute, which +was densely crowded, great numbers standing outside the building, when +unable to get admittance. + +After an apologetic introduction, Kossuth proceeded to say:-- + +Gentlemen! It is gratifying to me to receive this spontaneous welcome. I +was already grateful, during my stay in New York, to receive the +expression of your sentiments, and your generous resolutions. They +become the more beneficial to me, because I am on my way and very near +to Washington City, where the elected of your national confidence stand +in their proud position, as conservators of those lofty interests, which +bind your thirty-one stars of Sovereign States into one mighty +constellation of Freedom, Power, and Right; where the Congress and +Government of this vast Republic watch over the common weal of your +united country, and hereby make you a Power on earth, a fullgrown member +of that great Family of Nations, which, having One Father in heaven, are +brethren, and should act as brethren. + +Among the interests intrusted by you to the Congress and Government, +your _foreign policy_ is nearly the most important. This, in a +great and powerful nation, can have no other basis than Eternal Law and +Christian Morality. Even your peculiar interests are, in my belief, best +served, when your foreign policy rests, not on transitory +considerations, but on everlasting principles. Even in private life no +man can entirely cut himself off from others. A man willing to attempt +it would be an exile in his own country, an exile in his own city, an +exile in his family. Just so with nations, which in the larger family of +man are individual members. If a nation seclude itself, it is an exile +in the midst of humanity. No man, ladies and gentlemen, is independent +of his fellow-man; no nation, however powerful, is independent of other +nations. Put the richest, the strongest man for a single week wholly +apart from family, city, country, and he will quickly learn his +essential weakness. In a nation, the consequence of total isolation is +not felt as soon, but it will at length be felt as surely. The +_hours_ of nations are counted by _years_; yet the secluded +nation, self-exiled from mankind, dwindles away. Woe to the people, +whose citizens care only for their own present, and not for the future +of their country! the future, in which they have to live immortally by +children and children's children, with whose glory and happiness and +power they ought now to sympathize. Men or nations secluded are like +the silk-worm, which secretes itself in a self-woven case, and at length +creeps out to die. So will it at length be with the nation which is +wrapped up in self. + +It is one of your glories, that some portions of your united republic +are farther from other portions than Hungary is from Baltimore: mere +distance is therefore no reason why you should be unconcerned about our +fate. You are not too far for commercial intercourse with the most +distant coasts of Europe; and especially since the invention of one of +your citizens has been brought to higher perfection, the ocean rather +unites you to us, than separates you. Would you have the +_advantages_ of the connection, without the _duties_ which +spring out of it? Disregard of duty sooner or later kills advantage. I +need not remind you what a link of nature, blood, language, science, +industry, religion, civilization, exists between you and us, and binds +us ever tighter. You cannot help feeling at home our condition in +Europe. Our peace or war, our civilization or barbarism, our freedom or +oppression, our wealth or starvation, progress or retrogression, +_must_ act upon you, just as your condition reacts upon us. The +link between the destinies of Christendom cannot be cut asunder. In +fact, there never yet was a time when Europe more demanded that you +should have _some_ policy towards it; and indifference is none at +all. At this moment it is under universal oppression of _social, +political_, and _religious_ liberty,--the three treasures which +make your glory and happiness. This oppression is ordered by Russia, and +executed by her satellites. The elected President of France has +impiously stabbed the constitution, to make himself Emperor. The +Austrian Ministry has openly declared that the absolutist powers will +maintain him. Thus the impulse of revolution has been given; its +vibration will be felt throughout Europe and in my fatherland. Never +will you have an opportunity more glorious for you, and more favourable +to mankind, for adopting a real policy founded upon principles. + +The people of Hungary have abundant motives to risk life for freedom and +independence. Once we had a nationality; now we have none. Once we had a +constitution;--by the blessing of God we succeeded to transform it three +years ago from an aristocratic to a democratic one;--now Hungary has no +constitution at all. For a thousand years we were a free people; we are +now so no longer. Like a flock of sheep, we are appropriated, not by the +Austrian empire, not by the nation, but by a despotic ambitious family. +We had freedom of the press. Not nineteen years ago, I began the +struggle, and endured three years imprisonment for it; but we won that +great right of mankind--free expression of thought. Now there is no +press at all in Hungary; there is only the hangman and martial law. We +established equal protection for every religion; now there is equal +oppression for all. The Protestant Church had its own self-government +for its churches and schools, won by victorious arms and secured by a +hundred laws; now the laws are torn down, and the freedom of church and +school is gone. The Catholic Church had control of its own estates; now, +day by day, the nearly bankrupt Austrian government is overgrowing that +property by the poisonous weeds of a new loan, on which it vegetates, a +curse to every nation on the continent. Such is the condition of the +Catholic Church, concerning which I--a Protestant, not only by birth, +but also by conviction--declare, that during a whole lifetime, when +Hungary was struggling for religious liberty, that Church contended in +the foremost rank for the rights of us Protestants. So much do we value +the freedom of conscience, that the very thought was repugnant to us +all, that there should be unequal rights of citizenship between +Protestants and Catholics and professors of the Faith of Moses. Zeal for +religious freedom will kindle Magyars to struggle, as long as there is +blood in our veins. As during three centuries, so the late war was for +religious independence as well as civil; indeed, still earlier, we were +the barrier of Christendom against the invading Mahommedan. We +succeeded lately in freeing the agriculture of Hungary, and transforming +peasants into freeholders; now the Austrian dynasty is stealthily +bringing back feudal rights. In freeing the peasants, we provided for +indemnification of landlords; Austria taxes the peasants very heavily, +and does not (for she cannot) indemnify the landlords; because her +violence and wastefulness does not know how to turn our public estates +to account. She favours a few landlords only, who are faithful tools of +her oppression. During our struggle, we issued paper-money,--it was +called the Kossuth-bank-note; Austria disavowed it, and commanded its +surrender, yet twenty millions are firmly held by the people, as +valuable after a new revolution. Before we fell under the stroke of +Russian interference, the taxation permitted by our Parliament was only +four and a half millions of dollars; Austria now imposes SIXTY. Our +people burn their tobacco-seed and cut down their vines, rather than +endure her tax. Such are the motives which Austria gives to Hungary +_not_ to make a new revolution! There is not a single interest +which she has not mortally wounded. The mind, the heart, dignity, +conscience, self-esteem, hatred, love, revenge, besides every material +interest of every class, is engaged to the struggle. + +The oppression of Hungary has ratified the oppression of all our +continent. Since she has fallen, Italy has been completely crushed, the +moderate freedom of Germany has been put down by Austria with the +support of Russia; lastly, the usurpation of Louis Napoleon has been +made possible. Without the restoration of Hungary Europe cannot be freed +from Russian thraldom; under which nationalities are erased, no freedom +is possible, all religions are subjected to like slavery. Gentlemen! the +Emperor Napoleon spoke a prophetic word, when he said that in fifty +years all Europe would be either republican or Cossack. Hungary once +free, Europe is republican; Hungary permanently crushed, all Europe is +Cossack. And what does Hungary _need_ for freedom? Not that other +nations should fight our proper battle against our immediate oppressor. +We have hearts loving freedom and ready to shed their blood for it; we +have armies fully equal to Austria, we want only "FAIR PLAY." Let the +United States feel itself to be as it is, a Power on earth, bound to aid +in the police of the nations, and in the name of violated right let it +say to the Russian intruder, "Keep back, hands off, let the brave +Magyars fight their own battle, _else_ we must take their part." +For centuries, perhaps, you will have no more glorious opportunity than +now. Hitherto, the word Glory has been connected with conquest and +oppression. Take the New Glory for yours, by assuring to all nations +exemption from the conspiracy of tyrants. That is what I _first_ +humbly request and hope. + +[Kossuth proceeded, as in former speeches, to explain his other +requests, viz. _secondly_, free commerce with America, whether +Hungary was in war with Austria or not; _thirdly_, that when the +suitable moment arrived, the Government should recognize the legitimate +character of the Declaration of Independence made by Hungary in April, +1849. He added]:-- + +These requests I have very often explained since I have had the honour +to be in the United States. I explained them yesterday in +Philadelphia--the cradle of your Declaration of Independence. There I +was answered, not only by the unanimous adoption of these resolutions on +the part of the city of Harrisburg the capital of Pennsylvania, but also +by the people of Philadelphia, at a great and important meeting. Nor was +that enough. I received more in Philadelphia. I was told that, besides +the granting of these my humble requests, whenever war breaks out for +Hungary's freedom and independence I shall find brave hearts and stout +arms among the twenty-four millions of the people of the United States +ready to go over to Europe and fight side by side in the great battle +for the freedom and independence of the European continent. I was told +that it was not possible, when the battle for mankind's liberty is +fought, for the sword of Washington to rest in its scabbard. That sword, +which struck the first blow here on this continent for the republican +freedom of this great country, must be present there, where the last +stroke for all humanity will be given. Now, gentlemen, I will not abuse +your kind indulgence and patience, which you have bestowed in your +crowded situation. I will only say, that should this be the generous +will of the people of the United States, in the name of the honour of my +nation I can give the assurance that the Hungarians will be found worthy +to fight side by side with you for civil and political freedom on the +European continent, and to take care, with the sword of Washington, that +no hair of that lock which I received as a present in Philadelphia, and +which I promised to attach to that very standard which I will bear to +decide the victory against despotism--that no hair of that lock shall +fall into the hands of tyrants. And now may the ladies who have honoured +me with their presence graciously allow me to express to them my most +humble thanks and one humble prayer. The destinies of mankind--the +future of humanity--repose in the hands of womanhood. The mark which the +mother imprints upon the brow of the child remains for his whole life. +Ladies of the United States, when the wandering exile passes away from +your presence, take to your kind care the great cause of the liberty of +the world with the tenderness with which a mother takes care of her +child; and when _you_ take care of this great cause, the sympathy +of the people of the United States will not vanish like the passing +emotion of the heart, but will become substantial, active, and +effectual. + +The speaker then took his seat, with three times three from the +audience. + +Judge Legrand followed and proposed the Harrisburg resolutions, which +were adopted. They are as annexed:-- + +Resolved,--That the citizens of Harrisburg, the seat of government of +Pennsylvania, in town meeting assembled, hereby approve and endorse the +three propositions promulgated by Louis Kossuth, Governor of Hungary, in +his great speech before the Mayor and authorities of the city of New +York, viz.:-- + +"First. That feeling interested in the maintenance of the laws of +nations, acknowledging the sovereign right of every people to dispose of +its own domestic concerns to be one of the laws, and the interference +with this sovereign right to be a violation of these laws of nations, +the people of the United States--resolved to respect and to make +respected these public laws--declares the Russian past intervention in +Hungary to be a violation of these laws, which, if reiterated, would be +a new violation, and would not be regarded indifferently by the people +of the United States. + +"Second. That the people of the United States are resolved to maintain +its right of commercial intercourse with the nations of Europe, whether +they be in a state of revolution against their government or not; and +that, with the view of approaching scenes on the continent of Europe, +the people invite the government to take appropriate measures for the +protection of the trade of the people with the Mediterranean. + +"Third. That the people of the United States should declare their +opinion in respect to the question of the independence of Hungary, and +urge the government to act accordingly." + +Resolved, That the people of Hungary are, and ought to remain a free and +independent nation; that Louis Kossuth is their lawful governor, and +that the Hungarian people should not be prevented from exercising the +rights of freemen by the tyranny of Austria and Russia. + +Resolved, That we extend to Louis Kossuth, Governor of Hungary, and the +Hungarian nation, that has made such a noble stand in the cause of +freedom, that sympathy, aid, and support, which freemen alone know how +to grant. + +Resolved, That a committee of fifteen, including the officers of this +meeting, be appointed to repair to Philadelphia, and invite the Governor +of Hungary to visit the capital of Pennsylvania at such times as may +suit his convenience. + + * * * * * + +XVI.--NOVELTIES IN AMERICAN REPUBLICANISM. + +[_Washington Banquet, Jan. 5th_, 1852.] + +The Banquet given by a large number of the Members of the two Houses of +Congress to Kossuth took place at the National Hotel, in Washington +City. The number present was about two hundred and fifty. The Hon. Wm. +R. King, of Alabama, president of the Senate, presided. On his right sat +Louis Kossuth, and on his left the Hon. Daniel Webster, Secretary of +State. On the right of Kossuth at the same table, sat the Hon. Linn +Boyd, speaker of the House of Representatives. Besides other +distinguished guests who responded to toasts, are named Hon. Thomas +Corwin, Secretary of the Treasury, and Hon. Alex. H. H. Stuart, +Secretary of the Interior. + +A few minutes after eight o'clock, a large number of ladies were +admitted, and the President of the Senate requested gentlemen to fill +their glasses for the first toast, which was, + + "The President of the United States." + +To this, Mr. Webster responded. + +The President then announced the second toast: + +"The Judiciary of the United States: The expounder of the Constitution +and the bulwark of liberty regulated by law." + +Judge Wayne, of the Supreme Court of the United States, replied, and +after alluding to "The distinguished stranger" who was then among them, +said: I give you, gentlemen, as a sentiment: + +"Constitutional liberty to all the nations of the earth, supported by +Christian faith and the morality of the Bible." + +The toast was received with enthusiastic applause. + +The third toast was,-- + +"The Navy of the United States: The home squadron everywhere. Its glory +was illustrated, when its flag in a foreign sea gave liberty and +protection to the Hungarian Chief." + +Mr. Stanton, of Tennessee, in his reply, said: + +But recently, Mr. President, a new significance has been given to this +flag. Heretofore, the navy has been the symbol of our power and the +emblem of our liberty, but now it speaks of humanity and of a noble +sympathy for the oppressed of all nations. _The home squadron +everywhere_, to give protection to the brave and to those who may +have fallen in the cause of freedom! Your acquiescence in that sentiment +indicates the profound sympathy of the people of the United States for +the people of Hungary, manifested in the person of their great chief; +and I can conceive of no duty that would be more acceptable to the +gallant officers of the navy of the United States except one, and that +is, _to strike a blow for liberty themselves in a just cause, approved +by our Government_. + +The fourth toast was,-- + +"The army of the united states. In saluting the illustrious Exile with +magnanimous courtesy, as high as it could pay to any Power on earth, it +has added grace to the glory of its history." + +General Shields, Senator for Illinois, Chairman of the Committee of +Military Affairs in the Senate, being loudly called for, replied in the +necessary absence of General Scott, the chief of the army; and after an +appropriate acknowledgment of the toast, added: + +In paving this very high honor to our illustrious guest--this noble +Hungarian--let me observe that that army which has been toasted to-night +spoke for his reception by the voice of their cannon; and the cannon +that spoke there spoke the voice of twenty-five millions of people. Sir, +that salute which the American cannon gave the Hungarian exile had a +deep meaning in it. It was not a salute to the mere man Louis Kossuth, +but it was a salute in favour of the great principle which he +represents--the principle which he advocates, the principle of +nationality and of human liberty. Sir, I was born in a land which has +suffered as an oppressed nation. I am now a citizen of a land which +would have suffered from the same power, had it not been for the +bravery, gallantry, and good fortune of the men of that time. Sir, as an +Irishman by birth, and an American by adoption, I would feel myself a +traitor to both countries if I did not sustain downtrodden nationalities +everywhere--in Hungary, in Poland, in Germany, in Italy--everywhere +where man is trodden down and oppressed. And, sir, I say again, that +that army which maintained itself in three wars against one of the +greatest and most powerful nations of the world, will, if the trying +time should come again, maintain that same flag (the stars and stripes) +and the same triumph, and the same victories in the cause of liberty. +[Great applause.] + +The president of the evening then, after a cordial speech, proposed the +fifth toast: + +"Hungary, represented in the person of our honoured Guest, having proved +herself worthy to be free by the virtues and valour of her sons, the law +of nations and the dictates of justice alike demand that she shall have +fair play in her struggle for independence." + +This toast was received with immense applause, which lasted several +minutes. + +Kossuth then rose and spoke as follows: + +Sir: As once Cineas the Epirote stood among the Senators of Rome, who, +with a word of self-conscious majesty, arrested kings in their ambitious +march--thus, full of admiration and of reverence, I stand amongst you, +legislators of the new Capitol, that glorious hall of your people's +collective majesty. The Capitol of old yet stands, but the spirit has +departed from it, and is come over to yours, purified by the air of +liberty. The old stands a mournful monument of the fragility of human +things: yours as a sanctuary of eternal right. The old beamed with the +red lustre of conquest, now darkened by the gloom of oppression; yours +is bright with freedom. The old absorbed the world into its own +centralized glory; yours protects your own nation from being absorbed, +even by itself. The old was awful with unrestricted power; yours is +glorious by having restricted it. At the view of the old, nations +trembled; at the view of yours, humanity hopes. To the old, misfortune +was introduced with fettered hands to kneel at triumphant conquerors' +feet; to yours the triumph of introduction is granted to unfortunate +exiles who are invited to the honour of a seat. And where Kings and +Caesars never will be hailed for their power and wealth, there the +persecuted chief of a downtrodden nation is welcomed as your great +Republic's guest, precisely because he is persecuted, helpless, and +poor. In the old, the terrible _voe victis!_ was the rule; in +yours, protection to the oppressed, malediction to ambitious oppressors, +and consolation to a vanquished just cause. And while from the old a +conquered world was ruled, you in yours provide for the common +federative interests of a territory larger than that old conquered +world. There sat men boasting that their will was sovereign of the +earth; here sit men whose glory is to acknowledge "the laws of nature +and of nature's God," and to do what their sovereign, the People, wills. + +Sir, there is history in these contrasts. History of past ages and +history of future centuries may be often recorded in small facts. The +particulars to which the passion of living men clings, as if human +fingers could arrest the wheel of Destiny, these particulars die away; +it is the issue which makes history, and that issue is always coherent +with its causes. There is a necessity of consequences wherever the +necessity of position exists. Principles are the _alpha_: they must +finish with _omega_, and they will. Thus history may be often told +in a few words. + +Before the heroic struggle of Greece had yet engaged your country's +sympathy for the fate of freedom, in Europe then so far distant and now +so near, Chateaubriand happened to be in Athens, and he heard from a +_minaret_ raised upon the Propylaeum's ruins a Turkish priest in +the Arabic language announcing the lapse of hours to the Christians of +Minerva's town. What immense history there was in the small fact of a +Turkish Imaum crying out, "Pray, pray! the hour is running fast, and the +judgment draws near." + +Sir, there is equally a history of future ages written in the honour +bestowed by you on my humble self. The first Governor of Independent +Hungary, driven from his native land by Russian violence; an exile on +Turkish soil, protected by a Mahommedan Sultan from the blood-thirst of +Christian tyrants; cast back a prisoner to far Asia by diplomacy; was at +length rescued from his Asiatic prison, when America crossed the +Atlantic, charged with the hopes of Europe's oppressed nations. He +pleads, as a poor exile, before the people of this great Republic, his +country's wrongs and its intimate connection with the fate of the +European continent, and, in the boldness of a just cause, claims that +the principles of the Christian religion be raised to a law of nations. +To see that not only is the boldness of the poor exile forgiven, but +that he is consoled by the sympathy of millions, encouraged by +individuals, associations, meetings, cities, and States; supported by +effective aid and greeted by Congress and by Government as the nation's +guest; honoured, out of generosity, with that honour which only one man +before him received (a man who had deserved them from your gratitude,) +with honours such as no potentate ever can receive, and this banquet +here, and the toast which I have to thank you for: oh! indeed, sir, +there is a history of future ages in all these facts! They will go down +to posterity as the proper consequences of great principles. + +Sir, though I have a noble pride in my principles, and the inspiration +of a just cause, still I have also the consciousness of my personal +insignificance. Never will I forget what is due from me to the +_Sovereign Source_ of my public capacity. This I owe to my +nation's dignity; and therefore, respectfully thanking this highly +distinguished assembly in my country's name, I have the boldness to say +that Hungary well deserves your sympathy; that Hungary has a claim to +protection, because it has a claim to justice. But as to myself, I am +well aware that in all these honours I have no personal share. Nay, I +know that even that which might seem to be personal in your toast, is +only an acknowledgment of a historical fact, very instructively +connected with a principle valuable and dear to every republican heart +in the United States of America. As to ambition, I indeed never was +able to understand how anybody can love ambition more than liberty. But +I am glad to state a historical fact, as a principal demonstration of +that influence which institutions exercise upon the character of +nations. + +We Hungarians are very fond of the principle of municipal +self-government, and we have a natural horror against centralization. +That fond attachment to municipal self-government, without which there +is no provincial freedom possible, is a fundamental feature of our +national character. We brought it with us from far Asia a thousand +years ago, and we preserved it throughout the vicissitudes of ten +centuries. No nation has perhaps so much struggled and suffered for the +civilized Christian world as we. We do not complain of this lot. It may +be heavy, but it is not inglorious. Where the cradle of our Saviour +stood, and where His divine doctrine was founded, there now another +faith rules: the whole of Europe's armed pilgrimage could not avert this +fate from that sacred spot, nor stop the rushing waves of Islamism from +absorbing the Christian empire of Constantine. _We_ stopped those +rushing waves. The breast of my nation proved a breakwater to them. We +guarded Christendom, that Luthers and Calvins might reform it. It was a +dangerous time, and its dangers often placed the confidence of all my +nation into one man's hand. But there was not a single instance in our +history where a man honoured by his people's confidence deceived them +for his own ambition. The man out of whom Russian diplomacy succeeded in +making a murderer of his nation's hopes, gained some victories when +victories were the chief necessity of the moment, and at the head of an +army, circumstances gave him the ability to ruin his country; but he +never had the people's confidence. So even he is no contradiction to the +historical truth, that no Hungarian whom his nation honoured with its +confidence was ever seduced by ambition to become dangerous to his +country's liberty. That is a remarkable fact, and yet it is not +accidental; it springs from the proper influence of institutions upon +the national character. Our nation, through all its history, was +educated in the school of local self-government; and in such a country, +grasping ambition having no field, has no place in man's character. + +The truth of this doctrine becomes yet more illustrated by a quite +contrary historical fact in France. Whatever have been the changes of +government in that great country--and many they have been, to be +sure--we have seen a Convention, a Directorate, Consuls, and one +Consul, and an Emperor, and the Restoration, and the Citizen King, and +the Republic; Through all these different experiments centralization was +the keynote of the institutions of France--power always centralized; +omnipotence always vested somewhere. And, remarkable indeed, France has +never yet raised one single man to the seat of power, who has not +sacrificed his country's freedom to his personal ambition! + +It is sorrowful indeed, but it is natural. It is in the garden of +centralization that the venomous plant of ambition thrives. I dare +confidently affirm, that in your great country there exists not a single +man through whose brains has ever passed the thought, that he would wish +to raise the seat of his ambition upon the ruins of your country's +liberty, if he could. Such a wish is impossible in the United States. +Institutions react upon the character of nations. He who sows wind will +reap storm. History is the revelation of Providence. The Almighty rules +by eternal laws not only the material but also the moral world; and as +every law is a principle, so every principle is a law. Men as well as +nations are endowed with free-will to choose a principle, but, that once +chosen, the consequences must be accepted. + +With self-government is freedom, and with freedom is justice and +patriotism. With centralization is ambition, and with ambition dwells +despotism. Happy your great country, sir, for being so warmly attached +to that great principle of self-government. Upon this foundation your +fathers raised a home to freedom more glorious than the world has ever +seen. Upon this foundation you have developed it to a living wonder of +the world. Happy your great country, sir! that it was selected by the +blessing of the Lord to prove the glorious practicability of a +federative union of many sovereign States, all preserving their +State-rights and their self-government, and yet united in one--every +star beaming with its own lustre, but altogether one constellation on +mankind's canopy. + +Upon this foundation your free country has grown to prodigious power in +a surprizingly brief period, a power which attracts by its fundamental +principle. You have conquered by it more in seventy-five years than Rome +by arms in centuries. Your principles will conquer the world. By the +glorious example of your freedom, welfare, and security, mankind is +about to become conscious of its aim. The lesson you give to humanity +will not be lost. The respect for State-rights in the Federal Government +of America, and in its several States, will become an instructive +example for universal toleration, forbearance, and justice to the future +States, and Republics of Europe. Upon this basis those mischievous +questions of language-nationalities will be got rid of, which cunning +despotism has raised in Europe to murder liberty. Smaller States will +find security in the principle of federative union, while they will +preserve their national freedom by the principle of sovereign +self-government; and while larger States, abdicating the principle of +centralization will cease to be a blood-field to unscrupulous usurpation +and a tool to the ambition of wicked men, municipal institutions will +ensure the development of local elements; freedom, formerly an abstract +political theory, will be brought to every municipal hearth; and out of +the welfare and contentment of all parts will flow happiness, peace, and +security for the whole. + +That is my confident hope. Then will the fluctuations of Germany's fate +at once subside. It will become the heart of Europe, not by melting +North Germany into a Southern frame, or the South into a Northern; not +by absorbing historical peculiarities into a centralized omnipotence; +not by mixing all in one State, but by federating several sovereign +States into a Union like yours. + +Upon a similar basis will take place the national regeneration of +Sclavonic States, and not upon the sacrilegious idea of Panslavism, +which means the omnipotence of the Czar. Upon a similar basis shall we +see fair Italy independent and free. Not unity, but _union_ will +and must become the watchword of national members, hitherto torn rudely +asunder by provincial rivalries, out of which a crowd of despots and +common servitude arose. In truth it will be a noble joy to your great +Republic to feel that the moral influence of your glorious example has +worked this happy development in mankind's destiny; nor have I the +slightest doubt of the efficacy of that example. + +But there is one thing indispensable to it, without which there is no +hope for this happy issue. It is, that the oppressed nations of Europe +become the masters of their future, free to regulate their own domestic +concerns. And to this nothing is wanted but to have that "fair play" to +all, _for_ all, which you, sir, in your toast, were pleased to +pronounce as a right of my nation, alike sanctioned by the law of +nations as by the dictates of eternal justice. Without this "fair play" +there is no hope for Europe--no hope of seeing your principles spread. + +Yours is a happy country, gentlemen. You had more than fair play. You +had active and effectual aid from Europe in your struggle for +independence, which, once achieved, you used so wisely as to become a +prodigy of freedom and welfare, and a lesson of life to nations. + +But we in Europe--we, unhappily, have no such fair play. With us, +against every pulsation of liberty all despots are united in a common +league; and you may be sure that despots will never yield to the moral +influence of your great example. They hate the very existence of this +example. It is the sorrow of their thoughts, and the incubus of their +dreams. To stop its moral influence abroad, and to check its spread at +home, is what they wish, instead of yielding to its influence. + +We shall have no fair play. The Cossack already rules, by Louis +Napoleon's usurpation, to the very borders of the Atlantic Ocean. One of +your great statesmen--now, to my deep sorrow, bound to the sick bed of +far advanced age[*]--(alas! that I am deprived of the advice which his +wisdom could have imparted to me)--your great statesman told the world +thirty years ago that Paris was transferred to St. Petersburg. What +would he now say, when St. Petersburg is transferred to Paris, and +Europe is but an appendage to Russia? + +[Footnote *: Henry Clay, since deceased.] + +Alas! Europe can no longer secure to Europe fair play. England only +remains; but even England casts a sorrowful glance over the waves. +Still, we will stand our ground, "sink or swim, live or die." You know +the word; it is your own. We will follow it; it will be a bloody path to +tread. Despots have conspired against the world. Terror spreads over +Europe, and persecutes by way of anticipation. From Paris to Pesth there +is a gloomy silence, like the silence of nature before the terrors of a +hurricane. It is a sensible silence, disturbed only by the thousandfold +rattling of muskets by which Napoleon prepares to crush the people who +gave him a home when he was an exile, and by the groans of new martyrs +in Sicily, Milan, Vienna, and Pesth. The very sympathy which I met in +England, and was expected to meet here, throws my sisters into the +dungeons of Austria. Well, God's will be done! The heart may break, but +duty will be done. We will stand our place, though to us in Europe there +be no "fair play." But so much I hope, that no just man on earth can +charge me with unbecoming arrogance, when here, on this soil of freedom, +I kneel down and raise my prayer to God: "Almighty Father of Humanity, +will thy merciful arm not raise up a power on earth to protect the law +of nations when there are so many to violate it?" It is a prayer and +nothing else. What would remain to the oppressed if they were not even +permitted to pray? The rest is in the hand of God. + +Sir, I most fervently thank you for the acknowledgment that my country +has proved worthy to be free. Yes, gentlemen, I feel proud at my +nation's character, heroism, love of freedom and vitality; and I bow +with reverential awe before the decree of Providence which has placed my +country into a position such that, without its restoration to +independence, there is no possibility for freedom and independence of +nations on the European continent. Even what now in France is coming to +pass proves the truth of this. Every disappointed hope with which Europe +looked towards France is a degree more added to the importance of +Hungary to the world. Upon our plains were fought the decisive battles +for Christendom; _there_ will be fought the decisive battle for the +independence, of nations, for State rights, for international law, and +for democratic liberty. We will live free, or die like men; but should +my people be doomed to die, it will be the first whose death will not be +recorded as suicide, but as a martyrdom for the world, and future ages +will mourn over the sad fate of the Magyar race, doomed to perish, not +because we deserved it, but because in the nineteenth century there was +nobody to protect "the laws of nature and of nature's God." + +But I look to the future with confidence and with hope. Manifold +adversities could not fail to impress some mark of sorrow upon my heart, +which is at least a guard against sanguine illusions. But I have a +steady faith in principles. Once in my life indeed I was deplorably +deceived in my anticipations, from supposing principle to exist in +quarters where it did not. I did not count on generosity or chivalrous +goodness from the governments of England and France, but I gave them +credit for selfish and instinctive prudence. I supposed them to value +Parliamentary Government, and to have foresight enough to know the +alarming dangers to which they would be exposed, if they allowed the +armed interference of Russia to overturn historical, limited, +representative institutions. But France and England both proved to be +blind, and deceived me. It was a horrible mistake; and has issued in a +horrible result. The present condition of Europe, which ought to have +been foreseen by those governments, exculpates me for having erred +through expecting them to see their own interests. Well, there is a +providence in every fact. Without this mistake the principles of +American republicanism would for a long time yet not have found a +fertile soil on that continent, where it was considered wisdom to belong +to the French school. Now matters stand thus: that either the continent +of Europe has no future at all, or this future is American +republicanism. And who can believe that two hundred millions of that +continent, which is the mother of such a civilization, are not to have +any future at all? Such a doubt would be almost blasphemy against +Providence. But there is a Providence indeed--a just, a bountiful +Providence, and in it I trust, with all the piety of my religion. I dare +to say my very self was an instrument of it. Even my being here, when +four months ago I was yet a prisoner of the league of European despots +in far Asia, and the sympathy which your glorious people honours me +with, and the high benefit of the welcome of your Congress, and the +honour to be your guest, to be the guest of your great Republic--I, a +poor exile--is there not a very intelligible manifestation of Providence +in it?--the more, when I remember that the name of your guest is by the +furious rage of the Austrian tyrant, nailed to the gallows. + +I confidently trust that the nations of Europe have a future. I am +aware that this future is vehemently resisted by the bayonets of +absolutism; but I know that though bayonets may give a defence, they +afford no seat to a prince. I trust in the future of my native land, +because I know that it is worthy to have one, and that it is necessary +to the destinies of humanity. I trust to the principles of +republicanism; and, whatever may be my personal fate, so much I know, +that my country will preserve to you and your glorious land an +everlasting gratitude. + +A toast in honour of Mr. Webster, the Secretary of State, having then +been proposed, that gentleman responded in an ample speech, of which the +following is an extract:-- + +Gentlemen, I do not propose at this hour of the night, to entertain you +by any general disquisition upon the value of human freedom, upon the +inalienable rights of man, or upon any general topics of that kind; but +I wish to say a few words upon the precise question, as I understand it, +that exists before the civilized world, between Hungary and the Austrian +Government, and I may arrange the thoughts to which I desire to give +utterance under two or three general heads. + +And in the first place I say, that wherever there is in the Christian +and civilized world a nationality of character--wherever there exists a +nation of sufficient knowledge and wealth and population to constitute a +Government, then a National Government is a necessary and proper result +of nationality of character. We may talk of it as we please, but there +is nothing that satisfies the human being in an enlightened age, unless +he is governed by his own countrymen and the institutions of his own +Government. No matter how easy be the yoke of a foreign Power, no matter +how lightly it sits upon the shoulders, if it is not imposed by the +voice of his own nation and of his own country, he will not, he cannot, +and he _means_ not to be happy under its burden. + +There is not a civilized and intelligent man on earth that enjoys entire +satisfaction in his condition, if he does not live under the government +of his own nation--his own country, whose volitions and sentiments and +sympathies are like his own. Hence he cannot say "This is not my +country; it is the country of another Power; it is a country belonging +to somebody else." Therefore, I say that whenever there is a nation of +sufficient intelligence and numbers and wealth to maintain a government, +distinguished in its character and its history and its institutions, +that nation cannot be happy but under a government of its own choice. + +Then, sir, the next question is, whether Hungary, as she exists in our +ideas, as we see her, and as we know her, is distinct in her +nationality, is competent in her population, is also competent in her +knowledge and devotion to correct sentiment, is competent in her +national capacity for liberty and independence, to obtain a government +that shall be Hungarian out and out? Upon that subject, gentlemen, I +have no manner of doubt. Let us look a little at the position in which +this matter stands. What is Hungary? + +Hungary is about the size of Great Britain, and comprehends nearly half +of the territory of Austria. + +[According to one authority its population is 14 millions and a half.] + +It is stated by another authority that the population of Hungary is +_nearly_ 14,000,000; that of England (in 1841) nearly 15,000,000; +that of Prussia about 16,000,000. + +Thus it is evident that, in point of power, so far as power depends upon +population, Hungary possesses as much power as England _proper_, or +even as the kingdom of Prussia. Well, then, there is population +enough--there are people enough. Who, then, are they? They are distinct +from the nations that surround them. They are distinct from the +Austrians on the west, and the Turks on the east; and I will say in the +next place that they are an _enlightened_ nation. They have their +history; they have their traditions; they are attached to their own +institutions--institutions which have existed for more than a thousand +years. + +Gentlemen, it is remarkable that, on the western coasts of Europe, +political light exists. There is a sun in the political firmament, and +that sun sheds his light on those who are able to enjoy it. But in +eastern Europe, generally speaking, and on the confines between eastern +Europe and Asia, there is no political sun in the heavens. It is all an +arctic zone of political life. The luminary, that enlightens the world +in general, seldom rises there above the horizon. The light which they +possess is at best crepuscular, a kind of twilight, and they are under +the necessity of groping about to catch, as they may, any stray gleams +of the light of day. Gentlemen, the country of which your guest to-night +is a native is a remarkable exception. She has shown through her whole +history, for many hundreds of years, an attachment to the principles of +civil liberty, and of law and order, and obedience to the constitution +which the will of the great majority have established. That is the +fact; and it ought to be known wherever the question of the +practicability of Hungarian liberty and independence are discussed. It +ought to be known that Hungary stands out from it above her neighbours +in all that respects free institutions, constitutional government, and a +hereditary love of liberty. + +Gentlemen, my sentiments in regard to this effort made by Hungary are +here sufficiently well expressed. In a memorial addressed to Lord John +Russell and Lord Palmerston, said to have been written by Lord +Fitzwilliam, and signed by him and several other Peers and members of +Parliament, the following language is used, the object of the memorial +being to ask the mediation of England in favour of Hungary. + +"While so many of the nations of Europe have engaged in revolutionary +movements, and have embarked in schemes of doubtful policy and still +more doubtful success, it is gratifying to the undersigned to be able to +assure your lordships that the Hungarians demand nothing but the +recognition of ancient rights and the stability and integrity of their +ancient constitution. To your lordships it cannot be unknown that that +constitution bears a striking family-resemblance to that of our own +country." + +Gentlemen, I have said that a National Government, where there is a +distinct nationality, is essential to human happiness. I have said that +in my opinion, Hungary is thus capable of human happiness. I have said +that she possesses that distinct nationality, that power of population, +and that of wealth, which entitles her to have a Government of her own; +and I have now to add what I am sure will not sound well upon the Upper +Danube; and that is, that, in my humble judgment, the imposition of a +foreign yoke upon a people capable of self-government, while it +oppresses and depresses that people, adds nothing to the strength of +those who impose that yoke. In my opinion, Austria would be a better +and a stronger Government to-morrow if she confined the limits of her +power to hereditary and German dominions. Especially if she saw in +Hungary a strong, sensible, independent neighbouring nation; because I +think that the cost of keeping Hungary quiet is not repaid by any +benefit derived from Hungarian levies or tributes. And then again, good +neighbourhood, and the goodwill and generous sympathies of mankind, and +the generosity of character that ought to pervade the minds of +Governments as well as those of individuals, is vastly more promoted by +living in a state of friendship and amity with those who differ from us +in modes of government, than by any attempt to consolidate power in the +hands of one over all the rest. + +Gentlemen, the progress of things is unquestionably onward. It is +onward with respect to Hungary. It is onward everywhere. Public +opinion, in my estimation at least, is making great progress. It will +penetrate all resources; it will come more or less to animate all minds; +and in respect to that country, for which our sympathies to-night have +been so strongly invoked, I cannot but say that I think the people of +Hungary are an enlightened, industrious, sober, well-inclined community; +and I wish only to add, that I do not now enter into any discussion of +the form of government which may be proper for Hungary. Of course, all +of you, like myself, would be glad to see her, when she becomes +independent, embrace that system of government which is most acceptable +to ourselves. We shall rejoice to see our American model upon the Lower +Danube, and on the mountains of Hungary. But that is not the first step. +It is not that which will be our first prayer for Hungary. The first +prayer shall be, that Hungary may become independent of all foreign +power, that her destinies may be entrusted to her own hands, and to her +own discretion. I do not profess to understand the social relations and +connections of races, and of twenty other things that may affect the +public institutions of Hungary. All I say is, that Hungary can regulate +these matters for herself infinitely better than they can be regulated +for her by Austria, and therefore I limit my aspirations for Hungary, +for the present, to that single and simple point HUNGARIAN +INDEPENDENCE:-- + +"Hungarian independence; Hungarian control of her own destinies; and +Hungary as a distinct nationality among the nations of Europe." + +The toast was received with enthusiastic applause. + +The President then announced the next toast-- + +"The rights of states are only valuable when subject to the free control +of those to whom they appertain, and utterly worthless if to be +determined by the sword of foreign interference." + +Mr. Douglas of Illinois, one of the Candidates for the Presidency, in +responding, spoke at length, and denounced the injustice and folly of +England. In the close he said:-- + +He regarded the intervention of Russia in the affairs of Hungary as a +palpable violation of the laws of nations, that would authorize the +United States to interfere. If Russia, or Austria, or any other power, +should interfere again, then he would determine whether or not we should +act, his action depending upon the circumstances as they should then be +presented. In the mean time, however, he would proclaim the principle of +the laws of nations: he would instruct our ministers abroad to protest +the moment there was the first symptom of the violation of these laws. +He would show to Europe that we had as much right to sympathize in a +system of government similar to our own, as they had in similar +circumstances. In his opinion, Hungary was better adapted for a liberal +movement than any other nation in Europe. + +In conclusion, Mr. Douglas begged leave to offer the following +sentiment:-- + +"Hungary: When she shall make her next struggle for liberty, may the +friends of freedom throughout the world proclaim to the ears of all +European despots, Hands off, a clear field and a fair fight, and God +will protect the right." + +The toast was received with the greatest applause. + +Colonel Florence submitted the following sentiment:-- + +"The American Minister to France, whose intervention defeated the +quintuple treaty." + +General Cass replied in a very energetic speech, in which he stated that +he was approaching the age of three score years and ten. Turning to +Kossuth, he said:-- + +Leader of your country's revolution--asserter of the rights of +man--martyr of the principles of national independence--welcome to our +shores! Sir, the ocean, more merciful than the wrath of tyrants, has +brought you to a country of freedom and of safety. That was a proud day +for you, but it was a prouder day for us, when you left the shores of +old Hellespont and put your foot upon an American deck. Protected by +American cannon, with the stars of our country floating over you, you +could defy the world in arms! And, sir, here in the land of Washington, +it is not a barren welcome that I desire to give you; but much further +than that I am willing to go. I am willing to lay down the great +principles of national rights, and adhere to them. The sun of heaven +never shone on such a government as this. And shall we sit blindfolded, +with our arms crossed, and say to tyranny, "Prevail in every other +region of the world?" [Cries of "No, no!"] I thank you for the response. +Every independent nation under Heaven has a right to establish just such +a government as it pleases. And if the oppressed of any nation wish to +throw off their shackles, they have the right, without the interference +of any other; and, with the first and greatest of our Presidents--the +father of his country--I trust we are prepared to say, that "we +sympathize with every oppressed nation which unfurls the banner of +freedom." And I am willing, as a member of Congress, to pass a +declaration to-morrow, in the name of the American people, maintaining +that sentiment. + +A toast was then proposed: + +"Turkey: Her noble hospitality extended to a fallen patriot, even at the +risk of war, proves her to be worthy of the respect and friendship of +liberal nations." + +Kossuth replied as follows:-- + +Sir, I feel very thankful for having the opportunity to express in this +place my everlasting gratitude to the Sultan of Turkey and to his noble +people. I am not a man to flatter any one. Before God, nations, and +principles I bow--before none else. But I bow with warm and proud +gratitude, before the memory of the generous conduct I met in Turkey. +And I entreat your kind permission to state some facts, which perhaps +may contribute something to a better knowledge of that country, because +I am confident that, when it is once better known, more attention will +be bestowed on its future. + +Firstly, as to myself. When I was in that country, and Russia and +Austria, in the full pride of their victory, were imposing their will +upon the Sultan, and claiming the surrender of me and my associates, it +is true that a grand divan was held at Constantinople, and not very +favourable opinions were pronounced by a certain party opposed to the +existing government in Turkey, whereby the Sublime Porte itself was led +to believe that there was no help for us poor exiles, but to abandon our +faith and become Mohammedans, in order that Turkey might be able to +protect us. I thereupon made a declaration, which I believe I was bound +in honesty to make. But I owe it to the honour of the Sultan to say +openly, that even before I had declared that I would rather die than +accept this condition--before that declaration was conveyed to +Constantinople, and before any one there could have got knowledge that I +had appealed to the public opinion of England in relation +thereto--before all this was known at Constantinople, when the decision +of that great divan was announced to the Sultan to be unfavourable to +the exiles, he out of the generosity of his own heart, without knowing +what we were willing to accept or not to accept, declared: "They are +upon the soil; they have trusted to my honour, to my justice--to my +religion--and they shall not be deceived. Rather will I accept war than +deliver them up." That is entirely his merit. But notwithstanding these +high obligations which I feel towards Turkey, I never will try to engage +public sympathy and attention towards a country--towards a power--upon +the basis of one fact. But there are many considerations in reference to +Turkey which merit the full attention of the United States of America. + +When we make a comparison between the Turkish Government and that of +Austria and Russia in respect to religious liberty, the scale turns +entirely in favour of Turkey. There is not only toleration for all +religions, but the government does not mix with their religious affairs, +but leaves these entirely to their own control; whereas under Austria, +although self-government was secured by three victorious revolutions, by +treaties which ensured these revolutions, and by hundreds of laws; still +Austria has blotted out from Hungary the self-government of the +Protestant church, while Turkey accords and protects the self-government +of every religious denomination. Russia (as is well known) taking +religion as a political tool, persecutes the Roman Catholics, and indeed +the Greeks and Jews, in such a manner that the heart of man must revolt +against it. The Sultan, whenever a fanatic dares to encroach on the +religious freedom of any one at all in his wide dominions, is the +inexorable champion of that religious liberty which is permitted +everywhere under his rule. + +Again, I must cite from the history of Hungary this fact; that when +one-half of Hungary was under Turkish dominion, and the other half under +Austrian, religious liberty was always encouraged in that part which was +under the Turkish rule; and there was not only a full development of +Protestantism, but Unitarianism also was protected; yet by Austria the +Unitarians were afterwards excluded from every civil right, because they +were Unitarians, although our revolution restored their natural rights. +Such was the condition in respect to religious liberty under the +Austrian and under the Turkish dominion. + +Now, in respect to municipal self-government, Hungary and all those +different provinces which are now opposed to the Austrian empire,--if +indeed an empire which only rests upon the goodwill of a foreign master, +can be said to exist, or even to vegetate,--all those different +provinces are absorbed by Austria. There was not one which had not in +former times a constitutional life, not one which Austria did not +deprive of it by centralizing all power in her own court. Such is the +principle of Christian rule! + +Take, on the other hand, the Turk. In Turkey I have not only seen the +municipal self-government of cities developed to a very considerable +degree, but I have seen administration of justice very much like the +institution of the jury. I have seen a public trial in a case where one +party was a Turk, and the other party a Christian; where the municipal +authorities of the Christian and of the Turkish population were called +together to be not only the witnesses of the trial, but mutually to +control and direct it with perfect publicity. But more yet: there exist +Wallachia and Moldavia, under Turkish dominion; and the Turkish nation, +which has conquered that province and is dominant, yet, out of respect +for national self-government, has prescribed to its own self not to have +the right of a house to dwell in, or a single foot of soil in that land. +In all the domestic concerns of the province--which for centuries has +had a charter, by which the self-government of Wallachia and Moldavia +was ensured--it is worthy to mention that the Turk has never broken his +oath. Whereas in the European continent there is scarcely a single +dynasty, whether king, prince, duke, or emperor, which has not broken +faith before God and man. Now, the existence of this Turkey, great as +the present power of Europe is, is indispensable to the security of +Europe. You know that in the Crimea, in the time of Catherine, Potemkin +wrote the words, "Here passes the way to Constantinople." The policy +indicated by him at that time is always the policy of St. Petersburg; +and it is of Constantinople that Napoleon rightly said, that the power +which has it in command, if it is willing, is able, to rule +three-quarters of the world. Now, it is the intention, it is the +consistent policy of the Russian cabinet, to lay hold of Constantinople; +and therefore to protect the independent existence of Turkey is +necessary to Europe: for if Turkey be crushed, Russia becomes not only +entirely predominant, as she already is, but becomes the single mistress +of Asia and of Europe. And to uphold this independence of Turkey, +gentlemen, nothing is wanted but some encouragement from such a place as +the United States. Since Turkey has lost the possession of Buda in +Hungary, its power is declining. But why? Because from that time +European diplomatists began to succeed in persuading Turkey that she had +no strength to stand by herself; and by and bye it became the rule in +Constantinople that every petty interior question needed European +diplomacy. Now I say, Turkey has vitality such as not many nations have. +It has a power that not many have. Turkey wants nothing but a +consciousness of its own powers and encouragement to stand upon its own +feet; and this encouragement, if it comes as counsel, as kind advice, +out of such a place as the United States, I am confident will not only +be thankfully heard, but also very joyfully followed. That is the only +thing which is wanted there. + +And besides this political consideration that the existence of Turkey, +as it is, is necessary to the future of Europe, there are also high +commercial considerations proper to interest and attract the United +States. The freedom of commerce on the Danube is a law of nations +guaranteed by treaties; and yet there exists _no_ freedom. It is in +the hands of Russia. Turkey, to be sure, is very anxious to re-establish +freedom; but there is nobody to back her in her demands. Turkey can also +present to the manufacturing industry of such a country as the United +States a far larger and more important market than all China, with her +two hundred and fifty millions of inhabitants. + +But one consideration I can mention--and though it has no reference to +the public opinion here, I beg permission to avail myself of this +opportunity to pronounce it and give it publicity--and that is, that I +hope in the name of the future freedom and independence of the European +nations, those provinces of Turkey which are inhabited by Christians +will not, out of theoretical passion, and out of attachment to a mere +word, neglect that course of action which alone can lead them to freedom +and independence. Gentlemen, I declare that should the next +revolutionary movement in Europe extend to the Turkish provinces of +Moldavia and Servia,--and should Turkey hereby fall,--this would not +become a benefit to those provinces, but would benefit Russia only; +because then, Turkey no more existing, all those provinces will be +naturally absorbed by Russia; whereas, to hold fast to Turkey--that +Turkey, which respects religious liberty, gives them entirely and fully +self-government. + +So much, gentlemen, I desired to express. I believe you will excuse me +for the inappropriate manner in which I have acquitted myself of this, +which I considered to be my duty in expressing my thanks to Turkey. I +declare before you that I am fully convinced of the identity of interest +between Hungary and Turkey. We have a common enemy--therefore Hungary +and Turkey are by natural ties drawn into a close alliance against that +enemy. I declare that not only out of gratitude, but also out of a +knowledge of this community of interest, I will never in my life let an +opportunity escape where I in my humble capacity can contribute to the +glory, welfare, and happiness of Turkey, but will consider it the duty +of honour toward my country to be the truest, most faithful friend of +the Turkish empire. + + * * * * * + +XVIII.--ASPECTS OF AMERICA TOWARD ENGLAND. + +[_Speech at the Anniversary of the Battle of New Orleans, Jan. 8_.] + +F.P. Blair, Esq., in the name of the Democratic Association, pronounced +an elaborate address, vindicating the interposition of the King of +France to aid the American Colonies when they revolted from England, and +pointing out that America, in defence of her institutions, may be called +on to support the masses of the European nations as a breakwater between +herself and Despotism. He showed the certain danger to which English +freedom would be exposed from the triumph of despotism, and asked:-- + + What have we to expect from neutrality? We may anticipate + the treatment which we received from both belligerents + when Napoleon pressed on to empire over all the nation + as Russia does now.... Can we hope, that when the war + is intended to exterminate the principle of which our government + is the great exemplar, our people will be allowed the immunity + of free trade with the belligerents to grow rich and + strong by their calamities?... The impending danger + can only be averted from us by the ability of the people of + Europe, now kept down by military mercenaries, to rise and + assert their own rights. To encourage such efforts is the duty + of every free people, and of all that would be free.... + Shall our government hesitate to denounce, as a violation of + the law of nations, the intervention of the Czar? Shall it + hesitate to declare it a justification of a counter-intervention?... + Our countrymen will not assent to the one-sided + doctrine. They will intervene to lift up those stricken down + by intervention,-- + +The exiles from Europe--_Liberty_ and _Louis Kossuth_. + +The band struck up the well-known Marseilles Hymn, and Kossuth, rising +to respond, was received with prolonged cheers. The music having ceased, +three hearty cheers were given, and Louis Kossuth responded to the toast +and the address in the following remarks, which were received with warm +enthusiasm:-- + +Gentlemen: I feel sincerely gratified with the honour of being invited +to be present on this solemn occasion, dedicated to the memory of a +glorious as well as highly responsible fact in your history. + +There is high political wisdom in the custom yearly to revive the memory +of civil virtue and national glory in the mind of the living generation, +because nothing else is so efficient to keep alive the spirit of +patriotism--that powerful genius, which, like the angels of Scripture, +guards with flaming sword the Paradise of national liberty and +independence. Happy the land where the history of the past is the +history of the people, and not a mere flattery of kings; and +doubly happy the land where the rewards of the past are brightened by +present glory, present happiness; and where the noble deeds of the dead, +instead of being a mournful monument of vanished greatness which saddens +the heart, though it ennobles the mind, are a lasting source of national +welfare to the age and to posterity. But where, as in this your happy +land, national history is the elementary basis of education--where the +very schoolboy is better acquainted with the history of his country than +in monarchies almost the professors are--in such a country it would be +indeed but a ridiculous parading of vanity for a stranger to dwell upon +facts which every child is better acquainted with than he can be. Allow +me therefore, gentlemen, rather briefly to expound what is the practical +philosophy of that great victory which you are assembled to +celebrate--what is the moral of the strain as it presents itself to the +inquirer's mind. + +As a man has to pass through several periods of age, each of them marked +with its own peculiarities, before he comes to a settled position in +life, even so a nation. A nation has first to be born, then to grow; +then it has to prove its passive vitality by undergoing a trial of life. +Afterwards it has to prove its active force to rise within its own +immediate horizon. At last, it must take its proper seat amongst the +nations of the world as a power on earth. Every one of these periods of +national life must be gone through. There is no help for it. It is a +necessary process of life. And every one of these life-periods has its +own natural condition, which must be accepted as a necessity, even if we +should not be pleased with it. + +Gentlemen, having passed through the ordeal of an earnest life, with the +prospect of yet having to steer through stormy gales, it is natural +that, while I grasp my helm, I gaze at History, as my compass. And there +is no history more instructive than yours, because you have concentrated +within the narrow scope of a few years that natural process of national +life, which elsewhere was achieved only through centuries. It would be a +mistake, and a mistake not without danger, to believe that your nation +is still in its youth because it has lived but seventy-five years. The +natural condition of nations is not measured by years, but by those +periods of the process of life which I have mentioned. And there is no +nation on earth in whose history those periods were so distinctly marked +as in yours. First, you had to be born. That is the period of your +glorious struggle for independence. Endless honour be to those who +conducted it! You were baptized with blood, as it seems to be the +destiny of nations; but it was the genius of Freedom which stood +god-father at your baptism, and gave to you a lasting character by +giving you the Christian name of "_Republic_." Then you had to +grow, and, indeed, you have grown with the luxuriant rapidity of the +virgin nature of the American soil. Washington knew the nature of this +soil, fertilized by the blood of your martyrs and warmed by the sun of +your liberty. He knew it, when he told your fathers that you wanted but +twenty years of peaceful growth to defy any power whatsoever in a just +cause. You have grown through those twenty years, and wisely avoided to +endanger your growth by undertaking a toil not becoming to your growing +age; and there you stood about another twenty years, looking resolutely +but unpretendingly around, if there be anybody to question that you were +really a nation. The question was put in 1812, and decided by that +glorious victory, the anniversary of which you celebrate to-day. That +victory has a deeper meaning in your history than only that of a +repulsed invasion. It marks a period in your national life--the period +of acknowledged, unshakeable security of your national existence. It is +the consummation of your declaration of independence. You have proved by +it that the United States possess an incontestable vitality, having the +power to preserve that independent national position which your fathers +established by the declaration of independence. In reality, it was the +victory of New Orleans by which you took your seat amongst the +independent nations of the world never to be contested through all +posterity. + +If the history of New Orleans showed the security of your national +existence, the victorious war against Mexico proved that also your +national interests must be respected. The period of active vitality is +attained. It remains yet to take your seat, not amongst the +_nations_ of the earth, for _that_ you have since the day of +New Orleans, but amongst the _powers_ on earth. What is the meaning +of that word "power on earth?" The meaning of it is, to have not only +the power to guard your own particular interests, but also to have a +vote in the regulation of the common interests of humanity, of which you +are an independent member--in a word, to become a tribunal enforcing the +law of nations, precisely as your supreme court maintains your own +constitution and laws. And, indeed, all argument of statesmanship, all +philosophy of history, would be vain, if I were mistaken that your great +nation is arrived at this unavoidable period of life. + +The instinct of the people is in the life of a nation precisely that +which conscience is in the life of man. Before we, in our private life, +arrive at a clear conviction what course we have to adopt in this or +that occurrence, the conscience--that inexplicable spirit in our +breast--tells us in a pulsation of our heart what is right or what is +wrong. And this first pulsation of conscience is very trustworthy. Then +comes the reflective operation of the mind: it now and then lulls +conscience to sleep, now and then modifies particulars, and now and then +raises it to the degree of conviction. But conscience was in advance of +the mind. So is the instinct of the people--the conscience of nations. +Nor needs the highest intellectual power of individuality to feel +offended at the idea that the instinct of the people is always the first +to feel the right and wrong. It is the pulsation of the heart of the +nation; it is the advertisement of conscience, which never heaves +without reason, without necessity. + +Indeed, gentlemen, it is not my presence here which elicited that +majestic interest for national law and international rights. Nay, I had +not been here, but for the pre-existence of this interest. It raised +glorious interpreters during the struggles of Greece, when, indeed, I +was yet too young to be in public life. It flashed up, kindled by +Poland's heroic struggles, and it blazed high and broad when we were +fighting the sacred battle of independence for the European continent. +Had this interest and sympathy not existed long ago, I were not now +here. My very freedom is the result of it. + +And may I be permitted to mention that there were several concerns quite +unconnected with the cause of Hungary, which have much contributed to +direct public opinion to feel interested in the question of foreign +policy, so naturally connected with the question, What is international +law? + +Your relations with Mexico and Central America; the threatened +intervention of European powers in the possible issue of a recent case +which brought so much mourning into many families in the United States; +the question about the Sandwich Islands, which European diplomacy +appeared to contemplate as an appropriate barrier between your Pacific +States and the Indian and Chinese trade; the sad fate of an American +citizen now condemned to the galleys in Africa; and several other +considerations of pressing concern, must necessarily have contributed to +excite the interest of public opinion for the settlement of the +question, What is and what shall be law amongst nations?--law not +dictated by the whims of ambitious despots, but founded upon everlasting +principles, such as republics can acknowledge who themselves live upon +principles. + +The cause of Hungary is implicated with the very questions of right, in +which your country in so many respects is concerned. It happens to lie +so broad across the principles of international law, as to occupy not +only the instinct of the people but also the calm reflection of your +statesmen, conspicuous by mature wisdom and patriotism; and herein is +the key, besides the generosity congenial to freemen, why the cause +which I plead is honoured with so rapid a progress in public sentiment. + +And let me entreat your permission for one topic more. I received, +during my brief stay in England, some one hundred and thirty addresses +from cities and associations, all full of the same warm sympathy for my +country's cause, which you also have so generously testified. That +sympathy was accorded to me, notwithstanding my frank declaration that I +am a republican, and that my country, when restored to independence, can +be nothing but a republic. Now this is a fact gratifying to every friend +of progress in public sentiment, highly proving that the people are +everywhere honourable, just, noble, and good. And do you know, +gentlemen, which of these numerous addresses were the most glorious to +the people of England and the most gratifying to me? It was one in which +I heard your Washington praised, and sorrow avowed that England had +opposed that glorious cause upon which is founded the noble fame of that +great man; and the addresses--(numerous they were indeed)--in which the +hope and resolution were expressed, that England and the United States, +forgetting the sorrows of the past will in brotherly love go hand in +hand to support the eternal principles of international law and freedom +on earth. + +Yes indeed, sir, you were right to say that the justice of your +struggle, which took out of England's hand a mighty continent, is openly +acknowledged even by the English people itself. The memory of the day of +New Orleans must of course recall to your mind the wrongs against which +you so gloriously fought. Oh, let me entreat you, bury the hatred of +past ages in the grave where all the crimes of the past lie mouldering +with the ashes of those who sinned, and take the glorious opportunity to +benefit the great cause of humanity. + +One thing let me tell you, gentlemen. _People_ and +_Governments_ are different things in such a country as Great +Britain is. It is sorrowful enough that the people have often to pay for +what the government sinned. Let it not be said in history, that even the +people of the United States made a kindred people pay for the sins of +its government. And remember that you can mightily react upon the public +opinion of Britain, and that the people of Britain can react upon the +course of its own government. It were indeed a great misfortune to see +the government of Great Britain pushed by irritation to side with the +absolutist powers against the oppressed nations about to struggle for +independence and liberty. Even Ireland could only lose by this. And +besides its own loss, this might perhaps be just the decisive blow +against liberty; whereas if the government of England, otherwise +remaining as it is, do but unite with you not to allow foreign +interference with our struggles on the continent this would become +almost a sure guarantee of the victory of those struggles; and, +according as circumstances stand, that would be indeed the most +practical benefit to the noble people of Ireland also, because freedom, +independence, and the principles of natural law could not fail to +benefit their cause, which so well merits the sympathy of every just man +and they have also the sympathy--I know it--of the better half of +England itself. + +Hatred is no good counsellor, gentlemen. The wisdom of love is a better +one. What people has suffered more than my poor Hungary has from Russia? +Shall I hate the people of Russia for it? Oh never! I have but pity and +Christian brotherly love for it. It is the government, it is the +principle of the government, which makes every drop of my blood boil and +which must fall, if humanity is to live. We were for centuries in war +against the Turks, and God knows what we have suffered by it! But past +is past. Now we have a common enemy, and thus we have a common interest, +a mutual esteem, and love rules where our fathers have fought. + +Gentlemen, how far this supreme duty toward your own interest will allow +you to go in giving life and effect to the principle which you so +generously proclaim, and which your party (as I have understood) have +generously proclaimed in different parts--_that_ you will in your +wisdom decide, remaining always the masters of your action and of your +fate. But that principle will rest; that principle is true; that +principle is just; and you are just, because you are free. I hope +therefore to see you cordially unite with me once more in the +sentiment--"Intervention for non-intervention." + + * * * * * + +XIX.--MEANING OF RECOGNIZING. + +[_Last Speech at Washington_.] + +In returning thanks to all the citizens here assembled, and to yourself, +sir, in particular,[*] I beg to add some remarks. That I have not here +been honoured with the same demonstrations of local cordiality as in +other places, I do not, with you, attribute to diplomatic influences. I +know well the skill of Russian diplomacy, which indeed at Moldovarica +instructs all its representatives to marry Moldovarican ladies. But I +also know that the framers of your Constitution wisely discouraged the +development of municipal life in the district of Columbia, lest local +influences and pressure from without on the seat of the central +legislature might unduly sway the national councils. Just so, we have +often known a single street in Paris coerce the deliberations of the +nation. Columbia having, as I understand, by an exceptional arrangement, +no true local self-government, is deficient in local movement. +Nevertheless, I have received _private_ expression of sentiment and +of generous kind sympathy from various parts of this district, and +chiefly from the city of Washington. + +[Footnote *: Chancellor Walworth of New York.] + +In respect to the declaration which you make as to nonintervention, I +have only to thank you, and to express my earnest hope that all those in +whose name you speak, will proceed to give effect to their principle in +public life. + +The second right of nations,--that of mutual commerce--still more +closely touches your domestic interests, regard it as a clear national +right of your citizens to hold commerce with the thirty-five millions of +men oppressed by Austria, if those thirty-five millions desire it, +though to Emperor of Austria, having occupied an immoral position refuse +it to you: and if the people of Hungary, Bohemia, and Italy take arms to +punish his atrocities, that is no good reason why your citizens should +submit to abstain from commerce with these injured nations. + +In regard to my third desire, to see the _legitimacy_ of our +declaration of Independence acknowledged by Congress that did not mean +that I (a poor exile!) am _de facto_ Governor of Hungary! You +little conceive how valuable to us it would have been, if your Envoy, +who came to inquire and report, during our struggle, had been authorized +to recognize the legitimacy of our cause and of our proceeding. And even +now, the moral effect would be great; for such an act cannot stand +alone, it points to your future policy towards every other nation. +Moreover, it would enlarge the lawful field of action for private +sympathy, and would enable me to accept many things which I cannot now; +I do not mean titles,--which I value not. I care only for my country's +dignity; but it appertains to its dignity that its solemnly expressed +Will be recognized by your government. + +Legislatures of your States (with warm gratitude I acknowledge) have +declared these principles: cities and associations have received them; +so have many eminent persons. But if you wish foreign powers to know +that it is not Mr. A. or Mr. B. but the nation itself which pronounces +them, I venture to suggest that it may be convenient in your various +associations of every kind to make separate declarations to this effect, +as by contributions of money ever so small; and this will really be +_national_ aid. If the United States carry out this determination +with their characteristic energy it will be effectual. + + * * * * * + +XX.--CONTRAST OF THE AMERICAN TO THE HUNGARIAN CRISIS. + +[_Speech before the Senate at Annapolis, Jan. 13_.] + +Kossuth, having arrived at Annapolis, capital of Maryland, was +entertained in the Government House by Governor Lowe, and was next day +introduced to the Senate, who welcomed him with a cordial address. He +responded as follows:-- + +Mr. President: In the changes of my stormy life, many occasions, +connected with associations of historical interest, have impressed a +deep emotion upon my mind: but perhaps never yet has the memory of the +past made such a glowing impression upon me as here. + +I bow reverentially, Senators of Maryland, in this glorious hall, the +sanctuary of immortal deeds, hallowed by immortal names. + +Before I thank the living, let me look to those dead whose spirits dwell +within these walls [looking at the portraits that hung upon the walls], +living an imperishable life in the glory, freedom, and happiness of your +great United Republic, which is destined, as I confidently hope, to +become the corner-stone of the future of Humanity. + +Yes, there they are, the glorious architects of the independence of this +Republic. + +There is _Thomas Stone_; there, your Demosthenes, _Samuel +Chase_; there, _Charles Carroll, of Carrollton_, who designedly +added that epithet to the significance of his name, that nobody should +be mistaken about who was the _Carroll_ who dared the noble deed, +and was rewarded by being the last of his illustrious companions, whom +God called to the Heavenly Paradise, after he had long enjoyed the +paradise of freedom on earth; and here, _William Paca_;--all of +them signers of the Declaration of American Independence--that noblest, +happiest page in mankind's history. + +How happy that man must have been [pointing to the portrait of Governor +Paca] having to govern this sovereign State on that day when, within +these very halls the act was ratified which, by the recognition of your +very enemy, raised your country to an independent nation. + +Ye spirits of the departed! cast a ray of consolation by the voice of +your nation over that injured land, whose elected chief, a wandering +exile for having dared to imitate you, lays the trembling hopes of an +oppressed continent before the generous heart of your people--now not +only an independent nation but also a mighty and glorious power. + +Alas! what a difference in the success of two like deeds! Have we not +done what ye did? Yes, we have. Was the cause for which we did it not +alike sacred and just as yours? It was. Or have we not fought to +sustain it with equal resolution as your brethren did? Bold though it be +to claim a glory such as America has, I am bold to claim, and say--yes, +we did. And yet what a difference in the result! And whence this +difference? Only out of that single circumstance that, while you, in +your struggle, meet with _assistance_, we in ours met not even with +_"fair play:"_ since, when we fought, there was nobody on earth to +maintain "the laws of nature's God." + +During our struggle, America was silent and England did not stir; and +while you were assisted by a French King, we were forsaken by a French +Republic--itself now trodden down because it has forsaken us? + +Well, we are not broken yet. There is hope for us, because there is a +God in heaven and an America on earth. May be that our nameless woes +were necessary, that the glorious destiny of America may be fulfilled; +that after it had been an asylum for the oppressed, it should become, by +regenerating Europe, the pillar of manhood's liberty. + +Oh! it is not a mere capricious change of fate, that the exiled governor +of the land whose name, four years ago, was scarcely known on your +glorious shores, and which now (oh, let me have the blessings of this +belief!) is dear to the generous heart of America. It is not a mere +chance that Hungary's exiled chief thanks the Senators of Maryland for +the high honour of public welcome in that very Hall where the first +Continental Congress met; where your great Republic's glorious +constitution was framed; where the treaty of acknowledged independence +was ratified, and where you, Senators, guard with steady hand the rights +of your sovereign States which is now united to thirty others, not to +make you less free, but to make you more mighty--to make you a power on +earth. + +I believe there is the hand of God in history. You assigned a place in +this hall of freedom to the memory of Chatham, for having been just to +America, by opposing the stamp act, which awoke your nation to +resistance. + +Now, the people of England think as once Pitt the elder thought, and +honours with deep reverence the memory of your Washington. + +But suppose the England of Lord Chatham's time had thought as Chatham +did: and his burning words had moved the English aristocracy to be just +towards the colonies: those our men there [turning to the portraits] had +not signed your country's independence. Washington were perhaps a name +"unknown, unhonoured, and unsung," and this proud constellation of your +glorious stars had perhaps not yet risen on mankind's sky--instead of +being now about to become the sun of Freedom. It is thus Providence +acts. + +Let me hope, sir, that Hungary's unmerited fate was necessary, in order +that your stars should become such a sun. + +Sirs, I stand, perhaps, upon the very spot where your Washington stood, +consummating the greatest act of his life. The walls which now listen +to my humble words, listened to the words of his republican virtue, +immortal by their very modesty. Let me, upon this sacred spot, express +my confident belief that if he stood here now, he would tell you that +his prophecy is fulfilled; that you are mighty enough "to defy any power +on earth in a just cause," and he would tell you that there never was +and never will be a cause more just than the cause of Hungary, being, as +it is, the cause of oppressed humanity. + +Sir, I thank the Senate of Maryland, in my country's name for the honour +of your generous welcome. I entreat the Senate kindly to remember my +prostrate fatherland. Sir, I bid you farewell, feeling heart and soul +purified, and my resolution strengthened, by the very air of this +ancient city of Providence. + + * * * * * + +XXI.--THANKS FOR HIS GREAT SUCCESS. + +[_Speech at Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, on his Reception in the Capitol. +Jan. 14th_.] + +On Jan. 14th Kossuth was received in Harrisburg, capital of +Pennsylvania, in the Capitol. Governor Johnston in the name of the +State, addressed to him a copious and energetic speech, in the course of +which he said:-- + +We have declared the law, that man is capable of self government, and +possesses the inherent and indestructible right of altering, amending, +and changing his form of government at his pleasure, and in furtherance +of his happiness. We have sworn hostility against every form of tyranny +over the mind of man. These truths we have made a part of the laws of +nations. Despots combine and interfere by force and fraud, to prevent +the erection of republican institutions by a nation struggling +successfully against its local usurping oppressor, for independence. +Fidelity to our principles and institutions demands that we PREVENT such +interference by solemnly proclaiming that the laws of nations and +humanity SHALL BE PRESERVED inviolate and sacred. In the performance of +this duty the faint-hearted may falter; the domestic despot and cold +diplomatist may linger behind; the man of world-extended and fearful +traffic may hesitate; but the warm and great heart of the American +masses will feel no moment of hesitation and doubt in defence of truth. +The great Author of nations will find the means to carry out His wise +designs. How glorious our destiny, if to us is given the solemn charge +of carrying into effect the beneficent purpose of Heaven in the +establishment upon earth of universal liberty, universal education, +universal happiness, and peace. + +When Governor Johnston had concluded with a very cordial welcome, +Kossuth replied as follows:-- + +Senators and representatives of Pennsylvania.--I came with confidence, I +came with hope to the United States--with the confidence of a man who +trusts to the certainty of principles, knowing that where freedom is +sown, there generosity grows--with the hope of a man who knows that +there is life in his cause, and that where there is life there must be a +future yet. Still hope is only an instinctive throb with which Nature's +motherly care comforts adversity. We often hope without knowing why, and +like a lonely wanderer on a stormy night, direct our weary steps towards +the first glimmering window light, uncertain whether we are about to +knock at the door of a philanthropist or of a heartless egotist. But +the hope and confidence with which I came to the United States was not +such. There was a knowledge of fact in it. I did not know what +_persons_ it might be my fate to meet, but I knew that meet I +should with two living _principles_--with that of FREEDOM and that +of NATIONAL HOSPITALITY. + +Both are political principles here. Freedom is expansive like the light: +it loves to spread itself: and hospitality here in this happy land, is +raised out of the narrow circle of private virtue into political wisdom. +As you, gentlemen, are the representatives of your people, so the people +of the United States at large are representative of European humanity--a +congregation of nations assembled in the hospitable Hall of American +liberty. Your people is linked to Europe, not only by the common tie of +manhood--not only by the communicative spirit of liberty--not only by +the commercial intercourse, but by the sacred ties of blood. The people +of the United States is Europe transplanted to America. And it is not +Hungary's woes alone--it is the cause of all Europe which I am come to +plead. Where was ever a son, who in his own happy days could +indifferently look at the sufferings of his mother, whose heart's blood +is running in his very veins? And Europe is the mother of the United +States. + +I hope to God, that the people of this glorious land is and will ever +be, fervently attached to this their free, great and happy home. I hope +to God that whatever tongue they speak, they are and will ever be +American, and nothing but American. And so they must be, if they will be +free--if they desire for their adopted home greatness and perpetuity. +Should once the citizens of the United States cease to be Americans, and +become again English, Irish, German, Spanish, Italian, Danish, Swedish, +French--America would soon cease to be what it is now--freedom elevated +to the proud position of a power on earth. + +But while I hope that all the people of the United States will never +become anything but Americans; and that even its youngest adopted sons, +though fresh with sweet home recollections, will know here no South, no +North, no East and no West--nothing but the whole country, the common +nationality of freedom--in a word, America; still I also know that blood +is blood--that the heart of the son must beat at the contemplation of +his mother's sufferings. These were the motives of my confident hope. +And here in this place I have the happy right to say, God the Almighty +is with me; my hopes are about to be realized. Sir, it is a gratifying +view to see how the generous sympathy of individuals for the cause which +I respectfully plead is rising into Public Opinion. But nowhere had I +the happy lot to see this more clearly expressed than in this great +commonwealth of Pennsylvania, the mighty "_keystone_ State" of the +Union. The people of Harrisburg spoke first: no city before had so +distinctly articulated the public sympathy into acknowledged principles. +It has framed the sympathy of generous instinct into a political shape. +I will for ever remember it with fervent gratitude. Then came the +Metropolis--a hope and a consolation by its very name to the +oppressed--the sanctuary of American Independence, where the very bells +speak prophecy--which is now sheltering more inhabitants than all +Pennsylvania did, when, seventy-five years ago, the prophetic bell of +Independence Hall announced to the world that free America was born; +which now, with the voice of thunder, will, I hope, tell the world that +the doubtful life of that child has unfolded itself into a mighty power +on earth. Yes, after Harrisburg, the metropolis spoke, a flourishing +example of freedom's self-developing energy; and after the metropolis, +now so mighty a centre of nations, and it ally of international +law--next came Pittsburg, the immense manufacturing workshop, alike +memorable for its moral power and its natural advantages, which made it +a link with the great valley of the West, a cradle of a new world, which +is linked in its turn to the old world by boundless agricultural +interests. And after the people of Pennsylvania have thus spoken, here +now I stand in the temple of this people's sovereignty, with joyful +gratitude acknowledging the inestimable benefits of this public +reception, where--with the elected of Pennsylvania, entrusted with the +Legislative and Executive power of the sovereign people, gather into one +garland the public opinion, and with the authority of their high +position, announce loudly to the world the principles, the resolution, +and the will of the two millions of this great Commonwealth. Sir, the +words your Excellency has honoured me with will have their weight +throughout the world. The jeering smile of the despots, which +accompanied my wandering, will be changed, at the report of these +proceedings, to a frown which may yet cast fresh mourning over families, +as it has cast over mine; nevertheless the afflicted will wait to be +consoled by the dawn of public happiness. From the words which your +Excellency spoke, the nations will feel double resolution to shake off +the yoke of despotism. + +[Footnote: Philadelphia (_brotherly love_) is evidently intended. +"Metropolis" strictly means mother city, not chief city.] + +The proceedings of to-day will, moreover, have their weight in the +development of public opinion in other States of your united Republic. +Governor! I plead no dead cause, Europe is no corpse: it has a future +yet, because it wills. Sir, from the window of your room, which your +hospitality has opened to me, I saw suspended a musket and a powder +horn, and this motto--"Material Aid." And I believe that the Speaker of +the House of Representatives of Pennsylvania is seated in that chair +whence the Declaration of American Independence was signed. The first is +what Europe wants in order to have the success of the second. Permit me +to take this for a happy augury; and allow me with the plain words of an +earnest mind, to give you the assurance of my country's warm, +everlasting gratitude, in which, upon the basis of our restored +independence, a wide field will be opened to mutual benefit, by friendly +commercial intercourse ennobled by the consciousness of imparted benefit +on your side, and by the pleasant duty of gratitude on the side of +Hungary, which so well deserves your generous sympathy. + + * * * * * + +XXII.--ON THE PRESENT WEAKNESS OF DESPOTISM. +[_Speech at the Harrisburg Banquet_.] + +About three hundred persons sat down to dinner, a large portion of them +members of the legislature. Governor Johnston presided, assisted by +Ex-Senator Cameron. A toast complimentary to Governor Johnston having +been drunk with great enthusiasm, the Governor briefly responded. After +returning his thanks for the compliment, he alluded to the mission of +Kossuth. The great Magyar came here not for _sympathy_ alone, but +for _aid_ for the cause of republican freedom. He not only wanted +that, but encouragement of our government in aid of the cause of +down-trodden Hungary. No profession, but action was wanted; and he +exhorted his hearers never to cease acting, until the government took +the high ground necessary to secure to Hungary the simple justice she +demanded. In conclusion he gave the third toast: + +"Hungary--Betrayed but not subdued; her constitution violated, her +people in chains, her chief in exile. The star of freedom will yet shine +through the dark night of her adversity." + +Kossuth, in response, opened by lamenting that the perpetual claims upon +his time, and the pressure of sorrowful feelings on his heart, made it +impossible for him to study how to address them suitably. He proceeded +to say: + +But to what purpose is eloquence here? Have you not anticipated my +wishes? Have you not sanctioned my principles? Are you not going on to +action, as generous men do, who are conscious of their power and of +their aim? Well, to what purpose, then, is eloquence here? I have only +to thank--and that is more eloquently told by a warm grasp of the hand +than by all the skilful arrangement of words. + +I beg therefore your indulgence for laying before you some mere facts, +which perhaps may contribute to strengthen your conviction that the +people of the United States, in bestowing its sympathy upon my cause, +does not support a dead cause, but one which has a life, and whose +success is rationally sure. + +Let me before all cast a glance at the enemy. And let those imposed upon +by the attitude of despotism in 1852, consider how much stronger it was +in 1847-8. France was lolled by Louis Philippe's politics, of "peace at +any price," into apathy. Men believed in the solidity of his government. +No heart-revolting cruelty stirred the public mind. No general +indignation from offended national self-esteem prevailed. The stability +of the public credit encouraged the circulation of capital, and by that +circulation large masses of industrious poor found, if not contentment, +at least daily bread. The King was taken for a prudent man; and the +private morality of his family cast a sort of halo around his house. The +spirit of revolution was reduced to play the meagre game of secret +associations; not seconded by any movement of universal interest--the +spirit of radical innovation was restrained into scientific polemic, +read by few and understood by fewer. There was a faith in the patriotic +authority of certain men, whose reputation was that of being liberal. +One part of the nation lived on from day to day without any stirring +passion, in entire passiveness; the other believed in gradual +improvement and progress, because it had confidence in the watchful care +of partizan leaders. The combat of Parliamentary eloquence was +considered to be a storm in a glass of water, and the highest aspiration +of parties was to oust the ministry and take their place. And yet the +prohibition of a public banquet blew asunder the whole complex like mere +chaff. + +Germany was tranquil, because the honest pretensions of the ambition of +her statesmen were satisfied by the open lists of parliamentary +eloquence. The public life of the nation had gained a field for itself +in Legislative debates--a benefit not enjoyed for centuries. The +professors being transferred to the legislative floor, and the college +to the parliament, the nation was gratified by improvements in the laws, +and by the oratory of her renowned men, who never failed to flatter the +national vanity. It believed itself to be really in full speed of +greatness, and listened contented and quiet--like an intelligent +audience to an interesting lecture--even in respect to the unity of +great Germany. The custom-association (Zollverein) became an idol of +satisfied national vanity, and of cheerful hopes; science and art were +growing fast; speculative researches of political economy met an open +field in social life; men conscious of higher aims wandered afar into +new homes, despairing to find a field of action in their native land. +Material improvement was the ruling word, and the lofty spirit of +freedom was blighted by the contact of small interests. + +And yet a prohibited banquet at Paris shook the very foundation of this +artificial tranquillity, and the princely thrones of Germany trembled +before the rising spirit of freedom, though it was groping in darkness, +because unconscious of its aim. + +Italy--fair, unfortunate Italy--looking into the mirror of its ancient +glory, heaved with gloomy grief; but the sky of the heaven was as clear +and blue above, as it ever was since creation's dawn: and it sung like +the bird in a cage placed upon a bough of the blooming orange tree. And +then Pius IX, placing himself at the head of Italian regeneration, +became popular as no man in Rome since Rienzi's time, In 1848 men heard +with surprise, on the coast of the Adriatic, my name coupled in +_vivas_ with the name of Pius IX. But the sarcasm of Madame De +Stael--that in Italy men became women--was still believed true; so that +too many of the Italians themselves despaired of conquering Austria +without Charles Albert. + +Austria had not for centuries, and Prussia never yet has, experienced +what sort of a thing a revolution is, and the falling of the vault of +the sky would have been considered less improbable than a popular +revolution in Berlin or Vienna, where Metternich ruled in triumphant +proud security. + +The house of Austria was considered as a mighty power on earth; +respected, because thought necessary to Europe against the preponderance +of Russia. No people under the dominion of this dynasty, had a national +army, and all were divided by absurd rivalries of language, kept up by +Metternich's Machiavelism. The nations were divided; none of them was +conscious of its strength, but all were aware of the united strength of +a disciplined and large imperial army, the regiments of which had never +yet fought one against another, and never yet had broken the spell of +the black and yellow flag by tearing it to pieces with their own hands. + +And yet, when Paris stirred and I made a mere speech in the Hungarian +Parliament, the house of Austria was presently at the mercy of the +people of Vienna; Metternich was driven away, and his absolutism +replaced by a promise of constitutional life. + +In Gallicia the odium connected with the despotic Austrian rule had, by +satanic craft, been thrown upon those classes which represent the +ancient Polish nationality; and the well-deserved hatred of aristocratic +oppression, though living only in traditional remembrances, had +prevailed in the sentiments of the common people over the hatred against +Austria, though despotic and a stranger; so much so, that, to triumph +over the ill-advised, untimely movement of 1846, Austria had nothing to +do but open the field to murder, by granting a two dollars' reward for +every head of a Polish land proprietor. + +And in Hungary the people of every race was equally excluded from all +political right--from any share of constitutional life. The endeavours +of myself and my friends for internal improvements--for emancipation of +the peasantry--for the people's restoration to its natural rights in +civil, political, social, and religious respects, were cramped by the +Hapsburg policy. But the odium of this cramping was thrown by Austria +upon our own conservative party: and thus our national force was divided +into antagonistic elements. + +Besides, the idea of Panslavism and of national rivalries, raised by +Russia and fostered by Austria, diverted the excitement of the public +mind from the development of common political freedom. And Hungary had +no _national_ army. Its regiments were filled with foreign elements +and scattered over foreign countries, while our own country was guarded +with well-disciplined foreign troops. And what was far worse than all +this, Hungary, by long illegalities corrupted in its own character, +deprived of its ancient heroic stamp, germanized in its saloons, sapped +in its cottages and huts, impressed with the unavoidable _fatality_ +of Austrian sovereignty, and the knowledge of Austrian power, secluded +from the attention of the world, which was scarcely aware of its +existence,--Hungary had no hope in its national future, because it had +no consciousness of its strength, and was highly monarchical in its +inclinations, and generous in its allegiance to the King. No man +dreamed of the possibility of a revolution there, and he who would have +suggested it would only have gained the reputation of a madman. + +Such was the condition of Europe in the first half of February, 1848. +Never yet seemed the power of despots more steady, more sure. Yet, one +month later, every throne on the continent trembled except the Czar's. +The existence of dynasties depended upon the magnanimity of their +people, and Europe was all on fire. + +And in what condition is Europe now? Every man on earth is aware that +things cannot endure as they are. _Formerly millions believed that a +peaceful development of constitutional monarchy was the only future +reserved for Europe. Now nobody on the European continent any longer +believes that constitutional monarchy can have a future there._ +Absolutist reaction goes with all that arrogance which revolts every +sentiment, and infuriates the very child in its mother's arms. The +promise, the word, the oath of a king are become equivalent to a lie and +to perjury. Faith in the morality of kings is plucked out, even to the +last root, from the people's heart. + +The experiment of constitutional concessions was thought dangerous to +the dynasties, as soon as they became aware that the people of Europe is +no imbecile child, that can be lulled to sleep by mockery; but that it +will have reality. Thus the kings on the greater part of the continent, +throwing away the mask of liberal affectations, deceived every +expectation, broke every oath, and embarked with a full gale upon the +open sea of unrestricted despotism. They know that Love they can no +longer get; so we have been told openly, that _they will not have_ +LOVE, _but_ MONEY, to maintain large armies, and keep the world in +servitude. On the other hand, the nations, assailed in their moral +dignity and material welfare, degraded into a flock of sheep kept only +to be shorn--equally with the kings detest the mockery of constitutional +royalty which has proved so ruinous to them. + +Royalty has lost its sacredness in France, Germany, Italy, Austria, and +Hungary. Both parties equally recognize that the time has come when the +struggle of principles must be decided. Absolutism or republicanism--the +Czar or the principles of America--there is no more compromise, no more +truce possible. The two antagonist principles must meet upon the narrow +bridge of a knife-edge, cast across the deep gulf which is ready to +swallow him who falls. It is a struggle for life and death. + +That is the condition of the European continent in general. A great, +terrible, bloody uprising is unavoidable. That is known and felt by +every one. And every sound man knows equally well that the temporary +success of Louis Napoleon's usurpation has only made the terrible crisis +more unavoidable. Ye men of "peace at any price," do not shut your eyes +wilfully to the finger of God pointing to the _mene, tekel, +upharsin_ written with gigantic letters upon the sky of Europe. +Despots never yield to justice; mankind, inspired with the love of +freedom, will not yield up its manhood tamely. Peace is impossible. + +Gentlemen, the success of my mission here may ensure the victory of +freedom; may prevent torrents of martyrs' blood; may weaken the +earthquake of impending war; and restore a solid peace. But be sure, the +certainty of the European struggle does not depend upon your generous +support; nor would my failure here even retard the outbreak of the +hurricane. + +Should we, not meeting here with that support, which your glorious +Republic in its public capacity and your generous citizens in their +private capacity can afford without jeopardizing your own welfare and +your own interest (and assuredly it never came into my mind to desire +more)--should we, meeting with no support here, be crushed again, and +absolutism consolidate its power upon the ruins of murdered nations, I +indeed cannot but believe that it would become a historical reproach of +conscience, lying like an incubus upon the breast of the people of the +United States from generation to generation. I mean, the idea, that had +you not withheld that support which you might have afforded consistently +with your own interest, Hungary perhaps would be a free, flourishing +country, instead of being blotted out from the map; and Europe perhaps +free, and absolutist tyranny swept from the earth. + +You then would in vain shed a tear of compassion over our sad fate, and +mourn over the grave of nations: nor only so; but the victory of +absolutism could not fail to be felt even here in your mighty and +blessed home. You would first feel it in your commercial intercourse, +and ere long you would become inevitably entangled; for as soon as the +Czar had secured the submission of all Europe, he would not look +indifferently upon the development of your power, which is an embodiment +of republican principles. + +I am not _afraid_ to answer the question, as to what are our means +and chances of success--but prudence commands me to be discreet. Still, +some considerations I may suggest. + +The spell of Austria is broken. It is now notorious that the might of +the dynasty, though disciplined, well provided, and supported by deluded +races, which had been roused to the fury of extermination against us--it +is now notorious that all this satanically combined power proved unable +to withstand the force of Hungary, though we were surprized and +unprepared, and had no army and no arms, no ammunition, no money, no +friends, and were secluded and forsaken by the whole world. It was +proved that Austria could not conquer us Magyars, when we were taken +unaware; who can believe that we could not match her now that we are +aware and predetermined? Yes, if unprepared in material resources, we +are yet prepared in self-consciousness and mutual trust; we have learned +by experience what is required for our success. + +In former times Hungary was the strength of Austria. Now, Austria is +weak, _because_ it has occupied Hungary. It was strong by the unity +of its army, the power of which was founded upon the confidence in this +unity. That confidence is broken, since one part of that army raised the +tri-colour flag, and cast to the dust the double-headed eagle, the black +and yellow flag, which was the emblem of the army's unity. + +Formerly the Austrian army believed that it was strong enough to uphold +the throne; now it knows that it is nothing by itself, and rests only +upon the support of the Czar. That spirit-depressing sentiment is so +diffused among the troops, that, only take the reliance upon Russia +away, or make it doubtful whether Russia will interfere or not, and the +Austrian army will disperse and fall asunder almost without any fight; +because it knows that it has its most dangerous enemies within its own +ranks; and is so far from having any cement, that no man, himself +attached to that perjured dynasty, can trust the man beside him in the +ranks, but watches every movement of his arm. In such an army there is +no hope for tyrants. + +The old soldiers feel humiliated by the issue of our struggle. They are +offended by having no share in the reward thrown away on despised court +favourites. The old Croat regiments feel outraged in their national +honour by being deceived in their national expectations. The recruits +brought with them recollections of their bombarded cities and of the +oppression of their families; and in that army are 140,000 Hungarians +who fought under our tri-coloured flag against Austria, and whose +burning feelings of national wrong are inspired by the glorious memory +of their victories. + +Oh, had we had in 1848 such an army of disciplined soldiers as Austria +itself keeps now for us, never had one Cossack trod the soil of Hungary, +and Europe would now be free. Or, let Austria dismiss them, and they +will be disciplined soldiers at home. The trumpet of national +resurrection will reach them wherever they are. + +Hungary has the conviction of her strength. _The formerly hostile +races, all oppressed like us, now feel themselves to have been deceived, +and unite with us._ We have no opposite party in the nation. Some +there are, ambitious men, or some incorrigible aristocrats perhaps: but +these are no party; they always turn towards the sun, and they melt away +like snow in March. + +And besides Hungary, the people in Austria too, in Italy, in Prussia, in +all Germany, is conscious of its strength. Every large city on the +continent has been in the power of the people, and has had to be +regained by bombardings and by martial law. Italy has redeemed its +heroic character, at Milan, Venice, Brescia, and Rome--all of them +immortal pages in Italian history, glorious sources of inspiration, +heroism, and self-conscious strength. And now they know their aim, and +are united in their aim, and burn to show to the world that the spirit +of ancient Rome again rises in them. + +And then to take into consideration the financial part. Without money +there is no war. Now, the nations, when once engaged in the war, will +find means enough for home-support of the war in the rich resources of +their own land; whereas the despots lose the disposal of those resources +by the outbreak of insurrection, and are reduced entirely to foreign +loans, which no emperor of Austria will find again in any new +revolution. + +And, mark well, gentlemen, every friendly step by which your great +republic and its generous people testifies its lively interest for our +just cause, adding to the prospects of success, diminishes the credit of +the despots, and by embarrassing their attempts to find loans, may be of +decisive weight in the issue. + +Though absolutism was much more favourably situated in 1847 than in +1851, it was overtaken by the events of 1848, when, but for the want of +unity and concert, the liberal party must have triumphed everywhere. +That unity and concert is now attained; why should not absolutism in +1852 be as easily shaken as in 1848! + +The liberal cause is stronger everywhere, because conscious of its aim +and prepared. Absolutism has no more bayonets now than in 1848. Without +the interference of Russia our success is not only probable, but is +almost sure. + +And as to Russia--remember, that if at such a crisis she thinks of +subduing Hungary, she has Poland to occupy, Finland to guard, Turkey to +watch, and Circassia to fight. + +Herein is the reason why I confidently state, that if the United States +declare that a new intervention of Russia will be considered by your +glorious republic a violation of the law of nations, that declaration +will be respected, and Russia will not interfere. + +Be pleased to consider the consequence of such renewed interference, +after the passive acceptance of the first has proved so fatal to Europe, +and so dangerous even to England itself. We can scarcely doubt, that, if +ever Russia plans a new invasion, England could not forbear to encourage +Turkey, not to lose again the favourable opportunity to shake off the +preponderance of Russia. I have lived in Turkey. I know what enthusiasm +exists there for that idea, and how popular such a war would be. Turkey +is a match for Russia on the continent. The weak point of Turkey lies in +the nearness of Sevastopol, the Russian harbour and arsenal, to +Constantinople. Well, an English fleet, or an American fleet, or both +joined, stationed at the mouth of the Bosphorus, may easily prevent this +danger without one cannon's shot; and if this be prevented, Turkey alone +is a match for Russia. And Turkey would not stand alone. The brave +Circassians, triumphant through a war of ten years, would send down +80,000 of their unconquerable horsemen to the plains of Moscow. And +Poland would rise, and Sweden would remember Finland and Charles the +XII. With Hungary in the rear, screened by this very circumstance from +her invasion, and Austria fallen to pieces from want of foreign support, +Russia _must_ respect your protest in behalf of international law, +or else she will fall never to rise again. + +Gentlemen, I thank you for the patience with which you have listened to +this exposition--long and tedious, because I had no time to be brief. +And begging leave to assure you of my lasting gratitude for all the +generous favours you have been and will yet be pleased to bestow upon my +cause, let me proclaim my fervent wishes in this sentiment: + +"Pennsylvania, the Keystone State--May it, by its legitimate influence +upon the destinies of this mighty power on earth, and by the substantial +generosity of its citizens, soon become the keystone of European +independence." + +Hon. J. H. Walker, Speaker of the Senate, and several other speakers +followed, all decidedly sympathizing with the Hungarians, and advocating +intervention for non-intervention. + +The speaking continued until after midnight. + + * * * * * + +XXIII.--AGENCIES OF RUSSIAN ASCENDANCY AND SUPREMACY. + +[_Pittsburg Festival, Jan. 26th_.] + +Kossuth was received in the Masonic Hall, which was filled to +overflowing. After an eloquent address to him from the Chairman, A. W. +Loomis, Esq., he replied: + +Sir, The highly interesting instruction which your kindness has afforded +me about that new and wonderful world of the West, in the entrance of +which I now stand, impresses me with a presentiment of unlooked for +events. + +Since I have been in the United States, I have felt as if my guardian +angel whispered, that in _the West_ the hopes of my bleeding +country will be realized. It was an unconscious instinct,--a ray +shooting above the horizon from the yet unseen sun. You, sir, have shown +me the sun itself in full majesty. You have transformed my instinct into +conviction. Here then, upon the threshold of the West, I bow with awe +and joy, as the fireworshipper of old Persia to the source of life and +light. + +It is indeed joyful, sir, as you said, to see politicians, sectarians, +philanthropists of all classes uniting in spontaneous sympathy for a +cause pleaded by a stranger. I recognize in it the bounty of Providence. +I see the truth revealed, that as magnetism pervades the universe, so +there is a sentiment, which, independent of party affections and +bubbling passion, pervades the breast of mankind; and that is, the love +of Freedom, Justice, and Right. The chord of Freedom passes through all +hearts, and whoever touches it, elicits harmony. The harmony is in the +chord, not in him who touches it. There is no skill in the breeze which +sweeps over the Aeolian harp, yet a sweet harmony bursts forth from its +vibrations. The harmony of sympathy which I meet is the most decisive +proof, gentlemen, that the cause which I plead is indeed the cause of +liberty, the love of which gushes up spontaneously in human bosoms. + +Gentlemen, the cause of Hungary, even were it _not_ the cause of +Europe and of all earthly freedom, deserves your sympathy and active +protection. Like other free nations, we were brave. The Austrian dynasty +was perjured and treacherous; and our bravest bled on the scaffold. +Tyrannies are cruel: only the people knows how to be generous in +victory.--Let me rather say, the People _was_ generous: for the +future I hope it will be _just_. I hope this, not because there is +any deep truth in the Irish poet, who sang + + "Revenge on a tyrant is sweetest of all:" + +Not for that reason. But I hope that the oppressed nations will not +again stop half way, and sacrifice their future to untimely generosity; +for they have all paid too cruelly for the lesson, that _with tyrants +there is no faith_. So there must be no dealing with them. + +Yet, Gentlemen, it is not for Hungary's worth, nor for Hungary's +sufferings that I claim protection for her; but because as in _her_ +the law of nations has been strikingly trampled down, so in _her_ +this law must be vindicated. Else, the league of despots will be able to +enforce it as a precedent against all free nations; no law will +henceforth be sure on earth, and oppression will rule the world. + +It is indeed a new doctrine that all despots have a right to interfere +with every attempt of a people to regulate its own institutions; and +that oppression in each separate nation is to be upheld by a foreign +Czar. According to this, freedom and independence are everywhere +proscribed, as inconsistent with the security of absolutism,--to which +every other consideration is to yield. + +I have been indeed astonished to meet the reply, that the cause which I +plead is not worthy of much consideration, "since, after all, it is only +the cause of _one country_!" I have read that the Borgias were wont +to say, that Italy is like the artichoke, which must be eaten leaf by +leaf. Let me tell those, with whom Hungary is but one leaf of the +artichoke, that the despot who is allowed to nibble each leaf +separately, will manage to dispose of the whole. + +My opponents say; I myself confess my cause to be that of one country +only: for in claiming "non-interference," I show my desire to abandon +all other countries but my own to their oppressors! I may be permitted +to ask,--Is there any truth in the world which may not be distorted into +a mockery? + +Russia is the strength of oppression. Her force in the background +emboldens every petty tyrant and makes every oppressed nation despond: +_not_ because she is so very powerful, but because all foresee +distinctly that she will act unshrinkingly in the tyrant's favour so +soon as he needs it. We fought, beat, crushed the Austrian emperor, of +course not without sacrifice. You know that your own brave Duquesne +Greys lost in one action more than half their men. Now, if after a +victory gained at such a price, Russia steps in with a fresh force, well +provided with every means of war, though that force be not such as one +could not resist, it is formidable as a rearguard, falling fresh upon a +nation exhausted with its very victories. Suppose that at the close of +your own Mexican victories, you had to meet a fresh host of 100,000 +well-disciplined men, what would have been the fate of your gallant +army, which entered the city of Montezuma? + +That is the key of Russian preponderance. But consider the consequences +of our defeat. Austria was restored,--_not_ to its independent +position--_that_ is lost forever; but, to the position of a tyrant +at home, obedient to the wink of his master abroad. Relying on the +precedent established by Russia,--Naples, Spain, and degraded France +interfered in ROME. After this, Austria and Prussia quarrelled for +German supremacy, but before they drew the sword, went to the Czar for +permission. The Czar at Warsaw replied: "I forbid you to quarrel. +Reconstruct the German confederacy of 1815 and add to it no +constitutional element. Send your two armies to HESSE CASSEL; crush the +people who there resist by law the Grand Duke's attempt to overthrow the +sworn Constitution. As to SCHLESWIG HOLSTEIN, I want to have it reserved +to Denmark, as a satrapy for my servant and nephew. The German +confederacy having dared to countenance its rebellion, shall be punished +by having to request Austria to send an army against it." So ordered the +Czar, and so it was done. And after it was done, the Czar ordered the +withdrawal of the pageant of a Constitution, which in the hour of need +the Emperor of Austria had promised to his empire. It was withdrawn. +When thus every popular movement was crushed, every shadow of freedom +withdrawn, the scaffolds of Hungary and Italy saturated with blood, the +prisons filled with martyrs, the exiles driven from every asylum in the +European continent, and Germany reduced to a condition worse than when +the Unholy Alliance was at the full tide,--_then_ the Czar wrote an +autograph letter to Louis Napoleon, the perjured President of France, +assuring him of his imperial grace and benevolent support, if he would +strike a deathblow to the French Republic. And Louis Napoleon struck the +blow. + +Such are the results of the overwhelming preponderance of Russia, +imposed upon Europe by its interference in Hungary. Suppose now that I +succeed in my sacred mission,--sacred, because it is the cause of law +and of all the oppressed;--suppose Russian interference checked; then +Hungary will crush the tottering Austrian dynasty: Italy, delivered from +foreign dominion, will sportively dispose of its petty tyrants. The +nation of Austria will become free, and a valuable ingredient in German +liberty. At the result of a glorious struggle in Hungary, burning shame +will mount to the cheek of the French, and Louis Napoleon will be shaken +off. + +Let interference by the combination of despots be checked, let nations +become masters of their own fate,--and rely upon the magic power of your +glorious example. Republican institutions will spread as the light of +the sun. Yes, gentlemen. It is not for _one_ country that I ask +your support. My ground is as broad as the world; for it is the ground +of eternal principles, common to all humanity. No man, on the pretext +that his heart is with some other nation,--German, Italian, Pole, +French; no man, on the pretext that he is a Universal philanthropist, +ought to refuse his sympathies to Hungary; for its cause happens in this +crisis to comprise the rest. If I were a Pole, a German, or an Italian, +egotistically patriotic, I could not serve my country better than by +attacking Russia, the only substantial enemy. + +What would the petty princes of Germany have been in 1848 without +Prussia? and what was Prussia, when her capital was in the hands of the +people, but for the certainty of the Czar's support? What were the petty +despots of Italy without Austria? and what was Austria, when her armies, +driven from the soil of Hungary in a series of pitched battles, were so +demoralized, that nothing but the treacherous disobedience of a general +prevented our brave militia from extinguishing in Vienna and Olmutz the +decrepit absolutism of the Hapsburgs? What hindered _me_ from +afterwards crushing it? The intervention of Russian despotism,--always +the primal cause of evil. + +Absolutism has understood and declared, that its repose is impossible, +whilst a free press and free institutions exist any where. Formerly the +absolutists adhered to the principle of "legitimacy," or, the Divine +right of an hereditary dynasty; and provided this false principle was +respected, they did not object to the development of constitutions which +preserved attachment to monarchies. But now they have thrown away their +own principle of dynastical legitimacy, and have no rule but to oppress +freedom everywhere. Whoever will join them in that work is welcome, +though he be a usurper. Thus it came to pass, that Henry of Bourbon was +rejected by the despots, while Louis Napoleon has received from the Czar +an autograph letter of approval, and from Austria complimentary gifts. +Will the United States remain inactive, while free institutions are +systematically extinguished? Can they look on indifferently, because +seventy years ago it was a wise doctrine, appropriate to their +childhood, not to care about European politics? + +It is publicly reported, that Russia has decided to absorb Turkey; and +means to grant Italy to Austria; Belgium, and the Rhenish provinces to +France; and the rest of Germany to Prussia. The Czar, acting like the +Persian Kings of old when they sent garments of honour to their satraps, +flings in the addition of a few provinces of kingdoms to their +satrapies. + +And oh! Almighty father of humanity! is there no power on earth to stop +this execrable annihilation of human and national rights, of freedom and +independence?--though there is a Republic powerful enough to do so--a +Republic founded upon the very principles which the despotic powers have +put under an inexorable ban! + +Gentlemen, I have dwelt perhaps too long on the condition of Europe; but +it was necessary to show that though there be no Russian eagles, painted +over the public offices in Germany, Italy, France, still the Russian +frontier is really extended to the Atlantic. + +People of free America, beware, ere it be too late! Hurriedly and by +sudden violence, all civil and religious liberty must, for the repose of +absolutism, be trampled out of Europe; and by more deliberate +perpetration, by diplomacy, persuasion, and gold, the way must be +prepared to trample it out elsewhere by ulterior violence. + +And here I claim permission to say something about the most dangerous +power of Russia, its DIPLOMACY. + +It is worthy of consideration that while Russia starves her armies and +underpays her officials, who live by peculation, still, abroad she +devotes greater resources to her diplomacy than any other power has ever +done. + +Acting on the maxim that "men are not influenced by facts, but by +opinions respecting facts"--not by "things as they are," but by "things +as they are believed to be," she finds it easier and cheaper, through a +diplomatic agency, to impress the world with a belief in a strength she +has not, than to try to organize or attain that strength. + +And to come to that aim, Russian diplomacy is not restricted to +diplomatic proceedings. Brilliant saloons of fascinating ladies, as well +as marriages, are equally departments of Russian diplomacy. + +The secret-service money at the disposal of all other diplomatists, is +always limited, and has only been exceptionably used. But every Russian +diplomatist, in whom confidence is reposed, has _unlimited credit_, +and is allowed to disburse any sum to achieve an adequate result. Their +traditional experience teaches them how to attain their point; their +discretion can be relied on, and they understand every possible means of +reaching men directly and indirectly, pulling frequently the strings of +thoroughly unconscious puppets. + +Constantinople is the great workshop of diplomatic skill, worthy of more +close interest than has hitherto been bestowed upon it from +America--because there will be struck the most dreadful blow to the +independence of Europe. In Constantinople, when Russia wishes to turn a +grand vizier out of office, it does not attack him: it praises him +rather, and spreads the rumour of having him in its pay; and it is sure +that foreign influential diplomatists will then turn out for it the +hated grand vizier. When on the other hand a grand vizier is wavering in +his position, and Russia likes him to continue in office, it attacks him +with ostentatious publicity. + +Russia hates not always the man whom it appears to hate, and loves not +always the man whom it appears to love. Russian diplomacy is a +subterraneous power, slippery like a snake, burrowing like the mole; and +when it has to come out in broad daylight, it watches to the left when +it looks to the right. Russia gives instructions never to allow her to +be directly defended by the press. That would lead to discussion and +further exposure. With regard to herself, she wants silence--the silence +of the grave. But her agents devote months of scheming, and any sums +required to attack her opponents, to get up discord, or the appearance +of division amongst them, or to popularize any momentary view which +suits her policy, and she delights in doing so through apparently +hostile and therefore unsuspected agents. + +Thus Russia is powerful by an army held ready as a rearguard to support +needy despots with; powerful by its ascendancy over the European +continent; powerful by having pushed other despots into extremities +where they have lost all independent vitality, and cannot escape +throwing themselves into the iron grasp of the Czar; but above all, +Russia is powerful by its secret diplomacy. Still this Colossus, +gigantic as it appears to be--like to the idol + + "With front of brass but feet of clay," + +may be overturned--easily overturned, from its fragile pedestal, if the +glorious Republic of the United States opposes to it, with resolute +attitude, THE LAW OF NATIONS, and does not abandon principles in favour +of _accomplished_ criminal _facts_. + +The mournful condition of Hungary seems to be pointed out by Providence +to the United States as an opportunity to save mankind from Russia +without any sacrifice at all; whereas if this opportunity be lost--I say +it with the inspiration of prophecy--there are many here in this Hall +who will yet see the day when the United States shall have to wrestle +for life and death with all Europe absorbed by Russia. + +I know where I stand, gentlemen; I know your power and the indomitable, +heroic spirit of your people. It is not with the intention to create +apprehension that I say this: the people of the United States fears +nobody on earth. It may be that Russia, even after having absorbed +Europe, will not dare to attack the United States directly. But it may +be that it will dare even this. Some domestic dissension may come--(no +nation is safe against it)--the passion of particular interest may cause +some momentary discord. Russia will foster it, by its secret diplomacy, +to which nothing is sacred on earth; and when irritation comes to the +pitch, and the ties of affection become for a moment loose, then perhaps +Russia may step in at a moment of interior weakness, from which not the +greatest nations are exempt. Russia will begin by "_divido_," and +will perhaps come to "_impero_." All this may happen; I can say +neither yes nor no; but one thing I am sure of, and that is, that Russia +triumphant in Europe can and will attack you in your most vital +interests, and can hurt you mortally, _without even resorting to +war_. + +Be sure, gentlemen, so soon as Russia has consolidated its undisputed +preponderance, the first step will be to exclude the commerce of America +from Europe by a prohibitory system of custom duties. It will do it; it +must do it. Firstly, because commerce is the convoyer of principles. +That is more sure yet than what a gentleman of New York so eloquently +said,--that "the _steam engine is a democrat_." Absolutism could +not for a single moment rule Europe with security, if Europe remained in +commercial intercourse with republican America. And secondly, Russia +will exclude your trade from Europe, because (and let the great valley +of the West mark it) because your immensely expanding agriculture is the +most dangerous competitor to Russian wheat, or corn, in the markets of +Europe. Either you must be excluded from the trade with Europe, or +Russia cannot find a market for its corn. + +If you ask, _how soon_ is such an exclusion of your produce from +Europe by Russian influence possible? I reply: possibly within a single +year; for within a year, if we cannot recommence the struggle, Russia +may accomplish the partition of Europe. Principles can only be balanced +by principles--absolutism by republican institutions--unrighteous +interference by the law of nations--despotism by civil and religious +liberty. This is the cause which I advocate. It is not the cause of +Hungary alone; it is yours--it is the world's. It has a determination +as absolute and extreme as despotism. + +Hungary would have been too content, if Russia had not interfered, +merely to defend herself against Austria, the immediate instrument of +her oppression. Now the independence of Europe, and the independence of +Hungary with it, can only be secured on the Moskwa, and on the Neva, in +the Kremlin, and in the great Hall of St. George. + +For this purpose, in which you yourselves are so vitally interested, we +do not claim for you to fight our battles for us. Look to the nations of +Europe, groaning under Russia's weight. Look, in the first line to +Sweden, and from Sweden, across Poland to Hungary, and from Hungary to +Turkey, and to brave Circassia. Pronounce in favor of the law of +nations, with the determination which shows that you mean to act, and I +say, Russia _will_ respect your declaration, or else it will have a +war from Sweden down to Turkey and Circassia. So soon as it moves with +160,000 to 200,000 men against Hungary (and with less it could not), all +those nations will be aware that there is the last opportunity afforded +to them by Providence to shake off Russia's yoke, and they will avail +themselves of this opportunity--be sure of it. The momentary fall of +Hungary was too painful a lesson to them. + +But again I am answered, "in case of such a war you will be entangled in +it." To this I say that you will have to fight a war single-handed and +alone, within less than five years against Russia and all Europe, if you +do not take the position which I humbly claim. But if you take this +position, the necessity of this war will be averted from you, and +Russian preponderance will be checked and your protestation respected, +without having to go to war. Because there is another sanction which you +may add to your protestation--a sanction powerful as a threat of war, +and yet no war at all. That sanction will be the declaration of +Congress, that, as the intervention of a foreign power in the domestic +affairs of any nation is a violation of the laws of nations, by the fact +of such intervention your neutrality laws of 1818 are suspended in as +far as the interfering or interference-claiming power is concerned. In +other words, that the citizens of the United States are at liberty to +follow their own inclination in respect to such a foreign power which +violates the laws of nations. + +This sanction would be sufficient, because the enterprizing spirit of +your high-minded people is too well known not to be feared by all the +despots of the world. + +Your laws, which forbid your citizens to partake in an armed expedition +abroad, are founded upon the sentiment, that to a foreign power with +which you are on terms of _amity_ the regards of friendship are +due. But you, without becoming inconsistent with your own fundamental +principles, cannot consider yourself to be in good friendship with a +power which violates the laws of nations: so you may well withdraw the +regards of friendship from it without resorting to war. Between +friendship and hostility there is yet a middle position--that of being +neither friend nor enemy--therefore permitting to every private +individual to act as he pleases. + +Thus the conditional recall of your neutrality laws would enforce the +respect to your protestation without bringing your country into the +moral obligation to maintain your protestation by war. I hope those who +share my principles but hesitate to pronounce on account of the +possibility of a war, will be pleased to consider this humble +suggestion, and will see, that with my principles war will be averted +from the United States, and by opposing my principles the United States +will soon be forced into dangerous difficulties, out of which they +cannot be extricated but by a war, which they will have to fight +single-handed and alone. + +[After this, Kossuth proceeded to speak on _Catholicism;_ but this +subject is treated afterwards more amply in his speech at St. Louis +against the Jesuits.] + + * * * * * + +While Kossuth was addressing his audience at Pittsburg, a special envoy +from Massachusetts arrived, Mr. Erastus Hopkins of Northampton, one of +the Representatives of the State Legislature. At the vote of the +Legislature, the Governor (Jan. 15th) deputed Mr. Hopkins to convey to +Kossuth a solemn public invitation; and at the close of Kossuth's speech +(Jan. 27th) permission was granted by the President of the evening to +allow Mr. Hopkins' credentials to be read; upon which that gentleman +said:-- + +"Mr. President, after the soul-stirring proceedings of this afternoon, I +dare hardly venture to obtrude upon your attention. It was indeed very +far from my expectation, when I came a pilgrim on a toilsome journey at +this inclement season of the year, that I would be enabled to mingle the +congratulations of the citizens of the 'Old Bay State' to Governor +Kossuth with those of the people of Alleghany County. But Sir, my +message, although not addressed to this meeting, is addressed to one, +whom we, in common with you, love, and whom we all delight to honour." + +Turning to Kossuth, Mr. Hopkins then addressed him as follows: + +"Governor Kossuth: I am directed by his Excellency the Governor of +Massachusetts to present to you the accompanying resolve of the +Legislature, inviting you to visit their capital during the present +session. The resolve is _in fact_, no less than in its terms, _in +the name and in behalf of the people of the commonwealth_. + +"Having with this announcement delivered to you the documents entrusted +to my charge, I must be considered as having exhausted my official +functions. Yet, sir, having had the honour of introducing the resolve to +the Legislature of Massachusetts [cheers], and witnessing with pleasure +the unanimous and instant concurrence of her four hundred +representatives [renewed cheers], I will venture to add a few words +beyond the record--only such words, however, as cannot fail to be +consonant with the sentiment and hearts of her people. + +"The people of Massachusetts would have you accept this act of her +constituted authorities as _no unmeaning compliment._ Never, in her +history as an independent State, with one single and illustrious +exception, has Massachusetts tendered such a mark of respect to any +other than the chief magistrates of these United States. And even in the +present instance, much as she admires your patriotism, your eloquence, +your untiring devotedness and zeal,--deeply as she is moved by your +plaintive appeals and supplications in behalf of your native and +oppressed land--greatly as she is amazed by the irrepressible elasticity +with which you rise from under the heel of oppression, with fortitude +increased under sufferings, with assurance growing stronger as the +darkness grows deeper [cheers], still, it is not one or all these +qualities combined that can lead her to swerve from her dignity as an +independent State to the mere worship of man. [Applause.] No! But it is +because she views you as the advocate and representative of certain +great _principles_ which constitute her own vitality as a +State;--because she views you as the representative of human rights and +freedom in another and far distant land,--it is because she views you as +the rightful but exiled Governor of a people, whose past history and +whose recent deeds show them to be worthy of some better future than +that of Russian tyranny and Austrian oppression,--that she seeks to +welcome you to her borders: that she seeks to attest to a gazing world +that to the cause of freedom she is not insensible, and that to the +oppression of tyrants she is not indifferent." + +Mr. Hopkins then proceeded to recount the public glories of +Massachusetts, which he summed up in "Religion, Education, and +Freedom,--a tricolour for the world." He avowed Massachusetts to be "the +birth-place of American liberty;" and stated that her government is +carried on in 322 cities and townships, literally democratic assemblies, +which levy their own taxes, sustain their own schools, police, tribunals +&c., and receive and pay local funds four or five times larger than +those of the State treasury. "The seat of Government," said he, "is a +fiction in Massachusetts, save as it signifies the hearts of the people. +Come to her borders; witness the truth of all and more than I have +uttered; as you shall find it attested by our institutions, by the +plenitude of our hospitality, and by the acclamations of one million +souls." + +Kossuth replied briefly, with thanks and cordial assent. + + * * * * * + +XXIV.--REPLY TO THE PITTSBURG CLERGY. + +[_Jan. 26th_.] + +The substance of his speech is reported as follows:-- + +He said that he received with a thankful heart this testimonial of +respect and welcome from the reverend ministers of the Gospel, whose +hearts and minds were deeply imbued with regard and desire for +_truth_. He had been taught to reverence the Word of God, because +it guaranteed freedom to man; and there was nothing more intimately +associated with the idea of freedom than the right of every mind to +search for truth in its own way--the right of private judgment. +Therefore in receiving the approbation of so reverend and learned a +body, he felt that he received the approbation of religion itself; and +as if an angel voice from heaven had declared to him--"The cause you +plead has found favour before Heaven. You may encounter hostility; you +may be overtaken by calumny; you may endure sufferings, and trials, and +temptations; you may even suffer martyrdom;--but the cause will triumph. +Trust to Him who strengthened the arm of David against the mighty +Goliath; and learn to say in truth: Lord, thy will be done!" When he +thought thus, and felt thus, he was not weak, but strong. The sufferings +and trials which he had endured had strengthened his body, even as the +holy influences of religion had strengthened his soul. He was not left +as the fragile flower, that remained bowed and bent before the blast; +for he could now look forward with more of hope and of trust for the +future of his own beloved land, when he heard such glorious truths so +warmly proclaimed; and when he saw such evidences of real sympathy for +the cause of Hungary. They spoke of the Protestant Church. He claimed no +merit on account of his belief; but he, too, was a Protestant--not by +education merely, but from his own studied convictions. He could believe +nothing merely because he might be commanded to do so; but solely as the +result of his own convictions. Truth is as uncorruptible and +imperishable as God himself; and He will spread it throughout all the +world. But the triumph of truth cannot be achieved by persecution, +opposition, or political oppression. This glorious principle can only be +triumphant when the nations of the earth shall become free from +oppression; because it is only under the protection of free +institutions--a free press, free controversy, freedom of speech, and +free popular education,--where it is your privilege to preach and that +of the neighbour to hear,--that the political independence of a people +can be preserved. Oppression is everywhere accompanied by the +demoralization of the masses, and their adoption of infidelity or +fanaticism; while under the teachings of freedom religion becomes a +growth of the soul. + +He would urge them to go on and support that cause which they believed +to be sanctified by truth. It has been said that true religion can never +cease to be republican. If this be true, he would ask what could more +promote the glorious cause, than the influence of the United States +exerted among the nations of the world, toward the general +acknowledgment of that doctrine among nations which is laid down for the +government of men,--"What ye would that men should do unto you, do ye +even so to them." This fundamental truth should be declared a part of +the international law of the world; and the Gospel would then become the +bulwark of liberty to all mankind. Thus we may see that the triumph of +genuine liberty can best be secured by recognizing religion as the true +basis of the law of nations. He who shall be instrumental in +incorporating this grand doctrine among those laws, will be equal, or +perhaps superior to, a Luther, or a Melancthon, a Calvin, or a Huss, a +Cranmer, or any other of the world's greatest reformers. The people of +this republic have all this within their grasp; and he hoped the +Almighty would hasten the day when it shall be done. He had often heard +that the people of this country loved to be called a great people, and +he had many times heard them called a great people. To _be_ a great +people, however, the people of this country must really _act_ as a +great people. He urged upon the ministers of the Gospel that they should +warn their flocks against the horrid doctrines of _Materialism_. +Nothing is more hostile to national greatness than when the poor see the +rich governed only by pecuniary considerations--leaving nothing for the +mind and the soul, or undervaluing virtue and talents. He thankfully +acknowledged the deep solemnity of his feelings, when for his humble +self, such solemn manifestations were observed; and while commending his +bleeding country to their love, he could only refer them to the +Saviour's words as the guide for their prayers and their watchfulness. + + * * * * * + +XXV.--HUNGARIAN LOAN. + +[_Melodeum, Cleveland_.] + +Kossuth having been presented at the Melodeum to the Mayor, was publicly +addressed by Mr. Starkweather in a highly energetic speech, which ended +by saluting him as "rightful Governor of Hungary." + +Kossuth replied:-- + +Sir, if I am not mistaken it is now the 156th time [since I entered +America], I am sure that it is the 34th time since I left Washington on +the 12th of January,--that I have had the honour to address an American +audience in that tongue which I learned from Shakespeare, while confined +in an Austrian prison for having dared to claim the right of a free +press, which now, like the hundred-handed Briareus of old, pours my +words by thousands of channels into the hearts of millions of freemen, +who comprize in their national capacity a mighty Republic, destined to +enforce the Law of Nations, upon which rests the deliverance of the +world from an overwhelming despotism. + +The press is nobly recompensing me. The ways of Providence are +wonderful! + +May the free press never forget its living principle, "Justice and +Truth." May it always be watchful with its thousand eyes, that the +secret craft of diplomacy may never succeed to degrade one organ of the +American press into an unconscious Russian tool, acted on by blind +animosity or by exclusive predilections. + +Sir--after having spoken so often, and so much; and the free press +having conveyed my principles, my arguments, and my prayers, in almost +every homestead of this great Republic; I may be well permitted to +believe, that the stage of speaking is passed, and the stage of +practical action has come. + +Almost every packet brings such news of absolutist reaction in Europe, +and almost every new step of the despotic powers is accompanied by such +incidents, that it were indeed unpardonable neglect, if, when Providence +has placed so much influence in my hands by the confidence of nations +bestowed upon me, I should not use all possible energy to circumvent the +influence of evil, to combine the efforts of the good, to check the +plots of vile, and the waywardness of erring or weak characters--often +the unconscious tools of the vile, to direct the action of inconsiderate +friends, and above all, to accomplish those preparations which are +indispensable to meet the exigencies of the future--in short, to attain +that crisis, at which I humbly claim protection for principles from the +people of the United States, in their public capacity, and substantial +aid from their private generosity. + +You of course are aware that all these things together present a vast +field, for which every moment of my time would scarcely suffice. + +Often am I asked, what are the instrumentalities for this my activity? +But this question cannot be answered publicly, as I am quite unwilling +to let the enemy learn my secrets. + +However, so much I may state, that it is not without a definite aim and +clear hope that I devote all that yet remains in me of energy and +strength. If I did not hope,--if under certain conditions I had not an +assurance of success,--I would prefer tranquillity to action, though it +were the tranquillity of the grave. + +There are _two_ modes in which free nations may aid the cause of +European Independence,--namely, _politically_ and _privately_. +As to the first, I avow with intense gratitude that the great National +Jury, the PEOPLE, gave and gives incessantly its favourable verdict. +Your State Legislature is pronouncing its vote, and the cause is moved +before the High Court of your national Congress. + +In regard to aid by _private funds_ I rejoice to see local +associations clustering round the central one of Northern Ohio, in +Cleveland; but I desire that such efforts may not be delayed until I +come in person: for I can possibly come only to a few. + +Already in New York I started the idea of a National Hungarian Loan, in +shares of one, five and ten dollars, with the facsimile of my signature, +and of larger shares of fifty and of a hundred dollars with my +autograph. I prepared the smaller shares for generous men, who are not +rich, yet desire to help the great cause of Freedom. It is a noble +privilege of the richer to do greater good. But remember, it is not a +gift, it is a loan: for either Freedom has no name on earth, or Hungary +has a future yet; and let Hungary be once again independent, and she has +ample resources to pay that small loan, if the people of the United +States, remembering the aid received in their own dark hour, vouchsafe +to me such a loan. + +Hungary has no public debt, it has fifteen millions of population, a +territory of more than one hundred thousand square English miles, +abundant in the greatest variety of nature's blessings, if the doom of +oppression be taken from it. The State of Hungary has public landed +property administered badly, worth more than a hundred millions of +dollars, even at the low price, at which it was already an established +principle of my administration to sell it in small shares to suit the +poorer classes. + +Hungary has rich mines of gold, silver, copper, quicksilver, antimony, +iron, sulphur, nickel, opal, and other mines. Hungary has the richest +salt mines in the world--where the extraction of one hundred weight of +the purest stone salt, amounts to but little more than one shilling of +your money--and though that is sold by the government at the price of +two to three and a half dollars, and thus the consumption is of course +very restricted, this still yields a net revenue of five millions of +dollars a year--to the Government--but no! there is not government, it +is usurpation now! sucking out the lifeblood of the people, crushing the +spirit of freedom by soldiers, hangmen, policemen, and harassing the +people in its domestic life and the sanctuary of its family with +oppression worse than a free American can conceive. + +You see by this, gentlemen, that when Hungary is once free--and free it +will be--she has ample resources to repay your generous loan within a +year without any taxation of the people itself; and pay it well, because +every shilling of your generous aid will faithfully be employed for its +restoration to freedom and independence. I may point to my whole life as +a guarantee to that purpose. I had millions at my disposal, entrusted to +me by my people's confidence, and here I stand penniless and poor, not +knowing what my children will eat to-morrow, if I die to-day; and I am +proud that I am poor, and I pledge my honour to you, that every shilling +of what your generosity gives for Hungary will be employed for Hungary's +benefit. In fact, as I have provided for the contingency of anything +befalling me, so also I am ready, if it be your people's will, to admit +any control, consistent with the necessary conditions of success. + +[After this, Kossuth proceeded to speak on the aspect of republicanism +towards Catholicism and the fortunes of Ireland; a subject more fully +treated in other speeches.] + + * * * * * + +ADDRESS TO KOSSUTH FROM THE STATE COMMITTEE OF OHIO. + +Governor Kossuth:--As Chairman of the Committee appointed for that +purpose by a resolution of the General Assembly of the State of Ohio, I +have the honour to tender to you, in the name and in behalf of the +State, a cordial welcome to the capital. + +We proffer this greeting as a small tribute of that admiration which +your courage, your integrity, and above all, your self-denying devotion +to the cause of Hungarian freedom has roused in our breasts. + +Wonder not, sir, at the enthusiasm which your presence excites in a +people who cherish, with fond recollection and reverence, the smallest +relic of that time, when liberty wrestled with oppression in America, +and who hail the anniversaries of her triumphs with such grateful +remembrance of those brave and patriotic men who wrought out our full +measure of national happiness. + +In you we behold a living embodiment of those great principles which we +cherish with such tender affection. + +You are the realization of that virtue, that courage, that civil and +military genius, which sheds such lustre on our early history. + +You call to mind more freshly than poetic or historic page, song, or +speaking canvass, that glorious record which was graven more than two +centuries ago by the first exiles from European oppression upon the +granite rocks of New England,--_"Resistance to tyrants is obedience to +God."_ + +Our affection is warmed by the lively interest which we feel in the +spread of this cardinal principle, and the fitness for its championship +which you have evinced, revealing constantly a resemblance to that +immortal man, the impress of whose greatness you behold on every side. + +When Liberty, scourged from the old, sought out a new world wherein to +raise her sacred temple, it was to his master hand she confided the +noble work. + +Had he been less great, that glorious shrine might never have been +beaconed in the sky, or at least its proportions might have been uncouth +and insecure. + +Now therefore, since liberty has secured the manifold blessings that +flow from human equality, and proudly flung back the taunts of tyrants, +it is a joyous reflection to the children of this her first home, that +she has at length found a man in foreign lands fitly gifted to +appreciate those blessings, industrious to search out and follow the +path by which they were attained, and virtuous to take no selfish +advantage from the thanksgiving that her mission will arouse. + +Sir, it is a splendid characteristic of our national government, that +Ohioans are as keenly touched by the history of your wrongs as the +borders of the Atlantic States. + +Yes, sir, the hearts of two millions of freemen at the centre of our +country's population leap fast at the shrieks of freedom in every clime, +believing in no cold, unbrother-like law of distance; and, sir, we yield +to no State in the sincerity with which the following resolution was +adopted: + +Resolved,--That we declare the Russian past intervention in the affairs +of Hungary a violation of the law of nations, which, if repeated, would +not be regarded indifferently by the people of the State of Ohio. + +In conclusion, sir, I present to you a copy of the resolutions of the +General Assembly, and again welcome you to the valley of the West, +trusting that the warmth of your reception in Ohio is but an earnest of +that glorious sympathy which will spring in your path should you go +still farther westward in your holy mission. + + * * * * * + +XXVI.--PANEGYRIC OF OHIO. + +[_Speech at his Reception at Columbus, Feb. 5th_.] + +Kossuth was conducted by Governor Wood to the place fitted up for his +reception, and was there addressed by the Hon. Samuel Galloway in an +ample and glowing speech, which opened by assuring him that the +enthusiasm which he now witnessed was no new creation; inasmuch as, more +than two years before, the General Assembly of the State had resolved +that Congress be requested to interpose for Kossuth's deliverance from +captivity. + +Kossuth replied:-- + +Sir, I thank you for the information of what I owe to Ohio. I stood upon +the ruins of vanquished greatness in Asia, where tidings from young +America are so seldom heard that indeed I was not acquainted with the +fact. Still, I loved Ohio before I knew what I had yet to hear. Now I +will love her with the affection and tenderness of a child, knowing what +part she took in my restoration to liberty and life. + +Sir, permit me to decline those praises which you have been pleased to +bestow on me personally. I know of no _merit_--I know only the word +_duty_, and you are acquainted with the beautiful lines of the +Irish poet-- + + "Far dearer the grave or the prison, + Illumed by a patriot's name, + Than the glories of all who have risen, + On liberty's ruins, to fame." + + +I was glad to hear that you are familiar with the history of our +struggles, and of our achievements, and of our aims. This dispenses me +from speaking much,--and that is a great benefit to me, because indeed I +have spoken very much. + +Sir, entering the young state of Ohio--though my mind is constantly +filled with homeward thoughts and homeward sorrows, still my sorrows +relax while I look around me in astonishment, and rub my eyes to +ascertain that it is not the magic of a dream, which makes your bold, +mighty, and flourishing commonwealth rich with all the marks of +civilization and of life, here, where almost yesterday was nothing but a +vast wilderness, silent and dumb like the elements of the world on +creation's eve. And here I stand in Columbus, which, though ten years +younger than I am, is still the capital of that mighty commonwealth, +which--again in its turn,--ten years before I was born, nursed but three +thousand daring men, scattered over the vast wilderness, fighting for +their lives with scalping Indians; but now numbers two millions of happy +freemen, who, generous because free, are conscious of their power, and +weigh mightily in the scale of mankind's destiny. + +How wonderful that an exile from a distant European nation of Asiatic +origin, which, amidst the raging waves of centuries that swept away +empires, stood for a thousand years like a rock, and protected +Christendom and civilization against barbarism--how wonderful that the +exiled governor of that nation was destined to come to this land, where +a mighty nation has grown up, as it were, over night, out of the very +earth, and found this nation protecting the rights of humanity, when +offended in his person,--found that youthful nation ready to stretch its +powerful arm across the Atlantic to protect all Hungary against +oppression,--found her pouring the balm of her sympathy into the +bleeding wounds of Hungary, that, regenerated by the faithful spirit of +America, she may rise once more independent and free, a breakwater to +the flood of Russian ambition, which oppresses Europe and threatens the +world. + +Citizens of Columbus--the namesake of your city, when he discovered +America, little thought that by his discovery he would liberate the Old +World.--And those exiles of the Old World, who sixty-four years ago, +first settled within the limits of Ohio, at Marietta, little thought +that the first generation which would leap into their steps, would make +despots tremble and oppressed nations rise. And yet, thus it will be. +The mighty outburst of popular feeling which it is my wonderful lot to +witness, is a revelation of that future too clear not to be understood. +The Eagle of America flaps its wings; the Stars of America illumine +Europe's night; and the Star-spangled banner, taking under its +protection the Hungarian flag, fluttering loftily and proudly, tells the +tyrants of the world that the right of freedom must sway, and not the +whim of despots but the Law of Nations must rule. + +Gentlemen, I may not speak longer. [Cries of _go on!_] Yes, +gentlemen, but I am ill, and worn out. Give me your lungs, and then I +will go on. + +Citizens, your young and thriving city is conspicuous by its character +of benevolence. There is scarcely a natural human affliction for which +your young city has not an asylum of benevolence. To-day you have risen +in that benevolence from alleviating private affliction to consoling +oppressed nations. Be blessed for it. I came to the shores of your +country pleading the restoration of the law of nations to its due sway, +and as I went on pleading, I met flowers of sympathy. Since I am in +Ohio I meet fruits; and as I go on thankfully gathering the fruits, new +flowers arise, still promising more and more beautiful fruits. That is +the character of Ohio--and you are the capital of Ohio. + +If I am not mistaken, the birth of your city was the year of the trial +of war, by which your nation proved to the world that there is no power +on earth that can dare any more to touch your lofty building of +Independence. The glory of your eastern sister States is, to have +conquered that independence for you. Let it be your glory to have cast +your mighty weight into the scale, that the law of nations, guarded and +protected by you, may afford to every oppressed nation that "fair play" +which America had when it struggled for independence. + +Gentlemen, I am tired out. You must generously excuse me, when I +conclude by humbly recommending my poor country's future to your +generosity. + + * * * * * + +XXVII.--DEMOCRACY THE SPIRIT OF THE AGE. + +[_Reception by the two Houses of Legislature of Ohio_.] + +Kossuth, attended by the Joint Committee, was then introduced, and +addressed by the President of the Senate, Hon. Wm. Medill, as follows: + +Governor Kossuth: On learning that you were about to visit the Western +portion of our country, the General Assembly of this State adopted the +following preamble and resolutions:-- + +Whereas, Louis Kossuth, Governor of Hungary, has endeared himself to the +people of Ohio by his great military and greater civic services rendered +to the cause of Liberty; by the transcendent power and eloquence with +which he has vindicated the right of every nation to determine for +itself its own form of government, by the perils he has encountered and +the suffering he has endured to achieve the freedom of his native +country: therefore, in the name, and on behalf of the people, + +_Be it resolved by the General Assembly of the State of Ohio_, That +the war in which Hungary was lately seemingly overcome, was a struggle +in behalf of the great principles which underlie the structure of our +government, vindicated by the bloody battles of eight years, and that we +cannot be indifferent to their fate, whatever be the arena in which the +struggle for their vitality goes on. + +_Resolved_, That an attack in any form upon them is implicitly an +attack upon us, an armed intervention against them, is in effect an +insult to us; that any narrowing of the sway of these principles is a +most dangerous weakening of our own influence and power; and that all +such combinations of kings against people should be regarded by us now +as they were in 1776, and so far as circumstances will admit, the +parallel should and will be so treated. + +_Resolved_, That we are proud to recognize in Louis Kossuth +constitutional Governor of Hungary, the heroic personification of these +great principles, and that as such, and in token and pledge of our +profound sympathy with him, and the high cause he so nobly represents, +we tender to him, in behalf of two millions of freemen, a hearty welcome +to the capital of the State of Ohio. + +_Resolved_, That we declare the Russian past intervention in the +affairs of Hungary, a violation of the laws of nations which, if +repeated, would not be regarded indifferently by the people of the State +of Ohio. + +_Resolved_, That a joint committee of three on the part of the +Senate, and five on the part of the House of Representatives, be +appointed to tender Governor Kossuth, in the name and on behalf of the +people of Ohio, a public reception by their General Assembly, now in the +session of the capital of the State. + +This preamble, and these resolutions, set forth the views and sentiments +of the people of Ohio in a far more forcible, authoritative, and +enduring form, than can possibly be done by any declaration or +expression of mine. In no part of the United States has your course been +more warmly approved or your great talents, persevering energy, and +devoted patriotism, more universally admired. This, sir, is sufficiently +evinced in the cordial and heartfelt welcome that has everywhere awaited +you, since your entrance into the State. + +Free and independent themselves, the people of Ohio can not look with +indifference on the great contest in which you are engaged. The history +of that fearful struggle which resulted in the achievement of their own +independence is still fresh in their recollection. Always on the side of +the oppressed, no cold or calculating policy can suppress or control +their sympathies. + +The cause of Hungary, which you so eloquently plead, and which it is +your high and sacred mission to maintain, is the cause of freedom in +every quarter of the world. The principles involved in that cause, form +the basis of our own institutions, the source of our present prosperity +and greatness, and the foundation of all our hopes and anticipations of +the future. + +It would be strange, indeed, if a cause so pure and holy, or a champion +so gifted, should fail to command the highest regard and admiration of +freemen. + +In the name, then, and on behalf of the General Assembly of Ohio, I bid +you welcome to our midst. + +I welcome you, sir, to the capital of a great and flourishing +commonwealth--to its halls of legislation, which, in your own +fatherland, were the scenes of some of your proudest triumphs, and to +the hearts of a free, generous, and sympathizing people. + + +KOSSUTH'S REPLY. + +Mr. President--The General Assembly of Ohio, having magnanimously +bestowed upon me the high honour of this national welcome, it is with +profound veneration that I beg leave to express my fervent gratitude for +it. + +Were even no principles for the future connected with the honour which I +now enjoy, still the past would be memorable as history, and not fail to +have a beneficial influence, continuously to develop the Spirit of the +Age. Almost every century has had one predominant idea, which imparted a +common direction to the activity of nations. This predominant idea is +the Spirit of the Age, invisible yet omnipresent; impregnable, +all-pervading; scorned, abused, opposed, and yet omnipotent. + +The spirit of our age is Democracy. All _for_ the people and all +_by_ the people. Nothing _about_ the people _without_ the +people. That is Democracy, and that is the ruling tendency of the spirit +of our age. + +To this spirit is opposed the principle of Despotism, claiming +sovereignty over mankind, and degrading nations from the position of a +self-conscious, self-consistent aim, to the condition of tools +subservient to the authority of ambition. + +One of these principles will and must prevail. So far as one +civilization prevails, the destiny of mankind is linked to a common +source of principles, and within the boundaries of a common +civilization community of destinies exists. Hence the warm interest which +the condition of distant nations awakes now-a-days in a manner not yet +recorded in history because humanity never was yet aware of that common +tie as it now is. With this consciousness thus developed, two opposite +principles cannot rule within the same boundaries--Democracy and +Despotism. + +In the conflict of these two hostile principles, until now it was not +Right, not Justice, but only Success which met approbation and applause. +Unsuccessful patriotism was stigmatized with the name of crime. +Revolution not crowned by success was styled Anarchy and Revolt, and +the vanquished patriot being dragged to the gallows by victorious +despotism, men did not consider _why_ he died on the gallows; but +the fact itself, that _there_ he died, imparted a stain to his +name. + +And though impartial history, now and then, casts the halo of a martyr +over an unsuccessful patriot's grave, yet even this was not always sure. +Tyrants have often perverted history by adulation or by fear. But +whatever that late verdict might have been; for him who dared to +struggle against despotism at the time when he struggled in vain, there +was no honour on earth.--Victorious tyranny marked the front of virtue +with the brand of a criminal. + +Even when an existing "authority" was mere violence worse than that of a +pirate, to have opposed it unsuccessfully was sufficient to ensure the +disapproval of all who held any authority. The People indeed never +failed to console the outcast by its sympathy, but Authority felt no +such sympathy, and rather regarded this very sympathy as a dangerous +symptom of anarchy. + +When the idea of justice is thus perverted--when virtue is thus deprived +of its fair renown, and honour is thus attacked--when success like that +of Louis Napoleon's is gained through connivance--all this becomes an +immeasurable obstacle to the freedom of nations, which never yet was +achieved but by a struggle,--a struggle, which success raised to the +honour of a glorious revolution, but failure lowered to the reputation +of a criminal outbreak. + +Mr. President, I feel proud at the accident, that in my person public +honours have been restored to that on which alone they ought to be +bestowed--righteousness and a just cause; whereas, until now, honours +were lavished only upon success. I consider this as a highly important +_fact_, which cannot fail to encourage the resolution of devoted +patriots, who, though not afraid of death, may be excused for recoiling +before humiliation. + +Senators, Representatives of Ohio, I thank you for it in the name of all +who may yet suffer for having done the duty of a patriot. You may yet +see many a man, who, out of your approbation, will draw encouragement to +noble deeds; for there are many on earth ready to meet misfortune for a +noble aim, but not so many ready to meet humiliation and indignity. +Besides, in honouring me, you have approved what my nation has done. You +have honoured all Hungary by it, and I pledge my word to you that we +will yet do what you have approved. The approbation of our conscience we +have--the sympathy of your generous people has met us--and it is no +idle thing, that sympathy of the people of Ohio--it weighs as the +sovereign will of two millions of freemen. You have added to it the +sanction of your authority. Your people's sympathy you have framed into +a law, sacred and sure in its consequences, on which humanity may rely. + +But, sir, high though be the value of this noble approbation, it becomes +an invaluable benefit to humanity by these resolutions by which the +General Assembly of Ohio, acknowledging the justice of those principles +which it is my mission to plead in my injured country's name, declares +that the mighty and flourishing commonwealth of Ohio is resolved to +resist the eternal laws of nations to their due sway, too long contemned +by arbitrary power. + +It was indeed a sorrowful sight to see how nations bled, and how freedom +withered in the iron grasp of despotisms, leagued for universal +oppression of humanity. It was a sorrowful sight to see that there was +no power on earth ready to maintain those eternal laws, without which +there is no security for any nation on earth. It was a sorrowful sight +to see all nations isolating themselves in defence, while despots +leagued in offence. + +The view has changed. A bright lustre is spreading over the dark sky of +humanity. The glorious galaxy of the United States rises upon oppressed +nations, and the bloody star of despotism fading at your very +declaration, will soon vanish from the sky like a meteor. + +Legislators of Ohio, it may be flattering to ambitious vanity to act the +part of an execrated conqueror, but it is a glory unparalleled in +history to protect rights and freedom on earth. The time draws near, +when, by virtue of such a declaration as yours, shared by your sister +States, Europe's liberated nations will unite in a mighty choir of +Hallelujahs, thanking God that his paternal cares have raised the United +States to the glorious position of a first-born son of freedom on +earth. + +Washington prophesied, that within twenty years the Republic of the +United States would be strong enough to defy any power on earth _in a +just cause_. The State of Ohio was not yet born when the wisest of +men and purest of patriots uttered that prophecy; and God the Almighty +has made the prophecy true, by annexing, in a prodigiously short period, +more stars to the proud constellation of your Republic, and increasing +the lustre of every star more powerfully, than Washington could have +anticipated in the brightest moments of his patriotic hopes. + +Rejoice, O my nation, in thy very woes! Wipe off all thy tears, and +smile amidst thy tortures, like the Dutch hero, De Wytt. There is a +Providence which rules. Thou wast, O my nation, often the martyr, who by +thy blood didst redeem the Christian nations on earth. Even thy present +nameless woes are providential. They were necessary, that the +star-spangled banner of America should rise over a new Sinai--the +Mountain of Law for all nations. Thy sufferings were necessary, that the +people of the United States, powerful by their freedom and free by the +principle of national independence, that common right of all humanity, +should stand up, a new Moses upon the new Sinai, and shout out with the +thundering voice of its twenty-five millions--"Hear, ye despots of the +world, henceforward this shall be law, in the name of the Lord your God +and our God. + +Ye shall not kill nations. + +Ye shall not steal their freedom. + +And ye shall not covet what is your neighbour's." + +Ohio has given its vote by the resolutions I had the honour to hear. It +is the vote of two millions, and it will have its constitutional weight +in the councils of Washington City, where the delegates of the people's +sovereignty find their glory in doing the people's will. + +Sir, it will be a day of consolation and joy in Hungary, when my +bleeding nation reads these resolutions, which I will send to her. They +will flash over the gloomy land; and my nation, unbroken in courage, +steady in resolution, and firm in confidence, will draw still more +courage, more resolution from them, because it is well aware that the +legislature of Ohio would never pledge a word to which the people of +Ohio will not be true in case of need. + +Sir, I regret that my illness has disabled me to express my fervent +thanks in a manner more becoming to this Assembly's dignity. I beg to be +excused for it; and humbly beg you to believe, that my nation for ever, +and I for all my life, will cherish the memory of this benefit. + + * * * * * + +XXVIII.--THE MISERIES AND THE STRENGTH OF HUNGARY. + +[_Columbus, Feb. 7th, to the Association of Friends of Hungary_.] + +On Feb. 7th was held the first regular meeting of the Ohio Association +of the Friends of Hungary, in the City Hall of Columbus. Governor Wood +addressed the Association, as its President; and in the course of his +speech said:-- + +This is a cause in which the people of the United States feel much +interest. Much has been said on the doctrine of intervention and +non-intervention. There was a time when if I ventured to speak a word on +any question in this State it was received with authority. The opinions +I now express have been formed with the same deliberation as those I +expressed with authority in another capacity. There has seemed to be a +combined effort on the part of despots in Europe to put down free +institutions. It is the duty of freemen to oppose this effort--to resist +the principle that every civic community has not a right to regulate its +own affairs. Whenever one nation interferes with the internal concerns +of another, it is a direct insult to all other nations. + +There is a combined effort in Continental Europe to overthrow all free +and liberal institutions. This accomplished, what next?--The efforts of +tyrants will be directed to our institutions. It will be their aim to +break us down. Must not we prevent this event--_peaceably if we +can--forcibly if we must?_ No power will prevail with tyrants and +usurpers but the power of gunpowder or steel. + +Kossuth in reply, turning to Governor Wood, said: Before addressing the +assembly, I humbly entreat your excellency to permit me to express, out +of the very heart of my heart, my gratitude and fervent thanks for those +lofty, generous principles which you have been pleased now to pronounce. +I know those principles would have immense value even if they were only +an individual opinion; but when they are expressed by him who is the +elect of the people of Ohio, they doubly, manifoldly increase in weight. + +The restoration of Hungary to its national independence is my aim, to +which I the more cheerfully devote my life, because I know that my +nation, once master of its own destiny, can make no other choice, in the +regulation of its institutions and of its government, than that of a +Republic founded upon democracy and the great principle of municipal +self-government, without which, as opposed to centralization, there is +no practical freedom possible. + +Other nations enjoying a comparatively tolerable condition under their +existing governments--though aware of their imperfections, may shrink +from a revolution of which they cannot anticipate the issue, while they +know that in every case it is attended with great sacrifices and great +sufferings for the generation which undertakes the hazard of the change. +But that is not the condition of Hungary. My poor native land is in such +a condition that all the horrors of a revolution, when without the hopes +of happiness to be gained by it, are preferable to what it lives to +endure now. The very life on a bloody battle-field, where every +whistling musket-ball may bring death--affords more security, more ease, +and is less alarming than that life which the people of Hungary has to +suffer now. We have seen many a sorrowful day in our past, We have been +by our geographical position, destined as the breakwater against every +great misfortune, which in former centuries rushed over Europe from the +East. It is not only the Turks, when they were yet a dangerous, +conquering race, which my nation had to stay, by wading to the very lips +in its own heroic blood. No. The still more terrible invasion of Batu +Khan's (the Mongol) raging millions, poured down over Europe from the +Steppes of Tartary,--who came not to conquer but to destroy, and +therefore spared not nature, not men, not the child in its mother's +womb. It was Hungary which had to stay its flood from devouring the rest +of Europe. Nevertheless, all which Hungary has ever suffered is far +less than it has to suffer now from the tyrant of Austria, himself in +his turn nothing but the slave of ambitious Russia. + +Oh! it is a fair, beautiful land, my beloved country, rich in nature's +blessings as perhaps no land is rich on earth. When the spring has +strewn its blossoms over it, it looks as the garden of Eden may have +looked, and when the summer ripens nature's ocean of crops over its +hills and plains, it looks like a table dressed for mankind by the Lord +himself; and still it was here in Columbus that I read the news that a +terrible dearth, that famine is spreading over the rich and fertile +land. How should it not? Where life-draining oppression weighs so +heavily, that the landowner offers the use of all his lands to the +government, merely to get free from the taxation--where the vintager +cuts down his vineyards and the gardener his orchard, and the farmer +burns his tobacco seed to be rid of the duties, and their +vexations--there of course must dearth prevail, and famine raise its +hideous head. Yet the tyrant adds calumny to oppression, by attributing +the dearth to a want of industry, after having created it by oppression. +There exists no personal security of property. Nor is the verdict "not +guilty," when pronounced by an Austrian court, sufficient to ensure +security against prison, nay, against death by the executioner--through +a new trial ordered to find a man guilty at any price. Poor Louis +Bathyanyi was thus treated. Even now persecution is going on--hundreds +are arrested secretly and sent to prison and their property confiscated, +though they were already acquitted by the very Haynaus. _Even to whisper +that a man or woman was arrested in the night is considered a crime_, +and punished by prison, or if the whisperer be a young man, by sending him +to the army, there to taste, when he dares to frown, the corporal's +stick. _No man knows what is forbidden, what not_, because there +exists no law but the arbitrary will of martial courts--no protecting +institution--no public life--free speech forbidden--the press +fettered--complaint a crime,--When we consider all this, indeed it is +not possible not to arrive at the conviction, that, come what may, a new +war of revolution in Hungary is not a matter of choice, but a matter of +unavoidable necessity, because all that may come is not by far so +terrible as that which is! + +But I am often asked,--"What hope has Hungary should she rise again?" +Pardon me, gentlemen, for saying, that I cannot forbear to be surprized +as often as I hear this question. Why! The Emperor of Austria, fresh +with his bloody victories over Italy, Vienna, Lemberg, Prague, attacked +us in the fulness of his power, when we had no expectation, and were +least in the world prepared to meet it. We were assaulted on several +sides; our fortresses were in the hands of traitors, we had as yet no +army at all. We were secluded from all the world--forsaken by all the +world--without money--without arms--without ammunition--without +friends--having nothing for us but the justice of our cause and the +people burning with patriotism--men who went to the battlefield almost +without knowing how to cock their guns; but still, within less than six +months, we beat all the force of Austria,--we crushed it to the dust, +and in despair, the proud tyrant fled to the feet of the Czar, begging +his assistance for his sacrilegious purpose, and paying him by the +sacrifice of honour, independence, and all his future! + +In contemplating these facts, who can doubt that we are now a match for +Austria. Then we had no army--now we have 120,000 brave Magyars, who +fought for freedom and motherland, enlisted in the ranks of Austria, +forming their weakness and our strength. Then hostile nations were +opposed to us, now they are friendly, and are with us. Then no +combination existed between the oppressed nations--now the combination +exists. Then our oppressor took his own time to strike--when he was best +and we were worst prepared:--now we will take our time and strike the +blow when it is best for us and worst for him. In a word, then every +chance was against us, and we almost in a condition that the stoutest +hearts faltered; and we only took up the gauntlet because our very soul +revolted against the boundless treachery;--now every chance is for us, +and it is the native which throws the gauntlet into the tyrant's face. +Our very misfortune ensures our success--because then we had some +something to lose, now we have nothing. We can only gain--for I defy +the sophistry of despotism to invent anything of public or private +oppression which is not already inflicted upon us. + +But I was upon the question of success.--When I moot that +question--upon what reposes the success of Hungary, it always occurs to +my mind that the last Administration of the United States sent a +gentleman over to Europe during the Hungarian struggle, _not_ with +orders to recognize the independence of Hungary, but just to look to +what chance of success we had. Now, suppose that the United States, +taking into consideration the right of every nation to dispose of +itself, and true to that policy which it has always followed to take +established facts as they are, and not to investigate what chances there +might or might not be for the future, but always recognize every new +Government everywhere--suppose that it had sent that gentleman with +such an instruction to Hungary: what would have been the consequence? If +the government of Hungary which existed then and indeed existed very +actively, for it had created armies, had beaten Austria, and driven her +last soldier from Hungarian territory,--If that government had been +recognized by the United States, of course commercial intercourse with +the United States, in every respect, would have been lawful, according +to your existing international laws. The Emperor of Austria, the Czar of +Russia, because they are recognized powers, have full liberty to buy +your cannons, gunpowder, muskets--everything. That would have been the +case with Hungary. That legitimate commerce with the people of the +United States with Hungary, of course would have been protected by the +navy of the United States in the Mediterranean. Now, men we had +enough--but arms we had none. That would have given us arms, and having +beaten Austria already, we would have beaten Russia, and I, instead of +having now the honour of addressing you here, would perhaps have +dictated a peace in Moscow. But the gentleman was sent to _investigate +the chances_ of success. Upon his investigation Hungary perished. + +Let me entreat you, friends of Hungary, do not much hesitate about +success. While Rome deliberated, Saguntum fell. I fear that by too long +investigating what chances we have, the chances of success will be +compromised, which by speedy help could have been ensured. + +Well, I am answered--"there is no doubt about it.--Hungary is a match +for Austria. You have beaten Austria, it is true; but Russia--there is +the rub." Precisely, because there is the rub, I come to the United +States, relying upon the fundamental principles of your great Republic, +to claim the protection and maintenance of the law of nations against +the armed interference of Russia. + +That is precisely what I claim. That accorded, no intervention of Russia +can take place; the word of America will be respected, not out of +consideration for your dignity, but because the Czar and the cabinet of +Russia, atrocious and unprincipled as they are, are no fools, and will +not risk their existence. Therefore your word will be respected. + +You have an act of Congress, passed in 1818, by which the people of the +United States are forbidden by law to take any hostile steps against a +power with which the United States are at amity. Well, suppose Congress +pronounces such a resolution--that in respect to any power which +violates the laws of nations we recall this neutrality law and give full +liberty to follow its own will. (Applause.) Now, in declaring this, +Congress has prevented a war, because it has been pointed out to the +people in what way that pronunciation of the law of nations is to be +supported, and the enterprizing spirit of the people of the United +States is too well known as its sympathy for the cause of Hungary is +too decidedly expressed, not to impart a conviction to the Czar of +Russia that though the United States do not wish to go to war, so the +law of nations will be enforced, _peaceably if possible_ (turning +to Governor Wood) _forcibly if necessary_. + +But as I again and again meet the doubt whether your protest even with +such sanction will be respected, I farther answer--let me entreat you to +try. It costs nothing. You are not bound to go farther than you +will;--try. _Perhaps_ it will be respected, and if it be, humanity +is rescued, and freedom on earth reigns where despotism now rules. It is +worth a trial. + +Besides, I beg to remind you of my second and third requests, either of +which might bring a practical solution of this doubt. At present, +whoever will may sell arms to Austria, but you forbid your own citizens +to sell arms to Hungary; and this, though the rule of Austria has no +legitimate basis, but rests on unjust force; while you have avowed the +cause of Hungary to be just. Such a state of your law is not neutrality, +and is not righteous towards _us_ nor is it fair towards your +_own people_. If Venice were to-day to shake off the yoke of +Austria, Austria will forthwith forbid all of you to buy and sell with +Venice. Well: I say that is not fair towards your own citizens, any more +than to the Venetians. True; you have not the right to open any market +by force, towards a nation which is unwilling to deal with you, but you +have a clear right to deal with one which desires it, in spite of any +belligerent who chooses to forbid you. How could the fact of Hungary or +Venice rising up against their oppressor justify Austria in damaging the +lawful commerce of America with those nations? On this turns my second +principle, which I consider of high importance for the coming struggle; +that the United States would declare their resolve to uphold their +commercial intercourse with every nation which is ready to accept it. + +Thirdly, I claimed that you would recognize the Hungarian Declaration of +Independence as having been legitimate. My enemies have misrepresented +this, as if I desired to be recognized as _de facto_ the Governor +of Hungary. This is mere absurdity. That is not the question--_am_ +I governor or not governor? The question is--_was_ the Declaration +of Independence of Hungary, in the judgment of the people of the United +States, a legitimate one, to which my nation had a right--or was it not? +I believe America cannot answer no, because your very existence rests on +a similar act. And if that declaration is made, what will be the +consequence of it? What will be the practical result? Why, that very +moment when I or whoever else, upon the basis of this declaration, +recognized to be legitimate by your republic, shall take a stake upon +Hungarian independence, and issue a proclamation declaring that a +national government exists, that very moment the existence of the +government will be recognized, and the gentleman who will be sent to +Europe will not be sent to investigate what chances we have of success, +but into what diplomatic relation we shall come. And what will be the +consequence? A legitimate commercial intercourse of America. Then I can +fit out men of war--steamers and everything--and your laws will not +prevent me. The government of Hungary will then be a friendly power, and +therefore according to your laws everything might be done for the +benefit of my country--and who knows what a benefit it might secure to +yourselves? + +As regards my use of any pecuniary aids, I declare that I will respect +the laws of every nation where I have the honour even temporarily to be. +I will employ that aid, which the friends of Hungary may place at my +disposal, for the benefit of my country, to be sure, but only in such a +way as is not forbidden by, or contrary to, your laws. Now, to make an +armed expedition against a friendly power--that is forbidden. But if +Hungary rises upon the basis of a recognized, legitimate independence, +then what is necessary for it to prepare for coming into that position +is lawful. I have taken the advice of the highest authorities in that +respect. I was not so bold as to become the interpreter of your laws, +but I have asked, Is that lawful, or is it not? from the highest +authorities in law matters of the United States. + +Now to return to Hungary. In what condition is it! In the beginning of +my talking I mentioned the invasion of Tartarian hordes. Then the wild +beasts spread over the land, and caused the few remnants of the people +to take refuge in some castles, and fortresses, and fortified places and +in the most remote and sterile ground. The wild beasts fed on human +blood. Now again the wild beasts are spreading terribly; and why? +Because to have a single pistol, to have a sword, or a musket, is a +crime which is punished by several years' imprisonment. Such is now the +condition of Hungary! Therefore, you may now see that the country is +disarmed, and of what importance is it for that success, about which I +hear now and then doubts, to have arms prepared in a convenient lawful +manner. + +[After this, Kossuth spoke in some detail concerning the pecuniary +contributions; and closed with complaints of his painfully over-worked +chest, which had much impeded his speech.] + + * * * * * + +XXIX.--OHIO AND FRANCE CONTRASTED AS REPUBLICS. + +[_Reception at Cincinnati_.] + +Kossuth having been received by a vast assemblage of the people of +Cincinnati was addressed in their name by the Honourable Caleb Smith, +from whose speech the following are extracts:-- + +Your progress through a portion of the whole States which originally +constituted the American confederacy, has called forth such +manifestations of public feeling as leave no doubt that the liberty +enjoyed by the people of those States, has created in their hearts a +generous sympathy for the advocates of civil liberty who have +endeavoured to establish free institutions in Europe. + +The brilliant success which attended the first efforts of the Hungarian +Patriots, excited the hope that the tricoloured flag unfurled on the +shores of the Danube, would, like the stars and stripes of our own +Republic, become the emblem and the hope of freedom. + +The intervention of Russia, in violation of the law of nations, in +defiance of justice and right, and in disregard of the public sentiment +of the civilized world, for a time, at last, disappointed this hope; and +the exultation it excited was followed by a mournful sadness, when +Russian arms and domestic treason combined, caused the Hungarian flag to +trail in the dust. + +Hungary failed to establish her independence, but failed only, when +success was impossible. The efforts she has made have not been wholly +lost. The seed which she has sown in agony and blood, will yet sprout +and bring forth fruit. The memory of her devoted sons who have fallen in +the cause of liberty, will be perpetuated upon the living tablets of the +hearts of freedom's votaries throughout the world. The spirits of the +martyrs shall whisper hope and consolation to the hearts of her +surviving children; and from out the dungeons of her captive patriots +shall go forth the spirit of liberty to cheer and animate their +countrymen. + +You are engaged in a high and holy mission. The redemption of your +fatherland from oppression is worthy of your efforts, and may God +prosper them; and may you find in this free land such sympathy and aid +as will strengthen your heart for the stern trials which await you in +your own country. + +Kossuth replied:-- + +Sir,--Before I answer you, let me look over this animated ocean, that I +may impress upon my memory the look of those who have transformed the +wilderness of a primitive forest into an immense city, of which there +exists a prediction that, by the year of our Lord 2000, it will be the +greatest city in the world. + +"The West! the West! the region of the Father of Rivers," there thou +canst see the cradle of a new-born humanity. So I was told by the +learned expounders of descriptive geography, who believe that they know +the world, because they have seen it on maps. + +The West a cradle! Why? A cradle is the sleeping place of a child +wrapped in swaddling clothes and crying for the mother's milk. + +People of Cincinnati, are you that child which, awakening in an +unwatched moment, liberated his tender hands from the swaddling band, +swept away by his left arm the primitive forest planted by the Lord at +creation's dawn, and raised by his right hand this mighty metropolis. +Why, if that be your childhood's pastime, I am awed by the presentiment +of your manhood's task; for it is written, that it is forbidden to men +to approach too near to omnipotence. And that people here which created +this rich city, and changed the native woods of the red man into a +flourishing seat of Christian civilization and civilized +Christianity--into a living workshop of science and art, of industry and +widely spread commerce; and performed this change, not like the drop, +which, by falling incessantly through centuries, digs a gulf where a +mountain stood, but performed it suddenly within the turn of the hand, +like a magician; that people achieved a prouder work than the giants of +old, who dared to pile Ossa upon Pelion; but excuse me, the comparison +is bad. + +Those giants of old heaped mountain upon mountain, with the impious +design to storm the heavens. You have transformed the wilderness of the +West into the dwelling-place of an enlightened, industrious, intelligent +Christian community, that it may flourish a living monument of the +wonderful bounty of Divine Providence--a temple of freedom, which +glorifies God, and bids oppressed humanity to hope. + +And yet, when I look at you, citizens of Cincinnati, I see no race of +giants, astonishing by uncommon frame: I see men as I am wont to see all +my life, and I have lived almost long enough to have seen Cincinnati a +small hamlet, composed of some modest log-houses, separated by dense +woods, where savage beast and savage Indian lurked about the lonely +settlers, who, as the legend of Jacob Wetzel and his faithful log tells, +had to wrestle for life when they left their poor abode. + +What is the key of this rapid wonderful change? The glorious cities of +old were founded by heroes whom posterity called demi-gods, and whose +name survived their work by thousands of years. Who is your hero? Who +stood god-father at the birth of the Queen of the West? + +I looked to history and found not his name. But instead of one mortal +man's renowned name, I find in the records of your city's history an +immortal being's name, and that is, _the people_. The word sparkles +with the lustre of a life invigorating flame, and that flame is LIBERTY. +Freedom, regulated by wise institutions, based upon the great principle +of national independence and self-government; this is the magical rod by +which the great enchanter, "_the people_," has achieved this +wonderful work. + +Sir, there is a mighty change going on in human development. Formerly +great things were done by great men, whose names stand in history like +milestones, marking the march of mankind on the highway of progress. It +was mankind which marched, and still it passed unnoticed and unknown. Of +him history has made no record, but of the milestones only, and has +called them great men. The lofty frame of individual greatness +overshadowed the people, who were ready to follow but not prepared to go +without being led. Humanity and its progress was absorbed by +individualities; because the people which stood low in the valley got +giddy by looking up to the mountain's top, where its leaders stood. It +was the age of childhood for nations. Children cling to the leading +strings as to a necessity, and feel it a benefit to be led. + +But the leaders of nations changed soon into kings. Ambition claimed as +a right what merit had gained as a free offering. Arrogance succeeded to +greatness; and out of the child-like attachment for benefits received, +the duty of blind obedience was framed by the iron hand of violence, and +by the craft of impious hypocrisy, degrading everything held for holy by +men--religion itself--into a tool of oppression on earth. It was the era +of uncontroverted despotism, which, with sacrilegious arrogance, claimed +the title of divine rank; and mankind advanced slowly in progress, +because it was not conscious of its own aim. Oppression was taken for a +gloomy fatality. + +The scene has changed. Nations have become conscious of their rights and +destiny, and will tolerate no masters, nor will suffer oppression any +longer. The spirit of freedom moves through the air; and remember, that +you are morally somewhat responsible for it, inasmuch as it is your +glorious struggle for independence which was the first upheaving of +mankind's heart roused to self-conscious life. Even by that first effort +she gloriously achieved the national independence of America. Though +gifted with all the blessings of nature's virginal vitality, you would +never have succeeded to achieve this wonderful growth which we see, if +you had employed your conquered national independence merely to take a +new master for the old one. + +And mark well, gentlemen! a nation may have a master even if it has no +king--a nation may be called a republic, and yet be not +free--_Wherever centralization exists, there the nation has either +sold or lent, either alienated or delegated its sovereignty_; and +wherever this is done, the nation has a master--and he who has a master +is of course not his own master. Power may be centralized in many--the +centralization by and by will be concentrated in few, as in ancient +Venice, or in one, as in France at the time of the "_Uncle_," some +forty years ago, and again in France, now that the "_Nephew_" has +his bloody reign for a day. + +Yes, gentlemen, if that generation of devoted patriots who achieved the +Independence of the United States, had merely changed the old master for +a new one with the name of an Emperor or a King, or of an omnipotent +President, your country were now just something like Brazil or Mexico, +or the Republic of South America, all of them independent, as you know, +and all except Brazil even Republics, and all rich with nature's +blessings, and offering a new home to those who fly from the oppression +of the Old World--and yet all of them old before they were young, and +decrepit before they were strong. Had the founders of your country's +Independence followed this direction which led the rest of America +astray, Cincinnati would be a hamlet yet as it was in Jacob Wetzel's +time; and Ohio, instead of being a first-rate star in the constellation +of your Republic, would be an appendage of neighbouring Eastern +States--a not yet explored desert, marked in the map of America only by +lines of northern latitude and western longitude. + +The people, a real sovereign; your institutions securing real freedom, +because founded on the principles of self-government; union to secure +national independence and the position of a power on earth; and all +together, having no master but God; omnipotence not vested in any man, +in any assembly,--and an open field to every honest exertion--because +civil, political, and religious liberty is the common benefit to all, +not limited but by itself (that is, by the unseen, but not unfelt, +influence of self-given law); that is the key of the living wonder which +spreads before my eyes. + +Let me recall to your memory a curious fact. It is just a hundred years +ago, that the first trading house upon the Great Miami was built by +daring English adventurers, at a place later known as Laramie's Store, +then the territory of the Twigtwee Indians. The trade house was +destroyed by Frenchmen, who possessed then a whole world on the +continent of America. Well, twenty-four years later, France aided your +America in its struggle for independence; and oh! feel not offended in +your proud power of to-day, when I say that independence would not then +have been achieved without the aid of France. + +Since that time, France has been twice a Republic, and changed its +constitutions thirteen times; and, though thirty-six millions strong, it +has lost every foot of land on the continent of America, and at home it +lies prostrated beneath the feet of the most inglorious usurper that +ever dared to raise ambition's bloody seat upon the ruins of liberty. +And your Republic? It has grown a giant of power. And Ohio? out of the +ruins of a trading-house into a mighty commonwealth of two millions of +free and happy men, who shout out with a voice like the thunderstorm, to +the despots of the Old World, "ye shall stop in your ambitious way +before the power of freedom, ready to protect the common laws of all +humanity." + +What a glorious triumph of your institutions over the principles of +CENTRALIZED government! + +Oh! may all the generations yet unborn, and all the millions who will +yet gather in this New World of the West, which soon will preponderate +in the scale of the Union, where all the west weighed nothing fifty +years ago--may they all ever and ever remember the high instruction +which the Almighty has revealed in this parallel of different results. + +Sir, you say that Ohio can show no battle field connected with +recollections of your own glorious revolution. Let me answer, that the +whole West is a monument, and Cincinnati the fair cornice of it. If your +eastern sister States have instructed the world how nations become +independent and free, the West shows to the world what a nation once +independent and really free can become. + +Allow me to declare, that by standing before the world as such an +instructive example, you exercise the most effective revolutionary +propaganda; for if the mis-result of French revolutions discourage the +nations from shaking off the 'oppressors' yoke, your victory,--and still +more, your unparalleled prosperity,--has encouraged oppressed nations to +dare what you dared. + +Egotists and hypocrites may say that you are not responsible for it; you +have bid nobody to follow you:--and it may be true that you are not +responsible before a tribunal. Still, you are sufficiently free not to +feel offended by a true word; therefore I say you are responsible before +your own conscience, for, your example having started a new doctrine, +the teacher of a new doctrine is morally bound not to forsake his +doctrine when assailed in the person of his disciples. + + * * * * * + +XXX.--WAR A PROVIDENTIAL NECESSITY AGAINST OPPRESSION. + +[_To the Clergy of Cincinnati_.] + +The clergy of Cincinnati addressed Kossuth by the mouth of the Rev. Mr. +Fisher. Among other topics, this gentleman said:-- + +We wish to _you_ first, and through you, to the world, to express +our respect for those heroic clergymen who dared to offer public prayers +to Almighty God for the success of your arms. We have not forgotten the +manner in which Austria attempted to dragoon their tongues into silence, +and their souls into abject submission. Nor can we believe that a +country with such pastors--that a country whose religious interests are +confided to men ready to pray against the Despot, will be suffered by +our heavenly Father to remain trodden down, and to have her name blotted +out of the history of nations. If in the great battle of freedom, the +heart of the minister of religion at the Altar, beats in sympathy with +the heart of the minister at the Council Board, and the soldier in the +battle-field, there is then a union of the moral, intellectual, and +physical forces of a nation, which we have been taught to believe would +generally and ultimately be victorious. + +We frankly confess to you that our hope that Hungary is not to share the +fate of unhappy Poland, is grounded first on the large element of a +Protestant ministry she embraces, and secondly on the advance which the +nations are making in a true understanding of the principles of +republican freedom. We believe the cause of Hungary to be just. Against +the usurpations of Kings and perjured Princes--against the interference +of foreign powers to assist in treading on the sparks of liberty +anywhere on the earth, and especially in such a land as yours, we claim +the privilege at the fit time of entering our protest and expressing +toward such acts our deepest abhorrence. And while we desire most +earnestly the advent of universal peace, and rejoice that the power of +moral principles is increasing in the world, and anticipate the day when +the nations shall learn war no more, yet we are fully convinced, both +from the Holy Scriptures and the history of the past, that under the +overruling providence of God wars occasioned by the oppression, the +ambition, and the covetousness of men, are often the means of breaking +up the stagnant waters of superstition and irreligion, and securing to +the truth a position from which it may most successfully send abroad its +light, and mould the heart of a nation to religion and peace. +_Despotism is_ in our view _a perpetual war of a few upon the +many_; and we must unlearn some of the earliest lessons that our +mothers taught us and our fathers illustrated in their lives, before we +can cease to sympathize with the assertors of their rights against the +force or the fraud of their fellow-men. And since the sad issue of +revolution after revolution in infidel France, there are not a few of +us, who have indulged the hope (especially since your visit to our +shores), that in central Europe, in your native land, among an +undebauched and a Bible-reading people, a government might arise that +would accord freedom of conscience to all, and shine as a light of +virtuous republicanism upon the darkness around. + +In meeting you thus we design no mere display, no ineffective parade of +words. We wish to give whatever weight of influence we may bear in this +community, to the cause of freedom in your native land, to assist in +securing to you and your nation, such aid as a nation situated as we are +can _wisely_ give, so as best to subserve the interests of liberty +and humanity in all the world. We regard the moral influence of this +country as of the first importance; and the peaceful working of +republican institutions as a daily protest against despotism. And for +ourselves we pledge to you and your country, that we will, in public and +private, bear your cause upon our hearts, and invoke in your behalf, the +intervention of an arm that no earthly power can resist. + +Kossuth replied at length. The following is an extract from his +speech:-- + +You have been pleased to refer to war as, under certain circumstances, +an instrumentality of Divine Providence--and indeed so it is. Great +things depend upon the exact definition of a word. There is, I suppose, +nobody on earth who takes war for a moral or happy condition. Every man +must wish peace; but peace must not be confounded with oppression. It +is our duty, I believe, to follow the historical advice of the +Scriptures, which very often have pointed out war as an instrumentality +against oppression and injustice. + +You have very truly said that despotism is a continued war of the few +against the many, of ambition against mankind. Now if that be +true--(and true it is--for war is nothing else than an appeal to +force)--then how can any persons claim of oppressed nations not to +resort to war? Who makes war? those who defend themselves? or those who +attack others? Now if it be true that despotism is a continued attack +upon mankind, then war comes from that quarter, and I have no where in +the world heard that an unjust attack should not be opposed by a just +defence. It is absurd to entreat nations not to disturb a peace which +does not exist. What would have become of Christianity in Europe (and in +further consequence, also in America), if in those times, when +Mohammedanism was yet a conquering power, Hungary out of love of peace +had not opposed Mohammedanism in defence of Christianity? What would +have become of Protestantism when assailed by Charles V, by Philip II, +and others? Did Luther or others forbid the use of arms against arms, to +protect for men the right of private judgment in matters of salvation. +I have seen war. I know what an immense machine it is. What an immense +misfortune and with what sufferings it is connected. Believe me, there +is no nation which loves war, but many that fear war less than they hate +oppression, which prevents both their happiness on earth and the +development of private judgment for salvation in eternity. + +You have been pleased to assure me that you take the cause of Hungary +for a just cause. I most respectfully thank you for it. I consider your +judgment of immense value in that respect. Why? Because you are too +deeply penetrated by the sacred mission to which you have devoted your +lives, ever to approve anything which you would not consider consistent +and in harmony with your position as ministers of the gospel; and +therefore when you give me the verdict of justice for the cause of +Hungary, I take your approbation as a sanction from the principles of +the Christian religion. + +Let me therefore entreat you, gentlemen, to bestow your action, your +prayers, and that which in the gospel is connected with +prayers--watchfulness, upon my country's cause. It is not without +design that I mention this word watchfulness; for it would be not +appropriate for me to speak any word which might excite mere passion. I +rely upon principles in their plainness, and make no appeal to blind +excitement; but I venture to throw out the hint, that in certain +quarters even the word _religion_ is employed as a tool against +that cause which you pronounce to be just; and therefore I may be +permitted to claim from ministers of Christ--from Protestant +clergymen--from American Protestant clergymen, that they will not only +pray for that cause, but also be watchful against that abuse of religion +for the oppression of a just cause. + +You have farther stated that as American clergymen, you entertain the +conviction that a free Gospel can only be permanently enjoyed under a +free civil government. Now what is free Gospel? The trumpet of the +Gospel is of course sounded from the moral influence of the truths, +which are deposited by Divine Providence in the holy Scriptures. No +influence can be more powerful than that of the truth which God himself +has revealed, and nevertheless you say, that for permanent enjoyment of +this moral influence, the field of free civil government is necessary. +So it is. Now, let me make the application of these very truths in +respect to the moral institutions of your country. I entirely trust that +all other institutions which we know now will by and bye disappear +before the moral influence of _your_ institutions, as is proved by +the wonderful development of this country--but under one condition, that +the nations be restored to national independence: since, so long as +absolutist power rules the world, there is no place, no field _for_ +the moral influence of your institutions. Precisely as the moral +influence of the Gospel cannot spread without a free civil government, +so the influence of your institutions can spread only upon the basis of +national independence, as a common benefit to every nation. + +You will, I hope, generously excuse me for having answered your generous +sentiments in such a plain manner. My indisposition has given me no time +to prepare for the honour of meeting you in such a way as I would have +wished. You have given joy, consolation, and hope to my heart, and +encouragement to go on in that way which you honour with your welcome +and your sympathy; and I shall thank this your generosity in the most +effective manner, by following your advice and by further using those +exertions which have met your approbation. + + * * * * * + +XXXI.--ON WASHINGTON'S POLICY. + +[_Speech on the Anniversary of Washington's Birthday, Cincinnati_.] + +A splendid entertainment was prepared, to which six hundred persons sat +down. After the toasts many energetic speeches were made. Mr. Corry +said:-- + +The time has come for our mighty Republic to stand by its friends and +brave its enemies. There is a confederation of tyrants now marching +across the cinders of Europe. Are we to take no heed of their +aggressions at our doors? It is for us to aid the people of the old +world against their tyrants, as we were aided to get rid of ours. Ohio +will not fail in her duty. + +The president of the evening, Mr. James J. Foran, observed:-- + +In 1849 we held in this city the first meeting, I believe, in the United +States on this subject, and expressed our indignation at the +unwarrantable interference of Russia. We declared it to be our duty, as +a free and powerful government, to notify to Russia, that her +interference in the affairs of Hungary must cease, or the United States +would cast their strength on the side of justice and right against +tyranny and oppression.... In the great struggle which is approaching +between liberty and absolutism we shall be compelled to act a part. It +will not do to rely altogether on either a just cause or the +interposition of Providence. It is well to have both of these; but to +add to them our own exertions, is indispensable to human success. + +Here, "in the wilderness," in the bosom of the Great West, in the city +of one hundred and fifty thousand inhabitants, whence emanated the first +public move in America for his personal cause, and also his liberation +from captivity, do we welcome Louis Kossuth, the champion of +self-government in Europe. + +Kossuth in response said:-- + +Mr. President: I consider it a particular favour of Providence that I am +permitted to partake, on the present solemn occasion, in paying the +tribute of honour and gratitude to the memory of your immortal +Washington. + +An architect having raised a proud and noble building to the service of +the Almighty, his admirers desired to erect a monument to his memory. +How was it done? His name was inscribed upon the wall, with these +additional words: "You seek his monument--look around." + +Let him who looks for a monument of Washington, look around the United +States. The whole country is a monument to him. Your freedom, your +independence, your national power, your prosperity, and your prodigious +growth, is a monument to Washington. + +There is no room left for panegyric, none especially to a stranger whom +you had full reason to charge with arrogance, were he able to believe +that his feeble voice could claim to be noticed in the mighty harmony of +a nation's praise. Let me therefore, instead of such an arrogant +attempt, pray that that GOD, to whose providential intentions Washington +was a glorious instrument, may impart to the people of the United States +the same wisdom for the conservation of the present prosperity of the +land and for its future security which he gave to Washington for the +foundation of it. + +Allow me, sir, to add, Washington's wisdom consisted in doing all which, +according to the circumstances _of his time_ and the condition of +his country, was necessary to his country's freedom, independence, +welfare, glory, and future security. I pray to God that the people of +this Republic, and all those whom the people's confidence has entrusted +with the honourable charge of directing the helm of the commonwealth, +may be endowed with the same wisdom of doing all which _present_ +circumstances and the _present_ condition of your country point out +to be not only consistent with but necessary to your country's present +glory, present prosperity, and future security. + +Surely, that is the fittest tribute to the memory of Washington, that is +the most faithful adherence to the doctrine which he bequeathed to you, +by far a better tribute, and by far a more faithful adherence, than to +do, literally, the same that he did, amid circumstances quite different +from those you are now surrounded with, and in a condition entirely +different from that in which you and the world are now. + +The principles of Washington are for ever true, and should for ever be +the guiding star to the United States. But to imitate literally the +accidental policy of Washington, would be to violate his principles. If +the spirit of Washington could raise its voice now, in this +distinguished circle of American patriots, it would loudly and +emphatically protest against such a course, and would denounce it as not +only injurious to his memory, but also as dangerous to the future of +this Republic which he founded with such eminent wisdom and glorious +success. + +I have seen, sir, the people of the United States advised to regard the +writings of Washington as the Mahommedan regards the Koran, considering +everything which is not to be found in the Koran as useless to heed. Now +this parallel I, indeed, take for a very curious compliment to the +_memory of Washington_--a compliment at which his immortal spirit +must feel offended, I am sure. + +Why? to what purpose is the immortal light of Heaven beaming in man's +mind, if it be wise not to make any use of it? To what purpose all that +assiduous care about public instruction, and about the propagation of +knowledge and intelligence, if the writings of Washington are the Koran +of America; forbidding the right of private judgment, which the great +majority of your nation claim as a natural right, even in respect to the +Holy Bible, that book of Divine origin? Look to the east where the +Koran rules, obstructing with its absolutism the development of human +intellect: what do you behold there? You behold mighty nations, a noble +race of men, interesting in many respects, teeming with germs of +vitality, and still falling fast into decay, because doomed to +stagnation of their intelligence by that blind faith in their Koran's +absolute perfection, which we see recommended as a model to the people +of this Republic, whose very existence rests on progress. + +Indeed, gentlemen, I dare to say that I yield to nobody in the world, in +reverence and respect to the immortal memory of Washington. His life and +his principles were the guiding star of my life; to that star I looked +up for inspiration and advice, during the vicissitudes of my stormy +life. Hence I drew that devotion to my country and to the cause of +national freedom, which you, gentlemen, and millions of your +fellow-citizens and your national government, are so kind as to honour +by unexampled distinction, though you meet it not brightened by success, +but meet it in the gloomy night of my existence, in that helpless +condition of a homeless wanderer, in which I must patiently bear the +title of an "_imported rebel_" and of a "_beggar_" in the very +land of Washington, for having dared to do what Washington did; for +having dared to do it with less skill and with less success, but, Heaven +knows, not with less honesty and devotion than he did. + +Well, it is useless to remark that Washington would probably have ended +with equal failure, had his country not met that foreign aid for which +they honourably _begged_. It is useless to remark that he would +undoubtedly have failed, if after the glorious battle of Yorktown he had +met a fresh enemy of more than two hundred thousand men, such as we met, +and had been forsaken in that new struggle by all the world. It is +useless to remark that success should not be the only test of virtue on +earth, and fortune should not change the devotion of a patriot into an +outrage and a crime; and particularly not, when success is only torn out +of the hands of patriotism by foreign violence, and by the most +sacrilegious infraction of the common laws of all humanity. All this is +useless to say. I must bear many things--must bear even malignity--but +can bear it more easily, because against the insult of some who plead +the cause of despots in your republic, I have for consolation the +tranquillity of my conscience, the love of my countrymen, the +approbation of generous friends, and the sympathy of millions in that +very land where I meet the title of an "_imported rebel_." + +I was saying, sir, that I yield to no man on earth in reverence to the +memory of the immortal WASHINGTON! Indeed, I consider it not +inconsistent with this reverence to say: Never let past ages bind the +life of future;--let no man's wisdom be _Koran_ to you, dooming +progress to stagnation, and judgment to the meagre task of a mere +rehearsing memory. + +Thus I would speak, should even that which I advocate, be contrary to +what Washington taught--even then I would appeal from the thoughts of a +man, to the spirit of advanced mankind, and from the eighteenth century +to the present age. + +But fortunately I am not in that necessity; what I advocate is not only +not in contradiction, but in strict harmony with Washington's +principles, so much so that I have nothing else to wish than that +Washington's doctrine should be quoted fairly as a system, and not by +picking out single words, and concealing that which gives the +interpretation to these words. + +Indeed I can wish nothing more than that the _principles_ of +Washington should be followed. And I may also be permitted to say, that +not every word of Washington is a principle, and that what he +recommended as a policy according to the exigencies of his time, he +never intended to recommend as a rule for ever to be followed even in +such circumstances which he, with all his wisdom, could neither foresee +nor imagine. And I may be perhaps permitted to wish the people of the +United States should take for a truth, even in respect to the writings +of Washington, what we are taught by the ministers of the Gospel in +respect to the Holy Scriptures--that, by the discretion of private +judgment, a distinction must be made between what is essential and what +is not, between what is substantial and what is accidental, between what +is a principle and what is but a history. + +[Kossuth proceeded to argue concerning the just interpretation of +Washington's words, as in his New York speech; and continued:] + +But what is the present condition upon the basis of which I humbly +plead? Allow me, in answer, to quote the words of one of your most +renowned statesmen, the present Secretary of State. You will find then, +gentlemen, that every word he then spoke, is yet more true and more +appropriate to-day. + +"The holy alliance," says Mr. Webster, "is an alliance of crowns against +the people--of sovereigns against their own subjects;--the union of the +physical force of all governments against the rights of all people, in +all countries. Its tendency is to put an end to all Nations as such. +Extend the principles of that alliance, and the nations are no more. +There are only kings. It divides society horizontally, and leaves the +sovereigns above, and all the people below; it sets up the one above all +rule, all restraint, and puts down the others to be trampled beneath our +feet." + +This is the condition of things to which I claim the attention of +Republican America: moreover, for its own interest's alike, I claim its +attention to the following words from the same statesman, worthy of the +most earnest consideration precisely now-a-days to every American. + +"The declaration of ---- says: the powers have an undoubted right to +take a hostile attitude in regard to those states in which the overthrow +of the government may operate as an example." + +Mark! oh! mark! gentlemen, how this abominable doctrine is carried out +in Hungary, in Prussia, in Schleswig Holstein, and in Hesse Cassel. + +Now, the American statesman proceeds to maintain, that every sovereign +in Europe who goes to war _to repress an example_, is monstrous. +Indeed, if this principle be allowed, what becomes of the United States? +Are you not as legitimate objects for the operation of that principle as +any we attempt to set an example on the other side of the Atlantic. You +thought that when oppressed you might lawfully resist oppression. We, in +Hungary, thought the same; but against us is that monstrous principle of +armed intervention _against setting up an example_. So let me +therefore ask with Mr. Webster: Are you so sick of your liberty and its +effects, as to be willing to part with that doctrine upon which your +very existence rests? Do you forget what you, as a people, owe to +_lawful resistance_? and are you willing to abandon the law and +rights of society to the mercy of the allied despots, who have united to +crush them everywhere? Neutrality? Why, indeed, that would be a strange +explanation of neutrality, if you would sanction by your indifference, +the hostile alliance of all despots against republican, nay, against +constitutional principles on earth. + +But suppose Hungary rises once more to do what Washington did (and be +sure it will), and Russia interferes again and you remain again (what +some of you call) neutral--that is, you remain indifferent--what is the +consequence? Czar Nicholas and Emperor Francis-Joseph may buy and carry +away arms, ammunition, armed ships--nay, even armed sympathizers (if +they find them)--to murder Hungary with and you will protect that +commerce, and consider it a lawful one. But if I buy the same, you don't +protect that commerce; and if I would enlist an "armed expedition," for +what the Czar may do against Hungary, you would send me to prison for +ten years. + +Is that neutrality? The people of Hungary crushed by violence, shall be +nothing, its sovereign right nothing; but the piracy of the Czar, +encroaching upon the sacred rights of mine and many other nations, shall +be regarded as legitimate, against which the United States, though grown +to mighty power on earth, able without any risk of its own security to +maintain the law of nations and the influence of its glorious example, +should still have nothing to object, only because Washington, more than +half a century ago, declared neutrality appropriate to the infant +condition of his country then; and was anxious to gain time, that your +country might settle and mature its recent institutions, and progress to +that degree of strength, when it would be able to defy any power on +earth in a just cause. + +No, gentlemen, my principles may be rejected by the United States, but +never will impartial history acknowledge that by doing thus the United +States followed the principles of Washington. The ruling policy of +Washington may be summed up in the word "_national self-preservation_," +to which he, as the generous emotions of his noble breast prompted, was +ever inclined to subordinate everything. + +And he was right. Self-preservation must be the chief principle of every +nation. But the _means_ of this self-preservation are different in +different times. To-day, I confidently dare state, the duty of +self-preservation commends to the United States, not to allow that the +principle of absolutism should become omnipotent by having a charter +guaranteed to violate the laws of nature and of nature's God, which +Washington and his heroic associates invoked, when they proclaimed the +independence of this Republic. + +A second principle of Washington, and precisely in regard to foreign +nations, is, to extend your commercial relations. That is, again, a +principle, gentlemen, which I boldly can invoke to the support of my +humble claims; because if the league of despots becomes omnipotent in +Europe, it is certain that the commerce of Republican America will very +soon receive a death blow on the other side of the Atlantic; whereas, +the maintenance of the law of nations, by affording a fair field to +Hungary, Italy, and Germany, to settle their accounts with their own +domestic oppressors, would open a vast field to your commercial +relations, larger than imagination can conceive. + +The third principle of Washington is to steer clear of permanent +alliances with any portion of the foreign world. Well, sir, I do not +solicit alliances; I solicit the maintenance of the laws of nations, +that the unholy alliance of despots may not interfere with the natural +right of nations, upon which yourselves have established the lofty hall +of your national independence. + +It is on the stream of these rights that you are borne on in a rapid and +irresistible course of prosperity. Believe me, gentlemen, that course +you cannot check--you could not abandon the privileges upon which you +embarked, without exposing to a shipwreck the glorious future of your +existence and allow me to state that my poor country has some particular +claim to be protected by the consistency of your principles, because +_we are the first nation towards which you have not exercised your +principles._ You say you recognize every _de facto_ government. +Well, why was this not done with Hungary? We shook off the yoke of the +Austrian dynasty, we declared our national independence, and did thus +not in an untimely movement of popular excitement, but after we became +_de facto_ independent, after we had, by crushing our enemy in our +struggle of legitimate defence and driving him out from our country, +proved to the world that we have sufficient strength to take our +position amongst the independent nations of the earth. + +And still the United States (which they never yet have done) withheld +the benefit of their recognition, which we have full reason to believe +would have been immediately followed by other recognitions, and thus +would have prevented the foreign interference of Russia, by encouraging +our national independence within those boundaries of diplomatic +communication which no isolated power dared yet to disregard. + +Sir, I have studied the history of your immortal Washington and have, +from my early youth, considered his principles as a living source of +instruction to statesmen and to patriots. + +I now ask you to listen to Washington himself. + +When, in that very year, in which Washington issued his Farewell +Address, M. Adet, the French Minister, presented him the flag of the +French Republic, Washington, as president of the United States, answered +officially, with these memorable words: + +"Born in a land of liberty, having early learned its value, having +engaged in a perilous conflict to defend it, having devoted the best +years of my life to secure its permanent establishment in my country, my +anxious recollections, my sympathetic feelings, and my best wishes, are +irresistibly attracted, whensoever in any country I see an oppressed +nation unfurl the banner of freedom." + +Thus spoke Washington. Have I not then full reason to say, that if he +were alive his generous sympathy would be with me, and the sympathy of a +Washington never was, and never would be, a barren word. Washington who +raised the word "honesty" as a rule of policy, never would have +professed a sentiment which his wisdom as a statesman would not have +approved. + +Sir! here let me end. I consider it already as an immense benefit that +your generous attention connected the cause of Hungary with the +celebration of the memory of Washington. + +Spirit of the departed! smile down from heaven upon this appreciation of +my country's cause; watch over those principles which thou hast taken +for the guiding star of thy noble life, and the time will yet come when +not only thine own country, but liberated Europe also, will be a living +monument to thy immortal name. + +[Many other toasts, and highly energetic speeches followed, which our +limits force us to exclude.] + + * * * * * + +XXXII.--KOSSUTH'S CREDENTIALS. + +[_Farewell to Ohio, Feb. 25th_.] + +Sir,--I am about to bid an affectionate farewell to Cincinnati, and +through Cincinnati to the commonwealth of Ohio--that bright morning star +of consolation and of hope risen from the West over the gloomy horizon +of Hungary's and of Europe's dark night! + +Ohio! how that name thrills through the very heart of my heart, with +inexpressible pleasure, like the first trumpet sound of resurrection in +the ears of the chosen just! + +Ohio! how I will cherish that very name, the dearest of my soul, after +the name of my beloved own dear fatherland. + +How I long for words of flame to express all the warmth of my heartfelt +gratitude! And still how poor I feel in words, precisely because my +heart is so full; so full, that I can scarcely speak--because every +pulsation of my blood is fervent prayer to God for Ohio's glory and +happiness. + +Let me dispense with empty words--let what Ohio _did_, _does_, and _will +do_, for the cause of European freedom, be its own monument! + +I have met many a fair flower of sympathy in this great united Republic, +but all Ohio has been to me a blooming garden of sympathy. From the +first step on Ohio's soil to the last,--along all my way up to Cleveland +down to Columbus, and across to Cincinnati, and also beyond the line of +my joyful way,--in every city, in every town, in every village, in every +lonely farm, I have met the same generosity, the same sympathy. + +The people, penetrated by one universal inspiration of lofty principles, +told me everywhere that Hungary must yet be free; that the people of +Ohio will not permit the laws of nations, of justice, and of humanity, +to be trampled down by the sacrilegious combination of despotism; that +the people of Ohio takes the league of despots against liberty and +against the principle of national self-government, for an insult offered +to the great republic of the West; that it takes it for an insult which +Ohio will not bear, but will put all the weight of its power into the +political scale. Would that all the United States with equal resolution +might spurn that insult to humanity. + +That is the language which Ohio spoke to me through hundreds of +thousands of freemen--that is the language which Ohio spoke to me +through her senators and representatives in their high legislative +capacity--that is the language which Ohio spoke to me through her chief, +whom it has elevated to govern the commonwealth and to execute the +people's sovereign will. + +The executive power, the legislature, the people, all united in that +harmony of generous protection to the just cause which I humbly plead; +but that is not all yet. Sympathy and political protection I have met +also everywhere; and have met it as well in the public opinion of the +people as in the executive and legislative departments of several +States, though it is a due tribute of acknowledgment to say, that +nowhere to that extent and in equal universality as in Ohio, but that +is yet not all. + +The sympathy of Ohio was rich in fair fruits of substantial aid--from +the hall of the State legislature down to the humble abode of +noble-minded working men--and associations of the friends of Hungary, +spread through that powerful commonwealth, promise a permanent, noble +protection to the cause I plead. + +Even the present occasion of bidding farewell to Ohio is of such a +nature as to entitle me, by its very organization to the hope that you +consider your noble task of aiding the cause of Hungary not yet done; +but that you have determined to go on in a practical direction, till +the future, developed by your active protection, proves to be richer yet +in fruit than the present is. + +Considering the almost universal pronouncement of public opinion in this +great and prosperous commonwealth--considering the practical character +of the people of the West, the natural efficiency of this organization, +and _who_ are those who with generous zeal have devoted themselves +to carry it out on a large extent,--I may be well excused for +entertaining some expectations of no common success--of a success which +also in other parts of this great Union, may prove decisive in its +effects. No greater misfortune could be met with than disappointment in +such expectations, which we have been by the strongest possible motives +encouraged to conceive. To be disappointed in hopes we have justly +relied on, would be beyond all imagination terrible in its consequences. +I shudder at the very idea of the boundless woes it could not fail to be +attended with, not for myself--I attach not much value to my own +life,--but for thousands, nay for millions of men. + +I know, gentlemen, that _here_ the question is entirely matter of +time. But in regard to time, I am permitted to say so much. + +The outbreak of the unavoidable, decisive struggle between the two +opposite principles of freedom and despotism is hurried on in Europe by +two great impulses. The first is the insupportability of oppression +connected with the powerfully developed organization of the oppressed, +which by its very progress imposes the necessity of no delay. Be pleased +earnestly to reflect upon what I rather suggest than explain. And be +pleased also to read between the lines. I, of course, speak not of +anything relating to your country. I state simply European fact, of +which every thinking man, the Czars and their satellites themselves, are +fully aware, though the how and the where they cannot grasp. + +The second impulse, hurrying events to a decision, is that very combined +scheme of activity which the despots of Europe too evidently display. +They know full well that they are on the brink of an inevitable +retribution; that their crimes have pushed them to the point, where +either their power will cease for ever to exist, or they must risk all +for all. In former times they relied at the hour of danger upon the +generous credulity of nations. By seemingly submitting, when the people +arose irresistible, they conjured the fury of the storm They saved +themselves by promises, and when the danger was over, they restored +their abused power by breaking their oath and by deceiving their +nations. By this atrocious impiety you have seen several victorious +revolutions in Europe deprived of their fruits and sinking to nothing +by having made compromise with royal perjury. I am too honest, +gentlemen, not to confess openly, that I myself shared this error of the +Old World--I myself plead guilty of that fatal European credulity. The +tyrants who by falsehood have gained their end, are aware that they have +no security; that the nations have lost faith in their oaths, and will +never be cheated again. + +Hence, gentlemen, a very essential novelty in the present condition of +Europe. Formerly every revolution was followed by some slight progress +in the development of constitutionalism. A little more liberty to the +press, some sort of a trial by jury, a nominal responsibility of +ministers, or a mockery of popular representation in the +Legislature--something of that sort always resulted, momentarily, out of +former revolutions; and then the consciousness of being deceived by vile +mockery led to new revolutions. + +But when in 1848 and 1849, our victories in Hungary had shaken to the +very foundation the artificial building of oppression, so that there was +no more hope left to tyranny, but to shelter itself under the wings of +Russia, the Czar told them--well, I accept the part of becoming your +master, ye kings, and I will help you, but _you must be obedient_ +You, yourselves have encouraged revolutions, by making concessions to +them. I like not this everlasting resurrection of revolutions; it +disturbs my sleep. I am not sure not to find it at my own home some fine +morning. I therefore will help you, my servants, but under the +condition, that it is not only the bold Hungarians who must be crushed, +it is _revolution_ which must be crushed, its very spirit, in its +very vitality, everywhere; and to come to this aim, you must abandon all +shame as to sworn promises; withdraw every concession made to the spirit +of revolution; not the slightest freedom, no privilege, no political +right, no constitutional aspirations must be permitted; all and +everything must be levelled by the equality of passive obedience and +absolute servitude. + +"Look to my Russia; I make no concessions, I rule with an iron rod, and +I am obeyed. All you must do the same and not govern, but domineer by +universal oppression. That is my sovereign will--obey." + +Thus spoke the Czar. It is no opinion which I relate. It is a fact, a +historical fact, which the Czar openly proclaimed on several occasions, +particularly in that characteristic declaration, to which the +high-minded General Cass alluded in his remarkable speech on +"_non-intervention_" in the Senate of the United States, on the +10th day of February. The Czar Nicholas, complaining, that +"_insurrection has spread in every nation with an audacity which has +gained new force in proportion to the concessions of the +Governments_" declares that he considers it his divine mission to +crush the _Spirit of Liberty_ on earth, which he arrogantly terms +the spirit of insurrection and of anarchy. + +By this you have the definition of what is meant by the words of "war +for what principle shall rule." _The issue must be felt, not only in +Europe, but here also and everywhere_; the issue will not leave a +chance for a new struggle, either to kings or to nations, for a long +time perhaps, and probably for centuries. + +In that condition you can see the key of the remarkable fact, that when +I left my Asiatic prison under the protection of the star-spangled +flag--nations of different climates, different languages, different +institutions, different inclinations, united in the pronunciation of +sympathy, expectation, encouragement, and hope around my poor humble +self,--Italians, French, Portuguese, the people of England, Belgians, +Germans, Swiss and Swedes. It was the instinct of common danger, it was +the instinct of necessary union. It was no mere tribute of recognition +paid to the important weight of Hungary in the scale of this intense +universal struggle. It was still more a call of distress, entrusted by +the voice of mankind to my care, to bring it over to free America, as to +the natural and most powerful representative of that "Spirit of Liberty" +against which the leagued tyrants are waging a war of extermination with +inexorable resolution. Yes, it was a call of distress entrusted to my +care, to remind America that there is a tie in the destinies of nations; +and that those are digging a bottomless abyss who forsake the Spirit of +Liberty, when within the boundaries of common civilization half the +world utters in agony the call of universal distress. + +That is the mission with which I come to your shores; and believe me, +gentlemen, that is the key of that wonderful sympathy with which the +people of this republic answers my humble appeal. There is blood from +our blood in these noble American hearts; there is the great heart of +mankind which pulsates in the American breast; there is the chord of +liberty which vibrates to my sighs. + +Let ambitious fools, let the pigmies who live on the scanty food of +personal envy, when the very earth quakes beneath their feet, let even +the honest prudence of ordinary household times, measuring eternity with +that thimble with which they are wont to measure the bubbles of small +party interest, and, taking the dreadful roaring of the ocean for a +storm in a water glass, let those who believe the weather to be calm +because they have drawn a nightcap over their ears, and, burying their +heads into pillows of domestic comfort, do not hear Satan sweeping in a +hurricane over the earth; let envy, ambition, blindness, and the +pettifogging wisdom of small times, artistically investigate the +question of my official capacity, or the nature of my public authority; +let them scrupulously discuss the immense problem whether I still +possess, or possess no longer, the title of my once-Governorship; let +them ask for credentials, discuss the limits of my commission, as +representative of Hungary. I pity all such frog and mouse fighting. + +I claim no official capacity--no public authority--no representation; +boast of no commission, of no written and sealed credentials. I am +nothing but what my generous friend, the Senator of Michigan, has justly +styled me, "a private and banished man." But in that capacity I have a +nobler credential for my mission than all the clerks of the world can +write, the credential that I am a "man,"--the credential that I am "a +patriot"--the credential that I love with all sacrificing devotion my +oppressed fatherland and liberty; the credential that I hate tyrants, +and have sworn everlasting hostility to them; the credential that I feel +the strength to do good service to the cause of freedom; good service as +perhaps few men can do, because I have the iron will, in this my breast, +to serve faithfully, devotedly, indefatigably, that noble cause. + +I have the credential that I trust to God in heaven, to justice on +earth; that I offend no laws, but cling to the protection of laws. I +have the credential of my people's undeniable confidence and its +unshaken faith, to my devotion, to my manliness, to my honesty, and to +my patriotism; which faith I will honestly answer without ambition, +without interest, as faithfully as ever, but more skilfully, because +schooled by adversities. And I have the credential of the justice of the +cause I plead, and of the wonderful sympathy, which, not my person, but +that cause, has met and meets in two hemispheres. + +These are my credentials, and nothing else. To whom this is enough, he +will help me, so far as the law permits and is his good pleasure. To +whom these credentials are not sufficient, let him look for a better +accredited man. + +I have too lively a sentiment of my own modest dignity, ever to +condescend to polemics about my own personal merits or abilities. I +believe my life has been public enough to appertain to the impartial +judgment of history, but it may have perhaps interested you to hear, +how, in a small and inconsiderable circle of the Hungarian emigration, +the idea was started that I must be opposed, because I have declared +against all compromise with the House of Austria, or with royalty, and +because by declaring that my direction will be in every case only +republican, I make every arrangement, without revolution, impossible. +That I should be thus attacked at this crisis, does look like an +endeavour to check a benefit to my country, but I cannot forbear humbly +to beseech you, do not therefore think less favourably of my nation and +of the Hungarian emigration, for which I am sorry that I can do very +little, because I devote myself and all the success I may meet with to a +higher aim--to my country's freedom and independence. Believe me, +gentlemen, that my country and its exiled martyr sons are highly worthy +of your generous sympathy, though some few of the number do not always +act as they should. + +They are but few who do so, and it would be unjust to measure all of us +by the faults of some few. Upon the whole, I am proud to say that the +Hungarian emigration was scrupulous to merit generous sympathy, and to +preserve the honour of the Hungarian name. Remember that though you are +Republicans, still here, in the very metropolis of Ohio, a man was found +to lecture for Russo-Austrian despotism, and to lecture with the +astonishing boldness of an immense ignorance. + +But that good man I can dismiss with silence, the more because it is +with high appreciation and warm gratitude that I saw an honourable +gentleman, animated with the most generous sentiments of justice and +right, take immediately upon himself the task of refutation. I may +perhaps be permitted to remark, that that learned and honourable +gentleman, besides having nobly advocated the cause of freedom, justice, +and truth, has also well merited of his co-religionaries, who belong +together with himself, _to the Roman Catholic Church_. + +Gentlemen, I have but one word yet, and it is a sad one--the word of +farewell. Cincinnati, Ohio, farewell! May the richest blessings of the +Almighty rest upon thee! In every heart, and in the hearts of my people, +thy name will for ever live, a glorious object for our everlasting love +and gratitude. + + * * * * * + +XXXIII.--HARMONY OF THE EXECUTIVE AND OF THE PEOPLE IN AMERICA. + +[_Speech at Indianapolis_.] + +Kossuth was received at the State House of Indianapolis by Governor +Wright, who, in the course of his address said: + +Although I participate with my fellow-citizens in the pleasure +occasioned by your presence among us, yet it is not as an +_individual_ that I greet you with the words of welcome and +hospitality. No, sir,--it is in the name of the people of the State, +whom I represent, and whose warrant I feel that I have; and I bid you +welcome to-day, and assure you not only of my own but of their sympathy +and encouragement in the great cause you so ably represent. + +He closed with the words: + +If it shall be your fortune to lead your countrymen again in the contest +for liberty, be assured that the people of the United States, at least, +will not be indifferent, nor, if need be, inactive spectators of a +conflict that may involve, not only the independence of Hungary, but the +freedom of the world. + +Again I bid you a most cordial welcome to the State of Indiana. + +Kossuth replied:-- + +Governor,--Amongst all that I have been permitted to see in the United +State's, nothing has more attracted my attention than that part of your +democratic institutions which I see developed in the mutual and +reciprocal relations between the people and the constituted public +authorities. + +In that respect there is an immense difference between Europe and +America, for the understanding of which we have to take into account the +difference of the basis of the political organization, and together with +it what the public and social life has developed in both hemispheres. + +The great misfortune of Europe is, that the present civilization was +born in those cursed days when Republicanism set and Royalty rose. It +was a gloomy change. Nearly twenty centuries have passed, and torrents +of blood have watered the red-hot chains, and still the fetters are not +broken; nay--it is our lot to have borne its burning heat--it is our lot +to grasp with iron hand the wheels of its crushing car. Destiny--no; +Providence--is holding the balance of decision; the tongue is wavering +yet; one slight weight more into the one, or into the other scale, will +again decide the fate of ages, of centuries. + +Upon this mischievous basis of royalty was raised the building of +authority; not of that authority which commands spontaneous reverence by +merit and the value of its services, but of that authority which +oppresses liberty. Hence the authority of a public officer in +unfortunate Europe consists in the power to rule and to command, and not +in the power to serve his country well--it makes men oppressive +downwards, while it makes them creeping before those who are above. Law +is not obeyed out of respect, but out of fear. A man in public office +takes himself to be better than his countrymen, and becomes arrogant and +ambitious; and because to hold a public office is seldom a claim to +confidence, but commonly a reason to lose confidence; it is not a mark +of civic virtue and of patriotic devotion, but a stain of civic apostacy +and of venality; it is not a claim to be honoured, but a reason to be +distrusted; so much so, that in Europe the sad word of the poet is +indeed a still more sad fact.-- + + "When vice prevails and impious man bears sway + The post of honour is a private station." + +So was it even in my own dear fatherland. Before our unfortunate but +glorious revolution of 1848, the principle of royalty had so much +spoiled the nature and envenomed the character of public office, that +(of course except those who derived their authority by election--which +we for our municipal life conserved amongst all the corruption of +European royalty through centuries) no patriot accepted an office in the +government: to have accepted one was to have resigned patriotism. + +It was one of the brightest principles of our murdered Revolution--that +public office was restored to the place of civic virtue, and opened to +patriotism, by being raised from the abject situation of a tool of +oppression, to the honourable position of serving the country well. +Alas! that bright day was soon overpowered by the gloomy clouds of +despotism, brought back to our sunny sky by the freezing gale of Russian +violence. And on the continent of Europe there is night again. There is +scarcely one country where the wishes and the will of the people are +reflected in the government. There is no government which can say: + +"My voice is the echo of the people's voice--I say what my people feels; +I proclaim what my people wills; I am the embodiment of his principles, +and not the controller of his opinion: the people and myself--we are +one." + +No, on the continent of Europe people and governments are two hostile +camps. What immense mischief, pregnant with oppression and with nameless +woe, is encompassed within the circle of this single fact! + +How different the condition of America! It is not _men_ who rule, +but _the law;_ and law is obeyed, because the people is respecting +the general will by respecting the law. Public office is a place of +honour, because it is the field for patriotic devotion. Governments have +not the arrogant pretension to be the masters of the people; but have +the proud glory to be its faithful servants. A public officer ceases not +to be a citizen; he has doubly the character of a citizen, by sharing in +and by executing the people's will. And whence this striking difference? +It is because the civilization of America is founded upon the principle +of Democracy. It was born when Royalty declined, and Republicanism rose. +Hence the delightful view, not less instructive than interesting, that +here in America, instead of the clashing dissonance between the words +"government" and "people" we see them melting into one accord of +harmony. + +Thus here the public opinion of the people never can fail to be a direct +rule for the government, and reciprocally the word of the government +has the weight of a fact by the people's support. When your government +speaks, it is the people which speaks. + +Sir, I most humbly thank your Excellency, that you have been pleased to +afford to me the benefit of hearing and seeing that delightful as well +as happy harmony between the people and the government of the State of +Indiana, in the support of that noble and just cause which I plead, on +the issue of which, not the future of my country only depends, but +together with it, the future condition of all those parts of our globe +which are confined within the boundaries of Christian civilization, +which, be sure of it, gentlemen, in the ultimate issue, will have the +same fate. + +Sir, it is not without reason, that at Indianapolis in particular,--and +to your Excellency, the truly faithful, the high-minded, and the +deservedly popular Chief Magistrate of this Commonwealth, I speak that +word. It is not the first time that your Excellency, surrounded as now, +has spoken as the honoured organ of the public opinion of Indiana. It is +not yet two years since your Excellency did the same on the occasion of +a visit of the favourite son of Kentucky, Governor Crittenden. I well +remember the topic of your eloquence. It was the solicitude of Indiana +in regard to the glorious Union of these Republics. May God preserve it +for ever! But precisely because you, the favourite son of Indiana and +the honoured representatives of the sovereign people of Indiana--in one +accord of perfect harmony esteem the Gordian knot of the Union above +all, allow me to say once more, that if the United States permit the +principle of non-interference to be blotted out from the code of nations +on earth, foreign interference mingling with some domestic discord, +perhaps with that which two years ago called forth your patriotic +solicitude for the Union; yes, foreign interference mingling with some +of your domestic discords, will be the Alexander who will cut asunder +the Gordian knot of your Union, in this our present century. + +Republics exist upon principles: they are secure only when they act upon +principles. He who does not accept a principle, asserted by another, +will not long enjoy the benefit of it himself; and nations always perish +by their own sin. Oh may those whom your united people entrusted with +the noble care to be guardians of your Union--be pleased to consider +that truth ere it be too late. + +Sir, to the State of Indiana I am in many respects particularly obliged. +True, I have had invitations to visit many other States, but the +invitation from the State of Indiana was first received. Please to +accept my warmest thanks. I have seen in other States a harmony between +the people and the government, but nowhere has the Governor of a State +condescended to represent the people in a public welcome, nowhere +stepped out as the orator of the people's sympathy and its sentiment. I +most humbly thank you for this honour. + +In Maryland, the Governor introduced me to the Legislature. In +Pennsylvania the chief Magistrate was the organ of a common welcome of +the Legislature and Citizens. In Massachusetts he took the lead as the +people's elect in recommending my principles to the Legislature--and in +Ohio the chief Magistrate, by accepting the Presidency of the +Association of the friends of Hungary, became generally the executive of +the people's practical sympathy, which so magnanimously responded to the +many political manifestations of its Representatives in the Legislature. + +Let me hope, sir, that as you have been generously pleased to be the +interpreter of Indiana's welcome and sympathy, you will also not refuse +to become the Chief Executive Magistrate to the practical development of +the same. + +I may cordially thank, in the name of my cause, the people of Indiana, +its Governor, and Representatives, for the high honour of the +Legislature's invitation, and of this public welcome. + + * * * * * + +XXXIV.--IMPORTANCE OF FOREIGN POLICY, AND OF STRENGTHENING ENGLAND. + +[_Speech at Louisville, March 6th_.] + +At the Court House, Louisville, Kossuth was addressed by Bland Ballard, +Esq., and replied as follows: + +Whatever be the immediate issue of that discussion about foreign policy, +which now so eminently occupies public attention throughout the United +States, from the Capitol and White-house at Washington down to the +lonely farms of your remotest territories, one fact I have full reason +to take for sure, and that is: That when the trumpet-sound of national +resurrection is once borne over the waves of the Atlantic announcing to +you that nations have risen to assert those rights to which they are +called by nature and nature's God--when the roaring of the first +cannon-shot announces that the combat is begun which has to decide which +principle is to rule over the Christian world--absolutism or national +sovereignty--there is no power on earth which could induce the people of +the United States to remain inactive and indifferent spectators of that +great struggle, in which the future of the Christian world--yes, the +future of the United States themselves is to be decided. The people of +the United States will not remain indifferent and inactive spectators +and will not authorize, will not approve, any policy of indifference. +You yourself have told me so, sir. + +In the position of every considerable country there is a necessity of a +certain course, to adopt which cannot be avoided, and may be almost +called destiny. The duty as well as the wisdom of statesmen consists in +the ability to steer, in time, the vessel into that course, which, if +they neglect to do in time, the price will be higher and the profit +less. + +There is scarcely anything which has more astonished me than the +fact--that, for the last thirty-seven years, almost every Christian +nation has shared the great fault of not caring much about what are +called foreign matters, foreign policy. Precisely the great nations, +England, France, America, which might have regulated the course of their +governments for a very considerable period, abandoned almost entirely +that part of their public concerns, which with great nations is the most +important of all, because it regulates the position of the country in +its great national capacity. The slightest internal interest was +discussed publicly and regulated previously by the nation, before the +government had to execute it; but, as to the most important +interest--the national position of the country and its relations to the +world, Secret Diplomacy, a fatality of mankind, stepped in, and the +nations had to accept the consequences of what was already done, though +they subsequently reproved it. In England, I four months ago, avowed +that all the interior questions together cannot equal in importance the +exterior; _there_ is summed up the future of Britain: and if the +people of England do not cut short the secrecy of diplomacy--if it do +not in time take this all absorbing interest into its own hands, as it +is wont to do with every small home interest, it will have to meet +immense danger very soon, as this danger has already seriously +accumulated by former neglect. Here too, in the United States, there is +no possible question equal in importance to foreign policy, and +especially in regard to European matters. And I say that, if the United +States do not in due time adopt such a course, as will prevent the Czar +of Russia, and his despotic satellites, from believing that the United +States give them entirely free field to regulate the condition of +Europe, which cannot fail to react morally and materially on your +condition, then indeed embarrassments, sufferings, and danger will +accumulate in a very short time over you. + +Great Britain, it is clear as matters now stand, can avoid a war with +the continental powers of Europe only by joining their alliance, or at +least by giving them security, that England will not only not support +the liberal movement on the Continent, but that it will submit to the +policy of the absolutist powers. It is not impossible that England will +yield. Do not forget, gentlemen, that an English ministry, be it Tory or +Whig, is always more or less aristocratic, and it is in the nature of +aristocracy that it may love its country well, but indeed aristocracy +more. There is therefore always some inclination to be on good terms +with whoever is an enemy to what aristocracy considers its own enemy, +that is, democracy. This consideration, together with the above +mentioned carelessness of the people about foreign policy, gives you the +key to many events which else it would be impossible to understand. +People against another people should never feel hatred, but brotherly +sympathy. The memory of oppression suffered from governments should +never be imparted to nations, and children should never be hated, +despised, or punished, because their fathers have sinned. We Hungarians +wrestled for centuries with Turkey, and now we are friends, true +friends, and natural allies against a common enemy. Several of my own +ancestors lost their lives in Turkish wars, or their property in ransom +out of Turkish captivity; yet to me it is a Turkish Sultan who saved my +life and gave bread to thousands of my countrymen, which no other power +did on earth. Such is the change of time. It is Russia which crushed my +bleeding fatherland, yet the inexorable hatred of my heart does not +extend to the people of Russia. I love that people--I pity its poor, +unfortunate instruments of despotism. Wherever there is a people, there +is my love. Therefore, let the passionate excitement of past times +subside before the prudent advice of present necessities. You are blood +from England's blood, bone from its bone, and flesh from its flesh. The +Anglo-Saxon race was the kernel around which gathered this glorious +fruit--your Republic. Every other nationality is oppressed. It is the +Anglo-Saxon alone which stands high and erect in its independence. You, +the younger brother, are entirely free, because Republican. They, the +elder brother, are monarchical, but they have a constitution, and they +have many institutions which even you retained, and, by retaining them, +have proved that they are institutions congenial to freedom, and dear to +freemen. The free press, the jury, free speech, the freedom of +association, the institution of municipalities, the share of the people +in the legislature, are English institutions; the inviolability of +person and the inviolability of property are English principles. England +is the last stronghold of these principles in Europe. Is this not enough +to make you stand side by side with those principles in behalf of +oppressed humanity? + +If the United States and England unite in policy now and make by their +imposing attitude a breakwater to the ambitious league of despotism, the +Anglo-Saxon race, with all who gathered around that kernel, will not +only have the glorious pleasure of having saved the Christian world from +being absorbed by despotism, but you especially will have the noble +satisfaction of having contributed to the progress and to the +development of freedom in England, Scotland, and Ireland themselves: for +the principles of national sovereignty, independence, and +self-government, when restored on the continent of Europe, must in a +beneficent manner reach upon those islands themselves. They may remain +monarchical, if it be their will to do so, but the parliamentary +omnipotence, which absorbs all that _you_ call _State_ rights +and self-government, will yield to the influence of Europe's liberated +continent. England will govern its own domestic concerns by its own +parliament, and Scotland its own, and Ireland its own, just as the +states of your galaxy do; the three countries are destined to mutual +connection, by their geographical relations, by far more than New York +with Louisiana or Carolina with California. By conserving the +state-rights of self-government to all of them they will unite in a +common government for the common interest, as you have done. _Union, +and not unity, must be the guiding star of the future_ with every +power composed of several distinct bodies, and though I am a republican +more perhaps than thousands who are citizens of a republic, inasmuch as +I have known all the curse of having had a king--still such a +development of Great Britain's future, were it even connected with +monarchy, I, a true republican, would hail with fervent joy. To +contribute to such a future, I indeed should consider more practical +support to the cause of freedom, to the cause of Ireland itself, than, +out of passionate aversions either for past or present wrongs, to +discourage, nay, almost force Great Britain to submit to the threatening +attitude of despots or even to side with them against liberty. Out of +such a submission there can never result any good to any one in the +world, and certainly none to you--none to the nations of Europe--none to +Ireland--but increased oppression to Europe and Ireland, and danger to +you yourselves. + +I therefore say that a war side by side with England against the leagued +despots, if war should become a necessity, is not an idea to look on in +advance with aversion. You have united with England on a far less +important occasion. And should England _not_ yield to the despots, +I most confidently ask whoever in the United States inclines to judge +matters according to the true interests of his country and not by +private passion, whether you _could_ remain indifferent in a +struggle, the issue of which either would make England omnipotent on +earth, or crush liberty down throughout the world, leave America exposed +to the pressure of victorious despotism, and before all, exclude +republican America from every political and commercial relation with all +Europe. Should England see that she will not stand alone in protesting +against interference, she will, she must protest against it, because it +is the condition of her own future. But if the United States should +again adhere to the policy of indifference (which is no policy at all), +then indeed England may perhaps yield to the threatening attitude of the +absolutist powers. The policy of the United States may now decide the +direction of the policy of England, and thus prevent immense mischief, +incalculable in its consequences, even for the future of the United +States themselves. + +It is here I take the opportunity briefly to refer to an assertion of an +American statesman, who holds a high place in your affections and in my +respect. He advances the theory, that, should, you now take the course +which I humbly claim, the despots of Europe would be provoked by your +example to interfere with your institutions and turn upon you in the +hour of your weakness and exhaustion, because you have set an example of +interference. + +I indeed am at a loss to understand that. Is it interference I claim? +No; precisely the contrary, if you now declare "that your very existence +being founded on that principle of the eternal laws of nature and of +nature's God--that every nation has the independent right to regulate +its domestic concerns, to fix its institutions and its government"--you +cannot contemplate with indifference that the absolutist powers form a +league of mutual support against this principle of mankind's common law. +You therefore protest against this principle of "foreign interference." +I indeed cannot understand by what logic such a protest could be taken +up by the despotic powers as a pretext for interference in your domestic +concerns. My logic is entirely different. It runs thus; If your country +remains an indifferent spectator of the violation of the laws of nations +by foreign interference, _then_ it has established a precedent--it +has consented that the principle of interference become interpolated +into the book of international law, and you will see the time when the +league of despots commanding the whole force of oppressed Europe will +remind you thus: + +"Russia has interfered in Hungary, because it considered the example set +up by Hungary dangerous to Russia. America has silently recognized the +right of that interference. France has interfered in Rome, because the +example of the Roman democracy was dangerous to Prance. America has +silently agreed. The absolutist governments, in protection of their +divine right, have leagued in a saintly alliance, with the openly avowed +purpose to aid one another by mutual interference against the spirit of +revolution and the anarchy of republicanism. America has not protested +against it; therefore the principle of foreign interference against +every dangerous example has, by common consent of every power on +earth--contradicted by none, not even by America--become an established +international law." + +And reminding you thus, they will speak to you in the very words of that +distinguished statesman to whom I respectfully allude. + +"You have quitted the ground upon which your national existence is +founded. You have consented to the alteration of the laws of +nations--the existence of your republic is dangerous to us; _we +therefore, believing that your anarchical (that is, republican) +doctrines are destructive of, and that monarchical principles are +essential to, the peace and security and happiness of our subjects, will +obliterate the bed which has nourished such noxious weeds; we will crush +you down as the propagandists of doctrines too destructive to the peace +and good order of the world."_ + +I have quoted the very words, very unexpectedly given to +publicity,--words, which I out of respect and personal affection, did +not answer then, precisely because I took the interview for a private +one. Even now I refrain from entering into further discussion, out of +the same considerations of respect, though I am challenged by this +unlooked for publicity. I will say nothing more. But after having +quoted the very words, I leave to the public opinion to judge whether +their authority is against or for a national protest against the +principle of foreign interference. + +Let once the principle become established with your silent consent and +you will soon see it brought home to you, and brought home in a moment +of domestic discord, which Russian secret diplomacy and Russian gold +will skilfully mix. You may be sure of it; and this mighty Union will +be shaken by that very principle of foreign interference which you +silently let be established as an uncontroverted rule for the despots of +the earth. + +Great countries are under the necessity of holding the position of a +power on earth. If they do not thus, foreign powers dispose of their +most vital interests. Indifference to the condition of the foreign world +is a wilful abdication of their duty, and of their independence. +Neutrality, as a constant rule, is impossible to a great power. Only +small countries, as Switzerland and Belgium, can exist upon the basis of +neutrality. + +Great powers may remain neutral in a particular case, but they cannot +take neutrality for a constant principle, and they chiefly cannot remain +neutral in respect to principles. + +Great powers can never play with impunity the part of no power at all. + +Neutrality when taken _as a principle_ means indifference to the +condition of the world. + +Indifference of a great power to the condition of the world is a chance +given to foreign powers to regulate the interests of that indifferent +foreign power. + +Look in what light you appear before the world with your policy of +indifference. Look at the instructions of your navy in the +Mediterranean, recently published, forbidding American officers even to +speak politics in Europe. Look at the correspondences of your commodores +and consuls, frightened to their very souls that a poor exile on board +an American ship is cheered by the people of Italy and France, and +charging him for the immense crime of having met sympathy without any +provocation on his part. Look at the cry of astonishment of European +writers, that Americans in Europe are so little republican. Look how +French Napoleonist papers frown indignantly at the idea that the +Congress of the United States dare to honour my humble self. Look how +they consider it almost an insult, that an American Minister, true to +his always professed principles, dares to speak about European politics. +Look how one of my aristocratical antagonists, who quietly keeps house +in France, where I was not permitted to pass, and who, a tool in other +hands, would wish to check my endeavours to benefit my country, because +he would like to get home in some other way than by a revolution and +into a republic--look how he, from Paris in London papers, dares to +scorn the idea that America could pretend to weigh anything in the scale +of European events. + +Do you like this position, free republicans of America? And yet that is +your position in the world now, and that position is the consequence of +your adhering to your policy of indifference, at a time when you needed +to act like a power on earth. + +Remember the Sibylline books. The first three were burned when you +silently let Russian interference be accomplished in Hungary, and did +not give us your recognition when we had achieved and declared our +independence. + +Six books yet remain. The spirit of the age, the Sibylla of opportunity, +holds a second three books over the fire. Do not allow her to burn +them--else only the last three remain, and I fear you will have, without +profit, more to pay for them than would have bought all the nine, and +with them the glory and happiness of an _eternal, mighty Republic!_ + +Gentlemen, I humbly thank you for your kindness, and bid you an +affectionate farewell. + + * * * * * + +XXXV.--CATHOLICISM _VERSUS_ JESUITISM. + +[_At St. Louis, (Missouri.)_] + +Mr. Kasson addressed Kossuth in an ample speech; in which he said:-- + +Everywhere have the untrammelled masses of this people, as you passed, +lifted up their hands and voices, and supplicated the Almighty to give +to you blessing, and to your country redemption. Let this be some +recompense for the privations you have encountered, while, like Aeneas, +you have been wandering an exile from your native, captured, prostrate +Troy. + +I should not do my whole duty without saying, in behalf of the thousands +assembled here, that we have an unshaken confidence in Hungary's chosen +leader. We are not so blind that we cannot observe how no envenomed +shaft was fixed to the bow-string against him, in England and America, +while he was yet a helpless and powerless refugee, within Turkish +hospitality. But when the people were gathering around him in free +countries, shoulder to shoulder--when even the hearts of statesmen began +to open to him, and hope dawned in the Hungarian sky once more, then it +was these arrows of detraction darkened the air, shot from the Court of +the French Usurper, or from the pensioners of autocratic bounty. Your +patient labours and forbearance in your country's cause, while thus +assailed, have won for you, sir, our sincere respect, and another wreath +at the hand of the Muse of History. + +Kossuth replied: + +Gentlemen,--During my brief sojourn in your hospitable city, I have +heard so much local pettiness and so much hypocritical tactics of men +imported from Austria to advocate the cause of Russo-Austrian despotism +in Republican America, and chiefly in your city here, that indeed I +began to long for the pure air where the merry sunshine, as well as the +melancholy drop of rain, the roaring of the thunder storm, equally as +the sigh of the breeze, tell to the oppressors and their tools, and not +only to the oppressed, that there is a God in heaven who rules the +universe by eternal laws; the Almighty Father of humanity, omnipotent in +wisdom, bountiful in His omnipotence, just in His judgment, and eternal +in His love; the Lord who gave strength to the boy David against +Goliath, who often makes out of humble individuals efficient instruments +to push forward the condition of mankind towards that destiny which His +merciful will has assigned to it--His will, against which neither the +proud ambition of despots, nor the skill of their obsequious tools can +prevail--in Him I put my trust and go cheerfully on in my duties. I am +in the right way to benefit the cause, noble and just and great, to +which I devoted my life; for if there were no success in what I am +engaged, the despots would neither fear, nor hate, nor persecute me. + +Their persecution imparts more hope to my breast than all your kindness; +and I give you my word that if I have the consciousness of having well +merited in my past the hatred and the fear of tyrants and their +instruments, so may God bless me as I will do all a mortal man can do to +merit that hatred and that fear still more. + +Why? Am I not standing on the banks of the Mississippi, cheered, +welcomed, and supported, as warmly and as heartily as when I stepped +first upon your glorious shores? Opposition, hostility, venomous +calumny, have exhausted all means to check the sympathy of the people. +And has that sympathy subsided? has it abated? is it checked? No, it +rolls on swelling as I advance--here I have again an imposing evidence +before my eyes, here in St. Louis, my namesake city, where so much, and +that so perseveringly, was done to prevent this evidence. + +Yes, it rolls, and will roll on, swelling till it will finally submerge +all endeavours to mislead the instincts of freemen, to fetter the +energies of the nation, to stifle its spirit, and to check the growing +aspirations of the people's upright heart. + +When the struggle is about principles, indifference is suicide. Nay, +indifference is impossible: for indifference about the fate of that +principle upon which your national existence and all your future +rests--is passive submission to the opposite principle--it is almost +equivalent to an alliance with the despots. _He who is not for freedom +is against freedom_. There is no third choice. + +The people's instinct feels the danger of losing an irreparable +opportunity, and hence the fact, never yet met in history, that a +homeless exile becomes an object of such sympathy, rolling on like a +sea, in spite of all the passionate rage of my enemies, and all the +Christian tolerance of the Reverend Father Jesuits, which they in such +an evident manner show to me. It is time to advertise them by a few +remarks that I am aware of their hostility, and ready to meet it openly. +I make this advertisement by design here, because it is not my custom to +attack from behind or in the dark. Mine is not the famous doctrine, +_that the end sanctifies the means_. I like to meet the enemy face +to face--a fair field and fair arms. + +And in one thing more I will not imitate my reverend opponents. I will +never indulge in any personalities, never act otherwise than becoming to +a gentleman. If they choose to pursue a different course, let them do +so, and let them earn the fruits of it. + +My humble person I entirely submit to the good pleasure of their +passion. If they tell you, gentlemen, that I am no great man, they speak +the truth. Being on good terms with my conscience, I do not much care to +be on bad terms with Czars and Emperors, their obedient servants, and +the reverend father Jesuits. Nay, if I were on good terms with them, I +scarcely could remain on good terms with my conscience. So much for +myself--now a few words as to the question between us. + +I am claiming moral and material aid against that Czar of Russia who is +the most bloody persecutor of Roman Catholics. The present Pope himself, +before the revolution, when he was yet more of a High Priest than of an +Italian Despot, and cared more about spiritual than temporal business, +openly and bitterly complained in the councils of the Cardinals against +that bloody persecution which the Roman Catholics have suffered from the +Czar of Russia. Now, considering that I plead for republican principles, +to which the Reverend Father Jesuits should be _here_ warmly +attached, if they are willing to have the reputation of good citizens, +and not to be traitors to your Republic, which affords to them not only +the protection of its laws, but also the full enjoyment of all the +privileges of your republican freedom;--it is indeed a strange, striking +fact, to see these reverend fathers here in a Republic so warmly +advocating the cause of despotism, and so passionately persecuting the +cause I humbly plead, which at the same time is the cause of political +freedom and religious liberty for numerous millions of Roman Catholics +throughout Europe. + +As I am somewhat acquainted with the terrible history of that Order, I +thought to find the explanation of this striking fact, in the historical +ambition of that Order to rule the world--this, their everlasting +standard idea, to which they in all times sacrificed everything, and +misused even the holiest of all religion, as an instrument to that +ambition. But here in St. Louis I got hold of a definite circumstance +which makes the matter quite clear. + +I hold in my hand the printed Catalogue of the Society of Jesuits in the +province of Missouri, as they term your state. Herein I see that +amongst the thirty-five members officiating in the college of the Father +Jesuits, in St. Louis, there are not less than _eight_ Reverend +Father Jesuits imported from Austria. Now you see why I am so persecuted +here. This plain fact tells the story of a big book. + +But amongst all that the reverend gentlemen oppose to me there are only +two considerations to which the honour of my cause and of my nation +forces me to answer in a few remarks. They charge against me that my +cause is hostile to the Roman Catholic religion, and to get the Irish +citizens to side with them for the support of Russo-Austrian despotism +they charge me that I am no friend of Ireland. + +I. As to the Catholic religion--I indeed am a Protestant, not only by +birth, but also by conviction; and warmly penetrated by this conviction, +I would delight to see the same shared by the whole world. But before +all, I am mortally opposed to intolerance and to sectarism. I consider +religion to be a matter of conscience which every man has to arrange +between God and himself. And therefore I respect the religious +conviction of every man. I claim religious liberty for myself and my +nation, and must of course respect in others the right I claim for +myself. There is nothing in the world capable to rouse a greater +indignation in my breast than religious oppression. But particularly I +respect the Catholic religion, as the religion of some seven millions of +my countrymen, to whom I am bound in love, in friendship, in home +recollections, in gratitude, and in brotherhood, with the most sacred +ties. And I am proud to say, that as in general it is a pre-eminent +glory of my country, to be attached to the principle of full religious +liberty without any restriction, for all to all, so it is the particular +glory of my Roman Catholic countrymen not to be second to any in the +world, on the one side in attachment to their own religion, and on the +other side in toleration for other religions. + +The Austrian dynasty having been continually encroaching upon the +chartered right of Protestantism, who were those who struggled in the +first rank for our rights? Our Roman Catholic countrymen! It was a +glorious sight, almost unparalleled in history, but was also fully +appreciated by the Hungarian Protestants. All of us, man by man, would +rather sacrifice life, and blood, and goods, than to allow that a hair's +breadth should be crushed from the religious liberty of our Roman +Catholic countrymen. + +Now, what position took the Roman Catholics of Hungary in our past +struggle? There was not only no difference between them and the +Protestants in their devotion for our country's freedom and +independence, but they, according to the importance of their number, +took in the struggle a very pre-eminent part. The Roman Catholic Bishops +of Hungary protested against the perjurious treachery of the dynasty; +many of them suffer even now for their devotion to justice, liberty, and +right; and who is the Jesuit who dares to affirm that he is more devoted +to the Catholic religion than the Bishops of Hungary? Our battalions +were filled with Roman Catholic volunteers; Catholic priests led their +faithful flocks to the battle field; our National Convention was +composed in majority of Catholics--all the Catholic population, without +any exception, consented to and cheered enthusiastically my being +elected Governor of Hungary, though I am a Protestant. I had and I have +their friendship, their devotion, their support; and when I formed the +first Ministry of Independent Hungary, not only a full half of the new +Ministry I entrusted to Roman Catholics, but especially I nominated a +Roman Catholic Bishop to be Minister of public instruction, and all the +Protestants of my country hailed the nomination with applause. Such is +the cause of Hungary. Who dares now to charge me that that cause is +hostile to the Roman Catholic religion? + +But I am allied with Mazzini, with the Romans, and with the Italians; +thus goes on the charge: and these cursed Italians are enemies to the +Pope. Not to the Pope as High Priest of the Roman Catholic Church, but +as despotic sovereign of Rome and his corrupted temporal government--the +worst of human inventions. How long has it been a principle of the Roman +Catholic religion, that the Romans should not be Republicans? and that +the high priest of the Roman church should be a despotic sovereign over +the Roman nation? and in that capacity be a devoted ally and obedient +servant to the Czar of Russia, the sworn enemy and bloody persecutor of +Roman Catholicism? Why, when in 1849, the French Republic sent an army +against the Roman Republic to restore the Pope, not to his spiritual +authority, because that was by nobody contradicted, but to his temporal +despotism, the whole danger could have been averted by the Romans by +becoming, _en masse_, Protestants. The idea was pronounced in Rome +and not a single Roman accepted it. They preferred to struggle without +hope of victory--they preferred to bleed and to die rather than to +abandon their faith. + +Now, who can dare to insult that people--who can dare to insult the +Roman Catholics of Hungary, Croatia, Italy, Germany, Poland, France--who +can dare to insult the thousands of thousands of Roman citizens of the +United States--Senators, Governors, Judges--men of all public and +private positions--who can dare to insult them, as hostile to their own +religion, because they unite to support that cause which I plead? And +because they side with republican freedom, with civil and religious +liberty, against Russo-Austrian despotism? + +Who can dare to affirm that he represents the Catholic religion, if +three millions of Catholic Romans do not represent it? The Reverend +Father Jesuits perhaps! + +I take the liberty to say in a few words: They are that society which +Clement XIV, the high priest of the Roman Catholic Church, abolished as +dangerous to the Roman Catholic religion; they are those whom every +Roman Catholic King excluded from his territories as dangerous to +religion and social order; they are those, the ascendancy of whom has +always been a period of disaster and confusion to the Roman Catholic +church; they are those who now make an alliance or rather a compact of +submission with the Czar of Russia, like that which evil-doers, +according to the superstition of past ages, made with the evil spirit. +And here, in free republican America, they plead the cause of Russian +despotism; the cause of that Czar, who is the relentless persecutor of +Catholicism; who forced the United Greek Catholics, in the Polish +Provinces, by every imaginable cruelty, to abjure their connection with +Rome, and carried out, at a far greater expense of human life than +Ferdinand and Isabella or Louis XIV, the most stupendous proselytism +which violence has yet achieved. More than a hundred thousand human +beings had died of misery, or under the lash, as the Minsk nuns were +proved to have been killed, before he terrified these unhappy millions +into a submission against which their consciences revolted. Yet with +this man, red with Catholic blood, and damned with the million curses of +their co-religionists, the Rev. Father Jesuits are in alliance; and why? +Because it is a characteristic of that Order, to be ambitious to rule +the world. To achieve this, they have now made the Pope the obedient +satrap of the Czar. Into the enormity of this, enlightened Catholics see +clearly. Roman Catholics of Hungary, of Poland, of Italy, Germany, and +France have understood this. Is it possible that those of this republic +should less understand it? Why, in Italy and Rome itself, a majority of +the Catholic clergy are hostile to the temporal authority of the Pope, +and sympathize with Mazzini so generally, that of _seventeen_ +conspirators recently arrested for conspiring in favour of the Republic +against Austria, _sixteen_ were _priests_ belonging to the +humbler orders of the clergy. + +Gentlemen, I am sorry to have to argue such a question in the United +States. If it be indeed true, that amongst the Roman Catholics here an +opposition is got up against our cause, let them remember that in +opposing me, they oppose the independence and freedom of millions of +Hungarian Catholics,--of Catholic Italy,--of the Catholic half of +Germany, and of Catholic France; they are supporting the Czar, the most +bloody enemy of their religion. Yet I am glad to be able to say, that +not all the Roman Catholics here are opposed to me. I have warm friends +and kind protectors among them. The gallant General Shields,--Mr. Downs, +the Senator from Louisiana,--the warm-hearted Governor of +Maryland,--Judge Le Grand at Baltimore, and many other of my kindest +friends, are Roman Catholics. From New York onward, multitudes of Roman +Catholics have shared the general sympathy. And why not? surely freedom +is a treasure to every religious denomination whatsoever.[*] + +[Footnote *: Some sentences have been added from the Pittsburg speech, +at the end of which the same subject was treated.] + +So much for the charge that the cause which I plead--the cause of +millions of Roman Catholics--is hostile to the Roman Catholic religion. +Should I be forced to enter upon this topic once more, I will take the +heart-revolting history of those who have thus calumniated our cause, +into my hands, and recall to the memory of public opinion the terrible +pages of blood, ambition, countless crimes, and intolerance; but I hope +there will be no occasion for it. + + + +II. Now as to Ireland. Where is a man on earth, with uncorrupted soul +and with liberal instincts in his heart, who would not sympathize with +poor, unfortunate Ireland? Where is a man, loving freedom and right, in +whom the wrongs of Green Erin would not stir the heart? Who could +forbear warmly to feel for the fatherland of the Grattans, of +O'Connells, and of Wolfe Tones? I indeed am such, that wherever is +oppression and a people, there is my love. + +But why do I not plead Erin's wrongs? I am asked. My answer is: am I not +pleading the principle of Liberty? and is the cause of freedom not the +cause of Ireland? + +I see all the despots of the European continent united in a crusade +against liberty; there are two powers still neutral, the position of +which may well decide for or against despotism; these two powers are +Great Britain and America. If the Almighty blessed my endeavours--if I +could succeed to contribute something, that America, and by its +influence over the public opinion of the people of England, Great +Britain itself, should side with Liberty, from whatever consideration-- +from whatever interest, against despotism--then indeed I boldly declare +before God and men, that I have achieved a greater benefit and done a +better service to the future of Ireland, than all who go about loudly +crying about Erin's wrongs, and not doing anything for the triumph of +that cause which is about to be decided, and is the cause of all +nations, who are oppressed, and of all who are, or will be free. +Whereas, if, by uniting in the chorus of empty words, I should +contribute to alarm not only the government, but also the people of +England, and to force that government to side with despotism in the +decisive struggle against liberty, (to which that government, being as +it is, aristocratical, feels but too much inclined,) then indeed I am +sure I should do such a wrong to the future of Ireland, as the sacrifice +of my life and torrents of blood, and the sufferings of generations, +could not expiate. + +Be sure therefore, gentlemen, that every man who pleads for liberty, +pleads for Ireland; be sure, that every blow stricken for liberty is +stricken also for Ireland; that not always the most noisy are the best +friends; and prudent activity is often better service than any show of +eloquent words. + +And so let me hope, that while it is sure that he who is for freedom is +for Ireland, it also will be found that Irish blood can never be against +liberty. + +And as to you all, gentlemen, let me hope that, however the advocates of +despotism may try to mislead public opinion in free America, the +uncorrupted noble instinct of the people will prove to the world that it +is not in vain, that the down-trodden spirit of liberty raises the sign +of distress towards you, and that the wronged and the oppressed can +confidently appeal for help, for justice and for redress, to the free +and powerful Republic of America. + +I thank you, gentlemen, for the patience with which you have listened +during this torrent of rain. It shows that your sympathy is warm and +sincere--one which cannot be cooled down or washed away. + + * * * * * + +XXXVI.--THE IDES OF MARCH. + + +[_Farewell Speech at St. Louis, March 15th_.] + +Ladies and gentlemen: To-day is the fourth anniversary of the Revolution +in Hungary. + +Anniversaries of Revolutions are almost always connected with the +recollection of some patriots, death-fallen on that day, like the +Spartans at Thermopylae, martyrs of devotion to their fatherland. + +Almost in every country there is some proud cemetery, or some modest +tomb-stone, adorned on such a day by a garland of evergreen, the pious +offering of patriotic tenderness. + +I past the last night in a sleepless dream. And my soul wandered on the +magnetic wings of the past, home to my beloved bleeding land, and I saw +in the dead of the night, dark veiled shapes, with the paleness of +eternal grief upon their brow, but terrible in the tearless silence of +that grief, gliding over the churchyards of Hungary, and kneeling down +to the head of the graves, and depositing the pious tribute of green and +cypress upon them; and after a short prayer rising with clenched fists, +and gnashing teeth, and then stealing away tearless and silent as they +came--stealing away, because the blood-hounds of my country's murderer +lurks from every corner on that night, and on this day, and leads to +prison those who dare to show a pious remembrance to the beloved. +To-day, a smile on the lips of a Magyar is taken for a crime of defiance +to tyranny, and a tear in his eye is equivalent to a revolt. And yet I +have seen, with the eye of my home-wandering soul, thousands performing +the work of patriotic piety. + +And I saw more. When the pious offerers stole away, I saw the honoured +dead half risen from their tombs, looking to the offerings, and +whispering gloomily, "still a cypress, and still no flower of joy! Is +there still the chill of winter and the gloom of night over thee, +fatherland? are we not yet revenged? and the sky of the east reddened +suddenly, and quivered with bloody flames, and from the far, far west, a +lightning flashed like a star-spangled stripe, and within its light a +young eagle mounted and soared towards the quivering flames of the east, +and as he drew near, upon his approaching, the flames changed into a +radiant morning sun, and a voice from above was heard in answer to the +question of the dead: + +"Sleep yet a short while; mine is the revenge. I will make the stars of +the west, the sun of the east; and when ye next awake, ye will find the +flower of joy upon your cold bed." + +And the dead took the twig of cypress, the sign of resurrection, into +their bony hands and lay down. + +Such was the dream of my waking soul, and I prayed, and such was my +prayer: "Father, if thou deemest me worthy, take the cup from my people, +and give it in their stead to me." And there was a whisper around me +like the word "Amen." Such was my dream, half foresight and half +prophecy; but resolution all. However, none of those dead whom I saw, +fell on the 15th of March. They were victims of the royal perjury which +betrayed the 15th of March. The anniversary of our revolution has not +the stain of a single drop of blood. + +We, the elect of the nation, sat on that morning busily but quietly in +the legislative hall of old Presburg, and without any flood of +eloquence, passed our laws in short words, that the people shall be +free; the burdens of feudality cease; the peasant become free +proprietor; that equality of duties, equality of rights, shall be the +fundamental law; and civil, political, social, and religious liberty, +the common property of all the people, whatever tongue it may speak, or +in whatever church pray, and that a national ministry shall execute +these laws, and guard with its responsibility the chartered ancient +independence of our Fatherland. + +Two days before, Austria's brave people in Vienna had broken its yoke; +and summing up despots in the person of its tool, old Metternich, drove +him away, and the Hapsburgs, trembling in their imperial cavern of +imperial crimes, trembling, but treacherous, and lying and false, wrote +with yard-long letters, the words, "Constitution" and "Free Press," upon +Vienna's walls; and the people in joy cheered the inveterate liars, +because the people knows no falsehood. + +On the 14th I announced the tidings from Vienna to our Parliament at +Presburg. The announcement was swiftly carried by the great democrat, +the steam-engine, upon the billows of the Danube, down to old Buda and +to young Pesth, and while we, in the House of Representatives, passed +the laws of justice and freedom, the people of Pesth rose in peaceful +but majestic manifestation, declaring that the people should be free. At +this manifestation, all the barriers raised by violence against the +laws, fell of themselves. Not a drop of blood was shed. A man who was in +prison because he had dared to write a book, was carried home in triumph +through the streets. The people armed itself as a National Guard, the +windows were illuminated, and bonfires burnt; and when these tidings +returned back to Presburg, blended with the cheers from Vienna, they +warmed the chill of our House of Lords, who readily agreed to the laws +we proposed. And there was rejoicing throughout the land. For the first +time for centuries the farmer awoke with the pleasant feeling that his +time was now his own--for the first time went out to till his field with +the consoling thought that the ninth part of his harvest will not be +taken by the landlord, and the tenth by the bishop. Both had fully +resigned their feudal portion, and the air was brightened by the lustre +of freedom, and the very soil budding into a blooming paradise. + +Such is the memory of the 15th of March, 1848. + +One year later there was blood, but also victory, over the land; the +people, because free, fought like demi-gods. Seven great victories we +had gained in that month of March. On this very day, the remains of the +first 10,000 Russians fled, over the frontiers of Transylvania, to tell +at home how heavily the blow falls from free Hungarian arms. It was in +that very month that one evening I lay down in the bed, whence in the +morning Windischgrätz had risen: and from the battle-field (Isaszeg) I +hastened to the Congress at Debreczin, to tell the Representatives of +the nation: "It is time to declare our national independence, because it +is really achieved. The Hapsburgs have not the power to contradict it +more." Nor had they. But Russia, having experienced by the test of its +first interference, that there was no power on earth caring about the +most flagrant violation of the laws of nations, and seeing by the +silence of Great Britain and of the United States, that she may dare to +violate those laws, our heroes had to meet a fresh force of nearly +200,000 Russians. No power cheered our bravely won independence, by +diplomatic recognition; not even the United States, though they always +professed their principle to be that they recognise every de-facto +government. We therefore had the right to expect a speedy recognition +from the United States. Our struggle rose to European height, but we +were left alone to fight for the world; and we had no arms for the new +battalions, gathering up in thousands with resolute hearts and empty +hands. + +The recognition of our independence being withheld, commercial +intercourse for procuring arms abroad was impossible--the gloomy feeling +of entire forsakedness spread over our tired ranks, and prepared the +field for the secret action of treachery; until the most sacrilegious +violation of those common laws of nations was achieved and the code of +"nature and of nature's God," was drowned in Hungary's blood. And I, +who on the 15th of March, 1848, saw the principle of full civil and +religious liberty triumphing in my native land--who, on the 15th of +March, 1849, saw this freedom consolidated by victories--one year later, +on the 15th of March, 1850, was on my sorrowful way to an Asiatic +prison. + +But wonderful are the works of Divine Providence. + +It was again in the month of March, 1851, that the generous +interposition of the United States cast the first ray of hope into the +dead night of my captivity. And on the 15th of March, 1852, the fourth +anniversary of our Revolution, guided by the bounty of Providence, here +I stand in the very heart of your immense Republic; no longer a captive, +but free in the land of the free, not only not desponding, but firm in +confidence of the future, because raised in spirits by a swelling +sympathy in the home of the brave, still a poor, a homeless exile, but +not without some power to do good to my country and to the cause of +liberty, as my very persecution proves. + +Such is the history of the 15th of March, in my humble life. Who can +tell what will be the character of the next 15th of March? + +Nearly two thousand years ago the first Caesar found a Brutus on the +Ides or 15th of March. May be that the Ides of March, 1853, will see the +last of the Caesars fall under the avenging might of a thousand-handed +Brutus--the name of whom is "the people"--inexorable at last after it +has been so long generous. The seat of Caesars was first in the south, +from the south to the east, from the east to the west, and from the west +to the north. That is their last abode. None was lasting yet. Will the +last, and worst, prove luckier? No, it will not. While the seat of +Caesars was tossed around and thrown back to the icy north, a new world +became the cradle of a new humanity, where in spite of the Caesars, the +genius of freedom raised (let us hope) an everlasting throne. The +Caesar of the north and the genius of freedom have not place enough upon +this earth for both of them; one must yield and be crushed beneath the +heels of the other. Which is it? Which shall yield?--America may decide. + +Allow me to add a few remarks in dry and plain words, on other subjects. +It is not necessary to explain why I am attacked by Russia, Austria, and +their allies. But some of you, gentlemen, may have felt surprised to see +that two Hungarians have joined in the attack, both of whom accepted of +the office of ministers from my hands, and held that office under my +good pleasure, and from my will, till we all three proceeded into exile +on the same evening. My two assailants now live and act under the +protection of Louis Napoleon, who did not permit me even to pass through +France. + +You may yet find perhaps some more joining them, but the number will not +be large. Oh! the bitter pangs of an exile's daily life are terrible. I +have seen many a character faltering under the constant petty care of +how to live, which stood firm like a rock under the storm of a quaking +world, therefore I should not be surprised to find yet some few joining +in those attacks, as I have neither means nor time to care for the wants +of individuals, not even of my own children. What I get is not mine, but +my country's; and must be employed to secure its future prospects; and +it may be that others may avail themselves of this circumstance, and +show some temporary compassion to private misfortune, _under the +condition of secession from me_, with the purpose of being then able +to say that the cause of Hungary is hopeless, because not even the +Hungarian exiles live in concord. That may happen thus with some few; +for hunger is painful: but few they will be. The immense majority of my +brother exiles will rather starve than yield to such a snare. + +There may be some also that will fall victims to the craft of skilful +aristocratic diplomatists, who would fain keep or get the reputation of +liberal men, but without the necessity of becoming really liberal. That +class of influential persons may give some hope--even some half +indefinite promise of support to the cause of Hungary (which they never +intend to fulfil), under the condition of a peaceful compromise with the +House of Austria upon a monarchical-aristocratical basis, and not in +that way which I have proclaimed openly in England, knowing that every +root of the monarchical principle is torn out from the breasts of the +people of Hungary, so that we can never be knit again. Therefore the +future of Hungary can only be republican, and there is no door to that +future, but to continue the struggle. There may perhaps be some few +honest but weak men, who, weary of a homeless life, would fain return +home, even under the condition of monarchical-aristocratical compromise +which some skilful diplomatists make glitter into their eyes. + +But as to those two who do good service to the tyrant of their and my +country, the very circumstance that they were silent when I (because a +prisoner) was not able to work much, but are trying to check my +endeavours, now that I am about to achieve something which can only +prove to be a benefit to Hungarians,--smaller or greater, but only a +benefit and in no case a harm; this very circumstance shows the nature +of their attacks. But as to the pretence, by which they try to lull to +sleep their own consciences, that was revealed to me by a copy of a +confidential communication of one of their silent associates to a +private circle of friends, where it is stated, that, as I have declared +exclusively for a republic, a party must be got up under the nominal +leadership of Bathyanyi, on a monarchical basis, _because my views +leave no hope to get home in an honourable manner, otherwise than by a +revolution_. + +That is the key of the dispute. As to myself, I am a republican, and +will never be a subject to a king, any more than be a king myself. But I +love my country too sincerely to favour the course I would pursue, on my +own private sentiments alone. I know the Hapsburg, and I know my +country. I have weighed my people's revolution, wishes and will, and +weighed the condition of the only possible success. Upon this basis I +act, and am happy to say that the considerate prudence of a statesman, +and the duties of a patriot, not only act in full harmony with my own +personal republican convictions, but indeed cannot allow me in any other +course. Either freedom and our popular rights have no future, not only +in Hungary, but indeed in Europe, or that future will be, can be, and +shall be only republican for the Hungarians. It is more than foolish to +think that either an insurrectionary war can be prevented in Europe, or +that that war can terminate otherwise than either by a consolidated +despotism or republicanism. No other issue is possible. Therefore, +however mean be the private motives of the hostility of those, my very +few Hungarian enemies, I pity them. Out of too great a desire to get +home, they have made their return in every case impossible. Not all the +power of earth could afford them security at home against the +indignation of the people. Not, if I succeed to liberate my country, +for the people will consider them as traitors, who have done all they +could to prevent that liberation; not, if I should fail, because then +the people will believe that their counter-machinations are what caused +me to fail. + +So much for them. But the confidence with which I look to the republican +freedom of Hungary has been confirmed, by considering how weak must the +case be of those who urge you to indifference, when they are forced to +resort to the argument that we have no chance of success. + +I have often answered that objection, which in itself is a distrust in +God, in justice, in right, and in the blessings of humanity. Allow me +to-day in addition, only one remark. Two days ago the rumour was spread +that Louis Napoleon was killed. It was remarkable to see how those who +countenance despotism, grew livid by despair, and how those who doubt +about our success rose in spirits and in confidence. Some time ago a +similar false rumour caused almost a commercial crisis in the cotton +market of New Orleans. Now how can the security of that cause be +trusted, where the mere possible death of a single individual, and of +such an individual, can so crush every calculation upon the solidity of +the peace of oppression? + +Allow me to draw your attention to a circumstance which one of your +countrymen, William Henry Trescott, of South Carolina, has recommended +to public attention, already in the year 1849, in his pamphlet, entitled +'A few Thoughts on the Foreign Policy of the United States.' The +position of the United States underwent an immense change, as soon as +your boundaries extended to the Pacific; extensive commercial relations +with Asia became a necessity. You feel it--the very movements now +commenced in respect to Japan bear witness to it. Let those movements be +completed, and whom will you meet? Russia. That is the old story. +Everybody who is willing to have some influence in the East must meet +Russia, whose sterling thought is to exclude all other powers from the +East. + +England is to you the competitor in the commerce of the East; and +competitors may well have a fair field for them both; but Russia is not +a competitor there, she is an _enemy_. Look to the Mediterranean +Sea, and remember the everlasting thought of Russia to crush Turkey, and +to get hold of Constantinople. What is the key of this eternal fond +desire, inherited from Peter the Great? It is not the mere desire of +territorial aggrandizement; the real key is, that it is only by the +possession of Constantinople that Russia, a great territorial power +already, can become also a great maritime power. The Mediterranean is +what Russia wants, to be the mistress of Europe, Asia, of Africa, and of +the world. But the Sultan, sitting on the Bosphorus, confines the navy +of the Czar to the Black Sea, an interior lake, without any outlet but +by the beautiful Bosphorus. Constantinople taken, it is Russia which +controls the Mediterranean:--a circumstance of such immense importance, +that Mr. Trescott says, it would be a sufficient reason for direct and +positive interference--that is, for war. + +There--there--_in Turkey, will be decided the fate of the world_. +Perhaps there will be not only the end, but also the beginning of the +end; and some American politicians say, the United States can do nothing +for Europe's liberty, but Turkey can,--holding only the Bosphorus +against an inroad from Sebastopol!--Turkey, with its brave four hundred +thousand men--the natural ally of all those European nations who will, +who must, struggle against Russian preponderance. How wonderful! The +Bosphorus in the hands of the Sultan, saves the world from Russian +dominion; and yet I am asked, what can America do for Europe? How many +men-of-war have you in the Mediterranean? I would you had more. Would +you had some other anchorage in the Mediterranean for your glorious +flag! Turkey has many a fine harbour, and a great deal of good will. The +Turkish Aghas now would not be afraid to see cheered, for instance, by +the inhabitants of Mytilene, the American flag, should it ever happen +that that flag were cast in protection around my humble self; nay, I am +sure they would smilingly join in the harsh but cordial "_khôsh +guelden, sepa gueldin_," which is more than a thrice welcome in your +language. But the word welcome reminds me that I have to say to you +farewell--and that is a sad word in the place where I have met so warm a +welcome, but it must be done. Can I hope to have the consolation of +knowing that in bidding farewell to my namesake city, I leave +high-minded men, who, remembering that they have seen the Hungarian +exile on the Ides of March, will have faith in the future of freedom's +just cause, and make the central city of the great United Republic the +centre of numerous associations of the friends of Hungary in the Great +West, whence I confidently hope the sun of freedom will move towards the +East. + +Ladies and gentlemen, I bid you farewell, a heartfelt, affectionate +farewell. + +[From St. Louis, Kossuth proceeded farther south; but we do not find any +novelty in his speech at New Orleans, March 30th. The most notable thing +in that meeting, is the cordial pronouncement of the Hon. E. W. Moise, +in the name of the City Authorities and People of New Orleans, in favour +of Hungary and Governor Kossuth: thus distinctly showing that the +commercial metropolis of the South sympathizes with European liberty +equally as the North. But it is sufficient here to have indicated the +fact.] + + * * * * * + +XXXVII.--HISTORY OF KOSSUTH'S LIBERATION. + +[_Jackson, Mississippi--(Visit to Senator Foote) April 1st_.] + +Kossuth had felt it a duty of gratitude, on his return from New Orleans, +to visit Jackson, the chief city of Mississippi, in order to express his +thanks in person to Senator Foote, then Governor of the State, for +having moved a resolution in the Senate to send a steamer to +Constantinople for Kossuth, and afterwards, a resolution tendering to +him a cordial national welcome at Washington. On his proposing this +visit, he received an enthusiastic invitation from the citizens at +large, as was expounded to him by Governor Foote in a very cordial +speech, which ended with the words: + +In the name of the sovereign people of Mississippi, and by the special +request of those of our citizens whom you see before you and around you, +I now bid you welcome to our own Capital, and pray that a bounteous +Providence may vouchsafe to you and the sacred cause of which you are +the advocate, its most auspicious countenance and protection. + +Kossuth replied: + +Your Excellency has been pleased to bestow a word of approbation upon +the manner in which I have spoken and acted since I am here in the +United States, especially as to frankness: which frankness, on another +side, has occasioned much hostility toward me. Allow me, on the present +occasion, to exercise that same frankness. If I were less frank, I +should perhaps tell you I had a fond desire to see Mississippi, and +thank the citizens for sympathy to my country. But I claim not a merit +which I do not possess. I did not come to meet the people. My only +motive was one of gratitude toward YOU, sir. + +One anxiety has weighed upon my breast ever since I have been in the +United States, and that is, lest I lose the opportunity to say to you, +with a warm grasp of the hand, and in a few but heartfelt words, how +thankful I feel for the important part you have been pleased to take in +my liberation from captivity. I hope to God, you will never have reason +to regret what you have done for me. Allow me to state that there was +something Providential in the fact, and in the time of intercession in +my behalf. + +The Sultan is a generous man; I can bear testimony to that. When Russia +and Austria, proudly relying upon their armies and the flush of victory, +arrogantly demanded that we should be surrendered to the hangman of my +fatherland; and when the majority of the Divan (the great Council of +Turkey) taking a shortsighted view of the case, and influenced by the +impending danger, had already consented to the arrogant demand, and +when, in consequence thereof, the abandonment of our religion was +proposed as the only means to save our lives, then the Sultan, informed +of the matter, and following the noble impulse of his generous heart, +declared that he would prefer to perish rather than dishonour his +name--he would therefore accept the dangers of war rather than disregard +the great duty of humanity--thus if he be doomed to perish, he would at +least perish in an honourable way. By that noble resolution our lives +were saved. But European diplomacy stepped in, to convert the accorded +hospitality into a prison;[*] the Sultan being left alone, not +supported, not encouraged by any one soever, but assailed by +complications, ill advised by fear, and threatened by many, yielded at +last, but yielded with the intention to restore us to our natural +rights, as soon as he could be sure that he stood not forsaken and alone +in acknowledging the right of humanity. For a long while, no +encouragement came, and we lingered in our prison, forsaken and without +hope. You, sir, moved a resolution in the Senate of the United States. +In consequence thereof, the great Republic of the West, by its generous +offer, cast a ray of consolation into my prison, and gave encouragement +to the Sublime Porte. The English and the French governments, unwilling +to appear less liberal, both approved the course of the United States. +England made even a similar offer as America, and the Sultan, glad to +see that he was no longer alone in asserting what is right, agreed to +the offer, notwithstanding all the machinations of my enemies, and I and +my countrymen became free. + +[Footnote *: I am permitted to explain, that Kossuth had in view not the +action of one power only, but the total result of all the powers. While +the Sultan knew what the arms of Russia were meant for, and could not +learn whether the fleet of England was meant for anything but _a mere +show_ (for Sir Stratford Canning "had no orders" to _use_ it), +the practical advice of diplomacy was, not, to do what was just, but, to +make the least disgraceful and least dangerous compromise.] + +Now suppose, sir, you had not introduced that resolution then, and the +star-spangled flag had not been cast in protection around me--suppose +that the _coup d'état_ of Louis Napoleon had found me in prison +still--that _coup d'état_ which caused a change of the ministry in +England,--what would have been the consequence? England would probably +have remained indifferent, and France would have certainly opposed the +proposition of the United States--or rather, supported the cause of +Austria; and the Sultan abandoned by the constitutional powers of +Europe, would have been forced to make Kutaya what the arrogant despots +desired--a physical, or at least, a moral grave for me--and instead of +the new hope and fresh resolution which my liberation inspired into +nations groaning under the weight of a common oppression, there would be +now a gloom of despondency spread over all who united with me in spirit, +in resolution, and in sentiments. + +Therefore, in whatsoever I may yet be _useful through my regained +activity, it is due to you, sir_. Without the intercession of the +United States, there would have been no field of activity left me. + +Allow me now to speak on another matter connected with this. Among the +calumnies perpetually thrown out at me, is one which I cannot pass in +silence, because it charges me with ingratitude to the United States, +saying that I misuse the generosity of your country, which granted me +protection and an asylum, _upon my accepting the condition not to +meddle any more with politics_, but to abandon the cause to which I +have devoted my life--to retire from public life, and to lay down my +head to rest. + +Now, before God and man, this representation is entirely false. No such +condition was added to the generous offer of the United States; and I +declare, that however much I regard such an offer, had this condition +been attached, I would in no case, have accepted it. Life is of no value +to me, except inasmuch as I can do some service to my country's cause. + +Therefore, under the condition of forsaking my country, I would not +accept happiness--not liberty--not life. This I have said before. + +It is due from me to the honour of the Turkish Government to declare, +that the Sublime Porte not only attached no condition at all to my +liberation, but explicitly and officially intimated to me, that having +once decided to set us free, it was unwilling to do things by +halves;--we had therefore full and unrestricted liberty, on leaving +Turkey, to go and to stay where we pleased--to take such a course as we +chose, and that to that purpose, an American and an English vessel would +be ready at the Dardanelles, and it would depend on our choice, on board +of which we embarked. Indeed I have an official communication on the +part of the English Government in my hands, by which I was informed, +that the only reason why the appointed English vessel came not to the +Dardanelles was, that I and my associates had declared that we preferred +to embark on board the American ship. + +But again: in respect to that embarkation, I must state that, in the +resolution of the Congress, one word being contained which might have +been subject to different interpretation, I considered it my duty to +declare frankly to the legation of the United States at Constantinople, +that I neither was, nor would be, willing to assume the character of an +_emigrant_; but would only be considered an _exile_, driven +away by foreign violence from my native land, but not without the hope +to get home again to free and independent Hungary; therefore, that I not +only would not pledge my word to go directly to the United States, or to +remove thither permanently, but, upon regaining my liberty, intended to +devote it to win back for my country its sovereign independence, which +we had achieved and proclaimed, and which was wrested from us by the +most sacrilegious violation of the laws of nations. I got an answer +fully satisfactory on the part of your legation, assuring me that the +United States would never consent to give me a new prison, instead of +liberty; and that there was, and could be, no intention on the part of +the United States to restrain my freedom or my activity, beyond the +limits of your common laws, which are equally obligatory and equally +protective to every one, so long as he chooses to stay in the United +States. Upon this. I accepted thankfully the generous offer of the +United States. I wrote a letter of thanks to His Excellency the +President, and ordered my diplomatic agent in England to write a similar +one to the Honourable Secretary of State, expressing, that I considered +the struggle for our national independence not yet finished, and that I +would devote my regained liberty to the cause of my fatherland. + +_Nearly three months after these declarations_, the Mississippi +steam-ship arrived, and I embarked, having again, previously and on +board, constantly declared, that it was my fervent wish to visit the +United States, but not without previously visiting England, on board the +same frigate, if the favour should be granted to me; else on board +another ship from a Mediterranean port, if needs must be. This is the +true history of the case. + +I hope you will excuse me for having answered for once a +misrepresentation which charges me with bad faith and ingratitude, such +as neither have I merited, nor can I bear * * * + + * * * * * + +XXXVIII.--PRONOUNCEMENT OF THE SOUTH. + +[_Mobile, Alabama, April 3d_.] + +Ladies and gentlemen,--I did not expect to have either the honour of a +public welcome, or the opportunity of addressing such a distinguished +assembly at Mobile--not as if I had entertained the slightest doubt +about the generous sentiments of this enlightened community, but because +I am called by pressing duties to hasten back to the east of the United +States. Indeed only the accident of not finding a vessel ready to leave +when I arrived here, has enabled me to see the fair flower of your +generosity added to the garland of sympathy which the people of your +mighty Republic has given me, and which will shine from the banner of +resistance to all-encroaching despotism, that banner which the +expectations of millions call me to raise. + +But however unexpected my arrival, the congenial kindness of your warm +hearts left me not unnoticed and uncheered; and besides the joyful +consolation which I feel on this occasion, there is also important +benefit in the generous reception you honour me with. + +Firstly, because one of the United States Senators of Alabama, Mr. +Clemens, was pleased to pronounce himself not only opposed to my +principles, but hostile to my own humble self. I thank God for having +well deserved the hatred of Czars and Emperors; and so may God bless me, +as I will all my life try to deserve it still more; but I cannot equally +say, that I have deserved the inclemency of Mr. Clemens, though it be +not the least passionate of all. Well, ladies and gentlemen, after the +spontaneous sympathy which I here so unexpectedly meet, I may be +permitted to believe that it is not the State of Alabama, but Mr. +Clemens only whom I have to count amongst my persecutors and my enemies. + +Secondly, I must mention, that it is my good fortune not often to meet +arguments opposed to my arguments, but only personal attacks. Well, that +is the best acknowledgment which could have been paid to the justice of +my cause. For even if I were all that my enemies would like to make me +appear, would thereby the cause I plead and the principles I advocate be +less just, less righteous, and less true? Now amongst those personal +attacks there is one which says, that I am so impertinent as to dare +appeal from the government to the people: and that _I try to sow +dissension between the people and the government_. I declare in the +most solemn manner, this imputation to be entirely unfounded and +calumniatory. Who ever heard me say one single word of complaint or +dissatisfaction against your national government? When have I spoken +otherwise than in terms of gratitude, high esteem, and profound +veneration about the Congress and Government of the United States? and +how could I have spoken otherwise; being, as I am, indebted to Congress +and Government, for my liberation, for the most generous protection, and +for the highest honours a man was ever yet honoured with? And besides, +I have full reason to say that _it is entirely false to insinuate that +in political respects I had been disappointed with my visit to +Washington City_,--no, it is not respect alone, but the intensest +gratitude that I feel. The principles and sentiments of the Chief +Magistrate of your great republic, expressed to the Congress in his +official messages; the principles of your government so nobly +interpreted by the Hon. Secretary of State, at the congressional +banquet, confirming expressly the contents of his immortal letter to +Mons. Hulsemann; the further private declarations, in regard to the +practical applications of those governmental principles; all and +everything could but impress my mind with the most consoling +satisfaction and the warmest gratitude;--as may be seen in the letter of +thanks which on the eve of my departure I sent to His Excellency the +President and to both Houses of Congress. + +That being my condition, who can charge me with sowing dissension +between the people and the government, when I, accepting such +opportunities, as you also have been pleased kindly to offer to me, +plead the cause of my down-trodden country (for which both people and +government of the United States have manifested the liveliest sympathy;) +and advocate principles, entirely harmonizing with the official +declarations of your government? And what is it I say to the people in +my public addresses? I say, "the exigency of circumstances has raised +the question of foreign policy to the highest standard of +importance,--the question is introduced to the Congress, it must +therefore be brought to a decision, it cannot be passed in silence any +more. Your representatives in Congress take it for their noblest glory +to follow the sovereign will of the people; but to be able to follow it, +they must know it; yet they cannot know it without the people +manifesting its opinion in a constitutional way; since they have not +been elected upon the question of foreign policy, that question being +then not yet discussed. I therefore humbly entreat the sovereign people +of the United States to consider the matter, and to pronounce its +opinion, in such a way as it is consistent with law, and with their +constitutional duties and rights." May I not be tranquillized in my +conscience, that in speaking thus I commit no disloyal act, and do in no +way offend against the high veneration due from me to your constituted +authorities? + +If it be so, then the generous manifestation of your sympathy I am +honoured with in Mobile, is again a highly valuable benefit to my cause, +because it has such a character of spontaneity, that, here at least, no +misrepresentation can charge me with having even endeavoured to elicit +that high-minded manifestation from the metropolis of the State of +Alabama. + +So doubly returning my thanks for it, I beg leave to state what it is I +humbly entreat. + +Firstly, when the struggle which is to decide on the freedom of Europe +has once broken out, Hungary has resources to carry it on: but she wants +initial aid, because her finances are all grasped by our oppressors. You +would not refuse to me, a houseless exile, _alms_ and commiseration +if I begged for myself. Surely then you cannot refuse it for my bleeding +fatherland, when I beg of you, as individuals, trifling sums, such as +each can well spare, and the gift of which does not entangle your +country in any political obligation. + +Whatever may be my personal fate, millions would thank and coming +generations bless it as a source of happiness to them, as once the +nineteen million francs, 24,000 muskets, and thirty-eight vessels of war +which France gave to the cause of your own independence, have been a +source of happiness to you. I rely in that respect upon the republican +virtue which your immortal Washington has bequeathed to you in his +memorable address to M. Adet, the first French republican minister sent +to Washington. "_My anxious recollections and my best wishes are +irresistibly attracted whensoever in any country I see an oppressed +nation unfurl the banner of freedom_." + +So spoke Washington; and so much for _private_ material aid; to +which nothing is required but a little sympathy for an unfortunate +people, which even Mr. Clemens may feel, whatever his personal aversion +for the man who is pleading not his own, but his brave people's cause. + +As to the _political_ part of my mission, I humbly claim that the +United States may pronounce what is or should be the law of +nations--such as they can recognize consistently with the basis upon +which their own existence is established, and consistently with their +own republican principles. + +And what is the principle of such a law of nations, which you as +republicans can recognize? Your greatest man, your first President, +Washington himself, has declared in these words: "_Every nation has a +right to establish that form of government under which it conceives it +may live most happy, and no government ought to interfere with the +internal concerns of another._" + +And according to this everlasting principle, proclaimed by your first +President, your last President has again proclaimed in his last message +to the Congress, that "_the United States are forbidden to remain +indifferent to a case, in which the strong arm of a foreign power is +invoiced to repress the spirit of freedom in any country." + +It is this declaration that I humbly claim to be sanctioned by the +sovereign will of the people of the United States, in support of that +principle which Washington already has proclaimed. And in that respect, +I frankly confess I should feel highly astonished, if the Southern +States proved not amongst the first, and amongst the most unanimous to +join in such a declaration. Because, of all the great principles +guaranteed by your constitution, there is none to which the southern +states attach a greater importance,--there is none which they more +cherish,--than the principle of self-government; the principle that +their own affairs are to be managed by themselves, without any +interference from whatever quarter, neither from another state, though +they are all estates of the same galaxy, nor from the central +government, though it is an emanation of all the states, and represents +the south as well as the north, and the east and the west; nor from any +foreign power, though it be the mightiest on earth. + +Well, gentlemen, this great principle of self-government, is precisely +the ground upon which I stand. It is for the defence of this principle +that my nation rose against a world in arms; to maintain this principle +in the code of "nature and of nature's God," the people of Hungary spilt +their blood on the battlefield and on the scaffold. It is this principle +which was trodden down in Hungary by the centralization of Austria and +the interference of Russia. It is the principle which, if Hungary is not +restored to her sovereign independence, is blotted out for ever from the +great statute book of the nations, from the common law of mankind. + +Like a pestilential disease, the violation of the principle of +self-government will spread over all the earth until it is destroyed +everywhere, in order that despots may sleep in security, for they know +that this principle is the strongest stronghold of freedom, and +therefore it is hated by all despots and all ambitious men, and by all +those who have sold their souls to despotism and ambition. + +Gentlemen, you know well that the principle of self-government has two +great enemies--CENTRALIZATION and FOREIGN INTERFERENCE. Hungary is a +bleeding victim to both. + +You have probably perceived, gentlemen, that the great misfortune of +Europe is the spirit of centralization encroaching upon all municipal +institutions and destroying self-government, not only by open despotism, +but also under the disguise of liberty. Fascinated by this dangerous +tendency, even republican France went on to sweep away all the traces of +self-government, and this is the reason why all her revolutions could +not assert liberty for her people, and why she lies now prostrate under +the feet of a usurper, without glory, without merit, without virtue. + +Blind to their interests, the nations abandoned their real liberty, the +municipal institutions, for a nominal responsibility of ministers and +for parliamentary omnipotence. Instead of clinging to the principle of +self-government--the true breakwater against the encroachments of kings, +of ministers, of parliaments--they abandoned the principle which +enforces the real responsibility of ministers and raises the parliament +to the glorious position of the people's faithful servant; they +exchanged the real liberty of self-government for the fascinating +phantom of parliamentary omnipotence, making the elected of the people +the masters of the people, which, if it is really to be free, cannot +have any master but God. The old Anglo-Saxon municipal freedom has even +in England been weakened by this tendency; parliament has not only +fought against the prerogative of the crown, but has conquered the +municipal freedom of the country and of the borough. Green Erin sighs +painfully under this pressure, and English statesmen begin to be +alarmed. Hungary, my own dear fatherland, was the only country in Europe +which, amidst all adversaries, amidst all attacks of foreign +encroachment and all inducements of false new doctrines, remained +faithful to the great principle of self-government, at which the +perjurious dynasty of Austria has never ceased to aim deadly blows. To +get rid of these incessant attacks we availed ourselves of the condition +of Europe in 1848, and got our old national self-government guarantied +in a legal way, with the sanction of our then king, by substituting +_individual_ for collective responsibility of ministers; having +experienced that a board of ministers, though responsible by law and +composed of our own countrymen, was naturally and necessarily in +practice irresponsible. When the tyrants of Austria, whom our +forefathers had elected in an ill-fated hour to be our constitutional +kings, saw that their designs of centralization were obstructed, they +forsook their honour, they broke their oath, they tore asunder the +compact by which they had become kings; the diadem had lost its +brightness for them if it was not to be despotic. + +They stirred up robbers and rebels against us: and when this failed, +then with all the forces of the empire attacked Hungary unexpectedly, +not thinking to meet with a serious opposition, because we had no army, +no arms, no ammunition, no money, no friends. They therefore declared +our constitution and our self-government, which we have preserved +through the adversities of ten centuries, at once and for ever +abolished. + +But my heart could not bear this sacrilege. I and my political friends, +we called our people to arms to defend the palladium of our national +existence, the privilege of self-government, and that political, civil, +and religious liberty, and those democratic institutions, which, upon +the glorious basis of self-government, we had succeeded to assert for +all the people of Hungary. And the people nobly answered my call. We +struck down the centralizing tyrant to the dust; we drove him and his +double-faced eagle out from our country; our answer to his impious +treachery was the declaration of our independence and his forfeiture of +the crown. + +Were we right to do so, or not? + +We were; and _we had accomplished already our lawful enterprise +victoriously_; we had taken our competent seat amongst the +independent nations on earth. But the other independent powers, and +alas! even the United States, lingered to acknowledge our dearly but +gloriously bought independence; and beaten Austria had time to take her +refuge under the shelter of the other principle, hostile to +self-government, of the sacrilegious principle of FOREIGN ARMED +INTERFERENCE. + +The Czar of Russia declared that the example of Hungary is dangerous to +the interests of absolutism! He interfered, and aided by treason, he +succeeded to crush freedom and self-government in Hungary, and to +establish a centralized absolutism there, where, through all the ages of +the past, the rule of despotism never had been established, and the +United States let him silently accomplish this violation of the common +law of nations. + +Gentlemen, the law of nations, upon which you have raised the lofty hall +of your independence, does not exist any more. The despots are united +and leagued against national self-government. They declare it +inconsistent with their divine (rather Satanic) rights; and upon this +basis all the nations of the European Continent are held in fetters; the +government of France is become a vanguard to Russia, St. Petersburg is +transferred to Paris, and England is forced to arm and to prepare for +self-defence at home. + +These are the immediate consequences of the downfall of the principle of +self-government in Hungary, by the violence of foreign interference. But +if this great principle is not restored to its full weight by the +restoration of Hungary's sovereign independence, then you will see yet +other consequences in your own country. _Your_ freedom and +prosperity is hated as dangerous to the despots of Europe. If you do not +believe me, believe at least what the organs of your enemies openly avow +themselves. Pozzo di Borgo, the great Russian diplomatist, and +Hulsemann, the little Austrian diplomatist, repeatedly in 1817 and 1823, +published that despotism is in danger, unless yourselves become a +king-ridden people. If you study the history of the Hungarian struggle, +you can also see the way by which the despots will carry their design. +The secret power of foreign diplomacy will foster amongst you the +principle of centralization; and, as is always the case, many who are +absorbed in some special aims of your party politics will be caught by +this snare; and when you, gentlemen of the south, oppose with energy +this tendency, dangerous to your dear principle of self-government, the +despots of Europe will first foment and embitter the quarrel and kindle +the fire of domestic dissensions, and finally they will declare that +your example is dangerous to order. Then foreign armed interference +steps in for centralization here, as for monarchy in the rest of +America. + +Indeed, gentlemen, if there is any place on earth where this prospect +should be considered with attention, with peculiar care, it is here in +the southern states of this great union, because their very existence is +based on the great principle of self-government. + +But some say there is no danger for the United States, in whatever +condition be the rest of the world. I am astonished to hear that +objection in a country, which, by a thousand ties, is connected with and +interested in the condition of the foreign world. + +It is your own government which prophetically foretold in 1827, that +_the absolutism of Europe will not be appeased until every vestige of +human freedom has been obliterated even here_. + +And is it upon the ruins of Hungary that the absolutist powers are now +about to realize this prophecy? + +You are aware of the fact that every former revolution in Europe was +accompanied by some constitutional concessions, promised by the kings to +appease the storm, but treacherously nullified when the storm passed. +Out of this false play constantly new revolutions arose. It is therefore +that Russian interference in Hungary was preceded by a proclamation of +the Czar,--wherein he declares "that insurrection having spread in every +nation with an audacity which has gained new force in proportion to the +concessions of the governments," every concession must be withdrawn; not +the slightest freedom, no political rights, and no constitutional +aspirations must be left, but everything levelled by the equality of +passive obedience and absolute servitude; he therefore takes the lead of +the allied despots, to crush the spirit of liberty on earth. + +It is this impious work, which was begun by the interference in Hungary, +and goes on spreading in a frightful degree; it is this impious work +which my people, combined with the other oppressed nations, is resolved +to oppose. It is therefore no partial struggle which we are about to +fight; it is a struggle of principles, the issues of which, according as +we triumph or fall, must be felt everywhere, but nowhere more than here +in the United States, because no nation on earth has more to lose by the +all-overwhelming preponderance of the absolutist principle than the +United States. If we are triumphant, the progress and development of the +United States will go on peacefully, till your Republicanism becomes the +ruling principle on earth (God grant it may soon become); but if we +fail, the absolutist powers, triumphant over Europe, will and must fall +with all their weight upon you, precisely because else you would grow to +such a might as would decide the destinies of the world. And since the +absolutistical powers, with Russia at their head, desire themselves to +rule the world, it is natural for her to consider you as their most +dangerous enemy, which they must try to crush, or else be crushed sooner +or later themselves. The _Pozzo di Borgos_ tell you so: the +_Hulsemanns_ tell you so: and it were indeed strange if the people +of the United States, too proudly relying upon their power and their +good luck, should indifferently regard the gathering of danger over +their head, and hereby invite it to come home to them, forcing them to +the immense sacrifices of war, whereas we now afford to them an +opportunity to prevent that danger, without any entanglement, and +without claiming from you any moral and material aid, except such as is +not only consistent with, but necessary to your interests. + +Allow me to make yet some remarks about the commercial interests as +connected with the cause I plead. Nothing astonishes me more than to see +those whose only guiding star is commerce, considering its interests +only from the narrow view of a small momentary profit, and disregarding +the threatening combination of next coming events. + +Permit me to quote in this respect one part of the public letter which +Mr. Calhoun, the son of the late great leader of the South, the +inheritor of his fame, of his principles, and of his interests, has +recently published. I quote it because I hope nobody will charge him +with partiality in respect to Hungary. + +Mr. Calhoun says: + +"There is a universal consideration that should influence the government +of the United States. The palpable and practical agricultural, +manufacturing, commercial and navigating interests, the pecuniary +interests of this country, will be promoted by the independence of +Hungary more than by any other event that could occur in Europe. If +Hungary becomes independent it will be her interest to adopt a liberal +system of commercial policy. There are fifteen millions of people +inhabiting what is or what was Hungary, and the country between her and +the Adriatic. These people have not now, and never had, any commerce +with the United States. Hungarian trade and commerce has been stifled by +the 'fiscal barriers' of Austria that encircle her. She has used but few +of American products. Your annual shipments of cotton and cotton +manufactures to Trieste and all other Austrian ports, including the +amount sent to Hungary, as well as Austria, has never exceeded nine +hundred thousand dollars per annum. All other merchandize and produce +sent by you to Austria and Hungary do not exceed one hundred thousand +dollars a year. Hungary obtains all her foreign imports through Austrian +ports. The import and transit duties levied by Austria are exceedingly +onerous, and nearly prohibitory as to Hungary of your cotton and cotton +goods." Hungary independent, and a market is at once opened for your +cotton, rice, tobacco, and manufactures of immense value. That market +is now closed to you, and has always been, by Austrian restrictions. And +can it be doubted that besides supplying the fifteen millions of +_industrious and intelligent_ people of Hungary (_and they are, +as a people, perhaps, the most intelligent of any in Europe_), the +adjacent and neighbouring countries, will not also be tempted to +encourage trade with you? Hungary needs your cotton. She is rich in +resources--mineral, agricultural, manufacturing, and of every kind. She +is rich in products for which you can exchange your cotton, rice, &c. +Will it, I ask, injuriously affect you if the English should compete +with you and send their manufactures of cotton thither? Not, I presume, +as long as the raw material is purchased from America; but in fact, your +market will be extended through her. "If therefore those of our +statesmen (says Mr. Calhoun), who can only be influenced by the almighty +dollar, will cypher up the value of this trade--this new market for our +products, worth perhaps twenty millions of dollars yearly--they may find +an excuse for incurring even the tremendous and awful risk of a war with +Austria, but which there is less danger of than there is with Governor +Brigham Young, in Utah. They may find a substantial interest involved +that is worth taking care of. Governor Kossuth may be assured it is of +more consequence than sympathy. It is a wonderfully sensitive nerve in +this country: it controls most of the others.--Sympathy, in this case, +can take care of itself. It does not require any nursing. The interests +involved should be attended to. It seems to me that this position as to +our commerce with Hungary cannot be attacked in front, in rear, or on +either flank. It is by far more forcible and powerful than the _ex +post facto_ argument in favour of the Mexican war, that it got us +California and its gold. So far as the general welfare of the country is +concerned, free trade with independent Hungary, and its certain ultimate +results, would be more invaluable than all the cargoes of gold that may +be brought from the Pacific coast, if ten times the present amount." + +That is the opinion of a distinguished American citizen, identified +chiefly with the interests of the South. + +As to me, I beg permission to sketch in a few lines the reverse of the +picture. If we fail in our enterprize to check the encroaching progress +of absolutism, if the despots of Europe succeed to accomplish their +plot, the chief part of which for Russia is to get hold of +Constantinople, and thus to become the controlling power of the +Mediterranean sea, what will be the immediate result of it in respect to +your commerce? + +No man of sound judgment can entertain the least doubt that the first +step of Russia will and must be, to exclude America from the markets of +Europe by the renewal of what is called the continental system. Not a +single bushel of wheat or corn, not a single pound of tobacco, not a +single bale of cotton, will you be permitted to sell on the continent of +Europe. The leagued despots must exclude you, because you are +republicans, and commerce is the conveyer of principles; they must +exclude you, because by ruining your commerce they ruin your prosperity, +and by ruining this they ruin your development, which is dangerous to +them. Russia besides must exclude you, because you are the most +dangerous rival to her in the European markets where you have already +beaten her. And it will be the more the interest of Russia to exclude +you, because by taking Constantinople, she will also become the master +of Asiatic and African regions, where also cotton is raised. + +Well, you say, perhaps, though you be excluded from the European +continent, England still remains to your cotton commerce.--Who could +guarantee that the English aristocracy will not join in the absolutist +combination, if the people of the United States, by a timely +manifestation of its sentiments, does not encourage the public opinion +of England itself? But suppose England does remain a market to your +cotton, you must not forget that if English manufacture is excluded from +all the coasts of Europe and of the Mediterranean, she will not buy so +much cotton from you as now, because she will lose so large a market for +cotton goods. + +Well, you say neither England nor you will submit to such a ruin of your +prosperity. Of course not; but then you will have a war, connected with +immense sacrifices; whereas now, you can prevent all that ruin, all +those sacrifices, and all that war. Is it not more prudent to prevent a +fire, than to quench it when your own house is already in flames? + +Ladies and Gentlemen, let me draw to a close. I most heartily thank you +for the honours of this unlooked-for reception, and for your generous +sympathy. I feel happy that the interests, political as well as +commercial, of the United States, are in intimate connexion with the +success of the struggle of Hungary for independence and republican +principles; and I bid you a sincere and cordial farewell, recalling to +your memory, and humbly recommending to your sympathy that toast, which +the more clement Senator of Alabama, Colonel King, as President of the +United States Senate, gave me at the Congressional Banquet, on the 7th +of January, in these words:-- + +"Hungary having proved herself worthy to be free, by the virtue and +valour of her sons, the law of nations and the dictates of justice alike +demand that she shall have fair play in her struggle for independence." + +It was the honourable Senator of Alabama who gave me this toast, +expressing his conviction that to this toast every American will +cordially respond. His colleague has not responded to it, but Mobile has +responded to it, and I take, with cordial gratitude, my leave of Mobile. + + * * * * * + +XXXIX.--KOSSUTH'S DEFENCE AGAINST CERTAIN MEAN IMPUTATIONS. + +[_Jersey City_.] + +Kossuth was here welcomed with an address by the Hon. D. S. Gregory, +whose guest he became. Great efforts had been made to prejudice the +public against him; notwithstanding which he was received with +enthusiasm. In the evening, in his speech at the Presbyterian Church, he +alluded to the attacks of his opponents as follows: + +Mr. Mayor, and Ladies and Gentlemen,--There have been some who, to the +great satisfaction of despots, and their civil and religious +confederates, have moved Heaven and Hell to lower my sacred mission to +the level of a stage-play; and to ridicule the enthusiastic outburst of +popular sentiments, by defaming its object and its aim. + +That was a sorrowful sight indeed. To meet opposition we must be +prepared. There is no truth yet but has been opposed: the car which +leads truth to triumph must pass over martyrs; that is the doom of +humanity. Mankind, though advanced in intellectual skill, is pretty much +the same in heart as it was thousands of years ago--if not worse; for +wealth and prosperity do not always improve the heart. It is sorrowful +to see that not even such a cause as that which I plead, can escape from +being dragged down insultingly into the mud. With the ancient Greeks, +the head of an unfortunate was held sacred even to the gods. Now-a-days, +with some,--but let us be thankful! only with some few degenerate +persons,--even calamity like ours is but an occasion for a bad joke. +Jesus Christ felt thirsty on the cross, and received vinegar and +wormwood to quench the thirst of his agony. Oh ye spirits of my +country's departed martyrs, sadden not your melancholy look at mean +insult. The soil which you watered by your blood will yet be free, and +that is enough! Ye will hear glad tidings about it when I join your +ranks. + +But now, as for myself. When I was in private life, I despised to become +rich, and sacrificed thousands to the public, and often saw my own +family embarrassed by domestic cares. I refused indemnifications, and +lived poor. When raised to the highest place in my country, and provided +with an allowance four times as great as your President's, I still lived +in my old modest way. I had millions at my disposal, yet I went into +exile penniless. Who now are _ye_, or what like proof have +_ye_ given of not adoring the "Almighty Dollar," who dare to insult +my honour and call me a sturdy beggar, and ask in what brewery I will +invest the money I get from Americans? And why? because I ask a poor +alms to prepare the approaching struggle of my country; because I cannot +and may not tell the public (which is to tell my country's enemy), how I +dispose of the sums which I receive. And Americans, pretending to be +republicans, pretending to sympathize with liberty, and wield that light +artillery of Freedom,--the Press,--try to put on me mean stigmas, in +order to make it impossible for me to aid the contest of Hungary for its +own and mankind's liberty. + +Indeed, it is too sad. The consul of ancient Rome, Spurius Postumius, +was once caught in a snare by the Samnites, and was ordered to pass +under the yoke with all his legions. When he hesitated to submit, a +captain cried to him: "Stoop, and lead us to disgrace for our country's +sake." And so he did. The word of the captain was true: our country may +claim of us, to submit even to degradations for its benefit. But I am +sorry that it is in America I had to learn, there are in a patriot's +life trials still bitterer than even that of exile. + +Well: I can bear all this, if it be but fruitful of good for my beloved +fatherland. But I look up to Almighty God, and ask in humility, whether +unscrupulous and mean suspicion shall succeed in stopping the flow of +that public and private aid to me, from republican America and from +American republicans, without which I cannot organize and combine our +forces. + +Mr. Mayor and citizens of Jersey, I indeed apprehend you will have much +disappointed those who endeavoured by ridicule to drive our cause out of +fashion. You have shown them to-day that the cause of liberty can never +be out of fashion with Americans. I thank you most cordially for it; the +more because I know that long before yesterday sympathy with the cause +of liberty has been in fashion with you. I am here on the borders of a +state noted for its fidelity and sacrifices in the struggle for your +country's freedom and independence: to which the State of New Jersey +has, in proportion to its population, sacrificed a larger amount of +patriotic blood and of property, than any other of your sister states. +I myself have read the acknowledgment of this in Washington's own yet +unedited hand-writings. And I know also that your state has the +historical reputation of having been a glorious battle-field in the +struggle for the freedom you enjoy. + +There may be some in this assembly with whom the sufferings connected +with one's home being a battle-field, may be a family tradition yet. But +is there a country in the world where such traditions are more largely +recorded than my own native land is? Is there a country, on the soil of +which more battles have been fought--and battles not only for ourselves, +but for all the Christian, all the civilized world? Oh, home of my +fathers! thou art the Golgotha of Europe. + +I defy all the demoniac skill of tyranny to find out more +tortures,--moral, political, and material,--than those which now weigh +down my fatherland. It will not bear them, it cannot bear them, but will +make a revolution, though all the world forsake us. But I ask, is there +not private generosity enough in America, to give me those funds, +through which my injured country would have to meet fewer enemies, and +win its rights with far less bloodshed; or shall the venom of calumny +cause you to refuse that, which, without impairing your private fortunes +or risking your public interests, would mightily conduce to our success? + +Allow me to quote a beautiful but true word which ex-Governor Vroom +spoke in Trenton last night. He said: "Let us help the man; his +principles are those engrafted into our Declaration of Independence. We +cannot remain free, should all Europe become enslaved by absolutism. The +sun of freedom is but one, on mankind's sky, and when darkness spreads +it will spread over all alike." The instinct of the people of Hungary +understood, that to yield at all to unjust violence, was to yield +everything; and to my appeals they replied, Cursed be he who yields! +Though unprepared, they fought; our unnamed heroes fought and +conquered,--until Russia and treachery came. And though now I am an +exile, again they will follow me; I need only to get back to them and +bring them something sharper than our nails to fight with for fatherland +and humanity; then in the high face of heaven we will fight out the +battle of freedom once more. This is my cause, and this my plea. It is +there in your hearts, written in burning words by God himself, who made +you generous by bestowing on you freedom. + + * * * * * + +XL.--THE BROTHERHOOD OF NATIONS. + +[_Newark_.] + +The Rev. Dr. Eddy introduced Kossuth to the citizens of Newark, and made +an address to him in their name. After this, Kossuth replied: + +Gentlemen,--It was a minister of the Gospel who addressed me in your +name: Let me speak to you as a Christian who considers it to be my +heartfelt duty to act, not only in my private but also in my public +capacity, in conformity with the principles of Christianity, as I +understand it. + +I have seen the people of the United States almost in every climate of +your immense territory. I have marked the natural influence of geography +upon its character. I have seen the same principles, the same +institutions assuming in their application the modifying influences of +local circumstances; I have found the past casting its shadows on the +present, in one place darker, in the other less; I have seen man +everywhere to be man, partaking of all aspirations, which are the bliss +as well as the fragility of nature in man,--but in one place the bliss +prevailing more and in the other the fragility. I saw now and then small +interests of the passing hour, less or more encroaching upon the sacred +dominion of universal principles; but so much is true, that wherever I +found a people, I found a great and generous heart, ready to take that +ground which by your very national position is pointed out to you as a +mission. Your position is to be a great nation; therefore your +necessity is to act like a great nation; or, if you do not, you will not +be great. + +To be numerous, is not to be great. The Chinese are eight times more +numerous than you, and still China is not great, for she has isolated +herself from the world. Nor does the condition of a nation depend on +what she likes to call herself. China calls herself "Celestial," and +takes you and Europe for barbarians. Not what we call ourselves, but how +we act, proves what we are. Great is that nation which acts greatly. +And give me leave to say, what an American minister of the Gospel has +said to me: "_Nations_, by the great God of the Universe, are +individualized, as well as men. He has given each a mission to fulfil, +and He expects every one to bear its part in solving the great problem +of man's capacity for self-government, which is the problem of human +destiny; and if any nation fails in this, He will treat it as an +unprofitable servant, a barren fig-tree, whose own end is to be rooted +up and burnt." + +Jonah sat under the shadow of his gourd rejoicing, in isolated, selfish +indifference, caring nothing for the millions of the Ninevites at his +feet. What was the consequence? God prepared a worm to smite the gourd, +that it withered. God has privileged you, the people of the United +States, to repose, not under a gourd, but beneath the shadow of a +luxuriant vine and the outspreading branches of a delicious fig-tree. +Give him praise and thanks! But are you, Jonah-like, on this account to +wrap yourselves up in the mantle of insensibility, caring nothing for +the nations smarting under oppression? stretching forth no hand for +their deliverance, not even so much as to protest against a conspiracy +of evil doers, and give an alms to aid deliverance from them? Are you to +hide your national talent in a napkin, or lend it at usury? Read the +Saviour's maxim: + +"_Do unto others as ye would that others do unto you!_" This is the +Saviour's golden rule, applicable to nations as well as to individuals. +Suppose when the United States were struggling for their independence, +the Spanish Government had interfered to prevent its achievement +--sending an armament to bombard your cities and murder your +inhabitants. What would your forefathers have thought--how felt? +Precisely as Hungary thought and felt when the Russian bear put down his +overslaughtering paw upon her. They would have invoked high heaven to +avenge the interference--and had there been a people on the face of the +earth to protest against it, that people would have shown out, like an +eminent star in the hemisphere of nations--and to this day you would +call it blessed. What you would have others do unto you, do so likewise +unto them. + +And though you met no foreign interference, yet you met far more than a +protest in your favour; you met substantial aid: thirty-eight vessels of +war, nineteen millions of money, 24,000 muskets, 4,000 soldiers, and the +whole political weight of France engaged in your cause. I ask not so +much, by far not so much, for oppressed Europe from you. + +It is a gospel maxim "_Be not partaker of other men's sins._" It is +alike applicable to individuals and nations. If you of the United States +see the great law of humanity outraged by another nation, and see it +_silently_, raising no warning voice against it, you virtually +become a party to the offence; as you do not reprove it, you embolden +the offender to add iniquity unto iniquity. + +Let not one nation be partaker of another nation's sins. When you see +the great law of humanity, the law upon which your national existence +rests, the law enacted in the Declaration of your Independence, outraged +and profaned, will you sit quietly by? If so (excuse me for saying) part +of the guilt is upon you, and while individuals receive their reward in +the eternal world, nations are sure to receive it here. There is +connection of cause and effect in a nation's destiny. + +A nation should not be a mere _lake_, a glassy expanse, only +reflecting foreign, light around--but a _river_, carrying its rich +treasures from the fountain to distant regions of the earth. + +A nation should not be a mere _light-house_, a stationary beacon, +erected upon the coast to warn voyagers of their danger--but a moving +_life-boat_, carrying treasures of freedom to the doors of +thousands and millions in their lands. + +I confess, gentlemen, that I shared those expectations, which the +nations of Europe have conceived from America. Was I too sanguine in my +wishes to hope, that in these expectations I shall not fail? So much I +dare say, that I conceived these expectations not without encouragement +on your own part. + +With this let me draw to a close. One word often tells more than a +volume of skilful eloquence. When crossing the Alleghany mountains, in a +new country, scarcely yet settled, bearing at every step the mark of a +new creation, I happened to see a new house in ruins. I felt astonished +to see a ruin in America. There must have been misfortune in that +house--the hand of God may have stricken him, thought I, and inquired +from one of the neighbours, "What has become of the man?" "Nothing +particular," answered he: "he went to the West--he was too comfortable +here. American pioneers like to be uncomfortable." It was but one word, +yet worth a volume. It made me more correctly understand the character +of your people and the mystery of your inner prodigious growth, than a +big volume of treatises upon the spirit of America might have done. The +instinct of indomitable energy, all the boundless power hidden in the +word "_go ahead_," lay open before my eyes. I felt by a glance what +immense things might be accomplished by that energy, to the honour and +lasting welfare of all humanity, if only its direction be not +misled--and I pray to God that he may preserve your people from being +absorbed in materialism. The proud results of egotism vanish in the +following generation like the fancy of a dream; but the smallest real +benefit bestowed upon mankind is lasting like eternity. People of +America! thy energy is wonderful; but for thy own sake, for thy future's +sake, for all humanity's sake, beware! Oh! beware from measuring good +and evil by the arguments of materialists. + +I have seen too many sad and bitter hours in my stormy life, not to +remember every word of true consolation which happened to brighten my +way. + +It was nearly four months ago, and still I remember it, as if it had +happened but yesterday, that the delegation, which came in December last +to New York, to tender me a cordial welcome from and to invite me to +Newark, called _me a brother, a brother in the just and righteous +appreciation of human rights and human destiny; brother in all the +sacred and hallowed sentiments of the human heart_. These were your +words, and yesterday the people of Newark proved to me that they are +your sentiments; sentiments not like the sudden excitement of passion, +which cools, but sentiments of brotherhood and friendship, lasting, +faithful, and true. + +You have greeted me by the dear name of brother. When I came, you +entitled me to the right to bid you farewell in a brother's way. And +between brethren, a warm grasp of hand, a tender tear in the eye, and +the word "_remember_," tells more than all the skill of oratory +could do. And remember, oh remember, brethren! that the grasp of my hand +is my whole people's grasp, the tear which glistens in my eyes is their +tear. They are suffering as no other people--for the world, the +oppressed world. They are the emblem of struggling liberty, claiming a +brother's love and a brother's aid from America, who is, happily, the +emblem of prosperous liberty! + +Let this word "_brother_," with all the dear ties comprized in that +word, be the impression I leave upon your hearts. Let this word, +"_brethren, remember!_" be my farewell. + + * * * * * + +XLI.--THE HISTORY AND HEART OF MASSACHUSETTS. + +[_Worcester,[*] Massachusetts_.] + +[Footnote *: "Heart of the Commonwealth," is the American title of the +town of Worcester.] + +Gentlemen,--Just as the Holy Scriptures are the revelation of religious +truth, teaching men how to attain eternal bliss, so history is the +revelation of eternal wisdom, instructing nations how to be happy, and +immortal on earth. Unaccountable changes may alter on a sudden the +condition of individuals, but in the life of nations there is always a +close concatenation of cause and effect--therefore history is the book +of life, wherein the past assumes the shape of future events. + +The history of old Massachusetts is full of instruction to those who +know how to read unwritten philosophy in written facts. Besides, to me +it is of deep interest, because of the striking resemblances between +your country's history and that of mine. In fact, from the very time +that the "colonial system" was adopted by Great Britain, to secure the +monopoly of the American trade, down to Washington's final +victories;--from James Otis, pleading with words of flame the rights of +America before the Supreme Court of Massachusetts, breathing into the +nation that breath of life out of which American Independence was born; +down to the Declaration of Independence, first moved by a son of +Massachusetts;--I often believe I read of Hungary when I read of +Massachusetts. But next, when the kind cheers of your generous-hearted +people rouse me out of my contemplative reveries, and looking around me +I see your prosperity, a nameless woe comes over my mind, because that +very prosperity reminds me that I am not at home. The home of my +fathers--the home of my heart--the home of my affections and of my +cares, is in the most striking contrast with the prosperity I see here. +And whence this striking contrast in the results, when there exists such +a striking identity in the antecedents? Whence this afflicting +departure from logical coherence in history? + +It is, because your struggle for independence met the good luck, that +monarchical France stipulated to aid with its full force America +struggling for independence, whereas republican America delayed even a +recognition of Hungary's independence at the crisis when it had been +achieved. However! the equality of results may yet come. History will +not prove false to poor Hungary, while it proves true to all the world. +I certainly shall never meet the reputation of Franklin, but I may yet +meet his good luck in a patriotic mission. It is not yet too late. My +people, like the damsel in the Scriptures, is but sleeping, and not +dead. Sleep is silent, but restores to strength. There is apparent +silence also in nature before the storm. We are downtrodden, it is true: +but was not Washington in a dreary retreat with his few brave men, +scarcely to be called an army, when Franklin drew nigh to success in his +mission? + +My retreat is somewhat longer, to be sure, but then our struggle went on +from the first on a far greater scale; and again, the success of +Franklin was aided by the hatred of France against England; so I am +told, and it is true; but I trust that the love of liberty in republican +America will prove as copious a source of generous inspiration, as +hatred of Great Britain proved in monarchical France. Or, should it be +the doom of humanity that even republics like yours are more mightily +moved by hatred than by love, is there less reason for republican +America to hate the overwhelming progress of absolutism, than there was +reason for France to hate England's prosperity? In fact, that prosperity +has not been lessened, but rather increased by the rending away of the +United States from the dominion of England; but the absorption of Europe +into predominant absolutism, would cripple your prosperity, because you +are no China, no Japan. + +America cannot remain unaffected by the condition of Europe, with which +you have a thousand-fold intercourse. A passing accident in Liverpool, a +fire in Manchester, cannot fail to be felt in America--how could then +the fire of despotic oppression, which threatens to consume all Europe's +freedom, civilization, and property, fail to affect in its results +America? How can it be indifferent to you whether Europe be free or +enslaved?--whether there exists a "Law of Nations," or no such thing any +more exists, being replaced by the caprice of an arrogant mortal who is +called "Czar?" No! either all the instruction of history is vanity, and +its warnings but the pastime of a mocking-bird, or this indifference is +impossible; therefore I may yet meet with Franklin's good luck. + +Franklin wrote to his friend Charles Thompson, after having concluded +the treaty of peace--"If we ever become ungrateful to those who have +served and befriended us, our reputation, and all the strength it is +capable of procuring, will be lost, and new dangers ensue." + +Perhaps I could say, poor Hungary has well served Christendom, has well +served the cause of humanity; but indeed we are not so happy as to have +served your country in particular. But you are generous enough to +permit our unmerited misfortunes to recommend us to your affections in +place of good service. It is beautiful to repay a received benefit, but +to bestow a benefit is divine. It is your good fortune to be _able_ +to do good to humanity: let it be your glory that you are _willing_ +to do it. + +Then what will be the tidings I shall have to bear back to Europe, in +answer to the expectations with which I was charged from Turkey, Italy, +France, Portugal, and England? Let me hope the answer will be fit to be +reanswered by a mighty hallelujah, at the shout of which the thrones of +tyrants will quake; and when they are fallen, and buried beneath the +fallen pillars of tyranny, all the Christian world will unite in the +song of praise--"Glory to God in Heaven, and peace to right-willing men +on earth, and honour to America, the first-born son of Liberty. For no +nation has God done so much as for her; for she proved to be well +deserving of it, because she was obedient to his Divine Law--She has +loved her neighbour as herself, and did unto others as, in the hour of +her need, she desired others to do unto herself." + +Gentlemen,--I know what weight is due to Massachusetts in the councils +of the nation; the history, the character, the intelligence, the +consistent energy, and the considerate perseverance of your country, +give me the security that when the people of Massachusetts raises its +voice and pronounces its will--it will carry its aim. + +I have seen this people's will in the manifestation of him whom the +people's well-deserved confidence has raised to the helm of its +Executive Government; I have seen it in the sanction of its Senators; I +have seen it in the mighty outburst of popular sentiments, and in the +generous testimonials of its sympathy, as I moved over this hallowed +soil. I hope soon to see it in the Legislative Hall of your +Representatives, and in the Cradle of American Liberty. + +I hope to see it as I see it now here, throbbing with warm, sincere, +generous, and powerful pulsation, in the very heart of your +Commonwealth. I know that where the heart is sound the whole body is +sound--the blood is sound throughout all the veins. Never believe those +to be right who, bearing but a piece of metal in their chests, could +persuade you, that to be cold is to be wise. Warmth is the vivifying +influence of the universe, and the warm heart is the source of noble +deeds. To consider calmly what you have to do is well. You have done +so. But let me hope that the heart of Massachusetts will continue to +throb warmly for the cause of liberty, till that which you judge to be +right is done, with that persistent energy, which, inherited from the +puritan pilgrims of the Mayflower, is a principle with the people of +Massachusetts. Remember the afflicted,--farewell. + + * * * * * + +XLII.--PANEGYRIC OF MASSACHUSETTS. + +[_Speech at Faneuil Hall_.] + +Kossuth entered Boston on the 27th April, escorted by twenty-nine +companies of infantry and four of artillery, in the midst of flags and +other festive display. He was welcomed by Gov. Boutwell at the State +House. In the afternoon he reviewed the troops on the common, in the +midst of an immense multitude. The members of the legislature and of the +council came in procession from the State House, and joined him in the +field. In the evening he was entertained at the Revere House, as the +guest of the Legislative Committee. + +On April 28th he was escorted by the Independent Cadets to the State +House, where Governor Boutwell received him with a brief but emphatic +speech, avowing that Kossuth had "imparted important instruction" to the +people of the United States. The governor then conducted Kossuth to the +Senate, where he was warmly welcomed by the President, General Wilson; +and thence again to the House of Representatives, where the Speaker, Mr. +Banks, addressed him in words of high honour, in the name of the +representatives. To each of these addresses Kossuth replied; but the +substance of his speeches has scarcely sufficient novelty to present +here. + +On the evening of the 29th of April it was arranged that he should speak +in Faneuil Hall. The hall filled long before his arrival, and an +incident occurred which deserves record. The crowd amused itself by +calling on persons present for speeches: among others Senator Myron +Lawrence was called for, who, after first refusing, stept on the +platform and declared that _he had some sins to confess_. He had +been guilty of thinking Kossuth to be what is called "a humbug;" but he +had seen him now, and thought differently. He had seen the modest, +truthful bearing of the man,--that he had no tricks of the orator, but +spoke straightforward. Mr. Lawrence now believed him to be sincere and +honest, and prayed Almighty God to grant him a glorious success. This +frank and manly acknowledgment was received with unanimous and hearty +applause. + +At eight o'clock Governor Boutwell, his council, and the committee of +reception, as also the vice-presidents and secretaries, received Kossuth +in Faneuil Hall.[*] When applause had ceased, the Governor addressed +Kossuth as follows:-- + +[Footnote *: Faneuil Hall is entitled by the Americans "the cradle of +American Liberty."] + +Gentlemen,--We have come from the exciting and majestic scenes of the +reception which the people of Massachusetts have given to the exiled son +of an oppressed and distant land, that on this holy spot, associated in +our minds with the eloquence, the patriotism, the virtue of the +revolution, we may listen to his sad story of the past and contemplate +his plans and hopes for the future. And shall these associations which +belong to us, and this sad story which belongs to humanity, fail to +inspire our souls and instruct our minds in the cause of freedom? Europe +is not like a distant ocean, whose agitations and storms give no impulse +to the wave that gently touches our shore. The introduction of steam +power and the development of commercial energy are blending and +assimilating our civilities and institutions. Europe is nearer to us in +time than the extreme parts of this country are to each other. As all of +us are interested in the prevalence of the principles of justice among +our fellow men, _so_, as a nation, we are interested in the +prevalence of the principles of justice among the nations and states of +Europe. + +Never before was the American mind so intelligently directed to European +affairs. We have not sought, nor shall we seek, the control of those +affairs. But we may scan and judge their character and prepare ourselves +for the exigencies of national existence to which we may be called. _I +do not hesitate to pronounce the opinion that the policy of Europe will +have a visible effect upon the character, power, and destiny of the +American Republic_. That policy as indicated by Russia and Austria, +is the work of centralization, consolidation and absolutism. American +policy is the antagonist of this. + +We are pledged to liberty and the sovereignty of States. Shall a +contest between our own principles and those of our enemies awaken no +emotions in us? We believe that government should exist for the +advantage of the individual members of the body politic, and not for the +use of those who, by birth, fortune, or personal energy, may have risen +to positions of power. We recognize the right of each nation to +establish its own institutions and regulate its own affairs. Our +revolution rests upon this right, and otherwise is entirely +indefensible. The policy of this nation, as well foreign as domestic, +should be controlled by American principles, that the world may know we +have faith in the government we have established. While we cannot adopt +the cause of any other people, or make the quarrels of European nations +our own, it is our duty to guard the principles peculiar to America, as +well as those entertained by us in common with the civilized world. + +One principle, which should be universal in States as among individual +men is, that each should use his own in such a way as not to injure that +which belongs to another. _Russia violated this principle when she +interfered in the affairs of Hungary_, and thus weakened the +obligations of other States to respect the sovereignty of the Russian +Empire. + +The independent existence of the continental States of Europe, is of +twofold importance to America. Important politically, important +commercially. + +As independent States they deprive Russia, the central and absorbing +power of Europe, of the opportunity on the Mediterranean to interfere in +the politics and civilities of this Continent. Russia and the United +States are as unlike as any two nations which ever existed. If Russia +obtains control of Europe by the power of arms, and the United States +shall retain this Continent by the power of its principles, war will be +inevitable. As inevitable as it was in former days that war should arise +between Carthage and Rome,--Carthage, which sought to extend her power +by commerce, and Rome, which sought to govern the world by the sword. +The independence of the States of Europe is then the best security for +the peace of the world. If these States exist, it must be upon one +condition only--that each State is permitted to regulate its own +affairs. If the voice of the United States and Great Britain is silent, +will Russia allow these States to exist upon this principle?--Has she +not already partitioned Poland--menaced Turkey--divided with the Sultan +the sovereignty of Wallachia--infused new energy into the despotic +councils of Austria--and finally aided her in an unholy crusade against +the liberties of Hungary? Have we not then an interest in the affairs of +Europe? And if we have an interest, ought we not to use the rights of an +independent State for its protection? + +The second consideration is commercial. + +Centralization, absolutism, destroys commerce. The policy of Russia +diminishes production and limits markets. Whenever she adds a new State +to her dominions the commerce of the world is diminished. Great Britain +and the United States, which possess three-fourths of the commercial +marine of the globe, are interested to prevent it. Our commerce at this +moment with despotic States is of very little importance, and its +history shows that in every age it has flourished in proportion to the +freedom of the people. + +These, gentlemen, are poor words and barren thoughts upon the great +European question of the time. A question which America in her own name, +and for herself, must meet at some future day, if now she shall fail to +meet it firmly, upon well settled principles of national law, for the +protection and assistance of other States. + +I have done. The exiled patriot shall speak for himself. Not for +himself only, nor for the land and people of Hungary he loves so well, +but for Europe, and America even, he speaks. Before you he pleads your +own cause. It is to a just tribunal I present a noble advocate. And to +him it shall be a bright spot in the dreary waste of the exile's life, +that to-night he pleads the cause of Hungary and humanity, where once +Otis and Adams, and Hancock and Quincy, pleaded the cause of America and +liberty. + +I present to you Governor Kossuth of Hungary. + +In reply to Governor Boutwell, when the tumultuous applause had +subsided, Kossuth spoke, in substance as follows:-- + +He apologized for profaning Shakespeare's language in Faneuil Hall, the +cradle of American liberty. Yet he ventured to criticize that very +phrase; for liberty ought not to be _American_, but _human_; +else it is no longer a right, but a privilege; and privilege can nowhere +be permanent. The nature of a privilege (said he) is exclusiveness, that +of a principle is communicative. Liberty is a principle: its community +is its security; exclusiveness is its doom. + +What is aristocracy? It is exclusive liberty; it is privilege; and +aristocracy is doomed, because it is contrary to the destiny of men. As +aristocracy should vanish within each nation, so should no nation be an +aristocrat among nations. Until that ceases, liberty will nowhere be +lasting on earth. It is equally fatal to individuals as to nations, to +believe themselves beyond the reach of vicissitudes. By this proud +reliance, and the isolation resulting therefrom, more victims have +fallen than by immediate adversities. You have grown prodigiously by +your freedom of seventy-five years; but what is seventy-five years as a +charter of immortality? No, no, my humble tongue tells the records of +eternal truth. A _privilege_ never can be lasting. Liberty +restricted to one nation never can be sure. You may say, "We are the +prophets of God;" but you shall not say, "God is only our God." The Jews +said so, and their pride, old Jerusalem, lies in the dust. Our Saviour +taught all humanity to say, "Our Father in heaven," and his Jerusalem is +lasting to the end of days. + +"There is a community in mankind's destiny"--that was the greeting which +I read on the arch of welcome on the Capitol Hill of Massachusetts. I +pray to God, the Republic of America would weigh the eternal truth of +those words, and act accordingly; liberty in America would then be sure +to the end of time; but if you say, "American Liberty," and take that +grammar for your policy, I dare to say the time will yet come when +humanity will have to mourn a new proof of the ancient truth, that +without community national freedom is never sure. + +However, the cradle of American Liberty is not only famous from the +reputation of having been always on the lists of the most powerful +eloquence; it is still more conspicuous for having seen that eloquence +attended by practical success. To understand the mystery of this rare +circumstance one must see the people of New England, and especially the +people of Massachusetts. + +In what I have seen of New England there are two things, the evidence of +which strikes the observer at every step--prosperity and intelligence. I +have seen thousands assembled, following the noble impulses of a +generous heart: almost the entire population of every town, of every +village where I passed, gathered around me, throwing flowers of +consolation on my path. I have seen not a single man bearing that mark +of poverty upon himself which in old Europe strikes the eye sadly at +every step. I have seen no ragged poor--have seen not a single house +bearing the appearance of desolated poverty. The cheerfulness of a +comfortable condition, the result of industry, spreads over the land. +One sees at a glance that the people work assiduously, not with the +depressing thought just to get through the cares of a miserable life +from day to day by hard toil, but they work with the cheerful +consciousness of substantial happiness. And the second thing which I +could not fail to remark, is the stamp of intelligence impressed upon +the very eyes and outward appearance of the people at large. I and my +companions have seen them in the factories, in the workshops, in their +houses, and in the streets, and could not fail a thousand times to think +"how intelligent this people looks." It is to such a people that the +orators of Faneuil Hall had to speak, and therein is the mystery of +success. They were not wiser than the public spirit of their audience, +but they were the eloquent interpreters of the people's enlightened +instinct. + +No man can force the harp of his own individuality into the people's +heart, but every man may play upon the chords of his people's heart, who +draws his inspiration from the people's instinct. Well, I thank God for +having seen the public spirit of the people of Massachusetts, bestowing +its attention on the cause I plead, and pronouncing its verdict. In +respect to the question of national intervention, his Excellency the +high-minded Governor of Massachusetts wrote a memorable address to the +Legislature; the Joint Committee of the Legislative Assembly, after a +careful and candid consideration of the subject, not only concurred in +the views of the Executive government, but elucidated them in a report, +the irrefutable logic and elevated statesmanship of which will for ever +endear the name of Hazewell to oppressed nations; and the Senate of +Massachusetts adopted the resolutions proposed by the Legislative +Committee. After such remarkable and unsolicited manifestations of +conviction, there cannot be the slightest doubt that all these Executive +and Legislative proceedings not only met the full approbation of the +people of Massachusetts, but were the solemn interpretation of public +opinion. A spontaneous outburst of popular sentiment tells often more +in a single word than all the skill of elaborate eloquence could; as +when, amidst the thundering cheers of a countless multitude, a man in +Worcester greeted me with the shout: "_We worship not the man, but we +worship the principle_." It was a word, like those words of flame +spoken in Faneuil Hall, out of which liberty in America was born. That +word reveals the spirit, which, applying eternal truth to present +exigencies, moves through the people's heart--that word is teeming with +the destinies of America. + +Give me leave to mention, that having had an opportunity to converse +with leading men of the great parties, which are on the eve of an +animated contest for the Presidency--I availed myself of that +opportunity, to be informed of the principal issues, in case the one or +the other party carries the prize; and having got the information +thereof, I could not forbear to exclaim--"All these questions together +cannot outweigh the all-overruling importance of _foreign policy_." +It is there, in the question of foreign policy, that the heart of the +immediate future throbs. Security and danger, prosperity and stagnation, +peace and war, tranquillity and embarrassment--yes, life and death, will +be weighed in the scale of Foreign Policy. It is evident things are come +to the point where they were in ancient Rome, when old Cato never spoke +privately or publicly about whatever topic, without closing his speech +with these words: "_However, my opinion is that Carthage must be +destroyed_"--thus advertising his countrymen, that there was one +question outweighing in importance all other questions, from which +public attention should never for a moment be withdrawn. + +Such, in my opinion, is the condition of the world now. Carthage and +Rome had no place on earth together. Republican America and +all-overwhelming Russian absolutism cannot much longer subsist together +on earth. Russia active--America passive--there is an immense danger in +that fact; it is like the avalanche in the Alps, which the noise of a +bird's wing may move and thrust down with irresistible force, growing +every moment. I cannot but believe it were highly time to do as old Cato +did, and finish every speech with these words--"_However, the law of +nations should be maintained, and absolutism not permitted to become +omnipotent._" + +It is however a consolation to me to know, that the _chief_ +difficulty with which I have to contend,--viz. the overpowering +influence of domestic questions with you,--is neither lasting, nor in +any way an argument against the justice of our cause. + +Another difficulty which I encounter is rather curious. Many a man has +told me that if I had only not fallen into the hands of +_abolitionists_ and _free soilers_, they would have supported +me; and had I landed somewhere in the South, instead of at New York, I +should have met quite different things from that quarter; but being +supported by the free-soilers, of course I must be opposed by the South. +On the other side, I received a letter, from which I beg leave to quote +a few lines:-- + +"You are silent on the subject of slavery. Surrounded as you have been +by slaveholders ever since you put your foot on English soil, if not +during your whole voyage from Constantinople, and ever since you have +been in this country surrounded by them, whose threats, promises, and +flattery made the stoutest hearts succumb, your position has put me in +mind of a scene described by the apostle of Jesus Christ, when the devil +took him up into a high mountain," &c. + +Now, gentlemen, thus being charged from one side with being in the hands +of abolitionists, and from the other side with being in the hands of +slaveholders, I indeed am at a loss what course to take, if these very +contradictory charges were not giving me the satisfaction to feel that I +stand just where it is my duty to stand--on a truly American ground. + +And oh, have I not enough upon these poor shoulders, that I am desired +yet to take up additional cares? If the cause I plead be just, if it is +worthy of your sympathy, and at the same time consistent with the +impartial consideration of your own moral and material interests, (which +a patriot never should disregard, not even out of philanthropy,) then +why not weigh that cause in the scale of its own value, and not in a +foreign one? Have I not difficulties enough before me here, that I am +desired to increase them with my own hands?--Father Mathew goes on +preaching temperance, and he may be opposed or supported on his own +ground; but who ever thought of opposing him because he takes not into +his hands to preach fortitude or charity? And indeed, to oppose or to +abandon the cause I plead, only because I mix not with the agitation of +an interior question, is a greater injustice yet, because to discuss the +question of foreign policy I have a right,--my nation is an object of +that policy; we are interested in it;--but to mix with interior party +movements I have no right, not being a citizen of the United States. + +[After this Kossuth proceeded to urge, as in former speeches, that the +interests of American commerce were not opposed to, but were identified +with, the cause of Hungary and of European Liberty. He also adduced new +considerations, which are afterwards treated more fully in his speech at +Buffalo.] + + * * * * * + +XLIII.--SELF-GOVERNMENT OF HUNGARY. + +[_Banquet in Faneuil Hall_.] + +On April 30th, Kossuth was entertained at a Grand Banquet, by the +Governor and Council, and the Members of the two Houses. Eight hundred +and seventy tickets besides were issued, and were all taken up. The +Honourable Henry Wilson, President of the Senate, was President for the +evening. It is not possible here to print all the speeches, but it may +be noted that Governor Boutwell, in reply to a toast, elicited +affirmative replies from the guests to many questions directed to show +the necessity of American armed interference on the side of Hungary. +Also, the venerable Josiah Quincy, aged eighty, in reply to a toast, +declared that liberty remained only in the United States and Great +Britain, and that in Great Britain herself the spirit of freedom is +weakened. "Let Great Britain fail and be beaten down, and all the navies +of Europe will be bristling against the United States." Finally, +President Wilson, introducing the guest of the evening, said:-- + +"Gentlemen, allow me to present to you the illustrious guest of +Massachusetts, Governor Kossuth. He has won our admiration as a man by +the advocacy of the cause of his country, and he has won all our hearts +by the purity of his principles." + +Kossuth, in reply, noticed that the toast with which he had been +honoured was almost entirely personal; and while disclaiming merit, he +was nevertheless induced to advert to personal incidents, (now generally +known,) as,--how he published in MS. the Hungarian debates,--was +unlawfully imprisoned for it, and learned English in prison by means of +Shakespeare; how when he was necessarily released, the government +imposed an unlawful censorship on his journal, which journal +nevertheless became the basis of the great and extensive reforms which +received their completion in the laws of March and April, 1848. After +this he proceeded as follows:-- + +Gentlemen, allow me to say a few words on the ancient institutions of +Hungary. I have often heard it said that the people of Europe are +incapable of self-government. Let me speak of the people of Hungary, to +show whether they are capable of self-government or not. In thirty-six +years, with God's help, and through your generous aid, the free people +of Hungary will celebrate the 1000th anniversary of the establishment of +their home--the millennium of Hungary in Europe. Yes, gentlemen, may I +hope that celebration will take place under the blessings of liberty in +the year 1889? + +It is a long period--one thousand years--and Oh! how it has teemed with +adversities to my countrymen! and yet through this long time, amid all +adversities there was no period when the people of Hungary did not +resist despotism. Our boast is, that through the vicissitudes of a +thousand years there was not a moment when the popular will and the +legal authorities had sanctioned the rule of absolutism. And, gentlemen, +what other people, for 1000 years, has not consented to be ruled by +despotism? Even in the nineteenth century I am glad to look back to the +wisdom of our fathers through a thousand years--who laid down for +Hungarian institutions a basis which for all eternity must remain true. +This basis was upon that Latin proverb _nil de nobis, sine +nobis_--"nothing about us without us." That was, to claim that every +man should have a full share in the sovereignty of the people and a full +share in the rights belonging to his nation. In other times a theory was +got up to convince the people that they might have a share in +_legislation_ just so far as to control that legislation, but +denying the right of the people to control the _executive_ power. +The Hungarian people never adopted that theory. They ever claimed a full +share in the _executive_ as well as in the legislative and judicial +power. Out of this idea of government rose the municipal system of +Hungary. In respect to Hungarian aristocracy, you must not consider it +in the same light as the aristocracy of England. The word +_nobleman_ in Hungary originally was equivalent to _soldier_. +Every man who defended his country was a nobleman, and every man who had +a vote was called to defend his country. I believe the duty of +defending a man's country, and also political right, should be common. + +After our people had conquered a home, the leaders took the lion's +share, of course. But it should be considered that those who had the +largest share of the property, were compelled to furnish soldiers +according to the extent of their possessions. Therefore such men gave a +part of their land to people to cultivate, and desired aid of them +whenever the necessity for war came. So all who defended their country +were considered noblemen. Hungary was divided into fifty-two counties, +but not counties like yours--some of them were so populous as to be +comparable to your States, containing perhaps half a million or more of +people, and those who became the aristocracy in some of these counties +amounted to 35,000. In every county was a fortress, and whenever defence +became necessary, the rich men went into these fortresses under their +own banner, and the others went under the King's colours, and were +commanded by the sheriff of the county, who might be here Governor--at +least who was the chief of the Executive. Certain of the cities were +raised to constitutional rights. A smaller city, if surrounded by +fortifications, or if an important post, was represented in the Diet, +whilst larger places, if not posts of importance for national defence, +were represented only by the County Delegates. Every place that had the +elements of defence had political rights. So it came to pass that the +aristocracy were not a few men, but half a million. I had contended to +beat down this barrier of aristocracy. Before the Revolution, in +municipal governments only the nobility had a share--they only were the +men who could vote: but the change was easy. The frame of +self-government was ready. We had only to say, _the people_ instead +of _the nobility_ had the right to vote; and so, in one day, we +buried aristocracy, never to rise again. Each county elected its +Representatives to the Diet, and had the right of intercourse with other +counties by means of letters on all matters of importance to these +counties; and therefore our fifty-two primary councils were normal +schools of public spirit. We elected our Judicatory and Executive, and +the government had not a right to send instructions or orders to our +Executive; and if an order came which we considered to be inconsistent +with our constitutional rights, it was not sent to the Executive, but to +the Council; and therefore the arbitrary orders of the Government could +not be executed, because they came not into the hands of the Executive. +Thus were our Councils barriers against oppression. + +When the French took Saragossa, it was not enough to take the city--they +had to take every house. So also _we_ went on, and though some +counties might accept the arbitrary orders of the government, some +resisted; and, by discussing in their letters to the other counties the +points of right, enlightened them; and it was seen that when the last +house in Saragossa had been beaten down, the first stood erect again. In +consequence of the democratic nature of our institutions, our Councils +were our Grand Juries. But after having elected our Judges, we chose +several men in every county meeting, of no public office, but +conspicuous for their integrity and knowledge of the law, to assist the +Judges in their administration. + +Believe me, these institutions had a sound basis, fit to protect a +nation against an arbitrary government which was aiming at +centralization and oppression. Now, these counties having contended +against the Austrian Government, it did everything to destroy them. The +great field was opened in the Diet of 1847. Having been elected by the +county of Pest, I had the honour to lead the party devoted to national +rights and opposed to centralization and in defence of municipal +authority. It was my intention to make it impossible that the Government +should in future encroach upon the liberties of the people. We had the +misfortune in Hungary to be governed by a Constitutional King, who at +the same time was the absolute monarch of another realm--by birth and +interests attached to absolutism and opposed to constitutional +government. It was difficult to be an absolute monarch and behave as +King of Hungary. There is on record a speech of mine, spoken in the +Hungarian Diet, about the inconsistency of these two attributes in one +man--that either Austria must become constitutional, or Hungary +absolutistical. That speech virtually made the Revolution of 1848 at +Vienna. After this Revolution, I was sent to Vienna to ask that our +laws be established, releasing the people from feudal rights and +demanding a constitutional ministry. Then it was that a circumstance +occurred, to which I heard an allusion in the toast offered to me. I was +told the King would grant our request; only, there was agitation in +Vienna, and it would look as if the King were yielding to pressure. If +the people would be quiet, the King would sanction our laws. Then I +said, that if the King would give his sanction to our legislative +measures, peace would be made for the House of Austria in twenty-four +hours. But when that consent was given in one Chamber, in another +Chamber that wicked woman, Sophia, the mother of the present Emperor, +who calls himself King of Hungary--no, he does _not_ call himself +King of Hungary, for he thinks the national existence of Hungary is +blotted out--plotted how to ruin my people and destroy that sanction +which was nothing but a necessary means to secure a just cause. Next +came the Hungarian ministry--and, strange to say, I saw myself placed +close to the throne. + +When in Vienna, after the sanction was granted, steps were taken to +retract it; I went to the Arch-Duke Stephen, the Palatine of Hungary, +the first constitutional authority of Hungary,--the elective viceroy, +and told him he ought to return to Hungary if he wished to preserve his +influence. + +He answered that he could not return to Hungary, for if the King did not +sanction our laws--he (the Arch-Duke Stephen) might be proclaimed King +instead of the Emperor of Austria, and he would never dethrone his +cousin. + +I answered, that he spoke like an honest man, but perhaps the time would +come when he would find an empty seat on that throne, and he had better +take it, for I could assure him, if he did not, no other man ever would +with the consent of the people. When five months later, in Hungary, we +met for the last time, he called me to his house on a stormy night, and +desired of me to know what would be the issue of matters. I answered: I +can see no issue for you, but the crown or else the scaffold, and then +for the people a Republic. But even from this alternative I will relieve +you: for you the crown, for me the scaffold, if the Hungarian +independence is not achieved.--I make no hesitation here to confess that +such was the embarrassed state of Hungarian affairs that I should have +felt satisfied for him to have accepted the crown. Remember that your +fathers did not design at first to sever the ties which bound the +colonies to England, but circumstances forced the issue. So it was with +us. We asked at first only Democratic institutions, but when it was +possible we were glad to throw away our Kings. + +The Arch-Duke did not accept, but was rather a traitor to his country. +Such is the connection of tyrants with each other, they desire not to +prevent others from oppressing. He is now an exile like myself. If he +had accepted the proposal, no doubt the independence of Hungary would +have been recognized by even Russia, especially if he had formed a +family alliance with despotism, and then for centuries the establishment +of a Republic would have been impossible; whereas, now, as sure as there +is a God in Heaven, no King will ever rule Hungary; but it must be one +of those Republics, wherein Republicanism is not a mere romance but a +reality, founded upon the basis of municipal authorities, to which the +people are attached. We could never have such a movement as disgraced +France in December. + +Excuse me, gentlemen, if I abuse your kindness. I am anxious to make +known my ideas upon the future organization of my country. The +organization which alone we could propose, is one founded upon the +sovereignty of the people, not only in a _legislative_ capacity +--for it is not enough that we know that sovereignty by casting +a vote once in three or four years: we must feel it every day, +everywhere. The sovereignty of the people asserts, that men have certain +rights, not depending on any power, but natural rights. I mean such as +religious liberty--free thought--a free press, and the right of every +family to regulate its own affairs: but not only every family; also +every town, city, and county. Our sovereignty shall be such, that the +higher government will have no power to interfere in the domestic +concerns of any town, city, or county. These are the principles upon +which our government will be founded--not only sovereignty in +Legislation, but a particular share in the executive Government.--Judge +whether such a people is worthy to meet the sympathy of Republicans like +you, who have shown to the world that a nation may be powerful without +centralization. Believe me, there is harmony in our _ancient_ +principles and your _recent_ ones. Judge whether my people is +capable of self-government. + +The venerable gentleman (Josiah Quincy) spoke a word about England. I +believe the Anglo-Saxon race must have a high destiny in the history of +mankind. It is the only race, the younger brother of which is free while +the elder brother has also some freedom. You, gentlemen, acknowledge +that from the mother country you obtained certain of your principles of +liberty--free thought and speech, a free press, &c.--and I am sure, +gentlemen, the English people are proud of liberty. Called to pronounce +against the league of despots, if the Republican United States and +constitutional England were in concord, what would be the consequence? + +I answer, it would be exactly as when the South American Republic was +threatened--as when Russia forbade American vessels to approach within a +hundred miles of its American shores. I have often met in the United +States an objection against an alliance with England; but it is chiefly +the Irish who are opposed to being on good terms with England. In +respect to the Irish, if I could contribute to the future unity in +action of the United States and England, I should more aid the Irish +than by all exclamations against one or other. If the United States and +England were in union, the continent of Europe would be republican. +Then, though England remained monarchical, Ireland would be freer than +now. If I were an Irishman, I would not have raised the standard of +_Repeal_, which offended the people of England, but the standard of +municipal _self-government_ against parliamentary omnipotence--not +as an Irish question, but as a common question to all--and in this +movement the people of England and Scotland would have joined; and now +there would have been a Parliament in England, in Ireland, and Scotland. +Such is the geographical position of Great Britain, that its countries +should be, not one, but united; each with its own Parliament, but still +one Parliament for all. If I could contribute to get England to oppose +the encroachments of absolutism, I should be doing more to aid Ireland, +in aiding freedom, than if I so acted as to induce England to look +indifferently at the approach of absolutism. I was glad to hear the +words of that venerable gentleman (Josiah Quincy). They brought to my +mind the words of John Adams, first minister of the United States to +England. When he addressed the King, he said:--"_He would be happy +could he restore entire esteem, confidence, and affection between the +United States and England_," and King George III. replied: "_I was +the last to conform to the separation, and I am the first to meet the +friendship of the United States. Let the communities of language, +religion, and blood have their full and natural effect._" + +'Let this precedent, belonging to the intelligence not of to-day +only--let those words become now considered of particular interest to +both countries, and it would be of the greatest benefit to mankind. +There is nothing more necessary to secure the freedom of Europe than +consent to act together, on the part of the United States and England. + +It is not necessary to say how far they will go, but only necessary to +say they will do as much as their interests allow, and what may be +necessary that the law of nations should be protected and not abandoned. + +When I was in England nothing gave me more delight than to hear +delegations addressing me, mention your Washington, and confess +themselves sorry that he had to manifest his greatness in contending +against England; but they were more proud to see the greatness of such a +man, than not to have been opposed by him. They entrusted me to bring +word to the United States, that they wished to be united to you for the +benefit of all Humanity. + +I was charged particularly by one hundred men connected with commerce at +Manchester--the least wealthy of whom was _worth_, as they express +it in England, £10,000 a year--these gentlemen told me it would be a +great result of my mission in the United States, if I could convince +Americans that Englishmen thought all differences had vanished; and they +desired to go hand in hand with the people of the United States, as +regards foreign policy. Now, I have observed in New England less +objection to the policy of an alliance with England than in many other +parts of the United States, and I take it for an evidence of the +intelligence and liberality of the people. + +I know, gentlemen, you have been pleased to honour me, not for myself +(for the people of Massachusetts are not man-worshippers, but reverence +principles only)--therefore I cannot better express my thanks than to +pledge my word, relying, as on another occasion of deep interest I said, +_upon the justice of our cause, the blessing of God, iron wills, stout +arms, and good swords_--and upon your generous sympathy, to do all in +my power, with my people, for my country and for humanity; for which +indeed in my heart, though, it is somewhat old, there is yet warmth. + +After many other toasts, President Wilson called on Judge Hoar to speak. +The reply of the Judge had several striking sentences. He closed by +saying to Kossuth: + +"It is because you, Sir, have learned the truth that _Peace is the +first interest of no people,--that there are other things more sacred +than human life,--that without Justice and Freedom life is only a +mockery, and peace a delusion and a burden,_--it is _because_, +when tyranny had terminated every duty of a subject, you too[*] have +dared to become the MOST NOTORIOUS REBEL of our time, _therefore_ +does Massachusetts welcome you to the home of Hancock and of Adams, and +the majestic spirit of Washington sheds its benediction upon the scene." + +[Footnote *: The Judge alludes to Hancock and Adams, who were excepted +by name as "notorious rebels," from General Gage's proclamation of +amnesty.] + + * * * * * + +XLIV.--RUSSIA THE ANTAGONIST OF THE U.S. + +[_Salem, May 6_.] + +Ladies and gentlemen,--When four years ago, the tidings of our struggle +made the scarcely before known name of Hungary familiar to you, sympathy +for a nobly defended noble cause moved your hearts to rejoice at our +victories, to feel anxiety about our dangers. Yet, so long as our +struggle was but a domestic contest, a resistance against oppression by +a perjurious king, you had no reason to think that the sympathy you felt +for us, being a generous manifestation of the affections of free men, +was at the same time an instinctive presentiment of a policy, which you +in your national capacity will be called upon by circumstances, not only +to consider, but, as I firmly believe, also to adopt. + +You were far from anticipating that the issue of our struggle would +become an opportunity for your country to take that position which +Divine Providence has evidently assigned to you; I mean the position of +a power, not restricted in its influence to the Western Hemisphere, but +reaching across the earth. You had not thought that it is the struggle +of Hungary which will call on you to fulfil the prophecy of Canning; who +comprehended, that it is the destiny of the New World to redress the +balance of power in the Old. + +The universal importance of our contest has been but late revealed. It +has been revealed by the interference of Russia, by our fall, and by its +more threatening results. + +Now, it has become evident to all thinking men, that the balance of +power cannot be redressed unless Hungary is restored to national +independence. Consequently if it be your own necessity to weigh in the +scale of the powers on earth, if it be your destiny to redress the +balance of power, the cause of Hungary is the field where this destiny +will have to be fulfilled. + +And it is indeed your destiny. Russian diplomacy could never boast of a +greater and more fatal victory than it had a right to boast, should it +succeed to persuade the United States not to care about her--Russia +accomplishing her aim to become the ruling power in Europe; the ruling +power in Asia; the ruling power of the Mediterranean sea. That would be +indeed a great triumph to Russian diplomacy, greater than her triumph +over Hungary; a triumph dreadful to all humanity, but to nobody more +dreadful than to your own future. + +All sophistry is in vain, gentlemen; there can be no mistake about it. +Russian absolutism and Anglo-Saxon constitutionalism are not rival but +antagonist powers. They cannot long continue to subsist together. +Antagonists cannot hold equal position; every additional strength of the +one is a comparative weakening of the other. One or the other must +yield. One or the other must perish or become dependent on the other's +will. + +You may perhaps believe that that triumph of diplomacy is impossible in +America. But I am sorry to say, that it has a dangerous ally, in the +propensity to believe, that the field of American policy is limited +geographically; that there is a field for American, and there is a field +for European policy, and that these fields are distinct, and that it is +your interest to keep them distinct. + +There was a time in our struggle, when, if a man had come from America, +bringing us in official capacity the tidings of your brotherly greeting, +of your approbation and your sympathy, he would have been regarded like +a harbinger of heaven. The Hungarian nation, tired out by the hard task +of dearly but gloriously bought victories, was longing for a little +test, when the numerous hordes of Russia fell upon us in the hour of +momentary exhaustion. Indignation supplied the wanted rest, and we rose +to meet the intruding foe; but it was natural that the nation looked +around with anxiety, whether there be no power on earth raising its +protesting voice against that impious act of trampling down the law of +nations, the common property of all humanity? no power on earth to cheer +us by a word of approbation of our legitimate defence? Alas! no such +word was heard. We stood forsaken and alone! It was upon that ground of +forsakenness that treason spread its poison into our ranks. They told my +nation, "Your case is hopeless. Kossuth has assured you that if you +drive out the Austrians from your territory, and declare your +independence, it perhaps will be recognized by the French Republic, +probably by England, and certainly by America; but look! none has +recognized you; not even the United States, though with them it was from +the time of Washington always a constant principle to recognize every +government. You are not recognized. You are forsaken by the whole world. +Kossuth has assured you, that it is impossible the constitutional powers +of the world should permit without a word of protest Russia to interfere +with the domestic concerns of Hungary; and look! Russia has interfered, +the laws of nations are broken, the political balance of power is upset. +Russia has assumed the position of a despotic arbiter of the condition +of the world, and still nobody has raised a single word of protest in +favour of Hungary's just and holy cause." Such was the insinuation, +which Russian diplomacy, with its wonted subterraneous skill, instilled +drop by drop into my brave people's manly heart; and alas! I could not +say that the insinuation was false. _The French Republic_, instead +of protesting against the interference of Russia, _followed its +example and interfered itself at Rome_. _Great Britain_, instead +of protesting, _checked Turkey in her resolution to oppose that new +aggrandizement of Russia_; and _the United States of America_ +remained silent, instead of protesting against the violation of those +"laws of nature and of nature's God," in the maintenance of which nobody +can be more interested than the great Republic of America. + +In short, it was by our feeling forsaken, that the skill of our enemies +spread despondency through our ranks; and this despondency, not the arms +of Russia, caused us to fall. Self-confidence lost is more than half a +defeat. Had America sent a diplomatic agent to Hungary, greeting us +amongst the independent powers on earth, recognizing our independence, +and declaring Russian interference to be contrary to the laws of +nations, that despondency, that loss of self-confidence, had never +gained ground among us; without this, treason would have been +impossible, and without treason all the disposable power of Russia would +never have succeeded to overcome our arms;--never! I should rather have +brought the well-deserved punishment home to her, should have shaken her +at home. Poland--heroic, unfortunate Poland would now be free, Turkey +delivered from the nightmare now pressing her chest, and I, according to +all probability, should have seen Moscow in triumph, instead of seeing +Salem in exile! + +Well, there is a just God in heaven, and there will yet be justice on +earth;--the day of retribution will come! + +Such being the sad tale of my fatherland, which, by a timely token of +your brotherly sympathy might have been saved, and which now has lost +everything except its honour, its trust in God, its hope of +resurrection, its confidence in my patriotic exertions, and its steady +resolution to strike once more the inexorable blow of retribution at +tyrants and tyranny;--if the cause I plead were a particular cause, I +would place it upon the ground of well-deserved sympathy, and would try +to kindle into a flame of excitement the generous affections of your +hearts: and I should succeed. + +But since a great crisis, which is universally felt to be approaching, +enables me to claim for my cause a universality not restricted by the +geographical limits of a country or even of Europe itself, or by the +moral limits of nationalities, but possessing an interest common to all +the Christian world; it is calm, considerate conviction, and _not_ +the passing excitement of generous sentiments, which I seek. I hope +therefore to meet the approbation of this intelligent assembly, when +instead of pleasing you by an attempt at eloquence, for which, in my +sick condition, I indeed have not sufficient freshness of mind--I enter +into some dry but not unimportant considerations, which the citizens of +Salem, claiming the glory of high commercial reputation, will kindly +appreciate. + +Gentlemen, I have often heard the remark, that if the United States do +not care for the policy of the world, they will continue to grow +internally, and will soon become the mightiest realm on earth, a +Republic of a hundred millions of energetic freemen, strong enough to +defy all the rest of the world, and to control the destinies of mankind. +And surely this is your glorious lot; but _only under the +condition_, that no hostile combination, before you have in peace and +in tranquillity grown so strong, arrests by craft and violence your +giant-course; and this again is possible, only under the condition that +Europe become free, and the league of despots become not sufficiently +powerful to check the peaceful development of your strength. But Russia, +too, the embodiment of the principle of despotism, is working hard for +the development of _her_ power. Whilst you grow internally, her +able diplomacy has spread its nets all over the continent of Europe. +There is scarcely a Prince there but feels honoured to be an underling +of the great Czar; the despots are all leagued against the freedom of +the nations: and should the principle of absolutism consolidate its +power, and lastingly keep down the nations, then it must, even by the +instinct of self-preservation, try to check the further development of +your Republic. In vain they would have spilt the blood of millions, in +vain they would have doomed themselves to eternal curses, if they +allowed the United States to become the ruling power on earth. They +crushed poor Hungary, because her example was considered dangerous. How +could they permit you to become so mighty, as to be not only dangerous +by your example, but by your power a certain ruin to despotism? They +will, they must, do everything to check your glorious progress. Be +sure, as soon as they have crushed the spirit of freedom in Europe, as +soon as they command all the forces of the Continent, they will marshal +them against you. Of course they will not lead their fleets and armies +at once across the Ocean. They will first damage your prosperity by +crippling your commerce. They will exclude America from the markets of +Europe, not only because they fear the republican propagandism of your +commerce, but also because Russia requires those markets for her own +products. + +[He proceeded to argue, that Russian policy, like that of the Magyars in +their time of barbarism, is essentially encroaching and warlike; that to +be _feared_, is often more important to Russia than to enjoy a +particular market; that the Russian system of commerce is, and must be, +prohibitory to republican traffic; that England alone in Europe has +large commerce with America, and that the despots, if victorious on the +continent, would make it their great object to damage, cripple, and ruin +both these kindred constitutional nations. He continued:] + +The despots are scheming to muzzle the English lion. You see already how +they are preparing for this blow--that Russia may become mistress of +Constantinople, by Constantinople mistress of the Mediterranean, and by +the Mediterranean of three-quarters of the globe. Egypt, Macedonia, +Asia-Minor, the country and early home of the cotton plant, are then the +immediate provinces of Russia, a realm with twenty million serfs, +subject to its policy and depending on its arbitrary will. + +Here is a circumstance highly interesting to the United States. +Constantinople is the key to Russia. To be preponderant, she knows it is +necessary for her to be a maritime power. The Black Sea is only a lake, +like Lake Leman; the Baltic is frozen five months in a year. These are +all the seas she possesses. Constantinople is the key to the palace of +the Czars. Russia is already omnipotent on the Continent; once master of +the Mediterranean, it is not difficult to see that the power which +already controls three-quarters of the world, will soon have the fourth +quarter. + +Whilst the victory of the nations of Europe would open to you the +markets, till now closed to your products, the consolidation of +despotism destroys your commerce unavoidably. If your wheat, your +tobacco, your cotton, were excluded from Europe but for one year, there +is no farm, no plantation, no banking-house, which would not feel the +terrible shock of such a convulsion. + +And hand-in-hand with the commercial restrictions you will then see an +establishment of monarchies from Cape Horn to the Rio Grande del Norte. +Cuba becomes a battery against the mouth of the Mississippi; the +Sandwich Islands a barrier to your commerce on the Pacific; Russian +diplomacy will foster your domestic dissensions and rouse the South +against the North, and the North against the South, the sea-coast +against the inland States, and the inland States against the sea-coast, +the Pacific interests against the Atlantic interests; and when discord +paralyzes your forces, then comes at last the foreign interference, +preceded by the declaration, that the European powers having, with your +silent consent, inscribed into the code of international law, the +principle that every foreign power has the right to interfere in the +domestic affairs of any nation when these become a dangerous example, +and your example and your republican principles being dangerous to the +absolutist powers, and your domestic dissensions dangerous to the order +and tranquillity of Europe, and therefore they consider it their "duty +to interfere in America." And Europe being oppressed, you will have, +single-handed, to encounter the combined forces of the world! I say no +more about this subject. America will remember then the poor exile, if +it does not in time enter upon that course of policy, which the +intelligence of Massachusetts, together with the young instinct of Ohio, +are the foremost to understand and to advance. + +A man of your own State, a President of the United States, John Quincy +Adams, with enlarged sagacity, accepted the Panama Mission, to consider +the action of the Holy Alliance upon the interests of the South American +Republics. + +Now, I beg you to reflect, gentlemen, how South America is different +from Europe, as respects your own country. Look at the thousand ties +that bind you to Europe. In Washington, a Senator from California, a +generous friend of mine, told me he was _thirty_ days by steamer +from the Seat of Government. Well, you speak of distance--just give me +a good steamer and good sailors, and you will in _twenty_ days see +the flag of freedom raised in Hungary. + +I remember that when one of your glorious Stars (Florida, I think it +was) was about to be introduced, the question of discussion and +objection became, that the distance was great. It was argued that the +limits of the government would be extended so far, that its duties could +not be properly attended to. The President answered, that the distance +was not too great, if the seat of government could be reached in thirty +days. So far you have extended your territory; and I am almost inclined +to ask my poor Hungary to be accepted as a Star in your glorious galaxy. +She might become a star in this immortal constellation, since she is not +so far as thirty days off from you. + +What little English I know, I learned from your Shakespeare, and I +learned from him that "there are more things in heaven and earth than +are dreamed of in our philosophy." Who knows what the future may bring +forth? I trust in God that all nations will become free, and that they +will be united for the internal interests of humanity, and in that +galaxy of freedom I know what place the United States will have. + +One word more. When John Quincy Adams assumed for the United States the +place of a power on earth, he was objected to, because it was thought +possible that that step might give offence to the Holy Alliance. His +answer was in these memorable words: "The United States must take +counsel of their rights and duties, and not from their fears." + +The Anglo-Saxon race represents constitutional governments. If it be +united for these, we shall have what we want, Fair Play; and, relying +"upon our God, the justness of our cause, iron wills, honest hearts and +good swords," my people will strike once more for freedom, independence, +and for Fatherland. + + * * * * * + +XLV.--THE MARTYRS OF THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. + +[_Lexington, May 11th_.] + +Kossuth having been invited to visit the first battle fields of the +Revolution, was accompanied by several members of the State Committee, +on May 11th, to West Cambridge, Lexington, and Concord. He had already +visited Bunker Hill on the 3d of May, but we have not in these pages +found room for his speech there. At West Cambridge he was addressed by +the Rev. Thomas Hill, and replied: at Lexington also he received two +addresses, and the following was his reply:-- + +Gentlemen,--It has been often my lot to stand upon classical ground, +where the whispering breeze is fraught with wonderful tales of devoted +virtue, bright glory, and heroic deeds. And I have sat upon ruins of +ancient greatness, blackened by the age of centuries; and I have seen +the living ruins of those ancient times, called men, roaming about the +sacred ground, unconscious that the dust which clung to their boots, was +the relic of departed demigods--and I rose with a deep sigh. Those +demigods were but men, and the degenerate shapes that roamed around me, +on the hallowed ground, were also not less than men. The decline and +fall of nations impresses the mark of degradation on nature itself. It +is sad to think upon--it lops the soaring wings of the mind, and chills +the fiery arms of energy. But, however dark be the impression of such +ruins of vanished greatness upon the mind of men who themselves have +experienced the fragility of human fate, thanks to God, there are bright +spots yet on earth, where the recollections of the past, brightened by +present prosperity, strengthen the faith in the future of mankind's +destiny. Such a spot is this. + +Gentlemen, should the reverence which this spot commands allow a smile, +I might feel inclined to smile at the eager controversy whether it was +at Lexington or Concord that the fire of the British was first returned +by Americans. Let it be this way or that way,--it will neither increase +nor abate the merit of the martyrs who fell here. It is with their blood +that the preface of your nation's history is written. Their death was, +and always will be, the first bloody revelation of America's destiny; +and Lexington, the opening scene of a revolution, of which Governor +Boutwell was right to say, that it is destined to change the character +of human governments, and the condition of the human race. + +Should the Republic of America ever lose the consciousness of this +destiny, that moment would be just so surely the beginning of America's +decline, as the 19th of April, 1775, was the beginning of the Republic +of America. + +Prosperity is not always, gentlemen, a guarantee of the future, if it be +not accompanied with a constant resolution to obey the call of the +genius of the time. Nay, material prosperity is often the mark of real +decline, when it either results in, or is connected with, a moral +stagnation in the devoted attachment to principles. Rome was never +richer, never mightier, than under Trajan, and still it had already the +sting of death in its very heart. + +To me, whenever I stand upon such sacred ground as this, the spirits of +the departed appear like the prophets of future events. The language +they speak to my heart is the revelation of Providence. + +The struggle of America for independence was providential. It was a +necessity. Those circumstances which superficial consideration takes for +the motives of the glorious Revolution, were but accidental +opportunities for it. Had those circumstances not occurred, others would +have occurred, and might have presented perhaps a different opportunity; +but the Revolution would have come. It was a necessity, because the +colonies of America had attained that lawful age in the development of +all the elements of national existence, which claims the right to stand +by itself, and cannot any longer be led by a child's leading-strings, be +the hand which leads it a mother's or a step-mother's. Circumstances and +the connection of events were such, that this unavoidable emancipation +had to pass the violent concussion of severe trials. The immortal glory +of your forefathers was, that they did not shrink to accept the trial, +and were devoted and heroic to sacrifice themselves to their country's +destiny. And the monuments you erect to their memory, and the religious +reverence with which you cherish the memory, are indeed well deserved +tributes of gratitude. + +But allow me to say, there is a tribute which those blessed spirits are +still more eager to claim from you as the happy inheritance of the +fruits they have raised for you; it is, the tribute of always remaining +_true to their principle_; devoted to the destiny of your country, +which destiny is to become the corner-stone of LIBERTY on earth. Empires +can be only maintained by the same virtue by which they have been +founded. Oh! let me hope that, while the recollections connected with +this hallowed ground, inspire the heart of a wandering exile with +consolation, with hope, and with perseverance (from the very fact that I +have stood here, brought with the anxious prayers and expectations of +the Old World's oppressed millions), you will see the finger of God +pointing out the appropriate opportunity to act your part in America's +destiny, by maintaining the laws of _Nature and of Nature's God_, +for which your heroes fought and your martyrs died; and to regenerate +the world. + + "Proclaiming freedom in the name of God," + +till--to continue in the beautiful words of your Whittier-- + + ----"Its blessings fall + Common as dew and sunshine over all." + +[From Lexington Kossuth proceeded to Concord, and was there addressed by +the well-known author, Ralph Waldo Emerson. His reply was at greater +length, and on the same subject as at Lexington; yet a part of it may +here be printed.] + +Kossuth said:-- + +In my opinion, there is not a single event in history so distinctly +marked to be providential--and providential with reference to all +humanity--as the colonization, revolution, and republicanism of the now +United States of America. + +This immense continent being peopled with elements of European +civilization, could not remain a mere appendix to Europe. But when it is +connected with Europe by a thousand social, moral, and material ties, by +blood, religion, language, science, civilization, and commerce, to +believe that it can rest isolated in politics from Europe, would be just +such a fault as it was that England did not believe in time the +necessity of America's independence. Yes, gentlemen, this is so sure to +me, that I would pledge life, honour, and everything dear to man's heart +and honourable to man's memory, that either America must take her +becoming part in the political regeneration of Europe, or she herself +must yield to the pernicious influence of European politics. There was +never yet a more fatal mistake, than it would be to believe, that by not +caring about the political condition of Europe, America may remain +unaffected by the condition of Europe. I could perhaps understand such +an opinion, if you would or could be entirely isolated from Europe; but +as you are not isolated, as you cannot be, as you cannot even have the +will to be (for that very will would be a paradox, a logical absurdity, +impossible to be carried out, being contrary to the eternal laws of God, +which he for nobody's sake will change); therefore to believe that you +can go on to be connected with Europe in a thousand respects, and still +remain unaffected by its social and political condition, would be indeed +a fatal delusion. + +You stretch out your gigantic hands a thousandfold every day over the +waves; your relations with Europe are not only commercial as with Asia, +they are also social, moral, spiritual, intellectual; you take Europe +every day by the hand. How then could you believe, that if that hand of +Europe, which you grasp every day, remains dirty, you can escape from +soiling your own hands? The cleaner they are, all the more will the +filth of old Europe stick to them. There is no possible means to escape +from being soiled, than to help us, Europeans, to wash the hands of our +old world. + +You have heard of the ostrich, that when persecuted by an enemy, it is +wont to hide its head, leaving its body exposed; it believes that by not +regarding it, it will not be seen by the enemy. That curious aberration +is worthy of reflection. It is _typical_. + +Yes, gentlemen, either America will _re_generate the condition of +the old world, or it will be _de_generated by the condition of the +old world. + +Sir, I implore you (Mr. Emerson), give me the aid of your philosophical +_analysis_, to impress the conviction upon the public mind of your +nation that the Revolution, to which CONCORD was the preface, is full of +a higher destiny--of a destiny broad as the world, broad as humanity +itself. Let me entreat you to apply the analytic powers of your +penetrating intellect, to disclose the character of the American +Revolution, as you disclose the character of self-reliance, of spiritual +laws, of intellect, of nature, or of politics. Lend the authority of +your judgment to the truth, that the destiny of American revolution is +not yet fulfilled; that the task is not yet completed; that to stop half +way, is worse than would have been not to stir: repeat those words of +deep meaning which once you wrote about the monsters that looked +backward, and about the walking with reverted eye, while the voice of +the Almighty says, "_up and onward for ever more_," while moreover +the instinct of your people, which never fails to be right, answered the +call of destiny by taking for its motto the word _ahead_. + +Indeed, gentlemen, the monuments you raised to the heroic martyrs who +fertilized with their hearts' blood the soil of liberty--these monuments +are a fair tribute of well-deserved gratitude, gratifying to the spirits +who are hovering around us and honourable to you. Woe to the people +which neglect to honour its great and good men; but believe me, +gentlemen, those blessed spirits would look down with saddened brows to +this free and happy land, if ever they were doomed to see that the happy +inheritors of their martyrdom imagined that the destiny to which that +martyr blood was consecrated, is accomplished, and its price fully paid +in the already achieved results, because the living generation dwells +comfortably and makes TWO DOLLARS out of _one_. + +No, gentlemen, the stars in the sky have a higher aim than merely to +illumine the night-path of some lonely wanderer. The course your nation +is called to run, is not yet half performed. Mind the fable of +Atalanta: it was a golden apple thrown into her way which made her fall +short in her race. + +Two things I have met here in these free and mighty United States, which +I am at a loss how to make concord. The two things I cannot harmonize +are:--First, that all your historians, all your statesmen, all your +distinguished orators, who wrote or spoke, characterize it as AN ERA in +mankind's history, destined to change the condition of the world, upon +which it will rain an everflowing influence. And secondly, in +contradiction to this universally adopted creed, I have met in many +quarters a propensity to believe that it is conservative wisdom not to +take any active part in the regulation of the outward world. + +These two things do not agree. If that be the destiny of America, which +you all believe to be, then that destiny can never be fulfilled by +acting the part of passive spectators, and by this very passivity +granting a charter to ambitious Czars to dispose of the condition of the +world. + +I have met distinguished men trusting so much to the operative power of +your institutions and of your _example_, that they really believe +they will make their way throughout the world merely by their _moral +influence_. But there is one thing those gentlemen have disregarded +in their philanthropic reliance; and that is, that the ray of the sun +never yet made its way by itself through well-closed shutters and +doors--they must be drawn open, that the blessed rays of the sun may get +in. I have never yet heard of a despot who yielded to the moral +influence of liberty. The ground of Concord itself is an evidence of it; +the doors and shutters of oppression must be opened by bayonets, that +the blessed rays of your institutions may penetrate into the dark +dwelling-house of oppressed humanity. + +There are men who believe the position of a power on earth will come to +you by itself; but oh! do not trust to this fallacy; a position never +comes by itself; it must be taken, and taken it never will be by +passivity. + +The martyrs who have hallowed by their blood the ground of Concord, +trusted themselves and occupied the place Divine Providence assigned +them. Sir, the words are yours which I quote. You have told your people +that they are now men, and must accept in the highest mind the same +destiny, that they are not minors and invalids in a protected corner; +but guides, redeemers, and benefactors, advancing on chaos and on the +dark. + +I pray God to give to your people the sentiment of the truth you have +taught. + +Your people, fond of its prosperity, loves peace. Well, who would not +love peace; but allow me again, sir, to repeat with all possible +emphasis, the great word you spoke, "Nothing can bring you peace but the +triumph of principles." + + * * * * * + +XLVI.--CONDITION OF EUROPE. + +[_Last Speech in Boston_.] + +On May 14th, Kossuth, in obedience to a distinct invitation, delivered, +in Faneuil Hall, the following ample Speech or Lecture, on the present +condition of Europe. + +Ladies and gentlemen,--The gigantic struggle of the first French +Revolution associated the name of FRANCE so much with the cause of +freedom in Europe, that all the world got accustomed to see it take the +lead in the struggle for European liberty; and to look to it as a power +entrusted by Providence with the initiation of revolutions; as a power, +without the impulse of which, no liberal movement had any hope on the +European continent. + +I, from my earliest days, never shared that opinion. I felt always more +sympathy with the Anglo-Saxon character and Anglo-Saxon institutions, +which raised England, notwithstanding its monarchy and its aristocracy, +to a position prouder than Rome ever held in its most glorious days: and +which, free from monarchical and aristocratical elements here in +America, lie at the foundation of a political organization, upon which +the first true democratic Republic was consolidated and developed into +freedom, power, and prosperity, in such a short time, as to make it a +living wonder to the contemporary age, and a book full of instruction to +the coming generations. + +However, that opinion about the French initiative prevailed in Europe, +and it was a great misfortune; for you know that France has always as +yet forsaken the movement which it raised in Europe, and the other +nations acting not spontaneously, but only following the impulse which +the French had imparted to them, faltered and stopped at once, as soon +as the French failed them. With that opinion of the French supremacy, no +revolution in Europe could have a definite, happy issue. + +Freedom never yet was given to nations as a gift, but only as a reward, +bravely earned by one's own exertions, own sacrifices, and own toil; and +never will, never shall it be attained otherwise. + +I speak therefore out of profound conviction, when I say that, though +the heart of the philanthropist must feel pained at the new hard trials +to which the French nation is, and will yet be exposed, by the momentary +success of Louis Napoleon Bonaparte's inglorious usurpation, still that +very fact will prove advantageous to the ultimate success of liberty in +Europe. Louis Napoleon's _coup d'état_, much against his will, has +emancipated Europe from its reliance upon France. The combined +initiative of nations has succeeded to the initiative of France; +spontaneity and self-reliance have replaced the depending on foreign +impulse and reliance upon foreign aid. France is reduced to the level +amongst nations, obliged to join general combinations, instead of +regulating them; and this I take for a very great advantage. Many have +wondered at the momentary success of Louis Napoleon, and are inclined to +take it for an evidence that the French nation is either not capable or +not worthy to be free. But that is a great fallacy. The momentary +success of Louis Napoleon is rather an evidence that France is +_thoroughly democratic_. All the revolutions in France have +resulted in the preponderance of that class which bears the denomination +of _bourgeoisie_. Amongst all possible modifications of +oppression, none is more detested by the people than oppression by an +Assembly. The National Assembly of France was the most treacherous the +world has ever yet known. Issued from universal suffrage, it went so far +as to abolish universal suffrage, and every day of its existence was a +new blow stricken at democracy for the profit of the bourgeoisie. Louis +Napoleon has beaten asunder that Assembly, which the French democracy +had so many reasons to hate and to despise, and the people applauded him +as the people of England applauded Cromwell when he whipped out the Rump +Parliament. + +But by what means was Louis Napoleon permitted to do even what the +people liked to see done? By no other means, but by flattering the +principle of Democracy; he restored the universal suffrage; it is an +execrable trick, to be sure--it is a shadow given for reality; but still +it proves that the democratic spirit is so consolidated in France, that +even despotic ambition must flatter it. Well, depend upon it, this +democracy, which the victorious usurper feels himself constrained to +flatter in the brightest moments of his triumph--this democracy will +either make out of Louis Napoleon _a tool_, which in spite of +itself serves the democracy, or it will crush him. + +France is the country of sudden changes, and of unthought of accidents. +I therefore will not presume to tell the events of its next week, but +one alternative I dare to state: Louis Napoleon either falls or +maintains himself. The fall of Louis Napoleon, even if brought about by +the old monarchical parties, can have no other issue than a Republic--a +Republic more faithful to the community of freedom in Europe than all +the former Revolutions have been. Or if Louis Napoleon maintains +himself, he can do so only either by relying upon the army, or by +flattering the feelings and interests of the masses. If he relies upon +the army, he must give to it glory and profit, or, in other words, he +must give to it war. Well, a war of France, against whomsoever it be, or +for whatever purposes, is the best possible chance for the success of a +European Revolution. Or if Louis Napoleon relies upon the feelings of +the masses--as indeed he appears willing to do--in that case, in spite +of himself, he becomes a tool in the hands of democracy; and if, by +becoming such, he forsakes the allegiance of his masters--the league of +absolutistical powers--well, he will either be forced to attack them, or +be attacked by them. + +So much for France; now as to ITALY. + +Italy! the sunny garden of Europe, whose blossoms are blighted by the +icy north wind from St. Petersburg--Italy, that captured nightingale, +placed under a fragrant bush of roses, beneath an ever blue sky! Italy +was always the battlefield of the contending principles, since, hundreds +of years ago, the German emperors, the kings of Spain, and the kings of +France, fought their private feuds, their bloody battles on her much +coveted soil; and by their destructive influence, kept down all +progress, and fostered every jealousy. By the recollections of old, the +spirit of liberty was nowhere so dangerous for European absolutism as in +Italy. And this spirit of republican liberty, this warlike genius of +ancient Rome, was never extinguished between the Alps and the Faro. + +We are taught by the scribes of absolutism to speak of the Italians as +if they were a nation of cowards, and we forget that the most renowned +masters of the science of war, the greatest generals up to our day, were +Italians,--Piccolomini, Montecucculi, Farnese, Eugene of Savoy, Spinola, +and Bonaparte--a galaxy of names whose glory is dimmed only by the +reflection that none of them fought for his own country. As often as the +spirit of liberty awoke in Italy, the servile forces of Germany, of +Spain, and of France poured into the country, and extinguished the +glowing spark in the blood of the people, lest it should once more +illumine the dark night of Europe. Frederic Barbarossa destroyed Milan +to its foundations, when it attempted to resist his imperial +encroachments by the league of independent cities; and led the plough +over the smoking ruins. Charles the Fifth had to gather all his powers +around him to subdue Florence, when it declared itself a democratic +republic. Napoleon extinguished the last remnants of republican +self-government by crushing the republics of Venice, Genoa, Lucca, +Ragusa, and left only, to ridicule republicanism, the commonwealth of +San Marino untouched. The Holy Alliance parted the spoils of Napoleon, +riveted afresh the iron fetters which enslave Italy, and forged new +spiritual fetters; prevented the extension of education, and destroyed +the press, in order that the Italians should not remember their past. + +Every page, glorious in their history for twenty-five centuries, is +connected with the independence of Italy; every stain upon their honour +is connected with foreign rule. And the burning minds of the Italians, +though all spiritual food is denied to them, cannot be taught not to +remember their past glory and their present degradation. Every stone +speaks of the ancient glory; every Austrian policeman, every French +soldier, of the present degradation. The tyrants have no power to unmake +history, and to silence the feelings of the nation. And amongst all the +feelings powerful to stir up the activity of mankind, there is none more +penetrating than unmerited degradation, which impels us to redeem our +lost honour. What is it therefore that keeps those petty tyrants of +Italy, who are jealous of one another, on their tottering thrones, +divided as they are among themselves, whilst the revolutionizing spirit +of liberty unites the people? It is only the protection of Austria, +studding the peninsula with her bayonets and with her spies. And Austria +herself can dare this, only because she relies upon the assistance of +Russia. She can send her armies to Italy, because Russia guards her +eastern dominions. Let Russia stand off, and Austria is unable to keep +Italy in bondage; and the Italians, united in the spirit of +independence, will easily settle their account with their own weak +princes. Keep off the icy blast which blows from the Russian snows, and +the tree of freedom will grow up in the garden of Europe; though cut +down by the despots, it will spring anew from the roots in the soil, +which was always genial for the tree. Remember that no insurrection of +Italians has been crushed by their own domestic tyrants without foreign +aid; remember that one-third of the Austrian army which occupies Italy +are Hungarians who have fought against and triumphed over the +yellow-black flag of Austria--under the same tri-colour which, having +the same colours for both countries, show emblematically that Hungary +and Italy are but two wings of the same army, united against a common +enemy. Remember that even now neither the Pope nor the little Princes of +middle Italy can subsist without an Austrian and a French garrison; and +remember that Italy is a half isle, open from three sides to the +friendship of all who sympathize with civil and religious liberty on +earth; but from the sea not open to Russia and Austria, because they are +not maritime powers; and so long as England is conscious of the basis of +its power, and so soon as America gets conscious of the condition upon +which its future depends, Austria and Russia will never be allowed to +become maritime powers. + +And when you feel instinctively that the heart of the Roman must rage +with fury when he looks back into the mirror of his past,--that the +Venetian cannot help to weep tears of fire and of blood from the +Rialto;--when you feel all this, then look back how the Romans have +fought in 1849, with a heroism scarcely paralleled in the most glorious +day of ancient Rome. And let me tell, in addition, upon the certainty of +my own positive knowledge, that the world never yet has seen such +complete and extensive revolutionary organization as that of Italy +to-day--ready to burst out into an irresistible storm at the slightest +opportunity, and powerful enough to make that opportunity, if either +foreign interference is checked, or the interfering foreigners occupied +at home. The revolution of 1848 has revealed and developed the warlike +spirit of Italy. Except a few wealthy proprietors, already very +uninfluential, the most singular unanimity exists, both as to aim and to +means. There is no shade of difference of opinion, either to what is to +be done or how to do it. All are unanimous in their devotion to the +Union and Independence of Italy. With France or against France, by the +sword, at all sacrifices, without compromise, they are bent on renewing +the battle over and over again, with the confidence that, even without +aid, they will triumph in the long run. + +The difficulty in Italy is not how to make a revolution, but how to +prevent its untimely outbreak; and still even in that respect there is +such a complete discipline as the world never yet has seen. In Rome, +Romagna, Lombardy, Venice, Sicily, and all the middle Italy, there +exists an invisible government, whose influence is everywhere +discernible. It has eyes and hands in all departments of public service, +in all classes of society--it has its taxes voluntarily paid--its +organized force, its police, its newspapers regularly printed and +circulated, though the possession of a single copy would send the holder +to the galleys. The officers of the existing government convey the +missives of the invisible government, the diligences transport its +agents. One line from one of these agents opens to you the galleries of +art, on prohibited days--gives you the protection of uniformed +officials. + +That this is the condition of all Italy is shown on one side, in the +fact that there the King of Naples holds fettered in dungeons 25,000 +patriots, and Radetzky has sacrificed nearly 4,000 political martyrs on +the scaffold; still the scaffold continues to be watered with blood, and +still the dungeons receive new victims, evidently proving what spirit +exists in the people of Italy. + +And still Americans doubt that we are on the eve of a terrible +revolution; and they ask, What use can I make of any material aid? when +Italy is a barrel of powder, which the slightest spark may light. + +In respect to foreign rule, GERMANY is more fortunate than Italy. From +the times of the treaty of Verdun, when it separated from France and +Italy, through the long period of more than a thousand years, no foreign +power ever has succeeded to rule over Germany; such is the resistive +power of the German people to guard its national existence. The tyrants +who swayed over them were of their own blood. But to subdue German +liberty, those tyrants were always anxious to introduce foreign +institutions. First, they swept away the ancient Germanic right, the +common law so dear to the English and American, an eternal barrier +against the encroachments of despotism, and substituted for it the iron +rule of the imperial Roman law. The rule of papal Rome over the minds of +Germany crossed the mountains together with the Roman law, and a +spiritual dependency was to be established all over the world. The wings +of the German eagle were bound, that it should not soar up to the sun of +truth. But when the oppression became too severe, the people of Germany +rose against the power of Rome;--not the princes,--though they too were +oppressed: but the son of the miner of Eisenach, the poor friar, Martin +Luther, defied the Pope on his throne, and at his bidding the people of +Germany proved, that it is strong enough to shake off oppression; that +it is worthy, and that it knows how, to be free. And again, when the +French, under their Emperor, whose genius comprehended everything except +freedom, extended their moral sway over Germany, when the princes of +Germany thronged around the foreign despot, begging kingly crowns from +the son of the Corsican lawyer, with whom the Emperors were happy to +form matrimonial alliances--with the man who had no other ancestors than +his genius,--then it was again the people, which did not join in the +degradation of its rulers, but jealous to maintain their national +independence, turned the foreigner out though his name was Napoleon, and +broke the yoke asunder, which weighed as heavily upon their princes as +upon themselves. And still there are men in America who despair of the +vitality of the Germans, of their indomitable power to resist +oppression, of their love of freedom, and of their devotion to it, +proved by a glorious history of two thousand years. The German race is a +power, the vitality and influence of which you can trace through the +_world's_ history for two thousand years; you can trace it through +the history of science and heroism, of industry, and of bold +enterprizing spirit. Your own country, your own national character, bear +the mark of German vitality. Other nations, now and then, were great by +some great men--the German people was always great by itself. + +But the German princes cannot bear independence and liberty; they had +rather themselves become slaves, the underlings of the Czar, than allow +that their people should enjoy some liberty. An alliance was therefore +formed, which they blasphemously called the Holy Alliance,--with the +avowed purpose to keep the people down. The great powers guaranteed to +the smaller princes--whose name is Legion, for they are many,--the power +to fleece and torment their people, and promised every aid to them +against the insurrection of those, who would find that for liberty's +sake it is worth while to risk their lives and property. It was an +alliance for the oppression of the nations, not for the maintenance of +the princely prerogative. When the Grand-Duke of Baden, in a fit of +liberality, granted his people the liberty of the press, the Emperor of +Austria and the King of Prussia abolished the law, though it had been +carried unanimously by the Legislature of Baden and sanctioned by the +prince.--The Holy Alliance had guaranteed to the princes the power to +oppress, but not the power to benefit their people. + +But though the great powers interfered often in the principalities and +little kingdoms of Germany, indeed as often as the spirit of liberty +awoke, yet they themselves avoided every occasion which would have +forced them to request the aid of their allies, and especially of +Russia. They knew too well, that to accept foreign aid against their own +people, was nothing else than to lose independence, and was morally the +same as to kneel down before the Czar and to take the oath of +allegiance. A government which needs foreign aid against its own people, +avows that it cannot stand without foreign aid. Take that foreign +aid--interference!--away, and it falls. + +The dynasties of Austria and Prussia were aware of this. They therefore +yielded, as often as their encroachments met a firm resistance from the +people. When my nation so resolutely resisted in 1823 the attempt to +abolish the constitution, Prince Metternich himself advised the Emperor +Francis to yield, and even humbly to apologize to the Diet of 1825. The +King of Prussia granted even a kind of constitution rather than claim +the assistance of the Czar. Herein you may find the explanation of the +fact that the continent of Europe is not yet republican. The spirit of +freedom, when roused by oppression, was lulled into sleep by +constitutional concessions. The Czar of Russia was well aware, that this +system of compromise prevents his intruding into the domestic concerns +of Europe, which would lead him to the sovereign mastership over all; he +therefore did everything to push the sovereigns to extremities. But this +did not succeed, until by a palace-revolution in Vienna a weak and cruel +youth was placed on the throne of Austria, and a passionate woman got +the reins of government in her hand, and an unprincipled, reckless +adventurer was ready to carry out every imperial whim, regardless of the +honour of his country and the interests of his master. Russia at last +got her aim. Rather than acknowledge the rights of Hungary, they bowed +before the Czar, and gave up the independence of the Austrian throne; +they became the underlings of a foreign power, rather than allow that +one of the peoples of the European Continent should be really free. +Since the fall of Hungary, Russia is the real sovereign of all Germany; +for the first time Germany has a foreign master! and you believe that +Germany will bear that in the nineteenth century which it never yet has +borne? Bear that in fulness of age which it never bore in childhood? +Soon after, and through the fall of Hungary, the pride of Prussia was +humiliated. Austrian garrisons occupied Hamburg; Schleswig-Holstein was +abandoned, Hessia was chastised, and all that is dear to Germans +purposely affronted. Their dreams of greatness, their longing for unity, +their aspirations of liberty, were trampled down into the dust, and +ridicule was thrown upon all elevation of mind, upon all manifestation +of patriotism. Hassenburg, convicted of forgery by the Prussian courts, +became Minister in Hessia; the once outlawed Schwarzenbeg, and Bach, a +renegade republican, Ministers of Austria. The peace of the graveyard, +which tyrants, under the name of order, are trying to enforce upon the +world, has for its guardians outlawed reprobates, forgers, and +renegades. Could you believe that with such elements the spirit of +liberty can be crushed? Tyrants know that to habituate nations to +oppression, the moral feeling of the people has to be killed. But could +you really believe that the moral feeling of such a people as the +German, stamped in the civilization of which it was one of the +generating elements, can be killed, or that it can bear for a long while +such an outrage? Do you think that the people which met the insolent +bulls of the Pope in Rome by the Reformation and the thirty years' war, +and the numberless armies of Napoleon by a general rising--that this +people will tamely submit to the Russian influence, more arrogant than +the Papal pretensions, more disastrous than the exactions of the French +Empire? They broke the power of Rome and of Paris; will they agree to be +governed by St. Petersburg? Those who are accustomed to see in history +only the Princes, will say Aye, but they forget that since the +Reformation it is no longer the Princes who make the history, but the +People; they see the tops of the trees are bent by the powerful northern +hurricane, and they forget that the stem of the tree is unmoved. +Gentlemen, the German princes bow before the Czar, but the German people +will never bow before him. + +Let me sum up the philosophy of the present condition of Germany in +these few words: 1848 and 1849 have proved that the little tyrants of +Germany cannot stand by themselves, but only by their reliance upon +Austria and Prussia. These again cannot stand by themselves, but only by +their reliance upon Russia. Take this reliance away, by maintaining the +laws of nations against the principle of interference,--(for the joint +powers of America and England can maintain them)--and all the despotic +governments, reduced to stand by their own resources of power, must fall +before the never yet subdued spirit of the people of Germany, like +rotten fruit touched by a gale. + +Let me now speak about the condition of my own dear native land. I hope +not to meet any contradiction when I say that no condition can and will +endure, which is so bad, so insupportable, that, by trying to change it, +a people can lose nothing, and may gain everything. No condition can and +will endure, the maintenance of which is contrary to every interest of +every class. A revolution on the contrary is unavoidable, when every +interest of every class wishes and requires it. I will first speak of +the lower, and still the most powerful of all, of the material interest. + +There are some countries, where, however insupportable the condition of +the masses, still the government has an ally in the mighty and +influential class of bankers, who lend their money to support despotism, +and in those who have invested their fortunes in the shares of these +loans, negotiated by bankers, who speculate on and with the fortunes of +small capitalists. That class of men, partly tools of oppression, +partly the fools of the tools, exists not in Hungary. We have no such +bankers in Hungary, and but a very small inconsiderable number who have +invested their fortunes in such loan-shares. And even the few who had +been playing in the fatal loan-share game have withdrawn from it, at any +price, because they feared to lose all. From that quarter therefore the +House of Austria has no ally in Hungary. + +As to our former aristocracy, a class influential by its connections, +and by its large landed property: you remember that, when we succeeded +to abolish the feudal charges, and converted millions of our countrymen, +of different religion and different language, out of leaseholders into +free landed proprietors, we guaranteed an indemnification to the +landowners for what they lost. From a farm of about thirty-five to fifty +acres of land, the farmer had to work one hundred and two days a year +for the landowner; to give him the ninth part of all his crops, half a +dollar in ready money, besides particular fees for shopkeeping, brewery, +mill, &c. We freed the people from all the encumbrances, and, thanks to +God! that benefit never more can be torn from the people's hands. The +aristocracy consented to it, because we had guaranteed full +indemnification. The very material existence of this class of former +landowners is depending on that indemnification, to defray their debts, +(which they formerly had the habit wantonly to contract,) and to provide +for the cultivation of their own large allodial property, which they +formerly cultivated by the hands of their leaseholders, but now have to +invest capital into. + +Now this indemnification, amounting to one hundred millions of dollars, +the House of Austria never can realize. You know, with its centralized +government, which is always very expensive, with its standing army of +600,000 men, the only support of its precarious existence, with its army +of spies and secret police, with its system of corruption and robbery, +with its fourteen hundred millions of debt, with its eternal deficit in +its current expenditures, with its new loans to pay the interest of the +old, and an unavoidable bankruptcy impending,--this indemnification +Austria never can pay to the former aristocracy of Hungary. The only +means to get this indemnification is the restoration of Hungary to its +independence by a new revolution. Independent Hungary can pay it, +because it has no debts, will want no large standing armies, and will +have a cheap administration, because not centralized, but municipal, the +people governing itself in and through municipalities, the cheapest of +all governments. + +Hungary has already pointed out the fund, out of which that +indemnification can and will be paid, without any imposition upon the +people, or any loss to the commonwealth. Hungary has large State lands, +belonging to and administered by the commonwealth. I have mathematically +proved that the landed property of the State, sold in small parcels to +those who have yet no land, connected with a banking operation founded +upon that property itself, to facilitate the payment of the price, is +more than sufficient for that indemnification; besides, a small land tax +(which the new owners of that immense property, divided into small +farms, will have to pay, as other landed proprietors), will yield more +revenue to the Commonwealth than all the proceeds of domestic +administration. + +This my proposition, having been submitted to the National Assembly, was +accepted and approved, and has attached to the Revolution the numerous +class of farm-labourers who have not yet their own farms, but who +contemplated with the liveliest joy this benevolent provision, which +Austria can never execute; since, financially ruined as she is, she +cannot be contented either with the tax revenue or the banking +arrangement, to defray the indemnification; she sells the stock whenever +she can find a man to buy it. + +But here is a remarkable fact, proving how little is the future of +Austria contemplated as sure even by its votaries. When any one is +willing to sell landed property in Hungary, foreign bankers, Austrian +capitalists buy it readily at an enormous price, because they know that +private transactions will be respected by our revolution; but _from +the Government_, nobody buys a single acre of land, because every man +knows that such a transaction must be considered void. Nay more, not +even as a gift is an estate accepted by any one from the present +government. Haynau himself was offered in reward a large landed property +by the government; he did not accept it, but preferred a comparatively +small sum of money, not amounting to one-tenth of the value of the +offered land, and he bought from a private individual a landed property, +for the money, because that, being a private transaction, is sure to +stand: whereas in the future of the Austrian government in Hungary not +even its Haynaus have confidence. + +The manufacturing interests in Hungary anxiously wish, and must wish, a +revolution, because manufacturing industry is entirely ruined now by +Austria. All favour, encouragement, and aid, which the national +government imparted to industry, is not only withdrawn, but replaced by +the old system,--which is, neither to allow Hungary free trade, so as to +buy manufactured articles where they can be had in the best quality or +at the cheapest price, nor to permit manufacturing at home; but to +preserve Hungary in the position of a colonial market--a condition +always regarded as insupportable, and sufficient motive for a +revolution, as you yourselves from your own history know. + +The commercial interest anxiously desire a revolution, because there +exists, in fact, no active commerce in Hungary, the Hungarian commerce +being degraded into a mere broker-ship of Vienna. + +All those who have yet in their hands the Hungarian bank notes issued by +my government, must wish a revolution; because Austria, alike foolish as +criminal, has declared them to be without value--thus they cannot be +restored to value but by a revolution. The amount of those bank notes in +the hands of the people is yet about twenty millions of dollars. No +menaces, no cruelty can induce the people to give it up to the usurper; +they put it into bottles and bury it in the earth. They say: it is good +money when Kossuth comes home. But while no menaces of Austria can +induce the people to give up this treasure of our impending revolution, +a single line of mine, sent home, is obeyed, and the money is treasured +up where I have designated. + +Do you now understand, gentlemen, by what motive I say that once at home +in command--if once our struggle is commenced, I do not want your +material aid, and neither wish nor would accept all your millions--but +that I want your material aid to get home, and to get home _in such a +way_ as will inspire confidence in my people, by seeing me bring home +the only thing which it has not--ARMS! + +But I am asked, where will I land? That, of course, I will not +say--perhaps directly at Vienna, like a Montgolfier, in a balloon; but +one thing I may say, because that is no secret:--remember that all Italy +is a sea-coast, and that Italy has the same enemy as Hungary--that Italy +is the left wing of that army of which Hungary is the right wing, and +that in Italy 40,000 Hungarian soldiers exist, as also, in general, in +the Austrian army 140,000 Hungarians. More I can, and will not say on +the subject. + +But I will say that all the amount of taxation the people of Hungary +formerly had to pay was but four and a half million dollars, and now it +has to pay sixty-five million dollars; that landowners offer their land +to the government, to get rid of the land tax, which is larger than all +the revenue; that we have raised 600,000 hundredweight of tobacco--now, +the monopoly of tobacco being introduced, the people no longer smokes +and has burnt its tobacco seed. We have raised 120 million gallons of +wine. Gentlemen, I come not to interfere with the domestic concerns of +America. I have no opinion about the Maine liquor-law. For myself I am +very fond of water, but still may say it is my opinion, it will be many +years before the Maine liquor-law will pass through all Europe. Well, +gentlemen, I was about to say, one half of the vineyards are cut +down;--hundreds of thousands live upon horticulture and fruit +cultivation; yet the trees are cut down to escape the heavy taxation +laid upon them. The stamp tax is introduced, the most insupportable to +freemen--village is divided from village, town from town, city from +city, by custom-lines--the poor peasant woman, bringing a dozen of eggs +to the market, has to pay the consumption-tax, before she is permitted +to enter; and when she brings medicine home for her sick child she has +again to pay before permitted to enter her home. + +And besides this material oppression, and the daily and nightly +vexations connected with it,--the Protestants deprived of the +self-government of their church and school, for which they have thrice +taken up arms victoriously in three centuries,--the Roman Catholics +deprived of the security of their church property,--the people of every +race deprived of its nationality, because there exists no public life +wherein to exert it, no national existence, no constitution, no +municipalities, no native law, no native officials, no security of +person and of property, but arbitrary power, martial law, and the +hangman and the jail,--and on the other side Hungarian patriotism, +Hungarian honour, Hungarian heroism, Hungarian vitality, stamped in the +vicissitudes of one thousand years, and _the consciousness that we +have beaten Austria_, when we had no army, no money, no friends, and +the knowledge that now we have an army, and for home purposes have money +in the safe-guarded bank notes, and have America for a friend; and in +addition to all this, the confidence of my people in my exertions, and +the knowledge of these exertions; of which my people is quite as well +informed as yourselves, nay, more, because it sees and knows what I do +at home, whereas you see only what I do here--well, if with all this you +still doubt about the struggle in Europe being nigh, and still despair +of its chance of success, then God be merciful to my poor brains, I know +not what to think. + +Some here take me for a visionary. Curious, indeed, if that man who, a +poor son of the people, took the lead in abolishing feudal injustices a +thousand years old, created a currency of millions in a moneyless +nation, and suddenly organized armies out of untrained masses of +civilians; directed a revolution so as to fix the attention of the whole +world upon Hungary, beat the old, well-provided power of Austria, and +crushed its future by his very fall, and forsaken, abandoned, in his +very exile is feared by Czars and Emperors, and trusted by foreign +nations as well as his own--if that man be a visionary, then for so much +pride I may be excused that I would like to look face to face into the +eyes of a practical man on earth. + +Gentlemen, I had many things yet to say. The condition, change, and +prospects of Europe are not spoken of so easily, as you have seen, when +only the condition of my own country is touched. I don't know that I +shall succeed, but I will try to say something about TURKEY. + +Turkey! which deserves your sympathy because it is the country of +municipal institutions, the country of religious toleration. Turkey, +when she extended her sway over Transylvania and half of Hungary, never +interfered with the way in which the inhabitants chose to govern +themselves; she even allowed those who lived within her dominions to +collect there the taxes voted by independent Hungary, with the aim to +make war against the Porte. Whilst in the other parts of Hungary, +Protestantism was oppressed by the Austrian policy, and the Protestants +several times compelled to take up arms for the defence of religious +liberty in Transylvania, under the sovereignty of the Porte the +Unitarians got political rights, and Protestantism grew up under the +protecting wings of the Ottoman power. + +The respect for municipal institutions is so deeply rooted in the minds +of the Turks, that at the time when they became masters of the Danubian +provinces of Moldavia and Wallachia, they voluntarily excluded +themselves from all political rights in the newly acquired provinces; +and up to the present day, they do not allow that a mosque should be +built, or that a Turk should dwell and own landed property across the +Danube. They do not interfere with the taxation or with the internal +administration of these provinces; and the last organic law of the +Empire, the Tanzimat, is nothing but the re-declaration of the rights of +municipalities, guaranteeing them against the centralizing encroachment +of the Pashas. Whilst Czar Nicholas is about to convert the Protestant +population of Livonia and Estland to the Greek church by force and by +alluring promises, the liberal Sultan Abdul Medjid grants full religious +liberty to all sects of Protestantism. But we are accustomed to look +upon Turkey as upon a third-rate power, only because in 1828 it was +defeated by Russia. Let us now see how the balance stood at that time, +and how it stands now. + +In 1828 the Turkish population was full of hatred on account of the +extermination of the Janissaries. The Christian population were ready to +rise against the government, on account of the events of the Greek war. +Albania was in revolt, because it was opposed to the system of +conscriptions for regular military service. Anatolia was discontented on +the same ground. Mehemet Ali possessed Egypt, and paralyzed the action +of the government in Arabia and Syria. Servia had just laid down arms, +but had not yet concluded peace. The Danubian principalities, though +unfavourable to Russia, were not hearty in support of the Porte, and +remained apathetic under the occupation of Russia. The revenue did not +exceed 400,000,000 piastres (20,000,000 dollars), and was insufficient +for a second campaign. The new army was not yet organized, and amounted +only to 32,000 men, without tried generals. The fleet had been destroyed +at Navarino. The foreign diplomatists had left the empire, and the +capital was exposed to an attack of the enemy. In such a position no +European government could have risked a war. + +Russia had just defeated Persia, and by this victory got access to the +Asiatic provinces of the Turkish empire; it had therefore to defend the +frontiers on both sides. Russia had not yet entered into Circassia, and +could therefore rally all her forces; she had not yet abolished the +Poland of 1815, and could leave it without garrisons; she had not yet +roused the hatred or the jealousies of Europe. She had engaged all the +natural allies of the Porte into a combination for rousing the +populations of her enemy, and by her diplomacy she gained the power of +bringing her fleet into the Mediterranean, for blockading the ports of +Turkey; and Navarino opened for her the Black Sea, where she had +thirteen men-of-war. Not disturbed by the Porte, by Circassia, by +Poland, by France, or by England, she had prepared two years for this +war, whilst her enemy, passing through a terrible crisis, was without +money, without an organized army, without a fleet, without other +resources than the feeble Mussulman population on the seat of war. + +Twenty-four years have altered the balance.--Turkey has now the +enthusiastic support of her Mussulman population. The Christian +population, with the only exception of Bulgaria, partakes of this +enthusiasm. All the warlike tribes, from Albania to Kurdistan, are now +supporting the authority of the Sultan. Mehemet Ali is gone; Arabia and +Syria are again under the dominion of the Sultan. Servia has made peace, +and has become the support of Turkey, offering her, in case of a Russian +war, 80,000 men. The Principalities have become the enemies of Russia; +they had too long to suffer from her oppression. The public revenue has +doubled. Turkey has organized a regular army of 200,000 men, equal to +any other, and besides, the militia, She has distinguished +generals--Omer Pasha, Gruyon. Her fleet is equal to the Russian fleet in +the Black Sea, and her steam-fleet superior to the Russian. She has for +allies all the people from the Caucasus to the Carpathians. The +Circassians, the Tartars under Emir Mirza, the Cossacks of the Dobroja, +by whom the electric shock is transmitted to Poland and Hungary, form an +unbroken chain, by which the spark is carried into the heart of Europe, +where all the combustible elements wait for the moment of explosion. +Twenty-four years ago Turkey was believed to be in a decaying state; it +is now stronger than it has been for the last hundred years. + +Russia, during this time, has been unable to overcome the resistance of +Circassia; and, cut off from her south-eastern provinces, she cannot +attack Turkey in the rear. The Caucasian lines furnished her, in 1828, +with 30,000 men; Poland with 100,000; the two countries require now an +army of observation and occupation of 200,000 men; the Danubian +principalities absorb again 50,000. + +The Russian fleet remains as it was in 1828--thirteen men-of-war then, +thirteen now: and whilst, in 1828, she had scarcely an enemy in Europe, +she has now scarcely one friend, except the kings. All her enemies, whom +she has defeated one by one, have combined against her--Poland, Hungary, +the Danubian principalities, Turkey, Circassia. + +Where is now the force of Russia! Does she not remind us of the golden +image of Nebuchadnezzar, standing on feet of clay? + +And yet, gentlemen, this Russia can make doubtful the struggle in +Europe--not because powerful in arms, but because it stands ready to +support tyrants, when nations are tired out in a struggle, or before +they have time to make preparations for resistance: then only is Russia +a power to be feared. Well, gentlemen, shall not America stand up, and +with powerful voice forbid Russia to interfere when nations have shaken +off their domestic tyrants? Gentlemen, remember that Peter the Czar left +a last will and testament to the people, that Russia must take +Constantinople. Why? that Russia might be a great power: and that it may +be so Constantinople is necessary, because no nation can be a great +power which is not a maritime power. Now see how Turkey has grown in +twenty-four years. The more Russia delays, the stronger Turkey becomes, +and therefore is Russia in haste to fulfil the destiny of being a +maritime power. + +You can now see why is my fear, that this week, or this month, or this +year, Russia will attack Turkey, and we shall not be entirely prepared: +but though you do not give us "material aid," still we must rise when +Turkey is attacked, because we must not lose its 400,000 soldiers. The +time draws nigh when you will see more the reason I have to hasten these +preparations, that they may be complete, whenever through the death of +Nicholas or Louis Napoleon or a thousand other things,--most probably a +war between Russia and Turkey,--we want to take time by the forelock. + +But, gentlemen, let me close. I am often told, let only the time come +when the Republican banner is unfurled in the Old World, then we shall +see what America will do. Well, gentlemen, your aid may come too late to +be rendered beneficial. Remember 1848 and 1849. Had the nations of +Europe not your sympathy? Were your hearts less generous than now? It +was not in time--it came after, not before. Was your government not +inclined to recognize nations? It sent Mr. Mann to Hungary to +_inquire_--would that when he inquired he had been authorized to +_recognize_ our achieved independence! + +Gentlemen, let me end. Before all, let me thank you for your generous +patience. This is my last meeting. Whatever may be my fate, so much I +can say, that the name of Boston and Massachusetts will remain a dear +word and a dear name, not only to me but to my people for all time. And +whatever my fate, I will, with the last breath of my life, raise the +prayer to God that he may bless you, and bless your city and bless your +country, and bless all your land, for all the coming time and to the end +of time; that your freedom and prosperity may still grow and increase +from day to day; and that one glory should be added to the glory which +you already have: the glory that America, Republican America, may unite +with her other principles the principle of Christian brotherly love +among the family of nations; and so may she become the corner stone of +Liberty on earth! That is my farewell word to you. + + * * * * * + +XLVII.--PRONOUNCEMENT OF ALL THE STATES. + +[_Albany, May 20th_.] + +On May 20th, Kossuth was received in Albany, the chief city of New York +State, by Governor Hunt, in the name of the citizens. In reply to his +address, Kossuth then addressed the audience substantially as follows:-- + +Gentlemen,--More than five months have passed since my landing in New +York. The novelty has long since subsided, and emotion has died away. +The spell is broken which distance and misfortune cast around my name. +The freshness of my very ideas is worn out. Incessant toils spread a +languor upon me, unpleasant to look upon. The skill of intrigues, +aspersing me with calumny; wilful misrepresentations, pouring cold water +upon generous sympathy; Louis Napoleon's momentary success, shaking the +faith of cold politicians in the near impendency of a European struggle +for liberty; and in addition to all this, the Presidential election, +absorbing public attention, and lowering every high aspiration into the +narrow scope of party spirit, busy for party triumph; all these +circumstances, and many besides too numerous to record, joined to make +it _probable_ that the last days of my wanderings on American soil +would be entirely different from those in which the hundred thousands of +the "Empire City,"[*] thundered up to the high heaven the cheers of +their hurrahs, till they sounded like a defiance of a free people to the +proud despots of the world. And yet, notwithstanding all these +disadvantageous concurrencies, NO change has taken place in the public +spirit of America. I may have lost in your kind estimation of my humble +self, but my cause has not lost. It is standing higher than ever it +stood, and the future in your country's policy is ensured to it. + +[Footnote *: New York.] + +Gentlemen, present bounty will never weaken in my mind the thankful +appreciation of former benefits. The generous manifestation of sympathy +I met on my arrival, will always remain recorded with unfading gratitude +in my heart; but no just man can feel offended when I say, that it is +the manner of the "_farewell_" which decides upon the value of the +"_welcome_." The result of my endeavours in America will not be +measured by how I was received when I came, but by how I am treated when +I leave. You know, "All's well that ends well," and to be well, things +must end well. And being about to close my task in America, I cannot +help to say, that the generous reception you have honoured me with, is +doubly gratifying to my countrymen, who have watched with intense +interest my progress in America--and doubly dear to my heart, because it +is an evidence that the "_farewell_" given to the wandering +exile's, course, confirms the expectations which the _"welcome"_ +had roused. + +The warm reception Albany has given me is like the point upon the letter +_"i"_--it decides its meaning. The metropolis of the Empire State +gave abundantly the first flowers to the garland of America's sympathy +for the condition of the Old World. Many a flower was added to it from +many a place. Wherever there is a people there was a new garden of +sympathy: and wherever be the obligations I owe--and gladly own--to many +a quarter of the United States, it is but a tribute due to justice +publicly to avow, that _Ohio_, with the bold resolution of its +youthful strength, and _Massachusetts_, with its consistent +traditional energy, stood pre-eminent in the decided comprehension of +America's destiny--and now the Capitol of the Empire State winds up the +garland of America. _New York_ achieves what New York has begun, +and thus, in leaving America, I have an answer to bring to Europe's +oppressed millions; and the answer is satisfactory, because I know what +position America will take in the approaching crisis of the world. + +There are moments in the national life of a people, when to adopt a +certain course becomes a natural necessity: and in such moments the +people always gets instinctively conscious of the necessity, and answers +it by adopting a direction spontaneously. That direction is decisive. It +must be followed: and it is followed. Pre-eminent patriots, joining in +the people's instinct, may become either the interpreters or the +executors of it; but they can neither impart their own direction to the +people, nor alter that which public opinion has fixed. There are no +other means to become a great man and a great patriot but by becoming +the impersonification of the public sentiment, conscious of a surpassing +public necessity. Those who would endeavour to measure great things by +a small individual scale, would always fall short in their calculations, +and be left behind. + +There have been already several such moments in your country's brief but +glorious history. I will only mention your glorious Revolution of 1775. +Who made that Revolution? The People; the unarmed heroes; the Public +Opinion. If the question had been left to the decision of some few, +though the best and the wisest of all, _they never would have advised +a struggle_; but would have arranged matters diplomatically. You +remember what anxious endeavours were made to prove that it was not the +Americans who fired the first shot, and how exculpations were sent to +England with protestations of allegiance. All those little steps were +vain. The people felt that it was time to become an independent nation; +and feeling the necessity of the moment, it took a direction by itself, +and made the Revolution by itself. + +Now-a-days it is of an equally pregnant necessity to the United States, +to take the position of a power on earth. Nobody can hereafter make the +people believe that it is possible for America to remain unaffected by +the condition of the Old World,--to advise that the United States shall +still abstain from mixing up their concerns with those of Europe. The +question to be decided is not whether America shall mix its concerns +with those of the Old World; because that is done. But the question is, +whether the United States shall take a seat in the great Amphictyonic +Council of the nations or not? And whether it shall be permitted to some +crowned mortals to substitute the whims of their ambition in the place +of international law;--to set up and to upset the balance of power as +they please; and to regulate the common concerns of the world? And shall +the United States accept whatever the Czar may be pleased to decide +about those common concerns? And shall the United States silently look +on, however the Czar may grow upon the ruins of common international +law, to an all-overwhelming preponderance? + +That is the question. And that being the question, the people has +answered it, and has pronounced about it in a manner too positive and +too evident to be mistaken. It is already more than a year ago, that a +distinguished American diplomatist publicly advertised his +fellow-statesmen, "that it is the popular voice which will henceforth +decide, without appeal, the great coming questions in your foreign +policy, before the Executive or Congress can consider them." Some have +reproached me for unprecedented arrogance in trying to change the +hereditary policy of the United States. But it is not so. I did but +engage public attention to consider the exigencies of time and +circumstances. The _finger of the clock_ only shows the hour, but +makes not the time. And so did I. And allow me to say, that the coming +of such a time was already anticipated by many of your own +fellow-citizens, long before my humble name, or even the name of my +country, was known in America. Please to read the works of your own +distinguished countryman WAYLAND, who for more than thirty years was +engaged at one of your high schools in the noble task of instilling +sound political principles and enlightened patriotism into the heart and +mind of your rising generation. You will find that already in 1825, +after having spoken of the effects which this country might produce upon +the politics of Europe simply by her example, he thus proceeds:-- + +"It is not impossible, however, that this country may be called to exert +an influence still more direct on the destinies of men. Should the +rulers of Europe make war upon the principles of our Constitution, +because its existence '_may operate as an example_,' or should a +universal appeal be made to arms on the question of civil and religious +liberty, it is manifest that we must take no secondary part in the +controversy. The contest will involve the civilized world, and the blow +will be struck which must decide the fate of men for centuries to come. +Then will the hour have arrived, when, uniting with herself the friends +of Freedom throughout the world, this country must breast herself to the +shock of congregated nations. Then will she need the wealth of her +merchants, the powers of her warriors, and the sagacity of her +statesmen. Then on the altar of our God, let each one devote himself to +the cause of the human race, and in the name of the Lord of Hosts go +forth unto the battle! If need be, let our choicest blood flow freely, +for life itself is valueless when such interests are at stake. Then, +when a world in arms is assembling to the conflict, may this country be +found fighting in the vanguard for the liberties of man! God himself has +summoned her to the contest, and she may not shrink back. For this hour +may He by His grace prepare her!" + +Thus wrote a learned American Patriot as early as 1825; and he stands +high even to-day in the estimation of his fellow-citizens; and no man +ever charged him with being presumptuously arrogant for having shown +such a perspective of coming necessities to America. His profound +sagacity, pondering the logical issue of America's position, has +penetrated into the hidden mystery of future events; and he has seen his +country summoned, by God himself, to fight in the vanguard for mankind's +civil and religious liberty. + + * * * * * + +XLVIII.--SOUND AND UNSOUND COMMERCE. + +_Speech at Buffalo.]_ + +On the 27th of May thirty thousand persons assembled in the Park at +Buffalo, where Kossuth had a magnificently enthusiastic reception. In +the evening he was escorted to American Hall by the mayor and others. +For a portion only of his Speech, in reply to the address of the Hon. +Thomas Love, can we here find room. + +The Austrian minister (said he) has left the United States. Proud +Austria has no longer a representative here, but down-trodden Hungary +has. The Chevalier Hulsemann has at last taken his departure, without +even a chivalrous farewell; the Secretary of State let him depart, +without either alarm or regret. + +"All right!" gentlemen. Two years ago there was much alarm in certain +quarters, when the idea of such a rupture was first suggested. Five +months ago, when in one of my public addresses I wished a good journey +to Mr. Hulsemann, some thought it rather presumptuous. But now that he +has left, no man cares about it, scarcely any man takes notice of it. +The time may yet come, when Mr. Hulsemann's masters will be fully aware, +that what he is pleased to call _the Kossuth episode_ is a serious +drama--a drama in which, I trust, America will so act its part, that in +the catastrophe justice and freedom shall triumph, violence and +oppression shall fall. + +In my many speeches I have dwelt largely on the necessity that there is +for America to act this part. I have not concealed that I am informed +that many gentlemen of commerce are timid concerning it, and I have +ventured to warn this young but great republic against _materialism_. +But commerce involves this danger only when it is bent on +instant profit at any price, and cares nothing for the future, +nothing about that solidity of commercial relations on which permanent +prosperity depends. Adventurous _money-hunting_ is not commerce. +Commerce, republican commerce, raised single cities to the position of +mighty powers on earth, and maintained them there for centuries. It is +merchants whose names shine with immortal lustre from the glorious book +of Venice and Genoa. Commerce, as I understand it, does indeed apply its +finger to the pulsations of present conjunctures, but not the less fixes +its eye steadily on the future. Its heart warms with noble patriotism +and philanthropy, connecting individual profit with the development of +natural resources and of national welfare; so that it spreads over the +multitudes like a dew of Heaven upon the earth, which blossoms through +it with the flower of prosperity. _Such_ a commercial spirit is a +rich source of national happiness;--a guarantee of a country's future, a +pillar of its power, a vehicle of civilization and convoyer of its +principles. + +Let me exemplify the difference between that noble beneficent spirit of +commerce and the merely material money hunting, which falsely usurps the +name of commerce. + +Since the fatal arithmetical skill of Rothschilds has found out how to +gain millions by negotiating, out of the pockets of the public, loan +after loan for the despots, to oppress the blind-folded nations, a sort +of speculation has gained ground in the Old World, worthy of the +execration of humanity--I mean the speculation in _loan +shares_;--the paper commerce called stock-jobbing. It is the +shame-brand upon our century's brow, that such a commerce is become a +political power on earth; and unscrupulous gamesters, speculating upon +the ruin of their neighbours, hold the political thermometer of peace +and war in their criminal hands. But it is not commerce--it deserves not +the name of commerce--it does not contribute to public welfare--it does +not augment the elements of public prosperity--it is but immoral +GAMBLING, which transfers an unproductive imaginary wealth from one hand +into another, without augmenting the stock of national property:--that +is not commerce: and _it is a degradation of the character of a +nation, when the interests of that speculation have the slightest +influence, or are made of the slightest consideration in the regulation +of a country's policy_. Such an example has its full weight with +every other kind of mere money-hunting. It would be the greatest fault +to regulate a country's policy according to the momentary interests of +worshippers of the almighty dollar, who look but for a momentary profit, +not caring for their fatherland and humanity--nothing for the +principles--nothing about the tears and execration of millions, if only +that condition remains intact which gives them individual profit--though +that condition be the misfortune of a world. Wherever that class of +money-hunters is influential, there is a disease in the constitution of +the community. It is vain to complain against the dangerous doctrines of +socialism, so long as such money-hunters have any influence upon +politics. The genus of Rothschilds has done more for the spread of +socialism than its most passionate sectarians. + +Take on the other side the contrasting fact of the Erie Canal. I +remember well that some were terrified, when in the councils of the +Empire State first was started the idea of that gigantic enterprise. And +now when we hear that its nett proceeds amount to about three millions +of dollars a year--when we see the almost unbroken line of boats on +it--when we see Buffalo becoming the heart of the West, the pulsation of +which conveys the warm tide of life to the East; and by the +communication of that artery, bringing the wonderful combination of the +great western lakes into immediate connection with the Atlantic, and +through the Atlantic with the Old World--when we see Buffalo, though at +four hundred miles distance from the ocean, without a navigable river, +living, acting, and operating like a seaport; and New York, situated on +the shores of the Atlantic, acting as if it were the metropolis of the +West--when we consider how commerce becomes a magic wand, and transforms +a world of wilderness into a garden of prosperity, and spreads the +blessing of civilization where some years ago only the wild beasts and +the Indian roamed--then indeed we bow with reverential awe before the +creating power of that commerce. We feel that the spirit of it is not a +mere money-hunting, but a mighty instrumentality of Providence for the +moral and social benefit of the world; and we at once feel that the +interests of such a commerce underlie so much the foundation of your +country's future, that not only are they entitled to enter into the +regulating considerations of your country's policy, but they must +enter--they must have a decisive weight--and they will have it, whatever +be the declamations of learned politicians who have so much looked to +the authority of past times that they have found no time to see the +imperious necessity of present exigencies. + +There are still some who advise you to follow the policy of separation +from Europe, which Washington wisely advised in his days--wisely, +because it was a necessity of those times. I have on many occasions +adduced arguments against this, which to me are quite convincing. Yet to +some minds custom is of so much more power than argument, that I could +not forbear to feel some uneasiness. But to-day, gentlemen, I no longer +feel such uneasiness. I am entirely tranquillized. I want no more +arguments, because I have the knowledge of facts, and to those who still +advocate the policy of separatism I will say, "Have you seen the city of +Buffalo? Go! and look at it; when you have seen what Buffalo is, +consider what are the interests which created that city, and are +personified by that city; then trace those interests back to New York, +and from New York across the Atlantic to the Old World; and again, the +returning interests of intercourse from the Old World to New York and +hence to Buffalo, and from Buffalo to the West, and then speak of the +wisdom of separatism!"--What exists, exists. The facts will laugh at your +reflections; they will tell you that, they cannot be undone. They will +tell you that you are like Endymion, whom Diana made sleep until the +twig on which he leaned his head had become a tree. They, will tell you +that you could as well reduce Buffalo to the log-house of MIDDEAU and +LANE; the mighty democrat the steam-engine to the horse on the back of +which EZRA METCALF brought the first public mail to the sixteen +dwelling-houses, which some forty years ago composed all Buffalo; you +could as well reduce the Erie Canal to where it was when GOVERNOR MORRIS +first mentioned the idea of tapping Lake Erie, or reduce the West to a +desert, and western New York to the condition in which Washington saw it +when journeying towards the Far West. + +All this you could as easily do as adhere any longer to the policy of +separatism, or persuade the people of the United States not to take any +part in the great political transactions of the Old World. + +In that respect, gentlemen, I am entirely tranquillized; and +tranquillized also I am in this respect, that it is impossible the +active sympathies of your people should not side with freedom and right +against oppression and violence. That will be done. I want no assurance +about it,--being an imperative corollary of existing facts. Public +opinion is aroused to the appreciation of these facts and of their +necessary exigencies. The only thing which I in that respect have yet to +desire, is, to see the people of the United States persuaded that _it +is time_ to prepare _already_ to meet those exigencies; and that +it is wise not to let themselves be overtaken by impending events. + +[Kossuth then proceeded to speak of subjects elsewhere very fully +treated, and continued:] + +Once more, I repeat, a _timely_ pronouncement of the United States +would avert and prevent a second interference of Russia. She must +sharpen the fangs of her Bear, and get a host of other beasts into her +menagerie, before she will provoke the Eagle of America. But beware, +beware of loneliness. If your protest be delayed too long, you will +have to fight alone against the world: while now, you will only have to +watch, and others will fight. + +Allow me to ask, are the United States interested in the laws of +nations? can they permit any interpolation in the code of these laws +without their consent? I am told by some that America had best not +intermeddle with European politics, and that you have always avoided to +meddle with them. But it is not so. Those who make this assertion forget +history--they forget that the United States have always claimed and +asserted the right to have their competent weight and authority about +the maritime law of nations--it was one of your Presidents who held this +emphatic language to the Potentates of Europe: + +"_We cannot consent to interpolations in the maritime code of nations +at the mere will and pleasure of other Governments--we deny the right of +any such interpolation, to any one or all the nations of the earth +without our consent--we claim to have a voice in all alterations of that +code_." + +Thus spoke the United States, at a time when they were not yet so +powerful as they are now. And they thus spoke not for themselves only, +but for all the nations on earth. And to what purpose did they speak +these words so full of dignity and full of effect? For the maintenance +of the laws of nations, or one part of them, the maritime code. +Dauntless and full of resolution, _they_ alone vindicated natural +rights for every nation on earth, while Europe sacrificed them. +_They_ vindicated for every nation the proud motto they have +emblazoned on their banner--"_Free Trade and Sailors' Rights_," and +_free ships and free goods_: + +Now who can any longer charge me that I advance a new policy, with that +precedent before your eyes? Would you be willing to resign, now that you +are powerful, in respect to other parts of the laws of nations, that +which you have boldly taken in respect to one part of them, when you +were yet comparatively weak? Or would you do less for the end than you +have done for the means? + +The maritime part of the international code is no end, but only a means +to an end. No ship takes sail for the purpose merely of sailing on the +ocean, but for the purpose of arriving somewhere. The ocean is but the +highway, and not the intended terminus. Russian intervention in Hungary +has blocked up your terminus: and the maritime code would be of no +avail, if the other provisions of international law are to be still +blotted out from the code of nations by Russian ambition. Let the +slightest eruption of the political volcano in Europe take place, and +you will see. You might have seen already during our past struggle, that +your proud principle of "_free ships, free goods_" is a mere +mockery unless the other parts of the laws of nations are also +maintained. + +That is what I claim from the young and dauntless nation of America. I +claim that she shall not abandon that position in the proud days of her +power, which she so boldly took in the days of her feebleness. Or are +you already declining? Has your prodigious prosperity weakened instead +of strengthening your nation's nerves? So young! and a Republic! and +already declining! when its opposing principle, Russia, rises so boldly +and so high! Oh, no! God forbid! That would be a sorrowful sight, +fraught with the grief of centuries for all humanity! + + * * * * * + +XLIX.--RUSSIA AND THE BALANCE OF POWER. + +[_Syracuse_.] + +At Syracuse, in New York State, Kossuth was received with an address of +the usual cordiality by the ex-Mayor, Harvey Baldwin. Of his ample reply +a portion may here be presented to the reader. After alluding to +Dionysius and Timoleon, he came back to the subject of Russian +interference in Hungary, and declared that he would not appeal to their +passions, but to their calm reason, although he approved of excitement +in a good cause, and at any rate trusted that Truth and Hope would never +be out of fashion at Syracuse. He continued:-- + +Gentlemen, as the destination of laws in a well-regulated community is +to uphold right, justice, and security of every individual, rich or +poor, powerful or weak, and to protect his life against violence and his +property against the encroachments of fraud and crime--so the +destination of the laws of _nations_ is to secure the independence +even of the smallest States, from the encroachments of the most powerful +ones. Force will prevail instead of right, so long as _all_ +independent nations do not unite for the maintenance of those laws upon +which the security of all nations rests. + +I say _all_ nations, because weakness is always comparative, not +absolute. A combination of several leagued powers can reduce to the +condition of comparative weakness even the strongest power on earth. +Without the law of nations there is therefore no security for nations. +But the European powers have long ago substituted for the rule of +justice the so-called _balancing system_--that is to say, the +political balance of power among nations. That system is iniquitous, for +it is founded, not upon the national _right_ even of the smallest +nation to be maintained in its independence, but upon the natural +jealousy of the great powers. With this system the independence of the +smallest States is not sure by right and by law, but only depends on the +consideration that the absorption of such smaller States might +aggrandize one of the great powers too much. In this system humanity is +taken for nothing--the mutual jealousy of the powerful is all, and the +implicit guarantee for the security of the weaker ceases, wherever the +powerful can devise a plan of spoliation which leaves the relative +forces of the spoliators the same as before. It is thus the world has +seen the partition of Poland--that most iniquitous--most guilty +spoliation ever witnessed. + +The balancing system would have protected Poland from absorption by +_one_ power, but it has not protected it from partition between +these rival powers. Formerly, separate leagues between several States +have been as a protecting barrier against the ambition of a single +powerful oppressor. In the case of Poland, the world saw with +consternation a confederacy of great powers formed to perpetrate those +very acts of spoliation which hitherto had been prevented by similar +means. I therefore am certainly no advocate of this false system of +political balance of power, and I believe the time will come when that +idol will be thrown down from the place which it usurps, and law and +right will be restored to their sovereign sway. But still I may say, it +is an imperious necessity for all the world in general, as also for the +United States, that something should be done to prevent the measureless +territorial aggrandizement of one single power, chiefly when that power +is the mighty antagonist of your own Republic, as indeed Russia is. + +I have on many occasions spoken of the necessary antagonism between +despotic Russia and republican America. Allow me here to recapitulate +some facts concerning Russia. + +No man familiar with the history of the last hundred years is ignorant +that the Czars of Russia take it for their destiny to rule the world. It +is their hereditary policy, in which they are brought up from generation +to generation, till that infatuation becomes a point of their character. +To come to that aim--Russian preponderance steps forth alike with +protocols, with emissaries, and with war--in two directions westward and +eastward, against Europe and against Asia. + +As to Europe, after having completed her arrondisement on the +Baltic--her earnest aim is partly direct conquest, and partly sovereign +preponderance. Direct conquest, so far as the Sclave race is spread; +which the Czars desire to unite under their despotic sceptre. To attain +that end, the house of Romanoff has started the idea of Pansclavism, the +idea of union of the Sclavish nationality under Russian +protectorate.--Protectorate is always the first step which Russia takes +when desiring to conquer. + +She has styled that ambitious design the regeneration of the Sclave +nationality; and to blindfold those deluded nations that they may not +see that without independence and freedom no nationality exists, she has +flattered their ambition with the prospect of dominion over the world. +The Latin race had its turn, and the German race had, and now it is the +Sclave race which is called to rule and master the world. Such was the +Satanic temptation of pride, by which Russia advanced in that ambitious +scheme. I will not now speak of the mischief she has succeeded to do in +that respect: I will only mark the fact that the ambition of Russia aims +at the direct dominion of Europe, so far as it is inhabited by the +Sclave race. The slightest knowledge of geography is sufficient to make +it understood that this would be such an accession to the power of +Russia, that, were they united under one man's despotic will, the +independence of the rest of Europe, should even Russia prudently decline +a direct conquest of it, would be but a mockery. The Czar would be +omnipotent over it, as indeed he is near to be already, at least on the +Continent. + +Yet, without the conquest of Constantinople, Russia could never carry +the idea of Pansclavism: for in European Turkey a vast stock of the +Sclavonic race dwells, from Bulgaria over Servia and Bosnia down to +Montenegro, and across through Rumelia. Moreover, the conquest of +Constantinople is the hereditary leading idea of Russian policy. Peter, +called the Great, the founder of the Russian Empire, in making it from a +half-Asiatic a European State, bequeathed this policy as a sacred legacy +to all his posterity, in his political testament, which is the Magna +Charta of Russian power and despotism. All his successors have +energetically followed that inherited direction. Alexander movingly +avowed that Constantinople _is the key to his own house_, and his +brother did and does more than all his predecessors to get that key. + +When the Empress Catharine visited the recently conquered Krimea, +Potemkin raised to her honour a triumphal arch, with the motto--"Hereby +is the road to Constantinople." Czar Nicholas has since learned that it +is by Vienna, rather. Russia therefore decided to get rid of this +obstacle, and to convert it out of an obstacle into a TOOL. A direct +conquest would have been dangerous, because it would have met the +opposition of all Europe. Russia therefore tried it first by monetary +influence, and had pretty well advanced in it. Metternich himself was a +pensioner to Russia. But the watchful, independent spirit of +constitutional Hungary still hindered the practical result of that +bribery. + +And, mark well, gentlemen, in consequence of the geographical situation +of her dominions, and being also sovereigns of Hungary, it was chiefly +the house of Austria which was considered to be and cherished as the +great bulwark against Russia--charged especially with a jealous +guardianship of Turkish rights. And indeed had the house of Austria +comprehended the conditions of her existence, attached Hungary to +herself by respecting her independence and her constitutional rights, +and developed the power of her hereditary dominions, and placed herself +upon a constitutional basis, she could have maintained her respectable +position of guardianship for centuries. Russia was aware of that fact. + +It is the intrigue of Russia, which by money and emissaries for years +before infused the notion of Pansclavism among the Bohemians, Poles, +Croats, Serbs, under the crown of Austria, equally as among the Sclave +population of Turkey; which encouraged Austria to attack Hungary, by +promising her aid in case of need. If Austria succeeded, the +constitutional life of Hungary, in many ways so offensive to Russia, was +overthrown: if Austria failed, she became a dependency of Russia. And +by the unwarrantable carelessness of some powers, the complicity of +others, the latter alternative is achieved. Austria, who was to have +_balanced_ Russia, is thrown into her scale: instead of being a +barrier, she is her vanguard, and her tool--her high road to +Constantinople, her auxiliary army to flank it. + +It would be not without interest to sketch the history of Russia step by +step, advancing towards that aim by war and by emissaries, and by +diplomatic corruption and corrupted diplomacy, from the time of Mahomet +Baltadji, of cursed memory, through all subsequent wars--at the treaties +of Kutsuk Kaynardje, Balta Liman, Jassy, Bucharest, Ackierman, +Adrianople, Unkhiar Iskelessi, down to the treaty as to the Dardanelles +and the Bosphorus, and to the treaty of commerce which made two-thirds +of Constantinople itself in their daily bread dependent upon Russian +wheat, to the amount of thirty-five millions of piastres a year, while +Turkish wheat was rotting in the stores of Asia Minor. By each of these +treaties Russia advanced its frontiers, and pressed Constantinople more +closely within its iron grasp; with such perseverant consistency +pursuing her aim, that even in other political transactions, apparently +unconnected with Turkey, it was constantly this which she kept in view. + +As for instance, at the conference of Tilsit, when she surrendered +continental Europe to the momentary domains of Napoleon, provided Turkey +were consigned to her. And still she did not succeed--and still +Stamboul stands a barrier to her dominion over the world. And why did +she not succeed? Because the European powers, conscious of the fact +that the conquest of Constantinople involves their own submission to +Russia, have in the last instant always prevented it, by uniting to +treat the Eastern question as one of life and death for their own +independence. + +The whole Anglo-Saxon race are bound by every consideration of policy to +check the ambitious encroachments of Russia. It is not in Europe only, +but in Asia, that you meet her. She knows that her dominion over the +world must be short, while the Anglo-Saxon race bold a mighty empire in +India. Moreover, you yourselves, by the extension of your territory to +the Pacific Ocean, are drawn by a thousand natural ties of activity to +Asia. Your expedition to Japan has a world of meaning in it. Great +powers _must_ have broad views in their policy: you cannot contain +your activity, nor therefore your policy, within a domestic circle of +your own. You are for the world what Germany is for Europe. As without +the freedom of Hungary, Europe cannot _become_ free, so without the +freedom of Germany, Europe cannot _remain_ free; for Germany is the +heart of Europe. You, by having extended your dominion to the Pacific, +become the heart of the world. You are brought into the compass of +Russian hatred and Russian ambition. Either you or Russia must fall. + +The balance of power, and thereby the independence of the world, has +been overthrown by the connivance of the great powers at the overthrow +of Hungary; and it can only be restored by the restoration of Hungary. +As for Austria, she never more can be restored--she is not only doomed, +she is dead. No skill, no tending can revive her. Having previously +broken every tie of affection and of allegiance, she cannot maintain +even a vegetable life, but by Russian aid. Let the reliance upon that +aid relax, and there is no power on earth which could prevent the +nations who groan under her oppressive and degrading tyranny from +shattering to pieces the rotten building of her criminal existence. And +as to my nation, I declare solemnly, that should we be left forsaken and +alone to fight once more the battle of deliverance for the world, and +should we in consequence of it fail in that honourable strife, we will +rather choose to be Russians than subject to the house of +Austria--rather submit to open, manly force of the Czar, than to the +heart-revolting perjury of the Hapsburg--rather be ruled directly by the +master, than submit to the shame of being ruled by his underlings. The +fetters of force may be broken once, but the affection of a morally +offended people to a perjurious dynasty can never be restored. Russia +we hate with inconceivable hatred, but the House of Hapsburg we hate and +we despise. + +I have been often asked, what may be, amidst the present conjunctures, +an opportunity to renew our struggle for liberty? and I have answered +that the very oppression of our country, the heroism of my people, our +resolute will, and the intolerable condition of the European Continent, +is an opportunity in itself; but if too cautious men, having too little +faith in the destiny of mankind, desire yet another opportunity, there +is the prospect of a war between Turkey and Russia. This is a fatality, +pointed out by the situation of Russia, and by the pressing motives, +heaped up since the time of Peter the Great: and Russia will hasten to +try the decisive blow, since she knows that Turkey becomes more powerful +every day. Now, gentlemen, that will be an imperious opportunity to +raise once more the standard of freedom in Hungary; and, so may God +bless us, we are prepared for it. We cannot allow that our natural ally, +Turkey, be flanked from the frontiers of Hungary at the order of the +Czar. Turkey, by curious change of circumstances, having become +necessary to European freedom and civilization, will find the kindred +race of the Magyars to aid her, and by aiding her, to save the world. + +The only question is, will the United States remain indifferent at the +overthrow of the balance of power on earth? No, they will not, they +cannot remain indifferent. Their position on the coast of the Pacific +answers "No." Their Republican principle answers "No." The voice of the +people, clustering in thundering manifestations around my own humble +self, answer "No." You yourself, Sir, in the name of the people of +Syracuse, which is but one tone in the mighty harmony of all the +people's voice, have told me "No." + +Before these assurances, and upon the conditions of your destiny, I +rely; and I venture humbly to advise you to strengthen your fleet in the +Mediterranean. Sir, look for a port of your own, not depending upon the +smiles of petty Italian despots, but one where the stripes and stars of +America will be able to protect the principles of FREE SHIPS, FREE +GOODS. Determine the character of your country's future administration +from a broad American view, and not from any petty considerations of +small party follies. With these humble suggestions I cordially thank you +for your sympathy, and bid you an affectionate farewell! + + * * * * * + +L.--RETROSPECT AND PROSPECT. + +[_Utica._] + +At Utica, in New York State, the elegant Saloon of the Museum was +arranged for Kossuth's reception: and the Hon. W. Bacon made a powerful +address to him. Kossuth in the course of his reply, said:-- + +Ladies and gentlemen,--The history and the institutions of the United +States were not only the favourite study of my life, from my early +youth, strengthening my conviction that with centralization and with +parliamentary omnipotence, which absorb all independence of municipal +life, there is no practical freedom possible:--but the history and +institutions of the United States exerted also a real influence upon the +resolution of my people to resist oppression, and not to shrink before +the dangers and sacrifices of a terrible conflict. + +Never yet was there a people against which all the arts of hell had been +combined worse than against the people of Hungary in 1848. Neither +dreaming to attack any, nor suspecting to be attacked, never yet was a +people less prepared for a war of defence, or more surprised by the +danger than my country was. + +In those frightful days, when many of the stoutest hearts prepared +mourningly to submit to the imperious necessity, I called Hungary to +arms; and while on the one side I pronounced a curse against those who +would forsake the fatherland, and were willing to bow cowardlike before +a sacrilegious violence, and accept the degradation of servitude,--on +the other side, in order to cheer up the manly resolution of my +countrymen, I pointed to the heart-raising example of your history. And +that history became the guiding star to us, from the lustre of which we +have drawn self-reliance and resolution to bear up against all danger +and all adversities. + +But while we on our part readily yielded to the heart-ennobling +influence of your history, we were disappointed in some expectations +which we derived from it. We saw that you were not forsaken in the hour +of need; yet your grievances were by far less heart-stirring than ours, +and should _you_ have failed in the noble enterprize of +independence, such a failure, at that time, would by no means have +teemed with such immediate results of positive mischiefs to the world +outside of you, as every considerate mind might have foreseen from +_our_ fall. + +I therefore confess that I trusted to that instruction also of your +history, and hoped that should we prove worthy of the attention of the +world, that attention would not be restricted to a mere looking at our +contest with barren sympathies. But allow me to mention that it was not +from America alone that I hoped our struggle would not be regarded with +indifference: the example of former political transactions in Europe +entitled me to just expectations from other quarters also in that +respect. + +When Greece heroically rose to assert its independence, Great Britain, +France, and even Russia herself, interposed together to pacify the two +contending parties, on the basis of the establishment of an independent +Greece. And so very anxious were those great powers to stop the effusion +of blood, that they solemnly declared they would insist upon the +pacification, should even the conflicting parties decline to consent to +the proposed arrangements. And thus Greece took its seat among the +independent States, though that was possible only by reducing the +territory of the Ottoman Empire, the integrity of which was considered +essential to the equilibrium of political power on earth. + +Besides, what were those powers which interposed their mediation in +favour of bleeding Greece? It was Russia, despotical as she is: it was +legitimist France, then scarcely to be called constitutional; for it was +before the revolution of 1830: and it was the ministry of Great Britain, +then, if I am not mistaken, a Tory one. + +Now was I not entitled with this precedent before my eyes, to hope that +the bloody struggle in Hungary would not be regarded with indifference? +We had not risen from any reckless excitement to assert new rights, or +to experiment on new theories; we should have been contented to keep +what we lawfully possessed. It was not we who broke the peace; we were +assailed with a perjury more sacrilegious than the world has ever +seen:--we merely took up arms to defend ourselves against national +extermination, against the nameless cruelties inflicted upon our +people,--men, women, children,--by fire, murder, war, and royal perjury. +And besides, when we took up arms in legitimate defence, it so happened +that in France there was a republic established which proclaimed the +principle of universal fraternity; and there was in England a ministry +claiming to be liberal, which on a former occasion had solemnly vouched +its word to the British parliament, that _constitutional independence +of any country, great or small, would never be a matter of indifference +to the English government;_ adding emphatically, that _whoever +might be in office, conducting the affairs of Great Britain, he would +not perform his duty if he were inattentive to the interests of such +States._ Am I to blame for having thought that there is and should be +morality in politics? + +And besides, there was republican America, quite in another shape than +she was twenty years before, at the time of the war of independence in +Greece. Then she had not yet extended her sway to the Pacific, and was +not yet exposed to be so much affected by the political issues of Europe +and Asia as she now is: then she had not yet a population of more than +twenty millions, who now are in the necessity to claim the position of a +power on earth: then she was indeed a new world teeming with the +mysteries of the future, but yet was far from being what she is to-day; +nay, even the Erie Canal, the great artery which now acts as a +miraculous link between Europe and the interior of your republic, was +only about to be completed at the time. And still what mighty sympathy! +a sympathy warm in expression, and not barren in facts, thrilled through +all America, much like that which I now meet, and pervaded even your +_national_ councils:--would I were entitled to say, much like as +now! Although the question of Greece was of course worthy of all +interest (as the cause of liberty always and everywhere is), yet it was +only an isolated cause, and by no means of such surpassing influence +upon the condition of the world as the cause of Hungary was, and is. + +And yet I was disappointed in the expectation which I derived from your +own history, that a just cause will find supporters and never will be +forsaken by all. Oh, we were forsaken, gentlemen! We were forsaken even +at the crisis, when, single-handed, we had defeated our cruel enemy. And +Russia, that personification of despotism, stepped in with its iron +weight, tearing to pieces the law of nations, and overthrowing upon our +ruins the balance of power on earth. + +That Russia, if invited, would snatch at the opportunity to gain +preponderance amongst the powers on earth--of this I entertained not the +slightest doubt; but I must confess, I did not believe either that +Austria would claim, or that the other powers of the earth, and chiefly +Great Britain and America, would permit the intervention of Russia. I +could not believe that Austria would resort to this desperate remedy, +because (and it is a remarkable circumstance which I mention now for the +first time) it was Austria which but a few years before, when, in the +transactions with Turkey, the question of foreign interference for the +maintenance of the integrity of the Turkish empire was agitated in the +councils of the world (and from which you of course were excluded, as to +the present day you always yet have been, as if you were nothing but a +patch of earth); yes, it was Austria, which objecting that the guarantee +of interference should be even claimed, pronounced in a solemn +diplomatic note these memorable words:-- + +_"A State ought never to accept, and still less request, of another +State, a service for which it is unable to offer in return a strict +reciprocity; else by accepting such favour she loses the flower of her +own independence--a State accepting such a favour becomes a mediatized +State: it makes an act of submission to the will of the State which +takes the charge of its defence; this State becomes a protector, and to +be dependent upon a protector is insupportable."_ + +Thus spoke Austria. How then could I imagine that the same Austria which +thus spoke would accept the degradation of Russian interference? And +should even the house of Austria, ruled by a guilty woman, under the +name of a witless, cruel child, be willing thus to ruin itself; how +could I imagine that England, that America, that the World, would allow +such a preponderance to Russia as makes her almost the mistress over the +world; at least opens the way to become such? No, that indeed I could +not imagine. + +And still it was done. We fell, not "unwept, unhonoured, and unsung," +but still we fell. Well: sad though be our fate, it is but a trial, and +no death. Perhaps it was necessary that the destinies of mankind should +be fulfilled. I have an unbroken faith in Him, the Heavenly Father of +all; the heart of mortal men may break, but what he does, that is well +done. + +The ways of Providence are mysterious. The car of destiny goes on +unrestrained, and the weight of its wheels often crushes the happiness +of generations; floods of tears and of blood often mark its track. +Mankind looks up to heaven, and while measuring eternity with the rule +of the passing moment, sometimes despairs of the future, and believes +the sun of Freedom sunk for ever! It is a delusion: it is the folly of +anxiety! Night is the darkest before dawn, and the misfortune of the +moment often leads to the happiness of eternity. + +Yes, gentlemen! the ways of Providence are miraculous. Let me cast a +look backwards into the last struggles for freedom in Europe, that their +history may become the book of future, and that, when we perceive the +salutary action of Providence even in our misfortunes, we may be +strengthened in our faith in the future freedom, and that you may see +that for us, down-trodden but not broken, there is full reason to pursue +our way, not only with the resoluteness of duty, but also with the +cheerfulness of a sure success, courageous as strength, untired as +perseverance, unshaken as religious faith, self-sacrificing as maternal +love, cautious as wisdom, but resolute as desperation itself. + +But where is the action of Providence visible in the failure of 1848? is +your question. Gentlemen, I will tell you. The continent of Europe was +afflicted with three diseases in 1848--monarchical inclination, +centralization, and the antagonism of nationalities. With such elements +and in such direction, deception was unavoidable, lasting liberty was +not to be achieved. + +It was the lot of the peoples to be freed from these diseases, because +God had designed the peoples to freedom and not to deception; therefore +the revolution of 1848 had to fail, but it was still not a mere accident +in history; it was a necessary step in the development of mankind's +destiny, and it will shine for ever in history as a glorious preparation +for the ultimate triumph of liberty, to carry which a positive, +practical direction is necessary. And that now exists. + +France, Germany, and Italy are no more to fight for the deception of +monarchical principles, not for the triumph of dynasties, but for +republics. Hungary took this direction already in 1849, by dethroning +the Hapsburgs. France, Germany, and Italy will not follow in the track +of centralization. Hungary never followed it. And the governments may +ally themselves for the oppression of the world's liberty;--they have +already allied themselves--but nations will no more rise in arms against +one another. They will rise, not to dominate, but to be independent and +free. Instead of the antagonism of nationalities, it is now the idea of +the solidarity and fraternity of nations, which is become the character +of our times. And this is to be the source of our success in future; +this explains the fear of the tyrants which manifests itself in such +blind rage. This is the direction which I pursue; this is the secret of +the sympathy of the people, unparalleled yet in history, which I met in +both hemispheres, and of the coalition of despots, aristocrats, and +ambitious intriguers, to persecute me. + +I hope, gentlemen, with these considerations before your eyes, you will +not share in the opinions of those who despair of the cause of freedom +in Europe, because the revolution of 1848 has failed. + + * * * * * + +LI.--THE TRIPLE BOND. + +[_Address before the German Citizens of New York_.] + +At the Broadway Tabernacle, on Wednesday evening, Kossuth delivered a +farewell address, before the German citizens of New York. It was spoken +in the German language, and was received with the hearty plaudits of an +immense assemblage. A small portion only of it can here find place. + +Dear friends,--Allow me to address you with this sweet name of brotherly +love, hallowed by deep feeling, by the power of principles, and by the +combination of circumstances,--but likewise weighty in regard to the +determination linked to it in my grateful heart, in life as in death, to +serve the cause faithfully which you honour by such generously noble +sympathy. + +To me this moment is one of solemn importance. I stand at the close of +my wanderings in America. My words are those of farewell. + +In these six months I have been enriched by many an experience. I had +much to unlearn, but I have likewise learnt much. + +Whatever be the result of my exertions, so much is sure, that they have +linked more closely the hearts of the Germans and Hungarians, and have +matured the instinct of solidarity into self-conscious conviction. This +result alone is worth a warm utterance of thanks; it will heavily weigh +in the future of the world. + +And this result, dear friends, is it not achieved? The hearts of the +German and the Hungarian are linked more closely; they throb like the +hearts of twins which have rested under the same mother's breast; they +throb like the hearts of brothers, who, hand in hand, attain the baptism +of blood; they throb like the hearts of two comrades, on the eve of the +battle, decided to hold together like the blade and the handle. + +The echo of this harmony of German song fills yet the air of this hall; +it thrills yet through the soul of the ladies and through the bosom of +the resolute men. Let the word harmony between the Germans and +Hungarians be the consecration of the present moment, which melts +together our feelings, in order that, self-conscious of the sublime aim, +which unites our nations and us all in brotherhood, we may unite in +intention, unite in resolution, unite in endurance, unite in activity +for the aim which fills your souls and mine. + +And what is this aim which thrills through our bosoms like a magnetic +current? The aim is the solidarity and independence of nations;--the +freedom of our people--their liberation from the yoke of tyranny. + +With this aim before my eyes and decided resolution in my heart, I feel +here amidst you as Werner Stauffacher felt, when, in the hour of the +night, on the Rüttli, God above him and the sword in his hand, he made +the covenant with his two friends against tyrannical Austria. + +Let this meeting here become the symbol of a similar covenant; three[*] +were the men who made it, and Switzerland became free. Let us three +nations make a similar covenant, and the world becomes free. Germany, +Hungary, and Italy! hurrah for the new Rüttli-covenant! God increase the +number of them, as he increased the number of those on the Rüttli, and +our triune band, strong in itself, will readily greet every one, and +meet him as a brother, having the same rights in the great council of +the Amphictyons, where the nations will give their verdict against +tyrants and tyranny, on the battle-field, with the thunder of the +cannons and the clashing of swords; and will put the independence of +every nation under the common guarantee of all, in order that every one +of them may regulate her own domestic affairs, without foreign +interference, and every people may govern itself, not acknowledging any +master but the Almighty. They, will increase the members of this +covenant, but Germany, Hungary, and Italy, they are neighbours, and have +the same enemy. Hurrah! for the new covenant of Stauffacher! + +[Footnote *: Werner Stauffacher, Walter Fürst, and Arnold of the Melchthal; +November 11th, 1307.] + +Now, by the God who led my people from the prairies of far Asia to the +banks of the Danube--of the Danube, whose waves have brought religion, +science, and civilization from Germany to us, and in whose waves the +tears of Germany and Hungary are mingled; by the God who led us, when on +the soil watered by our blood we were the bulwark of Christendom; by the +God who gave strength to our arm in the struggle for freedom, until our +oppressor, this godless House, which weighed so heavily on the liberties +of Germany for centuries, was humbled, and sunk down to be the underling +of the Muscovite Czar; by the ties of common oppression which tortures +our nation--by the ties of the same love of liberty, and of the same +hatred of tyranny which boils in the veins of our people--by the +remembrance of the day[*] when the Germans of Vienna rose to bar the way +toward Hungary against the hirelings of despotism--and by the blood +which flowed on the plain of Schwechat[**] from Hungarian hearts for the +deliverance of Vienna; by the Almighty Eye which watches the fate of +mankind--by all these, I pledge myself, I pledge that the people of +Hungary will keep this covenant honestly, faithfully, and truly, in life +and death. + +[Footnote *: October 5th, 1848] +[Footnote **: October 30th, 1848] + +I tender the brother-hand of Hungary to the German people, because I am +convinced that it is essentially necessary for the freedom and +independence of my country. Destined as we are to be the vanguard of +freedom, I know well that as long as Germany remains enslaved, even the +victory of our liberty would remain insecure; as long as Germany remains +an army, whose power is wielded by the criminal hand of the house of +Hapsburg; as long as Russia has nothing to fear from Germany, because +the two masters of Germany are but underlings of Russia--obeying the +command of their master, because he maintains them on their tottering +thrones against their own people; so long Russia will always have the +arrogance to throw her despotic sword into the scale against the freedom +of the world. + +I am not the first who say it, that the freedom of Germany is the +condition of the liberty of the world; history tells it with a thousand +tongues, every statesman acknowledges it, and all the despots know it. + +Twenty years past, when the German Princes recovered from the stunning +blow of the July Revolution, by finding out that LOUIS PHILIPPE was not +in earnest with his phrases of liberty, when, in the year 1832, they +united to enslave the German people, and to retract the concessions +which they had given in the fright of their hearts; when they curtailed +all the Constitutional guarantees, then HENRY LYTTON BULWER, the same +who was Ambassador in Washington during the last year, rose in the +English Parliament, and claimed that England should not permit the +liberty and independence of the German people to be crushed. He claimed +the attention of the world to the great truths that _the peace of +Europe cannot be secured without a strong Germany, and that Germany +cannot be strong without freedom._ A free Germany is a bulwark +against the encroachments of France and the arrogance of Russia. +Germany enslaved, is either the prey of the former or the tool of the +other. His prophecy is fulfilled; Germany is become half the prey and +wholly the tool of Russia. Who then can calculate on security and peace +and freedom, as long as Germany is thus enslaved. + +You see, dear friends, that the brotherly union with Germany must be of +sacred importance to me, and that my heart must beat as fervently for +Germany's freedom, as for that of my own people. Therefore, I +necessarily wished to bequeath the care of the seed which I have sown, +to men urged to this task of love, not only by enlightened American +patriotism--not only by the conscience of right and duty and prudence, +but likewise especially by love for their old German fatherland. And do +I not express only the sentiments of your own hearts, when I say, "The +German may wander from his father's house, and may build for himself a +new home in a distant country, yet he ever loves truly and faithfully +his own old German fatherland"? + +I request you to exert your influence, that the idea of the solidarity +of the struggle for European liberty may be well understood, and that +preparations be made to support the revolution, whenever it breaks out. +There is nothing more dangerous than to say: "The Hungarian, the +Italian, or the German fights; let us see whether he succeeds; if he +succeeds, we too will try the same." By the isolation of the nations the +combined despots become victorious. Let everybody support Liberty, +wherever she struggles. But, on the other side, the forces of the +revolution cannot so pledge and tie themselves, as to be thrown into the +abyss by every ill-combined premature outbreak. _Not an_ "EMEUTE," +_but a_ REVOLUTION _is our aim_; and therefore the leaders of +the movement of the different nations must combine either in a +simultaneous outbreak, or to mutual support; and in this combination +there must be absolute freedom and equality. + +There are persons in this country who did me the honour to mention that +I would lead the German movement. No! gentlemen; that would be a +presumptuous arrogance, even if it were practical, which it is not. This +idea itself is the most antagonistical to my principles. No!--No! No +foreign interference with the domestic affairs of a nation. I will not +bear it in Hungary, nor obtrude it abroad. Full independence is my +watchword. + +But you will ask who are, or who were, the leaders of Germany, with whom +I still combine? The question is easily answered; you will acknowledge +them from their works. Whoever comes to tender me his hand as a +confederate, I do not ask who he is, where he comes from?--but I ask, +"What do you weigh? what power do you command? what forces have you +organized? or what are your prospects or means of organization?" and +then I inquire into the truth myself. I judge the vitality of the +intention, and accept or decline the proffered brotherly alliance of +mutual support. + +This is my way. I do not think that Germany will ever combine under the +leadership of one man; but there are many Germans in the different parts +of Germany who enjoy the confidence of their countrymen, and have a +leading influence. Every one of these can act in his sphere. I, my +friends, will be always ready to combine with every one who does, and +who has some forces to tender to the league. I do not care for names, +for petty party disputes, or for those which belong to the domestic +questions. + +[Kossuth proceeded, in assent to a special request, to give his advice +as to the method of proceeding suitable to the German voters in America; +and closed by saying:] + +Those are the principles, my dear friends, which should lead you, +according to my humble opinion, in the present crisis. And if you take +into kind consideration my bequest, and exert your influence and active +aid on behalf of the movement for freedom in Europe, I can but assure +you, for my grateful farewell, that there are hundreds of thousands in +Europe who take those words for their device, which the other day, the +German singers sang, as if from the depth of my heart. + + "And never shall rest the shield and the spear, + Till destroyed we see, and laid in the dust, + The enemies all." + +May God help me! This is my oath, and this oath my farewell! + + * * * * * + +LII.--THE FUTURE OF NATIONS. + +[_A Lecture in New York_.] + +The following Lecture was delivered at the Broadway Tabernacle by +request of a large number of ladies and gentlemen of New York, for the +purpose of obtaining the means necessary to secure to the exiled family +of Kossuth, consisting of his aged mother, his sisters and their +children, an establishment by which they might earn an independent +livelihood. + +The New York 'Evening Post' says of the Lecture:-- + +"Kossuth appears nowhere greater than in this able discourse. His +comprehensive politics, his beautiful sympathies, his power over +language, his poetic imagination, his magnetic and melting earnestness +of purpose, are blended with that depth of religious feeling which gives +to his character as a patriot the sanctity and unction of the prophet. +His moral and intellectual faculties are shown in harmony, working out +the great and beneficent purposes of his commanding will. + +"It would be difficult to select any portion of this speech as better +than another, and we therefore commend the whole to the reader's careful +examination." + +Ladies and gentlemen,--During six months I appeared many times before +the tribunal of public opinion in America. This evening I appear before +you in the capacity of a working man. My aged mother, tried by more +sufferings than any living being on earth, and my three sisters, one of +them a widow with two fatherless orphans, together a homeless family of +fourteen unfortunate souls, have been driven by the Austrian tyrant from +their home, that Golgotha of murdered right, that land of the oppressed, +but also of undesponding braves, and the land of approaching revenge. +When Russian violence, aided by domestic treason, succeeded to +accomplish what Austrian perjury could not achieve, and I with bleeding +heart went into exile, my mother and all my sisters were imprisoned by +Austria; but it having been my constant maxim not to allow to whatever +member of my family any influence in public affairs, except that I +intrusted to the charitable superintending of my youngest sister the +hospitals of the wounded heroes, as also to my wife the cares of +providing for the furniture of these hospitals, not even the foulest +intrigues could contrive any pretext for the continuation of their +imprisonment. And thus when diplomacy succeeded to fetter my patriotic +activity by the internation to far Asia, after some months of unjust +imprisonment, my mother and sisters and their family have been released; +and though surrounded by a thousand spies, tortured by continual +interference with their private life, and harassed by insulting police +measures, they had at least the consolation to breathe the native air, +to see their tears falling upon native soil, and to rejoice at the +majestic spirit of our people, which no adversities could bend and no +tyranny could break. + +But at last by the humanity of the Sultan, backed by American +generosity, seconded by England, I once more was restored to personal +freedom, and by freedom to activity. Having succeeded to escape the +different snares and traps which I unexpectedly met, I considered it my +duty publicly to declare that the war between Austrian tyranny and the +freedom of Hungary is not ended yet, and swore eternal resistance to the +oppressors of my country, and declared that, faithful to the oath sworn +solemnly to my people, I will devote my life to the liberation of my +fatherland. Scarcely reached the tidings of this my after resolution the +bloody Court of Vienna, than two of my sisters were again imprisoned; my +poor old mother escaping the same cruelty only on account that bristling +bayonets of the bloodhounds of despotism, breaking in the dead of night +upon the tranquil house, and the persecution of my sisters, hurried away +out of Hungary to the prisons of Vienna, threw her in a half-dying +condition upon a sick bed. Again no charge could be brought against the +poor prisoners, because, knowing them in the tiger's den, and surrounded +by spies, I not only did not communicate any thing to them about my +foreign preparations and my dispositions at home, but have expressly +forbidden them to mix in any way with the doings of patriotism. + +But tyrants are suspicious. You know the tale about Marcius. He dreamt +that he cut the throat of Dionysius the tyrant, and Dionysius condemned +him to death, saying that he would not have dreamt such things in the +night if he had not thought of it by day. Thus the Austrian tyrant +imprisoned my sisters, because he suspected that, being my sisters, they +must be initiated in my plans. At last, after five months of +imprisonment, they were released, but upon the condition that they, as +well as my mother and all my family, shall leave our native land. Thus +they became exiles, homeless, helpless, poor. I advised them to come to +your free country--the asylum of the oppressed, where labour is +honoured, and where they must try to live by their honest work. + +They followed my advice, and are on their way; but my poor aged mother +and my youngest sister, the widow with the two orphans, being stopped by +dangerous sickness at Brussels, another sister stopped with them to +nurse them. The rest of the family is already on the way--in a sailing +ship of course, I believe, and not in a steamer. We are poor. My mother +and sisters will follow so soon as their health permits. + +I felt the duty to help them in their first establishment here. For this +I had to work, having no means of my own. + +Some generous friends advised me to try a lecture for this purpose, and +I did it. I will not act the part of crying complainants about our +misfortunes; we will bear them. Let me at once go to my task. + + * * * * * + +There is a stirring vitality of busy life about this your city of New +York, striking with astonishment the stranger's mind. How great is the +progress of Humanity! Its steps are counted by centuries, and yet while +countless millions stand almost at the same point where they stood, and +some even have declined since America first emerged out of an unexplored +darkness which had covered her for thousands of years, like the gem in +the sea; while it is but yesterday a few pilgrims landed on the wild +coast of Plymouth, flying from causeless oppression, seeking but for a +place of refuge and of rest, and for a free spot in the wilderness to +adore the Almighty in their own way; still, in such a brief time, +shorter than the recorded genealogy of the noble horse of the wandering +Arab; yes, almost within the turn of the hand, out of the unknown +wilderness a mighty empire arose, broad as an ocean, solid as a +mountain-rock, and upon the scarcely rotted roots of the primitive +forest, proud cities stand, teeming with boundless life, growing like +the prairie's grass in spring, advancing like the steam-engine, baffling +time and distance like the telegraph, and spreading the pulsation of +their life-tide to the remotest parts of the world; and in those cities +and on that broad land a nation, free as the mountain air, independent +as the soaring eagle, active as nature, and powerful as the giant +strength of millions of freemen. + +How wonderful! What a present--and what a future yet! + +Future?--then let me stop at this mysterious word--the veil of +unrevealed eternity! + +The shadow of that dark word passed across my mind, and amid the bustle +of this gigantic bee-hive, there I stood with meditation alone. + +And the spirit of the immovable Past rose before my eyes, unfolding the +misty picture-rolls of vanished greatness, and of the fragility of human +things. + +And among their dissolving views, there I saw the scorched soil of +Africa, and upon that soil Thebes with its hundred gates, more splendid +than the most splendid of all the existing cities of the world; Thebes, +the pride of old Egypt, the first metropolis of arts and sciences, and +the mysterious cradle of so many doctrines which still rule mankind in +different shapes, though it has long forgotten their source. There I saw +Syria with its hundred cities, every city a nation, and every nation +with an empire's might. Baalbec, with its gigantic temples, the very +ruins of which baffle the imagination of man, as they stand like +mountains of carved rocks in the desert where for hundreds of miles not +a stone is to be found, and no river flows, offering its tolerant back +to carry a mountain's weight upon, and yet there they stand, those +gigantic ruins; and as we glance at them with astonishment, though we +have mastered the mysterious elements of nature, and know the +combination of levers, and how to catch the lightning, and to command +the power of steam and of compressed air, and how to write with the +burning fluid out of which the thunderbolt is forged, and how to drive +the current of streams up the mountain's top, and how to make the air +shine in the night like the light of the sun, and how to dive to the +bottom of the deep ocean, and how to rise up to the sky--though we know +all this, and many things else, still, looking at the temples of +Baalbec, we cannot forbear to ask what people of giants was that, which +could do what neither the efforts of our skill nor the ravaging hand of +unrelenting time can undo, through thousands of years. And then I saw +the dissolving picture of Nineveh, with its ramparts now covered with +mountains of sand, where Layard is digging up colossal winged bulls, +huge as a mountain, and yet carved with the nicety of a cameo; and then +Babylon, with its wonderful walls; and Jerusalem, with its unequalled +temple; Tyrus, with its countless fleets; Arad, with its wharves; and +Sidon, with its labyrinth of work-shops and factories; and Ascalon, and +Gaza, and Beyrout, and farther off Persepolis, with its world of +palaces. + +All these passed before my eyes as they have been, and again they passed +as they now are, with no trace of their ancient greatness, but here and +there a ruin, and everywhere the desolation of tombs. With all their +splendour, power, and might, they vanished like a bubble, or like the +dream of a child, leaving but for a moment a drop of cold sweat upon the +sleeper's brow, or a quivering smile upon his lips; then, this wiped +away, dream, sweat, smile--all is nothingness. + +So the powerful cities of the ancient greatness of a giant age; their +very memory but a sad monument of the fragility of human things. + +And yet, proud of the passing hour's bliss, men speak of the future, and +believe themselves insured against its vicissitudes! + +And the spirit of history rolled on the misty shapes of the past before +the eyes of my soul. After those cities of old came the nations of old. +The Assyrians, the Chaldeans, the war-like Philistines, the commercial +republics of Phoenicia and the Persians, ruling from the Indus to the +Mediterranean, and Egypt becoming the centre of the universe, after +having been thousands of years ago the cradle of its civilization. + +Where is the power, the splendour, and the glory of all those mighty +nations? All has vanished without other trace than such as the foot of +the wanderer leaves upon the dust. + +And still men speak of the future with proud security! + +And yet they know that Carthage is no more, though it ruled Spain, and +ruled Africa beyond the pillars of Hercules down to Cerne, an immense +territory, blessed with all the blessings of nature, which Hannon filled +with flourishing cities, of which now no trace remains. + +And men speak of the future, though they know that such things as heroic +Greece once did exist, glorious in its very ruins, and a source of +everlasting inspiration in its immortal memory. + +Men speak of the future, and still they can rehearse the powerful +colonies issued from Greece, and the empires their heroic sons have +founded. And they can mark out with a finger on the map, the +unparalleled conquests of Alexander; how he crossed victoriously that +desert whence Semiramis, out of a countless host, brought home but +twenty men; and Cyrus, out of a still larger number, only seven men. But +he (Alexander) went on in triumph, and conquered India up to the +Hydaspes as he conquered before Tyrus and Egypt, and secured with +prudence what he had conquered with indomitable energy. + +And men speak of the future, though they know that such a thing did +exist as Rome, the Mistress of the World--Rome rising from atomic +smallness to immortal greatness, and to a grandeur absorbing the +world--Rome, now having all her citizens without, and now again having +all the world within her walls; and passing through all the vicissitudes +of gigantic rise, wavering decline, and mournful fall. And men speak of +the future still with these awful monuments of fragility before their +eyes! + +But it is the sad fate of Humanity that, encompassing its hopes, fears, +contentment, and wishes, within the narrow scope of momentary +satisfaction, the great lesson of history is taught almost in vain. +Whatever be its warnings, we rely on our good fortune; and we are +ingenious in finding out some soothing pretext to lull down the dreadful +admonitions of history. Man, in his private capacity, consoles the +instinctive apprehension of his heart with the idea that his condition +is different from what warningly strikes his mind. The patriot feels +well, that not only the present, but also the future of his beloved +country, has a claim to his cares; but he lulls himself into +carelessness by the ingenious consolation that the condition of his +country is different--that it is not obnoxious to those faults which +made other countries decline and fall; that the time is different; the +character and spirit of the nation are different, its power not so +precarious, and its prosperity more solid; and that, therefore, it will +not share the same fate of those which vanished like a dream. And the +philanthropist, also, whose heart throbs for the lasting welfare of all +humanity, cheers his mind with the idea that, after all, mankind at +large is happier than it was of yore, and that this happiness ensures +the future against the reverses of olden times. + +That fallacy, natural as it may be, is a curse which weighs heavily on +us. Let us see in what respect our age is different from those olden +times. Is mankind more virtuous than it has been of yore? Why, in this +enlightened age, are we not looking for virtuous inspirations to the +god-like characters of these olden times? If we take virtue to be love +of the laws, and of the Fatherland, dare we say that our age is more +virtuous? If that man is to be called virtuous, who, in all his acts, +is but animated by a regard to the common good, and who, in every case, +feels ready to subordinate his own selfish interest to public +exigencies--if that be virtue (as indeed it is), I may well appeal to +the conscience of mankind to give an impartial verdict upon the +question, if our age be more virtuous than the age of Codrus or of +Regulus, of Decius and of Scaevola. Look to the school of Zeno, the +stoics of immortal memory; and when you see them contemning alike the +vanity of riches and the ambition of personal glory, impenetrable to the +considerations of pleasure and of pain, occupied only to promote public +welfare and to fulfil their duties toward the community; when you see +them inspired in all their acts by the doctrine that, born in a society, +it is their duty to live for the benefit of society; and when you see +them placing their own happiness only upon the happiness of their +fellow-men--then say if our too selfish, too material age can stand a +comparison with that olden period. When you remember the politicians of +ancient Greece, acknowledging no other basis for the security of the +commonwealth than virtue, and see the political system of our days +turning only upon manufactures, commerce, and finances, will you say +that our age is more virtuous? When, looking to your own country--the +best and happiest, because the freest of all--you will not dissimulate +in your own mind what considerations influence the platforms of your +political parties; and then in contra-position will reflect upon those +times when Timon of Athens, chosen to take part in his country's +government, assembled his friends and renounced their friendship, in +order that he might not be tempted by party considerations or by +affections of amity, in his important duties toward the commonwealth. +Then, having thus reflected, say, "Take you our own age to be more +virtuous, and therefore more ensured against the reverses of fortune, +than those older times?" + +But perhaps there is a greater amount of private happiness, and by the +broad diffusion of private welfare, the security of the commonwealth is +more lasting and more sure? + +Caraccioli, having been ambassador in England, when returned to Italy, +said, "that England is the most detestable country in the world, because +there are to be found twenty different sorts of religion, but only two +kinds of sauces with which to season meat." + +There is a point in that questionable jest. Materialism! curse of our +age! Who can seriously speak about the broad diffusion of happiness in a +country where contentment is measured according to how many kinds of +sauces we can taste? My people is by far not the most material. We are +not much given to the cupidity of becoming rich. We know the word +"enough." The simplicity of our manners makes us easily contented in our +material relations; we like rather to be free than to be rich; we look +for an honourable profit, that we may have upon what to live; but we +don't like to live for the sake of profit; augmentation of property and +of wealth with us is not the aim of our life--we prefer tranquil, +independent mediocrity to the incessant excitement and incessant toil of +cupidity and gain. Such is the character of my nation; and yet I have +known a countryman of mine who blew out his brains because he had no +means more to eat daily _patés de foi gras_ and drink champagne. +Well, that was no Hungarian character, but, though somewhat +eccentrically, he characterized the leading feature of our century. + +Indeed, are your richest money-kings happier than Fabricius was, when he +preferred his seven acres of land, worked by his own hands, to the +treasures of an empire? Are the ladies of to-day, adorned with all the +gorgeous splendour of wealth, of jewels, and of art, happier than those +ladies of ancient Rome have been, to whom it was forbidden to wear silk +and jewelry, or drive in a carriage through the streets of Rome? Are the +ladies of to-day happier in their splendid parlours, than the Portias +and the Cornelias have been in the homely retirement of their modest +nurseries? Nay; all that boundless thirst of wealth, which is the ruling +spirit of our age, and the moving power of enterprising energy, all this +hunting after treasures, and all its happiest results, have they made +men nobler, better, and happier? Have they improved their soul, or even +their body and their health, at least so much that the richest of men +could eat and digest two dinners instead of one? Or has the insatiable +thirst of material gain originated a purer patriotism? has it made +mankind more devoted to their country, more ready to sacrifice for +public interest? If that were the case, then I would gladly confess the +error of my doubts, and take the pretended larger amount of happiness +for a guarantee of the future of the commonwealth. But, ladies and +gentlemen! a single word--the manner in which we use it, distorting its +original meaning, often characterizes a whole century. You all know the +word "_idiot_;" almost every living language has adopted it, and +all languages attach to it the idea that an "idiot" is a poor, ignorant, +useless wretch, nearly insane. Well, "idiot" is a word of Greek +extraction, and meant with the Greek a man who cared nothing for the +public interest, but was all devoted to the selfish pursuit of private +profit, whatever might have been its results to the community. Oh! what +an immense, what a deplorable change must have occurred in the character +of Humanity, till unconsciously we came to the point, that by what name +the ancient Greeks would have styled those European money-kings, who, +for a miserable profit, administer to the unrelenting despots their +eternal loans, to oppress nations with, we now apply that very name to +the wretched creatures incapable to do any thing for themselves. We bear +compassion for the idiots of to-day, but the modern editions of Greek +idiotism, though loaded with the bloody scars of a hundred thousand +orphans, and with the curse of millions, stand high in honour, and go +on, proudly glorying in their criminal idiotism, heaping up the gold of +the world. + +But I may be answered, after all, though our age be not so virtuous, and +though the large accumulation in wealth has in reality not made mankind +happier; still, it cannot be denied, you are in a prosperous condition, +and prosperity is a solid basis of your country's future. Industry, +navigation, commerce, have so much developed, they have formed so many +ties by which every citizen is linked to his country's fate, that your +own material interest is a security to your country's future. + +In loving your own selves you love your country, and in loving your +country you love your own selves. This community of public and private +interest will make you avoid the stumbling-block over which others fell. +Prosperity is, of course, a great benefit; it is one of the aims of +human society; but when prosperity becomes too material, it does not +always guarantee the future. Paradoxical as it may appear, too much +prosperity is often dangerous, and some national misfortune is now and +then a good preservative of prosperity. For great prosperity makes +nations careless of their future; seeing no immediate danger, they +believe no danger possible; and then when a danger comes, either by +sudden chance or by the slow accumulation of noxious elements, then, +frightened by the idea that in meeting the danger their private property +might be injured or lost, selfishness often prevails over patriotism, +and men become ready to submit to arrogant pretensions, and compromise +with exigencies at the price of principles, and republics flatter +despots, and freemen covet the friendship and indulgence of tyrants, +only that things may go on just as they go, though millions weep and +nations groan; but still, things should go on just as they go, because +every change may claim a sacrifice, or affect our thriving private +interest. Such is often the effect of too great, of too secure +prosperity. Therefore, prosperity alone affords yet no security. + +You remember the tale of Polycrates. He was the happiest of men; good +luck attended every one of his steps; success crowned all he undertook, +and a friend thus spoke to him: "Thou art too happy for thy happiness to +last. Appease the anger of the Eumenides by a voluntary sacrifice, or +deprive thyself of what thou most valuest among all that thou +possessest." Polycrates obeyed, and drew from his finger a precious +jewel, of immense value, dear to his heart, and threw it into the sea. +Soon after a fish was brought to his house, and his cook found the +precious ring in the belly of the fish; but the friend who advised him +hastened to flee from the house, and shook the dust of its threshold +from his shoes, because he feared a great mischief must fall upon that +too prosperous house. There is a deep meaning in that tale of +Polycrates. + +Machiavel says, that it is now and then necessary to recall the +constituting essential principles to the memory of nations. And who is +charged by Providence with this task? Misfortune! It was the battles of +Cannaê and of Thrasymene which recalled the Romans to the love of their +fatherland; nations had till now, about such things, no other teacher +than misfortune. They should choose to have a less afflicting one. They +can have it. To point this out will be the final object of my remarks, +but so much is certain, that prosperity alone is yet no security for the +future, even of the happiest commonwealth. Those ancient nations have +been also prosperous. They were industrious, as your nation is; their +land has been covered with cities and villages, well-cultivated fields, +blessed with the richest crops, and crowded with countless herds spread +over immense territories, furrowed with artificial roads; their +flourishing cities swarmed with artists, and merchants, and workmen, and +pilots, and sailors, like as New York does. Their busy labourers built +gigantic water-works, digged endless canals, and carried distant waters +through the sands of the desert; their mighty, energetic spirit built +large and secure harbours, dried the marshy lakes, covered the sea with +vessels, the land with living beings, and spread a creation of life and +movement along the earth. Their commerce was broad as the known world. +Tyre exchanged its purple for the silk of Serica; Cashmere's soft +shawls, to-day yet a luxury of the wealthiest, the diamonds of Golconda, +the gorgeous carpets of Lydia, the gold of Ophir and Saba, the aromatic +spices and jewels of Ceylon, and the pearls and perfumes of Arabia, the +myrrh, silver, gold dust, and ivory of Africa, as well as the amber of +the Baltic and the tin of Thulé, appeared alike in their commerce, +raising them in turn to the dominion of the world, and undoing them by +too careless prosperity. The manner and the shape of one or the other +art, of one or other industry, has changed; the steam-engine has +replaced the rowing-bench, and cannon replaced the catapult; but, as a +whole, even your country, which you are proud to hear styled "the living +wonder of the world"--yes, even your country in the New World, and +England in the Old--England, that gigantic workshop of industry, +surrounded with a beautiful evergreen garden; yes, all the dominions of +the Anglo-Saxon race, can claim no higher praise of its prosperity, than +when we say, that you have reproduced the grandeur of those ancient +nations, and nearly equal their prosperity. And what has become of them? +A sad skeleton. What remains of their riches, of their splendour, and +of their vast dominions? An obscure recollection; a vain memory. Thus +fall empires; thus vanish nations, which have no better guardians than +their prosperity. But "we have," will you say, "we have a better +guardian--our freedom, our republican institutions; our confederation +uniting so many glorious stars into one mighty galaxy--these are the +ramparts of our present, these our future security." + +Well, it would ill become me to investigate if there be nothing "rotten +in the state of Denmark," and certainly I am not the man who could feel +inclined to undervalue the divine power of liberty; to underrate the +value of your democratic institutions, and the vitality of your glorious +Union. It is to them I look in the solitary hours of meditation, and +when, overwhelmed with the cares of the patriot, my soul is groaning +under nameless woes, it is your freedom's sunny light which dispels the +gloomy darkness of despondency; here is the source whence the +inspiration of hope is flowing to the mourning world, that down-trodden +millions at the bottom of their desolation still retain a melancholy +smile upon their lips, and still retain a voice in their bleeding chest, +to thank the Almighty God that the golden thread of freedom is not yet +lost on earth. Yes, ladies and gentlemen, all this I feel, and all this +I know, reflecting upon your freedom, your institutions, and your Union; +but casting back my look into the mirror of the past, there I see upon +mouldering ground, written with warning letters, the dreadful truth, +that all this has nothing new; all this has been; and all this has never +yet been proved sufficient security. Freedom is the fairest gift of +Heaven; but it is not the security of itself. Democracy is the +embodiment of freedom, which in itself is but a principle. But what is +the security of democracy? And if you answer, "The Union is;" then I +ask, "And where is the security of the Union?" Yes, ladies and +gentlemen, Freedom is no new word. It is as old as the world. Despotism +is new, but Freedom not. And yet it has never yet proved a charter to +the security of nations. Republic is no new word. It is as old as the +word "Society." Before Rome itself, republics absorbed the world. There +were in all Europe, Africa and Asia Minor, but republics to be found, +and many among them democratic. Men had to wander to far Persia if they +would have desired to know what sort of thing a monarch is. And all they +have perished; the small ones by foreign power, the large ones by +domestic vice. And union, and confederacy, the association of +societies--a confederate republic of republics, is also no new +invention. Greece has known it and flourished by it, for a while. Rome +has known it; by such associations she attacked the world. The world has +known them; with them it defended itself against Rome. The so-called +Barbarians of Europe, beyond the Danube and the Rhine, have known it; it +was by a confederacy of union that they resisted the ambitious mistress +of the world. Your own country, America, has known it; the traditionary +history of the Romans of the West, of those six Indian Nations, bears +the records of it, out of an older time than your ancestors settled in +this land; the wise man of the Onondaga Nation has exercised it long +before your country's legislators built upon that basis your independent +home. And still it proved in itself alone no security to all those +nations who have known it before you. Your own fathers have seen the +last of the Mohawks burying his bloody tomahawk in the namesake flood, +and have listened to the majestic words of Logan, spoken with the +dignity of an Aemilius, that there exists no living being on earth in +the veins of whom one drop of the blood of his race did flow. Well, had +history nothing else to teach us, than that all what the wisdom of man +did conceive, and all that his energy has executed through the +innumerable days of the past, and all that we take to be glorious in +nations and happy to men, cannot so much do as to ensure a future even +to such a flourishing commonwealth as yours; then weaker hearts may well +ask, What good is it to warn us of a fatality which we cannot escape; +what good is it to hold up the mournful monuments of a national +mortality to sadden our heart, if all that is human must share that +common doom? Let us do as we can, and so far as we can, and let the +future bring what it may. But that would be the speech of one having no +faith in the all-watching Eye, and regarding the eternal laws of the +universe not as an emanation of a bountiful Providence, but of a blind +fatality, which plays at hazard with the destinies of men. I never will +share such blasphemy. Misfortune came over me, and came over my house, +and came over my guiltless nation; still I never have lost my trust in +the Father of all. I have lived the days when the people of my oppressed +country went along weeping over the immense misfortune that they cannot +pray, seeing the downfall of the most just cause and the outrageous +triumph of the most criminal of all crimes on earth; and they went along +not able to pray, and weeping that they are not able to pray. I +shuddered at the terrible tidings in the desolation of my exile; but I +could pray, and sent the consolation home, that I do not despair; that I +believe in God, and trust to His bountiful providence, and ask them who +of them dares despair when I do not? I was in exile, as I am now, but +arrogant despots were debating about my blood, my infant children in +prison, my wife, the faithful companion of my sorrows and my cares, +hunted like a noble deer, and my sisters in the tyrant's fangs, red with +the blood of my nation, and the heart of my aged mother breaking, about +the shattered fortunes of her house, and all of them at last homeless +wanderers, cast to the winds, like the yellow leaves of a fallen tree; +and my fatherland, my dear, beloved fatherland, half murdered, half in +chains, and humanity nearly all oppressed, and those who are not yet +oppressed looking with compassion at our sad fate, but taking it for +wise policy not to help, and the sky of freedom dark on our horizon, and +darkening fast over all, and nowhere a ray of hope; a lustre of +consolation nowhere; and still I did not despair; and my faith to God, +my trust to Providence has spread over my down-trodden land. + +I therefore, who do not despair of my own country's future, though it be +overwhelmed with misfortunes, I certainly have an unwavering faith in +the destinies of Humanity; and though the mournful example of so many +fallen nations instructs us, that neither the diffusion of knowledge, +nor the progress of industry, neither prosperity, nor power, nay, not +even freedom itself, can secure a future to nations, still I say there +is one thing which can secure it; there is one law, the obedience to +which would prove a rock upon which the freedom and happiness of nations +may rest sure to the end of their days. And that law, ladies and +gentlemen, is the law proclaimed by our Saviour; that rock is the +unperverted religion of Christ. But while the consolation of this +sublime truth falls meekly upon my soul like as the moonlight falls upon +the smooth sea, I humbly claim your forbearance, ladies and gentlemen; I +claim it in the name of the Almighty Lord, to hear from my lips a +mournful truth. It may displease you; it may offend; but still truth is +truth. Offended vanity may blame me; power may frown at me, and pride +may call my boldness arrogant, but still truth is truth, and I, bold in +my unpretending humility, will proclaim that truth; I will proclaim it +from land to land and from sea to sea; I will proclaim it with the faith +of the martyrs of old, till the seed of my word falls upon the +consciences of men. Let come what come may, I say with Luther: God help +me, I cannot otherwise. Yes, ladies and gentlemen, the law of our +Saviour, the religion of Christ, can secure a happy future to nations. +But, alas! there is yet no Christian people on earth--not a single one +among all. I have spoken the word. It is harsh, but true. Nearly two +thousand years have passed since Christ has proclaimed the eternal +decree of God, to which the happiness of mankind is bound, and has +sanctified it with His own blood, and still there is not one single +nation on earth which would have enacted into its law-book that eternal +decree. Men believe in the mysteries of religion, according to the creed +of their church; they go to church, and they pray and give alms to the +poor, and drop the balm of consolation into the wounds of the afflicted, +and believe they do all that the Lord commanded to do, and believe they +are Christians. No! Some few may be, but their nation is not--their +country is not; the era of Christianity has yet to come, and when it +comes, then, only then, will be the future of nations sure. Far be it +from me to misapprehend the immense benefit which Christian religion, +such as it already is, has operated in mankind's history. It has +influenced the private character of men, and the social condition of +millions; it was the nurse of a new civilization, and softening the +manners and morals of men, its influence has been felt even in the worst +quarter of history--in war. The continual massacres of the Greek and +Roman kings and chiefs, and the extermination of nations by them--the +all-devastating warfare of the Timurs and Gengis Khans--are in general +not more to be met with; only my own dear fatherland was doomed to +experience once more the cruelties of the Timurs and Gengis Khans out of +the sacrilegious hands of the dynasty of Austria, which calumniates +Christianity by calling itself Christian. But though that beneficial +influence of Christianity we have cheerfully to acknowledge, yet it is +still not to be disputed that the law of Christ does yet nowhere rule +the Christian world. + +Montesquieu himself, whom nobody could charge to be partial for +republics, avows that despotism is incompatible with the Christian +religion, because the Christian religion commands meekness, and +despotism claims arbitrary power to the whims and passions of a frail +mortal; and still it is more than 1,500 years since the Christian +religion became dominant, and through that long period despotism has +been pre-eminently dominant; you can scarcely show one single truly +democratic republic of any power which had subsisted but for a hundred +years, exercising any influence upon the condition of the world. +Constantine, raising the Christian religion to Rome's imperial throne, +did not restore the Romans to their primitive virtues. Constantinople +became the sewer of vice; Christian worship did not change the despotic +habits of Kings. The Tituses, the Trajans, the Antonines, appeared +seldom on Christian thrones; on the contrary, mankind has seen, in the +name of religion, lighted the piles of persecution, and the blazing +torches of intolerance; the earth overspread with corpses of the million +victims of fanaticism; the fields watered with blood; the cities wrapped +in flames, and empires ravaged with unrelenting rage. Why? Is it +Christian religion which caused these deplorable facts, branding the +brow of partly degraded, partly outraged Humanity? No. It was precisely +the contrary; the fact that the religion of Christ never yet was +practically taken for an all-overruling law, the obedience to which, +outweighing every other consideration, would have directed the policy of +nations--that fact is the source of evil, whence the oppression of +millions has overflowed the earth, and which makes the future of the +proudest, of the freest nation, to be like a house built upon sand. + +Every religion has two parts. One is the dogmatical, the part of +worship; the other is the moral part. + +The first, the dogmatic part, belonging to those mysterious regions +which the arm of human understanding cannot reach, because they belong +to the dominion of belief, and that begins where the dominion of +knowledge ends--that part of religion, therefore, the dogmatic one, +should be left to every man to settle between God and his own +conscience. It is a sacred field, whereon worldly power never should +dare to trespass, because there it has no power to enforce its will. +Force can murder; it can make liars and hypocrites, but no violence on +earth can force a man to believe what he does not believe. Yet the +other part of religion, the moral part, is quite different. That +teaches duties toward ourselves and toward our fellow-men. It can be, +therefore, not indifferent to the human family: it can be not +indifferent to whatever community, if those duties be fulfilled or not, +and no nation can, with full right, claim the title of a Christian +nation, no government the title of a Christian government, which is not +founded upon the basis of Christian morality, and which takes it not for +an all-overruling law to fulfil the moral duties ordered by the religion +of Christ toward men and nations, who are but the community of men, and +toward mankind, which is the community of nations. Now, look to those +dread pages of history, stained with the blood of millions, spilt under +the blasphemous pretext of religion; was it the intent to vindicate the +rights, and enforce the duties of Christian morality, which raised the +hand of nation against nation, of government against government? No: it +was the fanaticism of creed, and the fury of dogmatism. Nations and +governments rose to propagate their manner to worship God, and their own +mode to believe the inscrutable mysteries of eternity; but nobody has +yet raised a finger to punish the sacrilegious violation of the moral +laws of Christ, nobody ever stirred to claim the fulfilment of the +duties of Christian morality toward nations. There is much speaking +about the separation of Church and State, and yet, on close examination, +we shall see that there was, and there is, scarcely one single +government entirely free from the direct or indirect influence of one or +other religious denominations; scarcely one which would not at least +bear a predilection, if not countenance with favour, one or another +creed--but creed, and always creed. The mysteries of dogmatism, and the +manner of worship, enter into these considerations; they enter even into +the politics, and turn the scales of hatred and affection; but certainly +there is not one single nation, not one single government, the policy of +which would ever have been regulated by that law of morality which our +Saviour has promulgated as the eternal law of God, which shall be obeyed +in all the relations of men to men. But you say, of the direct or +indirect amalgamation of Church and State, proved to be dangerous to +nations in Christian and for Christian times, because it affected the +individual rights of men, and among them, the dearest of all, the +liberty of conscience and the freedom of thought. Well, of this danger, +at least, the future of your country is free; because here, at least, in +this, your happy land, religious liberty exists. Your institutions left +no power to your government to interfere with the religion of your +citizens. Here every man is free to worship God as he chooses to do. + +And that is true, and it is a great glory of your country that it is +true. It is a fact which entitles to the hope that your nation will +revive the law of Christ, even on earth. However, the guarantee which +your Constitution affords to religious liberty is but a negative part of +a Christian government. There are, besides that, positive duties to be +fulfilled. He who does no violence to the conscience of man, has but the +negative merit of a man doing no wrong; but as he who does not murder, +does not steal, and does not covet what his neighbour's is, but by not +stealing, not murdering, not coveting what our neighbour's is, we did +yet no positive good; a man who does not murder has not yet occasion to +the title of virtuous man. And here is precisely the infinite merit of +the Christian religion. While Moses, in the name of the Almighty God, +ordered but negative degrees toward fellow-men, the Christian religion +commands positive virtue. Its divine injunctions are not performed by +not doing wrong; it desires us to do good. The doctrine of Jesus Christ +is sublime in its majestic simplicity. "Thou shalt love God above all, +and love thy neighbour as thou lovest thyself." + +This sublime doctrine is the religion of love. It is the religion of +charity. "Though I speak with the tongues of angels, and have not +charity, I am become as sounding brass and tinkling cymbals. Though I +have the gift of prophecy, and understand all mysteries and all +knowledge, and have all faith, so that I could remove mountains, and +have not charity, I am nothing. And though I bestow all my goods to +feed the poor, and give my body to be burned, and have not charity, it +profiteth me nothing." Thus speaks the Lord, and thus speaking He gives +the law, "Do unto others as thou desirest others to do unto thee." Now, +in the name of Him who gave this law to humanity, to build up the +eternal bliss and temporal happiness of mankind, in the name of that +Eternal Legislator, I ask, is in that _charity_, in that +fundamental law of Christianity, any limit of distinction drawn in man +in his personal, and man in his national capacity? Is it but a law for a +man where he is alone, and can do but little good? Is it no law more +where two are together, and can do more good? No law more when millions +are together? Am I in my personal adversities; is my aged mother in her +helpless desolation; are my homeless sisters whom you feed to-day, that +they may work to-morrow; are we your neighbours, unto whom you do as you +would others in a similar position do unto yourself? And is every one of +my down-trodden people a neighbour to every one of you? but all my +people collectively, is it _not_ a neighbour to you? And is my +nation not a neighbour to your nation? Is my down-trodden land not a +neighbour to your down-trodden land? Oh! my God, men speak of the +Christian religion and style themselves Christians, and yet make a +distinction between virtue in private life and virtue in public life; as +if the divine law of Charity would have been given only for certain +small relations, and not for all the relations between men and men. + +"There he is again, with his eternal complaints about his country's +wrongs;" may perhaps somebody remark: "This is an assembly of charity, +assembled to ease his private woes of family; and there he is again +speaking of his country's wrongs, and alluding to our foreign policy, +about which he knows our views to be divided." Thus I may be charged. + +My "private family woes!" But all my woes and all the woes of my family, +are concentrated in the unwarrantable oppression of my fatherland. You +are an assembly of charity, it is true, and the Almighty may requite you +for it; but being a charitable assembly, can you blame me that the +filial and fraternal devotion of my heart, in taking with gratitude the +balm of consolation which your charity pours into the bleeding wounds of +my family, looks around to heal those wounds, the torturing pains of +which you ease, but which cannot be cured but by justice and charity +done to my fatherland. Shall this sad heart of mine be contented by +leaving to my homeless mother and sisters the means to have their bread +by honest labour, their daily bread salted with the bitter tears of +exile; and shall I not care to leave them the hope that their misfortune +will have an end; that they will see again their beloved home; that they +will see it independent and free, and live where their fathers lived, +and sleep the tranquil sleep of death in that soil with which the ashes +of their fathers mingle? Shall I not care to give the consolation to my +aged mother, that when her soon departing soul, crowned with the garland +of martyrdom, looks down from the home of the blessed, the united joy of +the heavens will thrill through her immortal spirit, seeing her dear, +dear Hungary free? Your views are divided on the subject, it may be; +but can your views be divided upon the subject that it is the command of +God to love your neighbours as you love yourselves? That it is the duty +of Christians, that it is the fundamental principle of the Christian +religion, to do unto others as you desire others to do unto you? And if +there is, if there can be no difference of opinion in regard to the +principle; if no one in this vast assembly--whatever be the platform of +his party--ever would disclaim this principle, will any one blame me +that in the name of Christ I am bold to claim the application of that +principle? I should not speak of politics! Well, I have spoken of +Christianity. Your politics either agree with the Law of Christ, or they +do not agree with it. If they don't agree, then your politics are not +Christian; and if they agree, then I cause no division among you. + +And I shall not speak of my people's wrongs! Oh! my people--thou heart +of my heart, thou life of my life--to thee are bent the thoughts of my +mind, and they will remain bent to thee, though all the world may frown. +To thee are pledged all the affections of my heart, and they will be +pledged to thee as long as one drop of blood throbs within this heart. +Thine are the cares of my waking hours; thine are the dreams of my +restless sleep. Shall I forget thee, but for a moment! Never! Never! +Cursed be the moment, and cursed be I in that moment, in which thou +wouldst be forgotten by me! + +Thou art oppressed, O my fatherland! because the principles of +Christianity have not been executed in practice; because the duties of +Christianity have not been fulfilled; because the precepts of +Christianity have not been obeyed; because the law of Christianity did +not control the policy of nations; because there are many impious +governments to offend the law of Christ, but there was none to do the +duties commanded by Christ. + +Thou art fallen, O my country, because Christianity has yet to come; but +it is not yet come--nowhere! Nowhere on earth! And with the sharp eye of +misfortune piercing the dark veil of the future, and with the tongue of +Cassandria relating what I see, I cry it out to high Heaven, and shout +it out to the Earth--"Nations, proud of your momentary power; proud of +your freedom; proud of your prosperity--your power is vain, your freedom +is vain, your industry, your wealth, your prosperity are vain; all these +will not save you from sharing the mournful fate of those old nations, +not less powerful than you, not less free, not less prosperous than +you--and still fallen, as you yourself will fall--all vanished as you +will vanish, like a bubble thrown up from the deep! There is only the +law of Christ, there are only the duties of Christianity, which can +secure your future, by securing at the same time humanity." + +Duties must be fulfilled, else they are an idle word. And who would +dispute that there is a positive duty in that law, "Love thy neighbour +as thou lovest thyself. Do unto others as thou wouldst that others do +unto thee." Now, if there are duties in that law comprised, who shall +execute them, if free and powerful nations do not execute them? No +government can meddle with the private relations of its millions of +citizens so much as to enforce the positive virtue of Christian charity, +in the thousand-fold complications of private life. That will be +impossible; and our Saviour did not teach impossibilities. By +commanding charity toward fellow-men in human relations, He commanded it +also to governments. It is in their laws toward their own citizens; it +is in their policy toward other nations, that governments and nations +can fulfil those duties of Christianity; and what they can, that they +should. How could governments hope to see their own citizens and other +nations observing toward them the positive duties of Christian morality, +when they themselves do not observe them against others; when oppressed +nations, the victims, not of their own faults, but of the grossest +violation of the law of Christ, look in vain around to find out a nation +among Christian nations, and a government among Christian governments, +doing unto them, in the hour of their supreme need, as the Saviour said +that it is duty to do unto others in every case? + +Yes, gentlemen, as long as the principles of Christian morality are not +carried up into the international relations--as long as the fragile +wisdom of political exigencies overrules the doctrines of Christ, there +is no freedom on earth firm, and the future of no nation sure. But let a +powerful nation like yours raise Christian morality into its public +conduct, that nation will have a future against which the very gates of +hell itself will never prevail. The morality of its policy will react +upon the morality of its individuals, and preserve it from domestic +vice, which, without that prop, ever yet has attended too much +prosperity, and ever yet was followed by a dreadful fall. The morality +of its policy will support justice and freedom on earth, and thus +augmenting the number of free nations, all acting upon the same +principle, its very future will be placed under the guarantee of them +all, and preserve it from foreign danger--which is better to prevent +than to repel. And its future will be placed under the guarantee of the +Almighty himself, who, true to His eternal decrees, proved through the +downfall of so many mighty nations, that He always punished the fathers +in the coming generations; but alike bountiful as just, will not and +cannot forsake those to whom He gave power to carry out His laws on +earth, and who willingly answered His divine call. Power in itself never +yet was sure. It is right which makes power firm; and it is community +which makes right secure. The task of PETER'S apostolate is +accomplished--the Churches are founded in the Christian world. The task +of PAUL'S apostolate is accomplished--the abuses of fanaticism and +intolerance are redressed. But the task of him whom the Saviour most +loved, is not yet accomplished. The gospel of charity rules not yet the +Christian world; and without charity, Christianity, you know, is "but +sounding brass and a tinkling cymbal." + +Oh! Charity, thou fairest gift of Heaven! thou family link between +nations; thou rock of their security; thou deliverer of the oppressed; +when comes thy realm? Where is the man whom the Lord has chosen to +establish thy realm? Who is the man whom the Lord has chosen to realize +the religion, the tenets of which the most beloved disciple of the +Saviour has recorded from his divine lips? who is the man to reform, not +Christian creeds, but Christian morality? Man! No; that is no task for +a man, but for a nation. Man may teach a doctrine; but that doctrine of +Charity is taught, and taught with such sublime simplicity, that no +sectarist yet has disputed its truth. Historians have been quarrelling +about mysteries, and lost empires through their disputes. The Greeks +were controversially disputing whether the Holy Ghost proceeds from the +Father alone, or from the Father and Son; and Mahomet battered the walls +of Byzantium, they heard it not; he wrested the cross from Santa Sophia; +they saw it not, till the cimeter of the Turk stopped the rage of +quarrel with the blow of death. In other quarters they went on disputing +and deciding with mutual anathemas the question of transfiguration and +many other mysteries, which, being mysteries, constitute the private +dominion of belief; but the doctrine of charity none of them disputes; +there they all agree; nay, in the idle times of scholastical subtility, +they have been quarrelling about the most extravagant fancies of a +scorched imagination. Mighty folios have been written about the problem, +how many angels could dance upon the top of a needle without touching +each other? The folly of subtility went so far as to profane the sacred +name of God, by disputing if He, being omnipotent, has the power to sin? +If, in the holy wafer, He be present dressed or undressed? If the +Saviour would have chosen the incarnation in the shape of a gourd, +instead of a man, how would he have preached, how acted miracles, and +how had been crucified? And when they went to the theme of investigating +if it was a whip or a lash with which the angels have whipped St. Jerome +for trying to imitate in his writings the pagan Cicero, it was but after +centuries that Abbot Cartaut dared to write that if St. Jerome was +whipped at all, he was whipped for having _badly_ imitated Cicero. +Still, the doctrine of Christian charity is so sublime in its +simplicity, that not even the subtility of scholasticism dared ever to +profane it by any controversy, and still that sublime doctrine is not +executed, and the religion of charity not realized yet. The task of this +glorious progress is only to be done by a free and powerful nation, +because it is a task of action, and not of teaching. Individual man can +but execute it in the narrow compass of the small relations of private +life; it is only the power of a nation which can raise it to become a +ruling law on earth; and before this is done, the triumph of +Christianity is not arrived--and without that triumph, the freedom and +prosperity even of the mightiest nation is not for a moment safe from +internal decay, or from foreign violence. + +Which is the nation to achieve that triumph of Christianity by +protecting justice out of charity? Which shall do it, if not yours? Whom +the Lord has blessed above all, from whom He much expects, because He +has given her much. + +Ye Ministers of the Gospel, who devote your lives to expound the eternal +truths of the book of life, remember my humble words, and remind those +who, with pious hearts, listen to your sacred words, that half virtue is +no virtue at all, and that there is no difference in the duties of +charity between public and private life. + +Ye Missionaries, who devote your lives to the propagation of +Christianity, before you embark for the dangers of far, inhospitable +shores, remind those whom you leave, that the example of a nation +exercising right and justice on earth by charity, would be the mightiest +propagandism of Christian religion. + +Ye Patriots, loving your country's future, and anxious about her +security, remember the admonitions of history--remember that the +freedom, the power, and the prosperity in which your country glories, is +no new apparition on earth; others also had it, and yet they are gone. +The prudence with which your forefathers have founded this commonwealth, +the courage with which you develop it, other nations also have shown, +and still they are gone. + +And ye ladies; ye fairest incarnation of the spirit of love, which +vivifies the universe, remember my words. The heart of man is given into +your tender hands. You mould it in its infancy. You imprint the lasting +mark of character upon man's brow, You ennoble his youth; you soften the +harshness of his manhood; you are the guardian angels of his hoary age. +All your vocation is love, and your life is charity. The religion of +charity wants your apostolate, and requires your aid. It is to you I +appeal, and leave the sublime topic of my humble reflections to the +meditations of your Christian hearts. + +And thus, my task of to-day is done. Man shall earn the means of life by +the sweat of his brow. Thus shall my family. Your charity of to-day has +opened the way to it. The school which my mother, if God spares her +life, will superintend, and in which two of my sisters will teach, and +the humble farm which my third sister and her family shall work, will be +the gift of your charity to-day. + +A stony weight of cares is removed from my breast. Oh! be blessed for +it, be thanked for it, in the name of them all who have lost every +thing, but not their trust to God, and not the benefit of being able to +work. My country will forgive me that I have taken from her the time of +one day's work--to give bread to my aged mother and to my homeless +sisters, the poor victims of unrelenting tyranny. Returning to Europe, I +may find my own little children in a condition that again the father +will have to take the spade or the pen into his hand to give them bread. + +And my fatherland will again forgive me, that that time is taken from +her. That is all what I take from her; nothing else of what is given, or +what belongs to her. And the day's work which I take from my country, I +will restore it by a night's labour. To-day, the son and the brother has +done his task; you have requited his labour by a generous charity; the +son and brother thanks you for it, and the patriot, to resume his task, +bids you a hearty, warm farewell. + + + +APPENDICES TO KOSSUTH'S SPEECHES. + + +Appendix I.--_Extracts from a Letter to the 'Daily News,' dated +January 17th, 1852_, by Sabbas Vucovics, _late Minister of Justice +in Hungary, in answer to_ Count Casimir Bathyanyi. + +So early as the commencement of the Serbian insurrection, the popular +suspicion gained ground that the insurrection had been stirred up by the +secret intrigues of the court, and confidence in the truth and good +faith of the King disappeared accordingly. The nation, however, still +indulged the hope that a weak King, though betrayed into ambiguous +proceeding, would not permit himself to be carried away into a flagrant +breach of the constitution. This was the time when the King, in the +opinion of the people, was kept distinct from the Camarilla. But when +the Austrian ministry openly attempted to deprive Hungary of its +ministries of war and finance, when the base game of the degradation and +restoration of Jellachich was played, and when the Hungarian army, +fighting in the name of the King against the insurrections of the +Serbians and Croats, became aware that the balls of that same King +thinned their ranks from the hostile camp, the nation arrived at the +universal conviction that the Hapsburg dynasty were only pursuing their +old absolute tendencies, and that they wanted to force Hungary into +self-defence, in order, under the pretext of rebellion, to deprive it of +all its constitutional rights and guarantees. It needs no proof that a +loud indignation, and even hatred of the dynasty, spread far and wide in +the country, in consequence of these intrigues and proceedings. In spite +of this natural excitement, and of the war itself, carried on by the +nation with an increasing enthusiasm of hatred of the House of Austria, +no party in the country urged a declaration of _déchéance_ or +forfeiture against the dynasty. Even all the faithless acts recorded in +the letter of Count Casimir Bathyanyi, and the cruelties committed in +the name of that court in Lower Hungary and Transylvania, did not turn +the scales in this direction. The Pragmatic Sanction was still +considered as good in law; and the many precedents of our history, when +the nation and its kings went to war with each other, and ultimately +settled their disputes by solemn pacts confirming the constitution of +the land, conveyed the notion that a reconciliation was even then not +impossible. + +Without these precedents and reminiscences of history, and only guided +by the universal feeling of the country against the dynasty, the +Hungarian parliament would have pronounced the forfeiture of the House +of Austria so far back as October, 1848, when Jellachich was appointed +absolute plenipotentiary of the King in Hungary, with discretionary +power of life and death; or in December, 1848, when in Olmütz the +succession of the Hungarian throne was changed and determined, without +the concurrence of the nation through the Diet. To force the nation and +its parliament to the last step in this momentous crisis, the court +itself broke the dynastic tie. + +This was done by the imposition of the constitution of the 4th of March, +1849, by which the House of Austria itself annihilated the Pragmatic +Sanction, treating free and independent Hungary with the arrogance of a +conqueror. The nation, more irritated by this act than by any preceding +event, saw that the hour was come, beyond which further to defer the +dethronement of the dynasty would be alike incompatible with the laws +and the honour of Hungary. _All the channels of public opinion, the +public press, the popular meetings, and even the head quarters of the +army, resounded with emphatic declarations of the impossibility of +reconciliation with the dynasty. The garrison of Komorn_--the most +important fortress of the country--_petitioned the government for the +declaration of forfeiture_. Most assuredly no party manoeuvres were +wanted in this universal excitement, caused by the constitution of the +4th of March, to carry a parliamentary resolution of forfeiture. + +When the proposition of forfeiture was made on the 14th of April, 1849, +in the House of Representatives, only eight members voted against it, in +a house never attended by less than from 220 to 240 members. The House +of Magnates adopted this resolution without opposition. The press of all +shades of opinion, though enjoying the most unlimited freedom, also +declared for the resolution of the Diet. It was moreover received +throughout the whole country with patriotic assent and determination. If +there was a party opposed to the forfeiture, how came it that it did not +hold it to be a duty to declare its opposition in the Diet or through +the press? + +When the intelligence of the unfortunate battle of Temeswar reached the +Governor Kossuth, who was then in the fortress of Arad, he immediately +summoned a council of the ministry to deliberate on measures of public +safety still possible. At this council, in which all the ministers took +part, it was resolved to invest Görgei, who stood alone at the head of +an unconquered army, with full powers for negotiating a peace. It was, +moreover, resolved to dissolve the government, which could not be +carried on in any fixed place of safety under the existing +circumstances. We did not, however, insert in the instrument investing +Görgei with full power (and despatched to him immediately) the +abdication of the government. On the same day--it was the 11th of +August, 1849--Görgei declared in the presence of some of the ministers +who had assembled at Csányi's (who was one of them), that he could not +accept the commission because the resignation of the government was not +contained in it, while he was sure that the enemy would enter into no +negotiations with him, so long as Kossuth and his ministry were thought +to be behind him. The ministers who were present, after a short +deliberation, considering it to be their duty not to stand in the way of +the negotiation which had been resolved on as necessary, accordingly +sent their resignation to the governor, _whom they requested to resign +as well_. The governor soon after sent his abdication for +countersignature by these members of the ministry, and accordingly the +government formally dissolved itself, after having done so _de +facto_ in the previous council of ministers. I must mention the +circumstance that _in the governor's instrument of abdication +conditions were proscribed to Görgei, which were not inserted in the +original instrument of authorization, issued by the full council_. +These conditions were, the preservation of the nationality and the +autonomy of Hungary. Four ministers took part in this resignation of the +governor, as above stated, Aulich, Csányi, Horvath, and I. Two of the +ministers, Szemere and [Casimir] Bathyanyi, were absent when the formal +declaration of the abdication was discussed at Csányi's residence. I +have not mentioned among the ministers our late colleague, the finance +minister Dushek, because his treachery, which was afterwards brought to +light, excludes him from our ranks. From all these circumstances, it +will be manifest how unjust the reproaches of Count Casimir Bathyanyi +are, that no new cabinet council was held. + +It is notorious that Görgei abused the full powers with which he was +entrusted, instead of procuring the preservation of Hungary by a +negotiation for peace, by an ignominious treachery to his native +country. From that very moment the power conferred on him by the +above-mentioned instrument, and the conditional abdication of the +government, consequently and legally reverted to him who had invested +him with it. To deny this, would be to recognize in the foreign rule +which crushed Hungary, in consequence of that treachery, legitimate +right and lawful power. + +I, however, perfectly agree with the noble count, that the nation, once +more restored to its constitutional existence, and free from foreign +yoke, will have the unlimited right to dispose of all the affairs of the +country, and consequently of the executive power. To assert a contrary +opinion would be a crime against the nation. Not over a liberated nation +(which, of course, would have the right to choose whom it will), but +over a nation crushed by an usurping power, the claims of Kossuth, as +elected Governor of Hungary, are, I submit, lawful. + +Republican principles have not been proclaimed at Kossuth's dictation as +the aim of our national exertions. They were, during our struggle, the +well-ascertained and deep-rooted sentiment of the country, and Kossuth +could only faithfully represent the proclaimed will and feeling of the +nation, by inscribing them on his banner. Immediately after the +declaration of independence, all the manifestations of the national will +were unanimous in the desire for a republic. The ministry, which was +nominated by the Governor as a consequence of that legislative act, +declared in both houses of the Diet, that its efforts would be directed +to the establishment of a republic. Both houses joined in this +declaration, and in the government no opposition whatever was manifested +against it. One of the first acts of the new government was to remove +the crown from all national scutcheons, and from the great seal of +Hungary. The press in all its shades developed republican principles. +The new semi-official paper bore the name of _The Republic_. It is +true that the government was only provisional, for the war continued, +and the definite decision of this question depended on unforeseen +circumstances. We should have preferred almost any settlement to the +necessity of a subjection to the Austrian dynasty; and at the price of +emancipation from that detested power, the nation would even have been +prepared, for the sake of aid, to choose a king from another race; but +certainly if it had been the unaided victor in the struggle, never. +Monarchical government would have been for us the resort of expediency. +The government of our wishes and principles was "The Republic." + +I do not feel at all convinced, as the noble count asserts, that the +institutions and habits of Hungary are incompatible with a democratic +republic. I find, on the contrary, traits in them which lead me to an +opposite conclusion. The aggregate character of the numerous nobility +which resigned its privileges in the Diet of 1847-48 of its own accord, +and which was in its nature more a democratic than an aristocratic body, +because neither territorial wealth nor rank interfered with or disturbed +the equality of its rights,--the national antipathy to the system of an +upper house, which was considered as a foreign institution, because it +had been introduced under the Austrian dynasty,--the immemorial custom +of periodically electing all officials, and even the judges,--the +detestation in which bureaucracy and all the instruments of +centralization were held in all ages, while the attachment to the +municipal self-government was ineradicable,--the fact that, in +consequence of the laws which had been sanctioned in April, 1848, the +county authorities, formerly only elected from the "nobility," were +democratically reconstituted, and exercised their functions in this form +till the catastrophe of Világos, without the slightest collision between +the different classes of society,--the peaceful election of the +representatives of the last Diet conducted almost on the principle of +universal suffrage,--all these facts unmistakeably prove that the germ +of democracy lay in our institutions, and that these could receive a +democratic development without any concussion. Those characteristic +_traits_ of our nation, which have been so often misrepresented as +signs of an aversion to a republic, and which may be more properly +called civic virtues; as, for example, our respect for law, our +antipathy to untried political theories, our attachment to traditional +customs, and our pride in the history of our country, are no obstacles +to, but rather guarantees, and even conditions of a republic, which is +to be national and enduring. It would indeed be an unprecedented event +in history, if staunch royalism could be the characteristic of a country +which, like Hungary, has found in its kings for three hundred years the +inexorable foes of its liberties, and which in that time, for its +defence, had to wage six bloody wars against the dynasty. + +As to the criticisms by the noble count of the personal character of +Kossuth, I take leave to assert that a great majority of the Hungarian +nation do not share his opinion. It is not my task to appear as a +personal advocate, and I wish, therefore, to advert only to one point of +his attack, which may seem to be based on facts. The noble count +asserts that Kossuth has attained to power _by doubtful means_. I +am amazed at this assertion, knowing, as I do, that Kossuth was proposed +by Count Louis Bathyanyi, and nominated by the King, with the universal +applause of the nation, to the Ministry of Finance. After the +resignation of the first Hungarian ministry, he was freely and +unanimously elected by the Diet to the Presidency of the Committee of +Defence, and after the declared forfeiture of the dynasty to the +Governorship of the country. I know no more honourable means by which a +man can be raised to power. + +S. VUKOVICS, + +Late Minister of Justice of Hungary. + +_London, January 17, 1852_. + + * * * * * + +Appendix II.--_Extracts from a Letter to the 'Times,' dated December +9th, 1851, by_ Bartholomew Szemere, _late Minister of the Interior +in Hungary; in answer to_ Prince Esterhazy. + +I shall now proceed to give a succinct account of what took place from +April 14, when the new acts received the Royal sanction, to December, +1848. You may be assured that I shall conceal nothing that tended to +change the relations between Hungary and Austria. + +The Prime Minister was already nominated when Jellachich was raised to +the dignity of Ban of Croatia by a Royal decree which the Premier was +not even asked to countersign. The Hungarian ministers, nevertheless, +for the sake of peace, overlooked this irregular proceeding. + +By a decree, dated June 10, 1848, the King made known to all whom it +might concern, that all the troops stationed within the kingdom of +Hungary, whether Hungarians or Austrians, were placed under the orders +of the Hungarian Minister of War, and that all the Hungarian fortresses +were under the jurisdiction of the said Minister. Yet at this very time +officers of the Imperial and Royal army were taking an active part in +the rebellion of the Serbs and Valachs, while General Mayerhofer was +enlisting recruits in the principality of Servia, and sending them to +assist the rebels. The people thus beheld with astonishment civil war +break out, and saw with still greater astonishment that Imperial +officers were fighting on both sides. + +Jellachich, as a functionary of the Hungarian Crown, refused to obey the +Hungarian ministry, and illegally summoned a Croatian Diet to meet at +Agram on June 5. In consequence of these proceedings, Ferdinand V., by a +decree dated June 10, 1848, deprived him, as a rebel, of all his civil +and military offices and dignities, but at the same time sent him, +through his Minister of War, Latour, field officers, artillery and +ammunition. + +The troubles increased daily. The Hungarian ministry requested the +Archduke John to act us mediator. He accepted the office, but did +nothing. + +The Diet met on July 2. The Palatine, as the representative of the +Sovereign in the speech from the Throne, said that, as several districts +were in a state of open rebellion, the principal objects to which, in +the name of His Majesty, he should direct the attention of the Diet were +the finances and the defences of the country, and that bills relating to +these objects would be brought in by the Ministers. He then proceeded as +follows:--"His Majesty has learned with painful feelings, that although +he only followed the dictates of his own gracious inclination, when, at +the request of the faithful Hungarian people, he gave his sovereign +sanction to the laws enacted by the last Diet--laws which the common +weal, according to the exigencies of the present age, rendered +imperatively necessary--there are, nevertheless, a number of seditious +agitators, especially in the annexed territories and the Hungarian +districts of the Lower Danube, who, by false reports and terrorism, have +excited the different religious sects and races speaking different +languages against each other, and, by mendaciously affirming that the +above-mentioned laws are not the free expressions of His Majesty's Royal +will, have stirred up the people to offer an armed opposition to the +execution of the law, and to the legally constituted authorities. And, +moreover, that some of these agitators have even proceeded so far in +their iniquitous course as to spread the report that this armed +opposition has been made in the interests of the dynasty, and with the +knowledge, and connivance of His Majesty or of the members of His +Majesty's Royal house. I therefore, in order that all the inhabitants of +the kingdom, without distinction as to creed or language, may have their +minds set at rest, hereby declare, in conformity with the sovereign +behest of His Majesty our most gracious King, and in his sovereign name +and person, that it is His Majesty's firm and steadfast determination to +defend with all his Royal power and authority the unity and integrity of +His Royal Hungarian crown against every attack from without, and every +attempt at disruption and separation that may be made within the +kingdom, and at the same time inviolably to maintain the laws which have +received the Royal sanction. And while His Majesty will not suffer any +one to curtail the liberties assured to all classes by the law, His +Majesty, as well as all the members of His Royal dynasty, strongly +condemns the audacity of those who venture to affirm that any illegal +act whatsoever or any disrespect of the constituted authorities can be +reconcileable with His Majesty's sovereign will, or at all compatible +with the interests of the Royal dynasty." + +It thus clearly appears that the King acknowledged the validity and the +inviolability of the acts passed by the Diet of 1847-8 three months +after they had been sanctioned. + +Relying on the sincerity of the Royal asseverations, the Diet humbly +requested that His Majesty would be graciously pleased to render the +country happy by his presence. It was, in fact, the general wish that +the King should come to Hungary; even the most radical journals loudly +declared that if he came he would be received with enthusiasm bordering +on madness. + +Meanwhile the rebellion of the Croats, Serbs, and Valachs, was spreading +daily, and that, too, _in the name of the Sovereign_. Generals, +colonels, and other field officers of the Imperial army were at the head +of it, without any one of them being summoned by the King to answer for +his conduct. The eyes of the too credulous natives were now opened, and +still more when the King refused to sanction the acts for the levying of +troops and raising of funds for the suppression of the rebellion, +although the Diet had been convened chiefly for this purpose. + +I must here observe that at this period nothing whatever had occurred +that could serve as a pretext for the dynasty to support the rebellion. +The Diet, it is true, would not consent that the troops that were to be +levied should be draughted into the old regiments; but it was obviously +impossible for the Diet to consent to any such measures at a period when +the rebels were everywhere led by Imperial officers, when the Austrian +troops stationed in Hungary, although they had been placed under the +orders of the Hungarian Ministry, refused to fight against those rebels, +and the commanders of fortresses to receive orders from the Hungarian +War-office. + +On the 8th of September a deputation from the Hungarian Diet earnestly +entreated His Majesty to sanction two acts relating to the levying of +troops and taxes. The King refused; but in his answer to the address of +the deputation said, "I trust that no one will hereby suppose that I +have the intention to set aside or infringe the existing laws. This, I +repeat, is far from my intention. On the contrary, it is my firm and +determined will to maintain, in conformity with my coronation oath, the +laws, the integrity, and the rights of the kingdom, under my Hungarian +crown." + +The King made this solemn declaration on the 8th of September, and on +the 9th of September Jellachich crossed the Drave with 48,000 men to +wage war in the King's name on the Hungarian Diet and Ministry. The King +had, moreover, on _the 4th of September_, affixed his sign manual +to a letter or Royal mandate addressed to Jellachich, and revoking the +decree by which he had been deprived of his civil and military offices +and dignities. His Majesty, in this letter, also expressed his high +approbation of the Ban's conduct. By a Royal decree, dated October 3, +the constitution was suspended, martial law proclaimed, and Jellachich, +the rebel, appointed His Majesty's Plenipotentiary Commissary for the +kingdom of Hungary, and invested with unlimited authority to act, in the +name of His Majesty, within the said kingdom. + +Hungary, so far from commencing the revolution, was not even prepared to +meet the invasion of the Croatian Ban. He was defeated near +Stuhlweissenburg by the Landsturm. The Hungarian Government only began +to organize regular troops in October. + +That the Diet did not recognize a decree that suspended the constitution +and invested Jellachich with the dictatorship, will be found quite +natural, if not by you, at least by every Englishman who cherishes +constitutional freedom, the more so as its proceedings on this occasion +were founded on legal right, viz., on act 4, sect. 6, of 1847-8, which +expressly ordains that "the annual session of the Diet shall not be +closed, nor the Diet itself dissolved, before the budget for the ensuing +year has been voted." + +From this short but faithful account of what actually occurred, it +clearly appears that the Hungarian nation had not recourse to arms until +the Ban of Croatia entered the Hungarian territory with an +Austrian-Croatian army. It is also an undeniable fact that until the +promulgation of the Austrian Charter in March, 1849--by which, with a +stroke of the pen, the independence of Hungary was destroyed, its +constitution abolished, and its territories dismembered--the Hungarian +nation never demanded anything else than the maintenance of the laws and +institutions which its Sovereign had sanctioned and sworn to maintain +inviolate. It was however precisely for the purpose of destroying these +laws and institutions that the dynasty began the war. This, of course, +they did not venture to avow. It was necessary to conceal the real +motives of their perfidious conduct from the civilized world. Hence in +their public proclamations they always alleged some pretext or +other--all of them equally groundless. At the commencement they said +that it was only an insignificant faction they had to deal with; but +when they saw that the whole nation was arrayed in arms against them, +they declared it was for the suppression of demagogueism, propagated by +foreigners, chiefly Poles, that their armies had entered Hungary; and to +give a colour to this pretext they industriously spread the report that +there were 20,000 Poles in the ranks of the Hungarians. When however it +became notorious that no more than 1,000 Poles were fighting under our +national standard, the Austrian dynasty appeared as the +_soi-disant_ champion and judge of the various nationalities or +races. This answered well enough until the system of centralization +showed too clearly that an attempt would be made to Germanize these +nationalities; when the dynasty again veered about, and, leaving +"nationalities" in the lurch, took up the peasantry. We consequently +find the Austrian Government assuring the Washington Cabinet (in the +note of July 4, 1851) that they had waged war on Hungary in order to +crush a turbulent aristocracy that "preach democracy with their tongues, +while their whole lives consist in the daily exercise over their +fellow-men of arbitrary power in the most repugnant form." This last +pretext, so ostentatiously put forth, loses, however, even its +plausibility when contrasted with the policy of the dynasty in 1848, for +it is an undoubted fact that, although the reforms effected in our +_political_ institutions at that period were consented to by the +dynasty without much hesitation, it required the most energetic +remonstrances on the part of the Diet to obtain the Royal sanction to +the act for the liberation of the peasants from feudal bondage. + +It is precisely to the fact of all classes, without distinction, being +equally aware of the cabals of the dynasty, that may be ascribed the +success of the Hungarian insurrection. It was not _one_ man, nor a +party, nor a conspiracy, nor terrorism, that awakened that spontaneous +enthusiasm with which the people rushed to arms. Kossuth may have been +the rallying cry; but he was not the cause of the war. For several +months the people had witnessed the equivocal conduct of the dynasty; +had seen that its words were belied by its deeds; had seen that the +rebels were everywhere led by Imperial officers; and finally beheld +Jellachich, a high functionary of the Hungarian Crown, invade the +country at the head of an Austro-Croatian army. It was then, and not +till then, that the nation cried, as with one voice--_the King is a +traitor_. From that day began the Hungarian revolution. On that day +the monarchical feeling was extinguished. What no one had thought it +possible to accomplish was accomplished by the dynasty itself. + + * * * * * + +APPENDIX III.--_Extracts from a Letter to the 'Daily News,' in +February, 1852, by a_, "HUNGARIAN EXILE," _in reply to a Letter +from_ SZEMERE, _to the 'London Examiner_.' + +[I am personally acquainted with the accomplished and intelligent +"Exile;" but as he is absent from England, I cannot obtain permission to +publish his name.] + +It was more than two months after the civil war had been raging in the +Banat and Transylvania that the question of giving fresh troops for the +suppression of the Italian war was brought before the Assembly at Pesth, +July 22, 1846. Now, what are the accusations M. Szemere brings forth +against Kossuth in reference to the Italian question? The pith of M. +Szemere's reasoning is, that the ministry agreed, in the protocol of +July 5, upon construing the Pragmatic Sanction as binding Hungary to +protect the integrity of Austria; "yet that Kossuth, as the organ of the +ministry, spoke in a way as if he did not approve of the policy, and +sought to make the public believe that the protocol was merely a moral +demonstration:" further, that when the opposition denied the obligation +of Hungary to defend Austria, the ministry refused to enter into any +discussion on an acknowledged principle of constitutional law. + +In order to show the utter hollowness of this attack, it may be +sufficient to look at the date and circumstances M. Szemere talks of. +The protocol in question was agreed upon on July 5th, the day when the +parliament met to provide for the defence of the country. The members, +inexperienced in foreign politics and ignorant of the cabals of courts, +although presuming that the civil war was kindled in Vienna, were at +first blinded by the royal convocation of the Diet to provide for the +safety of the country; putting, moreover, implicit confidence in the +sagacity and goodwill of the ministry. When however Kossuth opened the +debate on the Italian question, July 22, affairs looked quite different +from what they appeared to be when the protocol was drawn up. The +treachery of the dynasty broke upon the mind of the most careless, and +its connexions with the leaders of the rebellious tribes had become +undeniable facts. It was during that short time, from July 5 to July 22, +that our national forces met in the Serbian entrenchments of St. Thomas, +Földvar, and Turia, regular Austrian soldiers: Meyerhofe, the Austrian +consul at Belgrade, was openly recruiting bands of Servians to reinforce +the insurgents; nay, it became even evident that General Bechtold, +appointed by His Majesty to lead the faithful Hungarians against the +rebellious Serbs, led them on in order to get them the sooner decimated +and broken. Some members of the opposition, headed by General Perczel, +declaimed loudly against the cowardly and fallacious policy of the +ministry, resolving to compel ministers to resign or to induce them to +take some more efficacious measures. In short, during this space of +time, the government and people found themselves in quite a new +position. Kossuth, in concert with the ministry, moved a levy of 200,000 +men (July 11), which motion the Assembly hailed with unparalleled +enthusiasm, and which the people witnessed with approval, as affording a +guarantee of their liberties. It was in the midst of these moments of +excitement and temporary distress that Kossuth, as the most popular +member of the cabinet, was pointed out as the person most fitted to +undertake the very difficult task of speaking on the Italian question +alluded to by M. Szemere. Public opinion, aided by the opposition of the +house, was convinced that Austria, after having subjugated the +Lombard-Venetians with Hungarian troops, would then turn to Hungary, the +enslavement of which might more easily be executed by the country's +being bereft of a number of stout arms indispensable to her own defence. +Kossuth therefore, as a man of true liberal principles, while +acknowledging the ground to be right upon which the opposition moved, +professed in the speech alluded to that he had agreed then with his +colleagues in respect to the Italian question, on the ground that the +moral power of the protocol would suffice, although as a private +individual he could not help rejoicing at the victories of the Italian +people. Now, I submit it to every enlightened Englishman to decide +whether Kossuth evinced a want of civic virtue in declaring that, as a +man who wished freedom for himself, he could not rejoice in the sending +of troops to subjugate another people struggling against the same +tyrant? + +Referring to the policy of the ministry, M. Szemere says "that Count +Louis Bathyanyi declared, on the 31st March, that the obligation +enjoined by the Pragmatic Sanction was such that Hungary was bound +thereby to defend the territorial integrity of the Austrian monarchy, +but that they (the ministers) would carefully avoid interfering in the +internal affairs of the states that constituted this monarchy." +Irrespective of this--that Count Bathyanyi explained the policy in +March, when Hungary enjoyed perfect peace, whereas the debate on the +Italian question happened in the midst of most threatening civil wars +carried on directly by Austria--it must be remembered that if by the 1st +article of the Pragmatic Sanction Hungary was bound to afford aid to +Austria _etiam contra vim externam_, that same article provided +that the States composing the realm of Hungary were to be preserved by +the monarch _aeque indivisibiliter_ as his hereditary estates; and +that by the 3d article of that celebrated law the Sovereign promised, +for himself and his successors, to compel his subjects of every state +and degree to observe the laws and rights of Hungary. It is therefore +evident that the infraction of this law, by the countenance and aid +furnished to the Serbs (as also to Jellachich), fully exonerated the +Hungarians from sending troops to Italy before they had provided for the +safety of their country, and fully justified them and their responsible +minister for drawing the attention of their Sovereign to it in the +address to the Crown. M. Szemere talks of protecting the integrity of +the Austrian empire, and carefully avoiding to interfere with the +internal affairs of other states. The Czar may indeed exclaim, with M. +Szemere, that in sending his Cossacks into Hungary he never intended to +interfere in our internal affairs. + +The second charge, as to Kossuth's striving to concentrate in his person +all power and authority, is, I fear, indicative of the animus which +prompted M. Szemere to write these letters, namely, jealousy of his +great countryman. The charge, however, is entirely without foundation: +and the only question is, as to how Kossuth acquired such unbounded +influence over his countrymen of every rank and station. The means by +which Kossuth gained such an ascendancy over his colleagues, M. Szemere +himself must own, were, the implicit confidence the country placed in +his patriotism, and the conviction it had acquired of his genius and +indefatigable activity. In moments of extreme danger no name was heard +but that of Kossuth. I am far from asserting that all Kossuth has done +is exempt from censure; but it must, on the other hand, be admitted that +all that was grand in our revolution happened by his instrumentality. +His mere appearance, as, for instance, in Debreczin, January, 1849, when +the second danger seemed to overwhelm the country, roused the frightened +people of the Thesis, who crowded under the national standard and +shattered to pieces the Austrian forces. + +The fall of Hungary can only be traced to the following three +circumstances:--1st. That it was not believed that European diplomacy +would allow Russian intervention. 2d. That our plan of warfare, directed +by the council of war, and not by Kossuth, wanted that concentration +which could alone have ensured success. 3d. That the character of +Görgei, whom our generals never accused of treacherous designs, was a +mystery: nay, the patriotic General Perczel, who proclaimed loudly +Görgei's treachery from the very beginning, had the satisfaction to be +laughed at and hooted down. To impute these disastrous circumstances to +Kossuth alone, is to render one's self guilty of the greatest perversion +of generally acknowledged and incontrovertible facts. + +A HUNGARIAN EXILE. + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Select Speeches of Kossuth, by Kossuth + +*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 10691 *** diff --git a/LICENSE.txt b/LICENSE.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6312041 --- /dev/null +++ b/LICENSE.txt @@ -0,0 +1,11 @@ +This eBook, including all associated images, markup, improvements, +metadata, and any other content or labor, has been confirmed to be +in the PUBLIC DOMAIN IN THE UNITED STATES. + +Procedures for determining public domain status are described in +the "Copyright How-To" at https://www.gutenberg.org. + +No investigation has been made concerning possible copyrights in +jurisdictions other than the United States. Anyone seeking to utilize +this eBook outside of the United States should confirm copyright +status under the laws that apply to them. diff --git a/README.md b/README.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..8edde25 --- /dev/null +++ b/README.md @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +Project Gutenberg (https://www.gutenberg.org) public repository for +eBook #10691 (https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/10691) diff --git a/old/10691-8.txt b/old/10691-8.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..49640ce --- /dev/null +++ b/old/10691-8.txt @@ -0,0 +1,15603 @@ +The Project Gutenberg EBook of Select Speeches of Kossuth, by Kossuth + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: Select Speeches of Kossuth + +Author: Kossuth + +Release Date: January 12, 2004 [EBook #10691] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK SELECT SPEECHES OF KOSSUTH *** + + + + +Produced by Keren Vergon, Rich Magahiz and PG Distributed Proofreaders + + + + +SELECT SPEECHES +OF +KOSSUTH. + + +Condensed and abridged, +_with Kossuth's express sanction_, + +by +Francis W. Newman. + + + + +PREFACE TO KOSSUTH'S SPEECHES. + +Nothing appears in history similar to the enthusiasm roused by Kossuth +in nations foreign to him, except perhaps the kindling for the First +Crusade by the voice of Peter the Hermit. Then bishops, princes, and +people alike understood the danger which overshadowed Europe from the +Mohammedan powers; and by soundly directed, though fanatical instinct, +all Christendom rushed eastward, till the chivalry of the Seljuk Turks +was crippled on the fields of Palestine. Now also the multitudes of +Europe, uncorrupted by ambition, envy, or filthy lucre, forebode the +deadly struggle impending over us all from the conspiracy of crowned +heads. Seeing the apathy of their own rulers, and knowing, perhaps by +dim report, the deeds of Kossuth, they look to him as the Great Prophet +and Leader, by whom Policy is at length to be moulded into Justice; and +are ready to catch his inspiration before he has uttered a word. Kossuth +undoubtedly is a mighty Orator; but no one is better aware than he, that +the cogency of his arguments is due to the atrocity of our common +enemies, and the enthusiasm which he kindles to the preparations of the +people's heart. + +His orations are a tropical forest, full of strength and majesty, +tangled in luxuriance, a wilderness of self-repetition. Utterly +unsuited to form a book without immense abridgment, they contain +materials adapted equally for immediate political service and for +permanence as a work of wisdom and of genius. To prepare them for the +press is an arduous and responsible duty: the best excuse which I can +give for having assumed it, is, that it has been to me a labour of love. +My task I have felt to be that of a judicious reporter, who cuts short +what is of temporary interest, condenses what is too amplified for his +limits and for written style, severely prunes down the repetitions which +are inevitable where numerous[*] audiences are addressed by the same man +on the same subject, yet amid all these necessary liberties retains not +only the true sentiments and arguments of the speaker, but his forms of +thought and all that is characteristic of his genius. Such an operation, +rightly performed, may, like a diminishing mirror, concentrate the +brilliancy of diffuse orations, and assist their efficacy on minds which +would faint under the effort of grasping the original. + +[Footnote *: The number of speeches, great and small, spoken in his +American half-year, is reckoned to be above 500.] + +It is true, the exuberance of Kossuth is often too Asiatic for English +taste, and that excision of words, which needful abridgment suggests, +will often seem to us a gain. Moreover, remembering that he is a +foreigner, and though marvellous in his mastery of our language, still +naturally often unable to seize the word, or select the construction +which he desired, I have not thought I should show honour to him by +retaining anything verbally unskilful. To a certain cautious extent, I +account myself to be a _translator_, as well as a _reporter_, +and in undertaking so delicate a duty, I am happy to announce that I +have received Kossuth's written approval and thanks. Mere quaintness of +expression I have by no means desired entirely to remove, where it +involved nothing grotesque, obscure, or monotonous. In several passages +where I imperfectly understood the thought, I have had the advantage of +Kossuth's personal explanations, which have enabled me to clear up the +defective report, or real obscurities of his words. + +Nevertheless I have to confess my conviction, that nothing can wholly +compensate for the want of systematic revision by the author himself; +which his great occupations have made impossible. The mistakes in the +reports of the speeches are sometimes rather subtle, and have not roused +my suspicion. Of this I have been, made disagreeably sensible, by +several errata communicated to me by Kossuth in the first great speech +at New York, here marked as No. VII. (which have been corrected in this +edition.) + +Nearly all the points on which attempts have been made to misrepresent +in England the cause of Hungary are cleared up in these speeches. On two +subjects only does it seem needful here to make any remark: +_first_, on the Republicanism of Kossuth; _secondly_, on the +Hungarian levies against Italy in the year 1848. + +1. Kossuth is attacked by his countrymen on opposite grounds: Szemerè +despises him for not becoming a republican early enough, Count Casimir +Bathyanyi reproves him for becoming a republican at all. The facts are +these. Kossuth, like all English statesmen, was a historical royalist, +not a doctrinaire. When the existing reign had become treacherous and +lawless, he was willing to change the line of succession, and make the +Archduke Stephen king. When the dynasty had become universally detested +and actually expelled, he approved most heartily[*] the deposition of +the Hapsburgs; but still held himself in suspense as to the future of +the constitution. By his influence instructions were sent to his +representative in England, which were equivalent to soliciting a dynasty +from the British government. Meanwhile Szemerè, his Home Secretary, took +on himself to avow in the Diet that the government was REPUBLICAN, and +no voice of protest was raised in either house. Indeed, Mr. Vucovics, +who was Minister of Justice under Kossuth, states (see Appendix I.) that +the government and both houses responded unanimously to the republican +avowal, and that the government removed the symbol of the Crown from the +public arms and seal. The press of all shades assented. After this, it +was clear (I presume) to Kossuth, or at least it soon became so, that +all sympathy with royal power was gone out of the nation's heart. +Hungarians may settle that amongst themselves: but as for +Englishmen,--when for seven or eight months together the English +ministry and English peerage would not stir, or speak, or whisper, to +save constitutional royalty and ancient peerage for Hungary and for +Europe while it was yet possible; with what face, with what decency, can +Englishmen censure Kossuth for despairing of a cause, which was +abandoned to ruin by ourselves, the greatest power interested to +maintain it,--which the monarchs have waded through blood and perjury to +destroy,-and which the millions of Hungary will not (in his belief) +peril life and fortune to restore? + +[Footnote *: How unanimous was the whole country, is clear by the facts +stated. How spontaneous was the movement, and free from all government +intrigue, see in Appendix I. This is entirely confirmed by our envoy, +Mr. Blackwell: Blue Book, March--Ap. 1848.] + +2. The ministry of Louis Bathyanyi and Kossuth have been attacked on +opposite grounds,--because they _did_, and because they did +_not_, attempt to subdue the Italians by force of arms. The facts +are rather complicated, but deserve here to be stated concisely. + +When the ministry was appointed, there were _already_ Hungarians in +Italy with Radetzki, and Austrian soldiers in Hungary. The Viennese +ministry promised to exchange them, as fast as could be done without +encountering great expense or dislocating the regiments and making them +inefficient. With this promise the Hungarian ministry was forced to +content itself at the time. At a later period, when it discovered that +the Austrian commanders in Hungary had secret orders not to fight +against the Serbian marauders, and that the Austrian troops could not be +trusted, the Hungarian ministry _desired_ to get back their men +from Italy for their own defence; which desire proved ineffectual, yet +has been severely blamed by some of our monarchists. But meanwhile the +Viennese ministry, as early as June, 1848, endeavoured to buy of the +Hungarian ministry an increased grant of troops against Italy, by +conceding a most energetic "King's Speech" against the Serbs, with which +the Archduke Palatine was to open, and did open, the Diet on July 2d. A +part of this speech is quoted in Appendix II., and indeed it is a +loathsome exhibition of Austrian treachery. The Hungarian ministry were +pressed by the arguments, that since Austria was attacked in Italy by +the King of Sardinia, the war was not merely against the Lombards; and +that the Pragmatic Sanction bound Hungary to defend the empire if +assailed from without. This led them to acknowledge the +_principle_, that they were bound to assist, if able; but they +replied that Hungary itself must first be secured against marauders, and +no troops could be spared until the Serbs were subdued. At the same +time orders were sent to Radetzki from Vienna to offer independence to +the Lombards, and constitutional nationality under the Austrian crown to +the Venetians: hence the Hungarian ministry for a time fancied that they +would not be fighting against the Italians, as they expected the terms +to be accepted by them. When it was farther represented that the +Italians had rejected them,--(for Radetzki, acting probably by secret +orders, suppressed the despatches, and never offered independence to +Lombardy, though the Austrian ministers made diplomatic capital of their +liberality,)--then the Hungarian ministry began to think the Italians +unreasonable; yet they did not go beyond their abstract principle, that +Hungary ought to grant troops for Austrian defence in Italy, provided, +1st, that rebellion in Hungary itself were repressed; 2d, that the +troops should not act against the Italians, unless the Italians had +rejected the offer of national liberties and a constitution coordinate +to those of Hungary, under the Austrian crown. + +The protocol on this subject was drawn on July 5th; the public speech of +Kossuth concerning it was not until July 22d; and in this short interval +the treachery of the dynasty had been so displayed, that Kossuth could +no longer speak in the same tone as a few weeks earlier. For a fuller +development of this, I refer the reader to Appendix III. The real object +of the Austrian ministry, was, to ruin the popularity of Bathyanyi and +Kossuth, if they could induce them to sacrifice Italian freedom; or +else, to accuse them to all the European diplomatists as conspirators +against the integrity of the Austrian empire, if they refused to oppress +the liberties of Italy. + +Finally, the reader has even here proof enough how false is the +statement which has been current in English newspapers, that Kossuth's +visit to America was "a failure." This was an attempt to practise on our +prevalent disgraceful tendency to judge of a cause by its success. +However, the end is not yet seen: America has still to act decisively, +if she would win the lasting glory which we have despised, of rescuing +Law and Right from lawless force, and establishing the future of Europe. + +CONTENTS. + +1. Secrecy of Diplomacy + London, Oct. 30th, 1851. + +2. Monarchy and Republicanism + Copenhagen House, London, Nov. 3d. + +3. Communism and the Sibylline Books + Manchester, Nov. 12th. + +4. Legitimacy of Hungarian Independence + Staten Island, Dec. 5th, 1851. + Declaration of Independence by the Hungarian Nation + +5. Statement of Principles and Aims + New York, Dec. 6th. + +6. Reply to the Baltimore Address + Dec. 10th. + +7. Hereditary Policy of America + New York, to the Corporation, Dec. 11th. + +8. On Nationalities + New York, to the Press. + +9. On Military Institutions + New York, to the Militia, Dec. 16th. + +10. Conditions essential for Democracy and Peace + New York, Tammany Hall, Dec. 17th. + +11. Hungary and Austria in Religious Contrast + In a Brooklyn Church, New York, Dec. 18th. + +12. Public Piracy of Russia + New York, to the Bar, Dec. 19th. + +13. Claims of Hungary on the Female Sex + New York, to the Ladies, Dec. 21st. + +14. Results of the Overthrow of the French Republic + Philadelphia, Dec. 26th. + +15. Interest of America in Hungarian liberty + Baltimore, Dec. 27th. + +16. Novelties in American Republicanism + Washington, Legislative Banquet, Jan. 15th, 1852. + +17. On the Merits of Turkey + +18. Aspects of America toward England + Washington, Jan. 8th, day of battle of New Orleans. + +19. Meaning of Recognizing Hungarian Independence + Washington, last speech. + +20. Contrast of the American to the Hungarian Crisis + Annapolis, Maryland, Jan. 13th, to the Senate. + +21. Thanks for his great Success + Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, Jan. 14th, to the Legislature. + +22. On the present Weakness of Despotism + Harrisburg, Legislative Banquet. + +23. Agencies of Russian Ascendancy and Supremacy + Pittsburg, Pennsylvania, Jan. 26th. + +24. Reply to the Pittsburg Clergy + Jan. 26th. + +25. Hungarian Loan + Cleveland, Ohio, Feb. 3d. + Address to Kossuth from the State Committee of Ohio + +26. Panegyric of Ohio + Columbus, Ohio, Feb. 5th. + +27. Democracy the Spirit of the Age + Columbus, Feb. 6th, to the Legislature. + +28. The Miseries and the Strength of Hungary + Columbus, Feb. 7th. + +29. Ohio and France Contrasted as Republics + Cincinnati, Ohio. + +30. War a Providential Necessity against Oppression + Cincinnati. + +31. On Washington's Policy + Cincinnati, Washington's Birthday, Feb. 24th. + +32. Kossuth's Credentials + Cincinnati, Feb. 25th. + +33. Harmony of the Executive and of the People in America + Indianapolis, at the State House, Feb 27th. + +34. Importance of Foreign Policy and of strengthening England + Louisville, March 6th, at the Court House. + +35. Catholicism _versus_ Jesuitism + St. Louis, Missouri. + +36. The Ides of March + St. Louis, March 15th. + +37. History of Kossuth's Liberation + Jackson, Mississippi, April 1st, address to the Governor. + +38. Pronouncement of the South + Mobile, Alabama, April 3d. + +39. Kossuth's Defence against certain Mean Imputations + Jersey City, April 20th. + +40. The Brotherhood of Nations + Newark, New Jersey, April 22d. + +41. The History and Heart of Massachusetts + Worcester, Massachusetts, April 25th. + +42. Panegyric of Massachusetts + Faneuil Hall, Boston, April 29th. + +43. Self-Government of Hungary + Faneuil Hall, Legislative Banquet. April 30th. + +44. Russia the Antagonist of the U. S. + Salem, May 6th. + +45. The Martyrs of the American Revolution + Lexington, May 11th. + +46. Condition of Europe + Faneuil Hall, Boston, May 14th. + +47. Pronouncement of all the States + Albany, May 20th. + +48. Sound and Unsound Commerce + Buffalo, May 27th. + +49. Russia and the Balance of Power + Syracuse, June 4th. + +50. Retrospect and Prospect + Utica, June 9th. + +51. The Triple Bond + New York, June 22d. + +52. The Future of Nations + New York. + +APPENDICES + +KOSSUTH'S SPEECHES. + +[The speeches of Kossuth in England, though masterly in themselves, are +in great measure superseded by those which he delivered in America, +where the same subjects were treated at far greater length, and viewed +from many different aspects. From the speeches in England I here present +only three topics, in a rather fragmentary form.] + +I.--SECRECY OF DIPLOMACY. + +[_First Extract: from Kossuth's Speech at the Guildhall, London, Oct. +30th_, 1851.] + +The time draws near, when a radical change must take place for the whole +world in the management of diplomacy. Its basis has been secrecy: +therein is the triumph of absolutism, and the misfortune of a free +people. This has won its way not in England only, but throughout the +whole world, even where not a penny of the national property can be +disposed of without public consent. It surely is dangerous to the +interests of the country and to constitutional liberty, to allow such a +secrecy, that the people not only should not know how its interests are +being dealt with, but that after the crisis is passed, the minister +should inform them: "The dinner has been prepared,--and eaten; and the +people has nothing to do, but digest the consequences." What is the +principle of all evil in Europe? The encroaching spirit of Russia.--And +by what power has Russia become so mighty? By its arms?--No: the arms +of Russia are below those of many Powers. It has become almost +omnipotent,--at least very dangerous to liberty,--by diplomatic +intrigues. Now against the secret intrigues of diplomacy there is no +surer safeguard, or more powerful counteraction, than public discussion. +This must be opposed to intrigues, and intrigues are then of no weight +in the destinies of humanity. + + * * * * * + +[_Second Extract from a Short Speech in London, May 25th, 1858_.] + +I must ask leave to make a remark on the system pursued by your +Government in their Foreign relations. You consider yourselves a +constitutional nation: I fear that in some respects you are not so. +There is a Latin proverb [current in Hungary], _Nil de nobis sine +nobis_,--"nothing that concerns us, without us." This in many things +you make your maxim. You say that none of your money shall be spent +without your knowledge and approval; and in your internal affairs you +carry this out; but I think that the secrecy in which the transactions +of your diplomacy are involved is hardly constitutional. Of that most +important portion of your affairs which concerns your country in its +relations with the rest of Europe, what knowledge have you? If any +interpellation is made about any affair not yet concluded, my Lord the +Secretary of the Foreign Office will reply that _he cannot give any +answer, for the negotiations are still pending_. A little later he +will be able to answer, that _as all is now concluded, all comment +will be superfluous_. + +One little fact I will just mention. By the last treaty with Denmark, to +which you became a party, the crown of that kingdom was so settled that +only three lives stand between it and the Czar of Russia. Three lives! +but a fragile barrier, when high political aims are concerned. It is +therefore an allowed fact, that the country which commands entrance to +the Baltic, and which, in the hands of an unfriendly power, would +effectually exclude your commerce from that sea, may pass into the hands +of Russia, whose pretensions in the south of Europe you take so much +pains to check. This your government have done quietly. How many are +there of your people that know and approve it? I hope you will not be +offended, if I say, that I cannot understand how yours can be called in +this respect a constitutional country. + + * * * * * + +II.--MONARCHY AND REPUBLICANISM. + +[_From Kossuth's Speech at Copenhagen House, Nov. 3d, 1851_.] + +In my opinion, the form of Government may be different in different +countries, according to their circumstances, their wishes, their wants. +England loves her Queen, and has full motive to do so. England feels +great, glorious and free, and has full reason to feel so. But the fact +of England being a monarchy cannot be sufficient reason for her to hate +and discredit republican forms of government in other countries +differing in circumstances, in wishes, and in wants. On the other side, +to the United States of America, which under republican government are +likewise great, glorious, and free, their republicanism gives no +sufficient reason to hate and discredit monarchical government in +England. It entirely belongs to the right of every nation to dispose of +its domestic concerns. Therefore I claim for my own country also, that +England, seeing from our past that our cause is just, should profess the +sovereign right of every nation to dispose of itself, and should allow +no power whatever to interfere with our domestic matters. Since I thus +regard the internal affairs of every nation to be its own separate +concern, I did not think it became me here in England to speak about the +future organization of our country. + +But my behavior has not been everywhere appreciated as I hoped. I have +met in certain quarters the remark that I "am slippery, and evade the +question." Now on the point of sincerity I am particularly susceptible. +I have the sentiment of being a straightforward man, and I would not be +charged with having stolen into the sympathies of England without +displaying my true colours. Therefore I must clearly state, that in our +past struggle it was NOT _we_ who made a revolution. We began +peacefully and legislatively to transform the monarchico-aristocratical +constitution of Hungary into a monarchico-democratical constitution. We +preserved our municipal institutions, as our most valuable treasure; but +to them, as well as to the legislative power, we gave, as basis, the +common liberty of the people, instead of the class-privileges of old. +Moreover, in place of the old Board of Council,--which, being a +corporate body, was of course a mockery in regard to that responsibility +of the Executive, which was our chartered right on paper,--we +established the real and personal responsibility of ministers. In this, +we merely[*] upheld what was due to us by constitution, by treaties, by +the coronation-oath of every king,--the right to be "governed as a +self-consistent, independent country, by our native institutions, +according to our own laws." This and all our other reforms we effected +peacefully by careful legislation, which the King sanctioned and swore +to maintain. + +[Footnote *: Many Englishmen have unjustly accused the Hungarians as +having by the laws of March, 1848, effected a SEPARATION of Hungary from +Austria. _Even if this were true_, it could not justify the cause +of the Hapsburgs. The dynasty yielded, under the pressure of +circumstances (as alone will dynasties ever yield), while Hungary did +but petition legally, and was in fact unarmed. The dynasty swore to the +new laws; and then conspired with Croatians, Serbians, and Russians to +overthrow the laws by marauding and force of arms. In fact, if in +January, 1849, Austria would have negotiated, instead of arresting all +Hungarian ambassadors, Hungary would have consented to modify the laws +of March: but the Austrians had already in October ordered the overthrow +of the whole Hungarian constitution, and had no wish to do anything by +legal methods. + +At the same time, the original objection is fundamentally _false_. +No separation of the two countries was effected by the laws of March, +1848; for no legal union ever existed. Only the crowns were united, not +the countries. Kossuth rightly compares the union to that which was +between England and Hanover. At any time in the past, Hungary might have +made _peace_ with a power with which Austria was at _war_, if +the Kings had not falsified their oath by not assembling the Diet: for +the Diet always had the lawful right of War and Peace. Any mode +whatsoever of enforcing the Coronation oath, might, according to this +logic, be condemned as a "separating" of Austria and Hungary.] + +Nevertheless, this very dynasty, in the most perjurious manner, attacked +these laws, this freedom, this constitution, by arms. We defended +ourselves by arms victoriously. When upon this the perjurious dynasty +called in the Russian armies to beat us down, we of course declared the +Hapsburgs to be no longer our sovereigns. We avowed ourselves to be a +free and independent nation, but fixed as yet no definite form of +government,--neither monarchical nor republican. These are plain facts. +Hungary is not now under lawful government, but is being trampled down +by a foreign intruder who is _not_ King of Hungary, being +_neither acknowledged by the nation, nor sanctioned by law_. +Hungary is, in a word, in a state of WAR against the Hapsburg dynasty, a +war of legitimate defence, by which alone it can ever regain +independence and freedom. By such war alone has any nation ever won its +freedom from oppressors; as you see in Switzerland, Belgium, Spain, +Portugal, France, Sweden, Norway, Greece, the United States, and England +itself. + +I can state it, as known to me, with the certainty of matter of fact, +that Hungary will never accept the Hapsburgs as legitimate sovereigns in +the future, nor ever enter into any new moral relations with that +perjurious family. Nor only so; but their perjury has so entirely +plucked out of my nation's heart all faith in monarchy and all +attachment to it, that there is no power on earth to knit the broken tie +again: and therefore Hungary wishes and wills to be a free and +independent republic,--a republic founded on the rule of law, securing +social order, guaranteeing person, property, the moral development as +well as material welfare of the people,--in a word, a republic like that +of the United States, founded on institutions inherited from England +itself. This is the conviction of my people, which I share in the very +heart of my heart. + + * * * * * + +III.--COMMUNISM AND THE SIBYLLINE BOOKS. + +[_From Kossuth's Second Speech at Manchester, Nov. 12th_, 1851.] + +I can understand Communism, but not Socialism. I have read many books on +the subject, I have consulted many doctors; but they differ so much that +I never could understand what they really mean. However, the only sense +which I can see in socialism, is inconsistent with social order and the +security of property. + +Now since France has three times in sixty years failed to obtain +practical results from Political revolutions, all Europe is apt to press +forward into new Social doctrine to regulate the future. Believing then, +that,--not from my merit, but from the state of my country,--I may be +able somewhat to influence the course of the next European revolution, I +think it right plainly to declare beforehand my allegiance to the great +principle of security for personal property. Nevertheless, to give +success to my endeavours in this direction, the rational expectations of +the nations of Europe must speedily be fulfilled; else neither I, nor +more important men, can avail to stay revolutionary movement. The danger +of the case may be illustrated by the ancient story of the Sibylline +books. + +Take Hungary as an instance. Three years ago we should have been +extremely well contented with the laws as made by our parliament in +1848, _which laws did not break the tie between us and the house of +Hapsburg_. But then Austria assailed us with arms, and it became +impossible for us to go on with that constitution; indeed she herself +proclaimed it to be dissolved. We defeated her, and next she called in +the Russian armies. Hungary was then under the necessity of _casting +off the Hapsburg monarchy_; and only the third Sibylline book +remained. Yet Hungary did not even then renounce monarchy, but gave +instructions to her representative in England to say to the Government +of this country, that _if they wished to see monarchy established in +Hungary, we would accept any dynasty they proposed_: but it was +not-listened to. Then came the horrors of Arad,[*] and destroyed all our +faith in monarchy. So the last of the three books was burned. + +[Footnote *: In Arad the Hungarian Generals, who surrendered by Görgy's +persuasion, were hanged or shot; and simultaneously Bathyanyi, who had +been arrested when he came as an ambassador of peace, was judged anew +and murdered by a second court-martial.] + +And so, wherever men's reasonable expectations are not fulfilled, it +cannot be known where their fluctuations will end. Every man who is +anxious for the preservation of person and property should help the +world in obtaining rational freedom: if it be not obtained, mankind will +search after other forms of action, totally subversive of all existing +social order; and where the excitement will subside, I do not know. Men +like me, who merely wish to establish political freedom, will in such +circumstances lose all their influence, and others will get influence +who may become dangerous to all established interests whatsoever. + + * * * * * + + +IV.--LEGITIMACY OF HUNGARIAN INDEPENDENCE. + +[When Kossuth had landed at Staten Island, thus for the first time +setting his foot on American soil, he was met by a deputation, which +made an address to him. He replied as follows (Dec. 5th, 1851)]:-- + +Ladies and gentlemen: The twelve hours that I have had the happiness to +stand on your shores, give me augury that, during my stay in the United +States, I shall have a pleasant duty to perform, in answering the +generous spirit of your people. I hope, however, that you will consider +that I am in the first moments of a hard task,--to address your +intelligent people in a tongue foreign to me. You will not expect from +me an elaborate speech, but will be contented with a few warmly-felt +words. Citizens, accept my fervent thanks for your generous welcome, and +my blessing upon your sanction of my hopes. You have most truly stated +what they are, when you announce the destiny of your glorious country, +and tell me that from it the spirit of liberty will go forth and achieve +the freedom of the world. + +Yes, citizens, these are the hopes which have induced me, in a most +eventful period, to cross the Atlantic. I confidently hope, that as you +have anticipated my wishes by the expression of your generous +sentiments, so you will agree with me, that the spirit of liberty has to +go forth, not only spiritually, but materially, from your glorious +country. That spirit is a power for deeds, but is yet no _deed_ in +itself. Despotism and oppression never yet were beaten except by heroic +resistance. That is a sad necessity,--but it is a necessity +nevertheless. I have so learned it out of the great book of history. I +hope the people of the United States will remember, that in the hour of +_their_ nation's struggle, it received from Europe _more_ than +kind wishes. It received material aid from others in times past, and it +will, doubtless, now impart its mighty agency to achieve the liberty of +other lands. + +Citizens, I thank you for having addressed me, not in the language of +party, but in the language of liberty, which is that of the United +States. I come hither, in the name of Hungary, to entreat, not from any +_party_ among you, but from your _whole nation_, a generous +protection for my country. And for that very reason, neither will I +intermeddle with any of your party questions. In England I often avowed +this principle; inasmuch as the very mission on which I come, is to ask +that the right of every nation to arrange its domestic concerns may be +respected. Notwithstanding this, I am sorry to see, that, before my +arrival, I have been charged with intermeddling with your presidential +election, because in one of my addresses in England I mentioned the name +of your fellow-citizen, Mr. Walker, as one of the candidates for the +Presidency. I confess with warm gratitude, that Mr. Walker uttered such +sentiments in England, as, if happily they are also those of the United +States, will enable me to declare, that Hungary and Europe are free. +Therefore I feel deeply indebted to him. But in no respect did I mix +myself up with your elections. I consider no man honest who does not +observe towards other nations the principles which he desires to be +observed towards his own: and therefore I will not interfere in your +domestic questions. + +Allow me, citizens, to advert to one expression of your kind address, +personal to myself. You named me "Kossuth, Governor of Hungary." + +My nomination to be Governor was not to gratify ambition. Never, +perhaps, did I feel sadder, than at the moment when that title was +conferred upon me; for I compared my feeble faculties and its high +responsibilities. It is therefore not from ambition that I thank you for +the title, but because the title rests upon our Declaration of +Independence; and by acknowledging it as mine, you recognize the +rightfulness and validity of that Declaration. And, gentlemen I frankly +declare that your whole people are bound in honour and duty to recognize +it. At this moment there is no other legitimate existing law in Hungary. +It was not the proclamation of a man or of a party. It was the solemn +declaration of the whole nation in _Congress_ assembled. It was +sanctioned by _every village_, and by _every municipality_. No +counter-proclamation has gone forth from Hungary. It has been overturned +solely by the invasion of an ambitious _foreign_ power, the Czar of +Russia; who can no more legitimately make or unmake a governor of +Hungary, than General Santa Anna, if in your late war he had forced his +way to Washington, could have unmade President Taylor. None of you will +admit that violence can destroy righteousness: it can but establish +unlawful, unrightful _fact_. If so,--if your own people, and not +foreign invaders, are the source of rightful law to _you_,--you +must in consistency recognize _our_ Independence as legitimate, and +its declaration as our still rightful law. + +As to the praises which you were so kind as to bestow upon me, it is no +affectation in me when I declare that I am not conscious of having any +other merit than that of being a plain, straightforward man, a faithful +friend of freedom, a good patriot. And these qualities, gentlemen, are +so natural to _every_ honest man, that it is scarcely worth while +to speak of them; for I cannot conceive how a man with understanding and +with a sound heart, can be anything else than a good patriot and a lover +of freedom. + +Yet my humble capacity has not preserved me from calumnies. Scarcely had +I arrived here, when I learned that I had been charged in the United +States with being an _irreligious man_. So long as despots exist, +and have the means to pay, they will find men to calumniate those who +are opposed to tyranny. But, suppose I were the most dishonest creature +in the world; in the name of all that is sacred, _what would that +matter in respect to the cause of Hungary?_ Would that cause become +less just, less righteous, less worthy of your sympathy, because I, for +instance, am a bad man? No! I believe you. It is not a question in +regard to any individual here. It is a question with regard to a just +cause, the cause of a country worthy to take its place in the great +family of the free nations of the world. Until I learn that you refuse +to recognize nations, whenever their governors fall short of religious +perfection, I need not care much about attacks on my mere personality. +But one thing I can scarcely comprehend,--that the PRESS--that mighty +vehicle of justice and champion of human rights--could have found an +organ, and that, in the United States, which (to say nothing of personal +calumnies) should degrade itself to assert that it was not the people of +Hungary, it was not myself and my coadjutors, that contended for +liberty; but it was the Emperor of Austria who was the champion of +liberty. Do not give it groans, gentlemen, but rather thank it; for +there can be no better service to any cause, than for its opponents to +manifest that they have nothing to say but what is ridiculous. That +_must_ have been a sacred and just cause, whose detractors need to +assert that the Emperor of Austria is the champion of freedom throughout +his own dominions and throughout the European continent. + +I thank you that you have given me full proof that all these calumnies +have affected neither your judgment nor your heart. As this will be the +place whence I shall start back for Europe, I shall once more have the +happiness of addressing you publicly and bidding you an affectionate +adieu:--hoping then to be able to thank you for _acts_, as I now +thank you for _sentiments_. + + * * * * * + +DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE BY THE HUNGARIAN NATION. + +[The reader may be glad to possess the most important portions of this +celebrated document. The opponents of Kossuth have of late pretended, +that the deposition of the Hapsburgs _caused_ the overthrow of +Hungary. But the deposition was not carried until Austria was thoroughly +beaten, and Russia _had engaged_ to give her utmost aid. This +finally united all Hungary. At no earlier period would Hungary have +acted with full unanimity in so decisive a step. To have delayed it +longer would not have averted Russian invasion, and would have caused +deep discontent in Hungary. Nothing but the wilful disobedience of +Görgey, who wasted a month at Buda at this very crisis, saved the +Hapsburgs from being conquered in Vienna, before the Russian armies +could possibly come up.] + +We, the legally-constituted representatives of the Hungarian nation +assembled in Diet, do by these presents solemnly proclaim, in +maintenance of the inalienable natural rights of Hungary, with all its +appurtenances and dependencies, to occupy the position of an Independent +European state; that the house of Lorraine-Hapsburg, as perjured in the +sight of God and man, has forfeited its right to the Hungarian throne. +At the same time, we feel ourselves bound in duty to make known the +motives and reasons which have impelled us to this decision, that the +civilized world may learn we have not taken this step out of overweening +confidence in our own wisdom, or out of revolutionary excitement, but +that it is an act of the last necessity, adopted to preserve from utter +destruction a nation persecuted to the limit of the most enduring +patience. + +Three hundred years have passed since the Hungarian nation, by free +election, placed the house of Austria upon its throne, in accordance +with stipulations made on both sides, and ratified by treaty. These +three hundred years have been, for the country, a period of +uninterrupted suffering. + +The Creator has blessed this country with all the elements of wealth and +happiness. Its area of one hundred and ten thousand square miles +presents, in varied profusion, innumerable sources of prosperity. Its +population, numbering nearly fifteen millions, feels the glow of +youthful strength within its veins, and has shown temper and docility +which warrant its proving at once the main organ of civilization in +Eastern Europe, and the guardian of that civilization when attacked. +Never was a more grateful task appointed to a reigning dynasty by the +dispensation of Providence than that which devolved upon the house of +Lorraine-Hapsburg. It would have sufficed, to do nothing to impede the +development of the country. Had this been the rule observed, Hungary +would now rank among the most prosperous nations. It was only necessary +that it should not envy the Hungarians the moderate share of +constitutional liberty which they timidly maintained during the +difficulties of a thousand years with rare fidelity to their sovereigns, +and the house of Hapsburg might long have counted this nation among the +most faithful adherents of the throne. + +This dynasty, however, which can at no epoch point to a ruler who based +his power on the freedom of the people, adopted a course towards this +nation, from father to son, which deserves the appellation of perjury. + +The house of Austria has publicly used every effort to deprive the +country of its legitimate Independence and Constitution, designing to +reduce it to a level with the other provinces long since deprived of all +freedom, and to unite all in a common sink of slavery. Foiled in this +effort by the untiring vigilance of the nation, it directed its +endeavour to lame the power, to check the progress of Hungary, causing +it to minister to the gain of the provinces of Austria, but only to the +extent which enabled those provinces to bear the load of taxation with +which the prodigality of the imperial house weighed them down; having +first deprived those provinces of all constitutional means of +remonstrating against a policy which was not based upon the welfare of +the subject, but solely tended to maintain despotism and crush liberty +in every country of Europe. + +It has frequently happened that the Hungarian nation, in despite of this +systematized tyranny, has been obliged to take up arms in self-defence. +Although constantly victorious in these constitutional struggles, yet so +moderate has the nation ever been in its use of the victory, so strongly +has it confided in the king's plighted word, that it has ever laid down +arms as soon as the king, by new compacts and fresh oaths, has +guaranteed the duration of its rights and liberty. But every new +compact was as futile as those which preceded it; each oath which fell +from the royal lips was but a renewal of previous perjuries. The policy +of the house of Austria, which aimed at destroying the independence of +Hungary as a state, has been pursued unaltered for three hundred years. + +It was in vain that the Hungarian nation shed its blood for the +deliverance of Austria whenever it was in danger; vain were all the +sacrifices which it made to serve the interests of the reigning house; +in vain did it, on the renewal of the royal promises, forget the wounds +which the past had inflicted; vain was the fidelity cherished by the +Hungarians for their king, and which, in moments of danger, assumed a +character of devotion; they were in vain, since the history of the +government of that dynasty in Hungary presents but an unbroken series of +perjured deeds from generation to generation. + +In spite of such treatment, the Hungarian nation has all along respected +the tie by which it was united to this dynasty; and in now decreeing its +expulsion from the throne, it acts under the natural law of +self-preservation, being driven to pronounce this sentence by the full +conviction that the house of Lorraine-Hapsburg is compassing the +destruction of Hungary as an independent State: so that this dynasty has +been the first to tear the bands by which it was united to the Hungarian +nation, and to confess that it had torn them in the face of Europe. For +many causes a nation is justified, before God and man, in expelling a +reigning dynasty. Among such are the following: + +1. When the dynasty forms alliances with the enemies of the country, +with robbers, or partizan chieftains to oppress the nation: 2. When it +attempts to annihilate the Independence of the country and its +Constitution, supported on oaths, by attacking with an armed force the +people who have committed no act of revolt: 3. When the integrity of a +country, which the sovereign has sworn to maintain, is violated, and its +resources cut away: 4. When foreign armies are employed to murder the +people, and to oppress their liberties. + +Each of the grounds here enumerated would justify the exclusion of a +dynasty from the throne. But the House of Lorraine-Hapsburg is +unexampled in the compass of its perjuries, and has committed every one +of these crimes against the nation.*** + +In former times, a governing COUNCIL, under the name of the Royal +Hungarian Stadtholdership, the president of which was the Palatine, held +its seat at Buda, whose sacred duty it was to watch over the integrity +of the state, the inviolability of the Constitution, and the sanctity of +the laws; but this _collegiate_ authority not presenting any +element of _personal_ responsibility, the Vienna cabinet gradually +degraded this council to the position of an administrative organ of +court absolutism. In this manner, while Hungary had ostensibly an +independent government, the despotic Vienna cabinet disposed at will of +the money and blood of the people for foreign purposes, postponing our +commercial interests to the success of courtly cabals, injurious to the +welfare of the people, so that we were excluded from all connection with +the other countries of the world, and were degraded to the position of a +colony. The mode of governing by a MINISTRY was intended to put a stop +to these proceedings, which caused the rights of the country to moulder +uselessly in its parchments; by the change,[*] these rights and the +royal oath were both to become a reality. It was the apprehension of +this, and especially the fear of losing its control over the money and +blood of the country, which caused the house of Austria to resolve on +involving Hungary, by the foulest intrigues, in the horrors of fire and +slaughter, that, having plunged the country in a civil war, it might +seize the opportunity to dismember the kingdom, and to blot out the name +of Hungary from the list of independent nations, and unite its plundered +and bleeding limbs with the Austrian monarchy. + +[Footnote *: The change was solemnly enacted in the Parliamentary Laws of +March, 1848, which King Ferdinand V. sanctioned by his public oath in +April, 1848.] + +The beginning of this course was, (after a Ministry had been called into +existence), by ordering an Austrian general [Jellachich] to rise in +rebellion against the laws of the country and nominating him Ban of +Croatia, a kingdom belonging to the kingdom of Hungary.*** + +The Ban revolted therefore in the name of the emperor, and rebelled +openly against the king of Hungary, who is however one and the same +person; and he went so far as to decree the separation of Croatia and +Slavonia from _Hungary_, with which they had been united for eight +hundred years, as well as to incorporate them with the _Austrian_ +empire. Public opinion and undoubted facts threw the blame of these +proceedings on the Archduke Louis, uncle to the emperor, on his brother, +the Archduke Francis Charles, and especially on the consort of the +last-named prince, the Archduchess Sophia; and since the Ban, in this +act of rebellion, openly alleged that he acted as a faithful subject of +the emperor, the ministry of Hungary requested their sovereign, by a +public declaration, to wipe off the stigma which these proceedings threw +upon the family. At that moment affairs were not prosperous for Austria +in Italy; the emperor therefore did proclaim that the Ban and his +associates were guilty of high treason, and of exciting to rebellion. +But while publishing this edict, the Ban and his accomplices were +covered with favours at court, and supplied for their enterprise with +money, arms, and ammunition. The Hungarians, confiding in the royal +proclamation, and not wishing to provoke a civil conflict, did not hunt +out those proscribed traitors in their lair, and only adopted measures +for checking any extension of the rebellion. But soon afterward the +inhabitants of South Hungary, of Servian race, were excited to rebellion +by precisely the same means. + +These were also declared by the king to be rebels, but were +nevertheless, like the others, supplied with money, arms, and +ammunition. The king's commissioned officers and civil servants enlisted +bands of robbers in the principality of Servia to strengthen the rebels, +and aid them in massacring the peaceable Hungarian and German +inhabitants of the Banat. The command of these rebellious bodies was +further entrusted to the rebel leaders of the Croatians. + +During this rebellion of the Hungarian Servians, scenes of cruelty were +witnessed at which the heart shudders; the peaceable inhabitants were +tortured with a cruelty which makes the hair stand on end. Whole towns +and villages, once flourishing, were laid waste. Hungarians fleeing +before these murderers were reduced to the condition of vagrants and +beggars in their own country; the most lovely districts were converted +into a wilderness.*** + +The greater part of the Hungarian regiments were, according to the old +system of government, scattered through the other provinces of the +empire. In Hungary itself, the troops quartered were mostly Austrian; +and they afforded more protection to the rebels than to the laws, or to +the internal peace of the country. The withdrawal of these troops, and +the return of the national militia, was demanded of the government, but +was either refused, or its fulfilment delayed; and when our brave +comrades, on hearing the distress of the country, returned in masses, +they were persecuted, and such as were obliged to yield to superior +force were disarmed, and sentenced to death for having defended their +country against rebels. + +The Hungarian ministry begged the king earnestly to issue orders to all +troops and commanders of fortresses in Hungary, enjoining fidelity to +the Constitution, and obedience to the ministers of Hungary. Such a +proclamation was sent to the Palatine, the viceroy of Hungary, Archduke +Stephen, at Buda. The necessary letters were written and sent to the +post-office. But this nephew of the king, the Archduke Palatine, +shamelessly caused these letters to be smuggled back from the +post-office, although they had been countersigned by the responsible +ministers; and they were afterward found among his papers when he +treacherously departed from the country. + +The rebel Ban menaced the Hungarian coast with an attack, and the +government, with the king's consent, ordered an armed corps to march +into Styria for the defence of Fiume; but this whole force received +orders to march into Italy.*** + +The rebel force occupied Fiume, and disunited it from the kingdom of +Hungary, and this hateful deception was disavowed by the Vienna cabinet +as having been a _misunderstanding_; the furnishing of arms, +ammunition, and money to the rebels of Croatia was also declared to have +been a misunderstanding. Finally, instructions were issued to the +effect that, until special orders were given, the army and the +commanders of fortresses were not to follow the orders of the Hungarian +ministers, but were to execute those of the Austrian cabinet.*** + +The king from that moment began to address the man whom he himself had +branded as a rebel, as "dear and loyal" (Lieber Getreuer); he praised +him for having revolted, and encouraged him to proceed in the path he +had entered upon. + +He expressed a like sympathy for the Servian rebels, whose hands yet +reeked from the massacres they had perpetrated. It was under this +command that the Ban of Croatia, after being proclaimed as a rebel, +assembled an army, and announced his commission from the king to carry +fire and sword into Hungary, upon which the Austrian troops stationed in +the country united with him.*** + +Even then the Diet did not give up all confidence in the power of the +royal oath, and the king was once more requested to order the rebels to +quit the country. The answer given was a reference to a manifesto of the +Austrian ministry, declaring it to be their determination to deprive the +Hungarian nation of the independent management of their financial, +commercial, and war affairs. The king at the same time refused his +assent to the bills submitted for approval respecting troops and the +subsidy for covering the expenditure. + +Upon this the Hungarian ministers resigned, but the names submitted by +the president of the council, at the demand of the king, were not +approved of for successors. The Diet then, bound by its duty to secure +the safety of the country, voted the supplies, and ordered the troops to +be levied. The nation obeyed the summons with readiness. + +The representatives of the people then summoned the nephew of the +emperor to join the camp, and as Palatine[*] to lead the troops against +the rebels. He not only obeyed the summons, but made public professions +of his devotion to the cause. As soon, however, as an engagement +threatened, he fled secretly from the camp and the country, like a +coward traitor. Among his papers a plan, formed by him some time +previously, was found, according to which Hungary was to be +simultaneously attacked on nine sides at once--from Styria, Austria, +Moravia, Silesia, Galicia, and Transylvania. + +[Footnote *: The Palatine was a high officer elected by the Diet, as its +organ, and the defender of its Constitution. In fact, they always +elected a prince of the blood royal. He was virtually a Viceroy.] + +From a correspondence with the Minister of War, seized at the same time, +it was discovered that the commanding generals in the military frontier +and the Austrian provinces adjoining Hungary had received orders to +enter Hungary, and support the rebels with their united forces. + +This attack from nine points at once really began. The most painful +aggression took place in Transylvania; for the traitorous commander in +that district did not content himself with the practices considered +lawful in war by disciplined troops. He stirred up the Wallachian +peasants to take up arms against their own constitutional rights, and, +aided by the rebellious Servian hordes, commenced a course of Vandalism +and extinction, sparing neither women, children, nor aged men; murdering +and torturing the defenceless Hungarian inhabitants; burning the most +flourishing villages and towns, among which, Nagy-Igmand, the seat of +learning for Transylvania, was reduced to a heap of ruins. + +But the Hungarian nation, although taken by surprise, unarmed and +unprepared, did not abandon its future prospects in any agony of +despair. + +Measures were immediately taken to increase the small standing army by +volunteers and the levy of the people. These troops, supplying the want +of experience by the enthusiasm arising from the feeling that they had +right on their side, defeated the Croatian armaments, and drove them out +of the country.*** + +The defeated army fled in the direction of Vienna, where the emperor +continued his demoralizing policy, and nominated the beaten and flying +rebel as his plenipotentiary and substitute in Hungary, suspending by +this act the constitution and institutions of the country, all its +authorities, courts of justice, and tribunals, laying the kingdom under +martial law, and placing in the hand of, and under the unlimited +authority of, a rebel, the honour, the property and the lives of the +people; in the hand of a man who, with armed bands, had braved the laws, +and attacked the Constitution of the country. + +But the house of Austria was not contented with the unjustifiable +violation of oaths taken by its head. + +The rebellious Ban was taken under the protection of the troops +stationed near Vienna, and commanded by Prince Windischgrätz. These +troops, after taking Vienna by storm, were led as an imperial Austrian +army to conquer Hungary. But the Hungarian nation, persisting in its +loyalty, sent an envoy to the advancing enemy. This envoy, coming under +a flag of truce, was treated as a prisoner, and thrown into prison. No +heed was paid to the remonstrances and the demands of the Hungarian +nation for justice. The threat of the gallows was, on the contrary, +thundered against all who had taken arms in defence of a wretched and +oppressed country. But before the army had time to enter Hungary, a +family revolution in the tyrannical reigning house was perpetrated at +Olmütz. Ferdinand V. was forced to resign a throne which had been +polluted with so much blood and perjury, and the son of Francis Charles, +(who also abdicated his claim to the inheritance,) the youthful Archduke +Francis Joseph, caused himself to be proclaimed Emperor of Austria and +King of Hungary. But no one can by any family compact dispose of the +constitutional throne without the Hungarian nation. + +At this critical moment the Hungarian nation demanded nothing more than +the maintenance of its laws and institutions, and peace guaranteed by +their integrity. Had the assent of the nation to this change in the +occupant of the throne been asked in a legal manner, and the young +prince offered to take the customary oath that he would preserve the +Constitution, the Hungarian nation would not have refused to elect him +king in accordance with the treaties extant, and to crown him with St. +Stephen's crown, before he had dipped his hand in the blood of the +people. + +He, however, refusing to perform an act so sacred in the eyes of God and +man, and in strange contrast to the innocence natural to youthful +breasts, declared in his first words his intention of conquering +Hungary, (which he dared to call a rebellious country, whereas it was he +himself that raised rebellion there,) and of depriving it of that +independence which it had maintained for a thousand years, to +incorporate it into the Austrian monarchy.*** + +But even then an attempt was made to bring about a peaceful arrangement, +and a deputation was sent to the generals of the perjured dynasty. This +house in its blind self-confidence, refused to enter into any +negotiation, and dared to demand an unconditional submission from the +nation. The deputation was further detained, and one of the number, the +former President[*] of the Ministry, was even thrown into prison. Our +deserted capital was occupied, and was turned into a place of execution; +a part of the prisoners of war were there consigned to the axe, another +part were thrown into dungeons, while the remainder were exposed to +fearful sufferings from hunger, and were thus forced to enter the ranks +of the army in Italy. + +[Footnote *: Louis Bathyanyi. See Note to p. 6.] + +[**]Finally, to reap the fruit of so much perfidy, the Emperor Francis +Joseph dared to call himself King of Hungary, in the manifesto of the +9th of March [1849], wherein he openly declares that he erases the +Hungarian nation from the list of the independent nations of Europe, and +that he divides its territory into five parts, cutting off Transylvania, +Croatia, Slavonia, and Fiume from Hungary, creating at the same time a +principality (vayvodeschaft) for the Servian rebels, and, having +paralyzed the political existence of the country, declares it +incorporated into the Austrian monarchy. + +[Footnote **: This paragraph, omitted above, is inserted here, where the +reader will better understand it.] + +The measure of the crimes of the Austrian house was, however, filled up, +when, after[*] its defeat, it applied for help to the Emperor of Russia; +and, in spite of the remonstrances and protestations of the Porte, and +of the consuls of the European powers at Bucharest, in defiance of +international rights, and to the endangering of the balance of power in +Europe, caused the Russian troops, stationed at Wallachia, to be led +into Transylvania, for the destruction of the Hungarian nation. + +[Footnote *: The Russian army entered Transylvania on January 3d, 1849; +this is the army which was driven out again. But the main Russian armies +were only on the move in April, and took two months longer to enter +Hungary. These were applied for late in March.] + +Three months ago we were driven back upon the Theiss; our just arms have +already recovered all Transylvania; Klausenburg, Hermanstadt, and +Kronstadt are taken; one portion of the troops of Austria is driven into +Bukowina; another, together with the Russian force sent to aid them, is +totally defeated, and to the last man obliged to evacuate Transylvania, +and to flee into Wallachia. Upper Hungary is cleared of foes. + +The Servian rebellion is further suppressed; the forts of St. Thomas and +the Roman intrenchment have been taken by storm, and the whole country +between the Danube and the Theiss, including the country of Bacs, has +been recovered for the nation. + +The commander-in-chief of the perjured house of Austria has himself been +defeated in five consecutive battles, and has with his whole army been +driven back upon and even over the Danube. + +Founding a line of conduct upon all these occurrences, and confiding in +the justice of an eternal God, we in the face of the civilized world, in +reliance upon the natural rights of the Hungarian nation, and upon the +power it has developed to maintain them, further impelled by that sense +of duty which urges every nation to defend its existence, do hereby +declare and proclaim in the name of the nation regally represented by +us, the following:-- + +1st. Hungary, with Transylvania, as legally united with it, and the +possessions and dependencies, are hereby declared to constitute a free, +independent, sovereign state. The territorial unity of this state is +declared to be inviolable, and its territory to be indivisible. + +2d. The house of Hapsburg-Lorraine--having by treachery, perjury, and +levying of war against the Hungarian nation, as well as by its +outrageous violation of all compacts, in breaking up the integral +territory of the kingdom, in the separation of Transylvania, Croatia, +Slavonia, Fiume, and its districts, from Hungary--further, by compassing +the destruction of the independence of the country by arms, and by +calling in the disciplined army of a foreign power, for the purpose of +annihilating its nationality, by violation both of the Pragmatic +Sanction and of treaties concluded between Austria and Hungary, on which +the alliance between the two countries depended--is, as treacherous and +perjured, for ever excluded from the throne of the united states of +Hungary and Transylvania, and all their possessions and dependencies, +and are hereby deprived of the style and title, as well as of the +armorial bearings belonging to the crown of Hungary, and declared to be +banished for ever from the united countries and their dependencies and +possessions. They are therefore declared to be deposed, degraded, and +banished for ever from the Hungarian territory. + +3d. The Hungarian nation, in the exercise of its rights and sovereign +will, being determined to assume the position of a free and independent +state among the nations of Europe, declares it to be its intention to +establish and maintain friendly and neighbourly relations with those +states with which it was formerly united under the same sovereign, as +well as to contract alliances with all other nations. + +4th. The form of government to be adopted for the future will be fixed +by the Diet of the nation. + +But until this point shall be decided, on the basis of the foregoing and +received principles which have been recognized for ages, the government +of the united countries, their possessions and dependencies, shall be +conducted on personal responsibility, and under the obligation to render +an account of all acts, by Louis Kossuth, who has by acclamation, and +with the unanimous approbation of the Diet of the nation, been named +Governing President (Gubernator), and the ministers whom he shall +appoint. + +And this resolution of ours we proclaim for the knowledge of all nations +of the civilized world, with the conviction that the Hungarian nation +will be received by them among the free and independent nations of the +world, with the same friendship and free acknowledgment of its rights +which the Hungarians proffer to other countries. + +We also hereby proclaim and make known to all the inhabitants of the +united states of Hungary and Transylvania, their possessions and +dependencies, that all authorities, communes, towns, and the civil +officers, both in the counties and cities, are completely set free and +released from all the obligations under which they stood, by oath or +otherwise, to the said house of Hapsburg; and that any individual daring +to contravene this decree, and by word or deed in any way to aid or abet +any one violating it, shall be treated and punished as guilty of high +treason. And by the publication of this decree, we hereby bind and +oblige all the inhabitants of these countries to obedience to the +government, now instituted formally, and endowed with all necessary +legal powers. + +_Debreczin, April_ 14, 1849. + + * * * * * + +V.--STATEMENT OF PRINCIPLES AND AIMS. + +[_Castle Garden, New York, Dec. 6th_.] + +After apologies for his weakness through the effects of the sea, Kossuth +continued:-- + +Citizens! much as I want some hours of rest, much as I need to become +acquainted with my ground, before I enter publicly on matters of +business, I yet took it for a duty of honour to respond at once to your +generous welcome. I have to thank the People, the Congress, and the +Government of the United States for my liberation. I must not try to +express what I felt, when I,--a wanderer,--but not the less the +legitimate official chief of Hungary,--first saw the glorious flag of +the stripes and stars fluttering over my head--when I saw around me the +gallant officers and the crew of the _Mississippi_ frigate--most of +them worthy representatives of true American principles, American +greatness, American generosity. It was not a mere chance which cast the +star-spangled banner around me; it was your protecting will. The United +States of America, conscious of their glorious calling as well as of +their power, declared by this unparalleled act their resolve to become +the protectors of human rights. To see a powerful vessel of America, +coming to far Asia, in order to break the chains by which the mightiest +despots of Europe fettered the activity of an exiled Magyar, whose name +disturbed their sleep--to be restored by such a protection to freedom +and activity--you may well conceive, was intensely felt by me; as indeed +I still feel it. Others _spoke_--you _acted_; and I was free! +You acted; and at this act of yours tyrants trembled; humanity shouted +out with joy; the Magyar nation, crushed, but not broken, raised its +head with resolution and with hope; and the brilliancy of your stars was +greeted by Europe's oppressed millions as the morning star of liberty. +Now, gentlemen, you must be aware how great my gratitude must be. You +have restored me to life--in restoring me to activity; and should my +life, by the blessing of the Almighty, still prove useful to my +fatherland and to humanity, it will be your merit--it will be your work. +May you and your country be blessed for it! + +Your generous part in my liberation is taken by the world for the +revelation of the fact, that the United States are resolved not to allow +the despots of the world to trample on oppressed humanity. That is why +my liberation was cheered from Sweden to Portugal as a ray of hope. Even +those nations which most desire my presence in Europe now, have said to +me, "Hasten on, hasten on, to the great, free, rich, and powerful people +of the United States, and bring over its brotherly aid to the cause of +your country, so intimately connected with European liberty;" and here I +stand to plead the cause of common human rights before your great +Republic. Humble as I am, God the Almighty has selected me to represent +the cause of humanity before you. My warrant hereto is written in the +sympathy and confidence of all who are oppressed, and of all who, as +your elder sister the British nation, sympathize with the oppressed. It +is written in the hopes and expectations you have entitled the world to +entertain, by liberating me out of my prison. But it has pleased the +Almighty to make out of my humble self yet another opportunity for a +thing which may prove a happy turning-point in the destinies of the +world. I bring you a brotherly greeting from the people of Great +Britain. I speak not in an official character, imparted by diplomacy +whose secrecy is the curse of the world, but I am the harbinger of the +public spirit of the people, which I witnessed pronouncing itself in the +most decided manner, openly--that the people of England, united to you +with enlightened brotherly love, as it is united in blood--conscious of +your strength as it is conscious of its own, has for ever abandoned +every sentiment of irritation and rivalry, and desires the brotherly +alliance of the United States to secure to every nation the sovereign +right to dispose of itself, and to protect that right against +encroaching arrogance. It desires to league with you against the league +of despots, and with you to stand sponsor at the approaching baptism of +European liberty. + +Now, gentlemen, I have stated my position. I am a straightforward man. I +am a republican. I have avowed it openly in monarchical but free +England; and am happy to state that I have lost nothing by this avowal +there. I hope I shall not lose here, in republican America, by that +frankness, which must be one of the chief qualities of every republican. +So I beg leave openly to state the following points: FIRST that I take +it to be duty of honour and principle not to meddle with any +party-question of your own domestic affairs. SECONDLY, I profess my +admiration for the glorious principle of union, on which stands the +mighty pyramid of your greatness. Taking my ground on this +constitutional fact, it is not to a party, but to your united people +that I will confidently address my humble requests. Within the limits +of your laws I will use every honest exertion to gain your effectual +sympathy, and your financial material and political aid for my country's +freedom and independence, and entreat the realization of the hopes which +your generosity has raised. And, therefore, THIRDLY, I frankly state +that my aim is to restore my fatherland to the full enjoyment of her own +independence, which has been legitimately declared, and cannot have lost +its rightfulness by the violent invasion of foreign Russian arms. What +can be opposed to it? The frown of Mr. Hulsemann--the anger of that +satellite of the Czar, called Francis-Joseph of Austria! and the +immense danger (with which some European and American papers threaten +you), lest your minister at Vienna receive his passports, and Mr. +Hulsemann leave Washington, should I be received in my official +capacity? Now, as to your Minister at Vienna, how you can reconcile the +letting him stay there with your opinion of the cause of Hungary, I do +not know; for the present absolutist atmosphere of Europe is not very +propitious to American principles. But as to Mr. Hulsemann, do not +believe that he would be so ready to leave Washington. He has extremely +well digested the caustic words which Mr. Webster has administered to +him so gloriously. I know that your public spirit would never allow any +responsible depository of the executive power to be regulated in its +policy by all the Hulsemanns or all the Francis-Josephs in the world. +But it is also my agreeable conviction that the highminded Government of +the United States shares warmly the sentiments of the people. It has +proved it by executing in a ready and dignified manner the resolution of +Congress on behalf of my liberation. It has proved it by calling on the +Congress to consider how I shall be received, and even this morning I +was honoured by the express order of the Government with an official +salute from the batteries of the United States, in a manner in which, +according to the military rules, only a high official personage can be +greeted. + +I came not to your glorious shores to enjoy a happy rest--I came not to +gather triumphs of personal distinction, but as a humble petitioner, in +my country's name, as its freely chosen constitutional leader, to +entreat your generous aid. I have no other claims than those which the +oppressed principle of freedom has to the aid of victorious liberty. If +you consider these claims not sufficient for your active and effectual +sympathy, then let me know at once that the hopes have failed, with +which Europe has looked to your great, mighty, and glorious +Republic--let me know it at once that I may hasten back and say to the +oppressed nations, "Let us fight, forsaken and single-handed, the battle +of Leonidas; let us trust to God, to our right, and to our good sword; +for we have no other help on earth." But if your generous Republican +hearts are animated by the high principle of freedom and of the +community in human destinies,--if you have the will, as undoubtedly you +have the power, to support the cause of freedom against the sacrilegious +league of despotism, then give me some days of calm reflection, to +become acquainted with the ground upon which I stand--let me take kind +advice as to my course--let me learn whether any steps have been already +taken in favour of that cause which I have the honour to represent; and +then let me have a new opportunity to expound before you my humble +request in a practical way. + +I confidently hope, Mr. Mayor, the Corporation and Citizens of THE +EMPIRE CITY will grant me a second opportunity. If this be your generous +will, then let me take this for a boon of happier days; and let me add, +with a sigh of thanksgiving to the Almighty God, that Providence has +selected your glorious country to be the pillar of freedom, as it is +already the asylum to oppressed humanity. + +I am told that I shall have the high honour to review your patriotic +militia. My heart throbs at the idea of seeing this gallant army +enlisted on the side of freedom against despotism. The world would then +soon be free, and you the saviours of humanity. Citizens of New York, it +is under your protection that I place the sacred cause of freedom and +the independence of Hungary. + + * * * * * + +VI.--REPLY TO THE BALTIMORE ADDRESS. + +[_Dec. 10th_, 1851.] + +Mr. Henry P. Brooks, Chairman of the Committee of the Baltimore City +Council, came forward, and after congratulating Kossuth upon his release +from peril, and arrival in America, he presented the following +resolutions of the Council written on parchment:-- + +IN CITY COUNCIL. + +Whereas it is understood that Louis Kossuth, the illustrious Hungarian +patriot and exile, is about seeking an asylum upon our shores; and +whereas it is believed that the city of Baltimore, in common with the +whole people of the United States, feel a deep and abiding interest in +the cause of freedom wherever it is assailed, and entertain the most +sincere regret for the unfortunate condition of Hungary; and whereas, in +the reception of Kossuth, an opportunity is offered of expressing our +sympathy for the cause of Hungarian independence--of recording our +detestation of the unholy coalition by which that gallant people have +been crushed, and of evincing our admiration of the noble conduct of the +Turkish Sultan in refusing to deliver to the despots of Europe that +illustrious exile and patriot whom it is about to be our privilege and +pride to receive, as it befits the chosen people of liberty to receive +one who has so nobly battled and suffered in that sacred cause; +therefore-- + +_Resolved_, By the Mayor and City Council of Baltimore, that we +look to the arrival of Kossuth upon our shores with mingled feelings of +satisfaction and regret--satisfaction that we are enabled to afford a +safe asylum to an illustrious patriot--regret that the cause of liberty +should give birth to such necessity. + +_Resolved_, That we sympathize fully with the Hungarians in their +important struggles for Independence, but mindful of that Providence +which crowned our own efforts for liberty with success, trust yet to +behold that glorious future which their noble leader so eloquently +predicts for his beloved country. + +_Resolved_, That we regard the alliance with Russia and Austria for +the purpose of crushing the spirit of liberty in Hungary as a fit +accompaniment in the annals of time for the infamous partition of +unfortunate Poland by the same tyrannical powers, each alike worthy of +the execration of the civilized world. + +_Resolved_, That we cordially welcome Kossuth and his exiled +companions to the full enjoyment of American liberty and an asylum +beyond the reach of European despotism. + +_Resolved_, further, That a Joint Committee of five from each +branch of the City Council be appointed, whose duty it shall be, in +conjunction with the Mayor, in the event of their arrival in our city, +to tender to them appropriate public tokens of our esteem and admiration +for their gallant conduct, as well as of our sympathy for their +sufferings and their cause. + +Committee under the last resolution--First Branch: Henry P. Brooke, John +Dukehart, J. Hanson Thomas, David Blanford, John Thomas Morris. + +Second Branch: Jacob J. Cohen, W. B. Morris, Hugh A. Cooper, James C. +Ninde, Geo. A. Lovering. + +JOHN H. J. JEROME, Mayor. +JOHN S. BROWN, President of First Branch. +HUGH BOLTON, President of Second Branch. +City of Baltimore, State of Maryland, United States of America, Oct. 28, +A.D. 1851. + +[After hearing several other--complimentary addresses, Kossuth in a few +minutes replied. He began with apologies, and then proceeded]:-- + +Permit me to say, that in my opinion the word "glory" should be blotted +out from the Dictionary in respect to individuals, and only left for use +in respect to nations. Whatever a man can do for his country, even +though he should live a long life, and have the strongest faculties, +would not be too much: for he ought to use his utmost exertions, and his +utmost powers, in return for the gifts he receives. Whatever a man can +do on behalf of his country and of humanity, would never be so much as +his duty calls upon him to do, still less so much as to merit the use of +the word "glory" in regard to himself. Once more, I say, that duty +belongs to the man and glory to the nation. When an honest man does his +duty to his own country, and becomes a patriot, he acts for all +humanity, and does his duty to mankind. + +You have bestowed great attention upon the cause of Hungary, and the +subject is here well understood generally, which is a benefit to me. I +declare to you all, that I find more exact knowledge of the Hungarian +cause here, than in any other place I have been. Yet I am astonished to +see in a report of the proceedings of the United States Senate, that a +member rose and said that we were not struggling for the principle of +Freedom and of Liberty, but rather for the support of our ancient +Charter. This, gentlemen, is a misrepresentation of our cause. There is +a truth in the assertion that we were struggling for our _ancient +rights_, for the right of self-government is an ancient right. The +right of self-government was ours a thousand years ago, and has been +guaranteed to us by the coronation oaths of more than thirty of our +kings. I say that this right was guaranteed to us, yet it had become a +dead letter in the course of time. Before the Revolution of 1848 we were +long struggling to enforce our notorious but often invaded rights; but +the whole people were not interested in them: for although they were +constitutional rights, they were restricted in ancient times, not to a +particular _race_, but to a particular _class_, called Nobles. +These did not belong to the Magyars alone, but to all the races that +settled in the country, to the Sclaves, to the Wallachians, the Serbs, +and to others, whatever their race or their extraction. Yet none but the +_Nobles_ were privileged. We saw that for one class only to be +interested in these rights was not enough, and we wished to make them a +benefit to every man in the country, and to replace the old Constitution +by one which should give a common and universal right to all men to +vote, without regard to the tongue they speak or the Church at which +they pray. I need not enter further into the subject than to say, that +we established a system of practically universal suffrage, of equality +in representation, a just share in taxation for the support of the +State, and equality in the benefits of public education, and in all +those blessings which are derived from the freedom of a free people. + +It has been asked by some, why I allowed a treacherous general to ruin +our cause. I have always been anxious not to assume any duty for which I +might be unsuited. If I had undertaken the practical direction of +military operations, and anything went amiss, I feared that my +conscience would torture me, as guilty of the fall of my country, as I +had not been familiar with military tactics. I therefore entrusted my +country's cause, thus far, into other hands; and I weep for the result. +In exile, I have tried to profit by the past and prepare for the future. +I believe that the confidence of Hungary in me is not shaken by +misfortune nor broken by my calumniators. I have had all in my own hands +once; and if ever I am in the same position again, I will act. I will +not become a Napoleon nor an Alexander, and labour for my own ambition; +but I will labour for freedom and for the moral well-being of man. I do +but ask you to enforce your own great constitutional principles, and not +permit Russia to interfere. + + * * * * * + +VII.--HEREDITARY POLICY OF AMERICA. + +[_Speech at the Corporation Dinner, New York, Dec. 11th_, +1851.] + +The Mayor having made an address to Kossuth, closed by proposing the +following toast:-- + +"Hungary--Betrayed but not subdued. Her call for help is but the echo of +our appeal against the tread of the oppressor." + +Kossuth rose to reply. The enthusiasm with which he was greeted was +unparalleled. It shook the building, and the chandeliers and candelabras +trembled before it. Every one present rose to his feet, and appeared +excited to frenzy. The ladies participated in honouring the Hungarian +hero. At length the storm of applause subsided, and then ensued a +silence most intense. Every eye was fixed on Kossuth, and when he +commenced his speech, the noise caused by the dropping of a pin could be +heard throughout the large and capacious room. + +KOSSUTH'S SPEECH. + +Sir,--In returning you my most humble thanks for the honour you did me +by your toast, and by coupling my name with that cause which is the +sacred aim of my life, I am so overwhelmed with emotion by all it has +been my strange lot to experience since I am on your glorious shores, +that I am unable to find words; and knowing that all the honour I meet +with has the higher meaning of principles, I beg leave at once to fall +back on my duties, which are the lasting topics of my reflections, my +sorrows, and my hopes. I take the present for a highly important +opportunity, which may decide the success or failure of my visit. I must +therefore implore your indulgence for a pretty long and plain +development of my views concerning that cause which the citizens of New +York, and you particularly, gentlemen, honour with generous interest. + +When I perceive that the sympathy of your people with Hungary is almost +universal, and that they pronounce their feelings in its favour with a +resolution such as denotes noble and great deeds about to follow; I +might feel inclined to take for granted, at least _in principle_, +that we shall have your generous aid for restoring to our land its +sovereign independence. Nothing but _details_ of negotiation would +seem to be left for me, were not my confidence checked, by being told, +that, according to many of your most distinguished Statesmen, it is a +ruling principle of your public policy never to interfere in European +affairs. + +I highly respect the source of this conviction, gentlemen. This source +is your religious attachment to the doctrines of those who bequeathed to +you the immortal constitution which, aided by the unparalleled benefits +of nature, has raised you, in seventy-five years, from an infant people +to a mighty nation. The wisdom of the founders of your great republic +you see in its happy results. What would be the consequences of +departing from that wisdom, you are not sure. You therefore +instinctively fear to touch, even with improving hands, the dear legacy +of those great men. And as to your glorious constitution, all humanity +can only wish that you and your posterity may long preserve this +religious attachment to its fundamental principles, which by no means +exclude development and progress: and that every citizen of your great +union, thankfully acknowledging its immense benefits, may never forget +to love it more than momentary passion or selfish and immediate +interest. May every citizen of your glorious country for ever remember +that a partial discomfort of a corner in a large, sure, and comfortable +house, may be well amended without breaking the foundation; and that +amongst all possible means of getting rid of that partial discomfort, +the worst would be to burn down the house with his own hands. + +But while I acknowledge the wisdom of your attachment to fundamental +doctrines, I beg leave with equal frankness to state, that, in my +opinion, there can be scarcely anything more dangerous to the +progressive development of a nation, than to mistake for a basis that +which is none; to mistake for a principle that which is but a transitory +convenience; to take for substantial that which is but accidental; or to +take for a constitutional doctrine that which is but a momentary +exigency of administrative policy. Such a course of action would be like +to a healthy man refusing substantial food, because when he was once +weak in stomach his physician ordered him a severe diet. Let me suppose, +gentlemen, that that doctrine of non-interference was really bequeathed +to you by your Washingtons (and that it was not, I will essay to prove +afterwards), and let me even suppose that your Washingtons imparted to +it such an interpretation, as were equivalent to the words of Cain, "Am +I my brother's keeper?" (which supposition would be, of course, a +sacrilege; but I am forced to such suppositions:) I may be entitled to +ask, is the dress which suited the child, still suitable to the full +grown man? Would it not be ridiculous to lay the man into the child's +cradle, and to sing him to sleep by a lullaby? In the origin of the +United States you were an infant people, and you had, of course, nothing +to do but to grow, to grow, and to grow. But now you are so far grown +that there is no foreign power on earth from which you have anything to +fear for your existence or security. In fact, your growth is that of a +giant. Of old, your infant frame was composed of thirteen states, and +was restricted to the borders of the Atlantic: now, your massive bulk is +spread to the gulf of Mexico and the Pacific, and your territory is a +continent. Your right hand touches Europe over the waves; your left +reaches across the Pacific to eastern Asia; and there, between two +quarters of the world, there you stand, in proud immensity, a world +yourselves. Then you were a small people of three millions and a half; +now you are a mighty nation of twenty-four millions. Thus you have fully +entered into the second stadium of national life, in which a nation +lives at length not for itself separately, but as a member of the great +family of human nations; having a right to whatever is due from that +family _towards_ every one of its full-grown members, but also +engaged to every duty which that great family may claim _from_ +every one of its full-grown members. + +A nation may, either from comparative weakness, or by choice and policy, +as Japan and China, or by both these motives, as Paraguay under Dr. +Francia,--be induced to live a life secluded from the world, indifferent +to the destinies of mankind, in which it cannot or will not have any +share. But then it must be willing to be also excluded from the benefits +of progress, civilization and national intercourse, while disavowing all +care about all other nations in the world. No citizen of the United +States has, or ever will have, the wish to see this country degraded to +the rotting vegetation of a Paraguay, or the mummy existence of a Japan +and China. The feeling of self-dignity, and the expansiveness of that +enterprizing spirit which is congenial to freemen, would revolt against +the very idea of such a degrading national captivity. But if there were +even a will to live such a mummy life, there is no possibility to do so. +The very existence of your great country, the principles upon which it +is founded, its geographical position, its present scale of +civilization, and all its moral and material interests, would lead on +your people not only to maintain, but necessarily more and more to +develop your foreign intercourse. Then, being in so many respects linked +to mankind at large, you cannot have the will, nor yet the power, to +remain indifferent to the outward world. And if you cannot remain +indifferent, you must resolve to throw your weight into that balance in +which the fate and condition of man is weighed. You are a power on +earth. You must be a power on earth, and must therefore accept all the +consequences of this position. You cannot allow that any power in the +world should dispose of the fate of that great family of mankind, of +which you are so pre-eminent a member: else you would resign your proud +place and your still prouder future, and be a power on earth no more. + +I hope I have sufficiently shown, that should even that doctrine of +non-interference have been established by the founders of your republic, +that which might have been very proper to your infancy would not now be +suitable to your manhood. It is a beautiful word of Montesquieu, that +republics are to be founded on virtue. And you know that virtue between +man and man, as sanctioned by our Christian religion, is but an exercise +of that great principle--"Thou shalt do to others as thou desirest +others to do to thee." Thus I might rely simply upon your generous +republican hearts, and upon the consistency of your principles; but I +beg to add some essential differences in material respects, between your +present condition and that of yore. Of your twenty-four millions, more +than nineteen are spread over yonder immense territory, the richest of +the world, employed in the cultivation of the soil, that honourable +occupation, which in every time has proved to be the most inexhaustible +and most unfailing source of public welfare and private happiness, as +also the most unwavering ally of freedom, and the most faithful fosterer +of all those upright, noble, generous sentiments which the constant +intercourse with ever young, ever great, ever beautiful virtue, imparts +to man. Now this immense agricultural interest, desiring large markets, +at the same time affords a solid basis to your manufacturing industry, +and in consequence to your immensely developed commerce. All this places +such a difference between the republic of Washington and your present +grandeur, that though you may well be attached to your original +principles (for the principles of liberty are everlastingly the same), +yet not so in respect to the exigencies of your policy. For if it is to +be regulated by _interest_, your country has other interests to-day +than it had then; and if ever it is to be regulated by the higher +consideration of _principles_, you are strong enough to feel that +the time is already come. And I, standing here before you to plead the +cause of oppressed humanity, am bold to declare that there may never +again come a crisis, at which such an elevation of your policy would +prove either more glorious to you, or more beneficial to man: for we in +Europe are apparently on the eye of that day, when either the hopes or +the fears of oppressed nations will be crushed for a long time. + +Having stated so far the difference of the situation, I beg leave now to +assert that it is an error to suppose that non-interference in foreign +matters has been bequeathed to the people of the United States by your +great Washington as a doctrine and as a constitutional principle. +Firstly, Washington never even recommended to you non-interference in +the sense of _indifference_ to the fate of other nations. He only +recommended _neutrality_. And there is a mighty diversity between +these two ideas. Neutrality has reference to a state of war between two +belligerent powers, and it is this case which Washington contemplated, +when he, in his Farewell Address, advised the people of the United +States not to enter into entangling alliances. Let quarrelling powers, +let quarrelling nations go to war--but do you consider your own +concerns; leave foreign powers to quarrel about ambitious topics, or +narrow partial interests. Neutrality is a matter of convenience--not of +principle. But while neutrality has reference to a state of war between +belligerent powers, the principle of non-interference, on the contrary, +lays down the sovereign right of nations to arrange their own domestic +concerns. Therefore these two ideas of neutrality and non-interference +are entirely different, having reference to two entirely different +matters. The sovereign right of every nation to rule over itself, to +alter its own institutions, to change the form of its own government, is +a common public law of nations, common to all, and, _therefore, put +under the common guarantee of all_. This sovereign right of every +nation to dispose of itself, you, the people of the United States must +recognize; for it is the common law of mankind, in which, because it is +such, every nation is equally interested. You must recognize it, +secondly, because the very existence of your great republic, as also the +independence of every nation, rests upon this ground. If that sovereign +right of nations were no common public law of mankind, then your own +independence would be no matter of right, but only a matter of fact, +which might be subject, for all future time, to all sorts of chances +from foreign conspiracy and violence. And where is the citizen of the +United States who would not revolt at the idea that this great republic +is not a righteous nor a lawful existence, but only a mere accident--a +mere matter of fact? If it were so, you were not entitled to invoke the +protection of God for your great country; for the protection of God +cannot, without sacrilege, be invoked but in behalf of justice and +right. You would have no right to look to the sympathy of mankind for +yourselves; for you would profess an abrogation of the laws of humanity +upon which is founded your own independence, your own nationality. + +Now, gentlemen, if these be principles of common law, of that law which +God has given to every nation of humanity--if to organize itself is the +common lawful right of every nation; then the interference with this +common law of all humanity, the violent act of hindering, by armed +forces, a nation from exercising that sovereign right, must be +considered as a violation of that common public law upon which your very +existence rests, and which, being a common law of all humanity, is, by +God himself, placed under the safeguard of all humanity; for it is God +himself who commands us to love our neighbours as we love ourselves, and +to do towards others as we desire others to do towards us. Upon this +point you cannot remain indifferent. You may well remain neutral to war +between two belligerent nations, but you cannot remain indifferent to +the violation of the common law of humanity. That indifference +Washington has never taught you. I defy any man to show me, out of the +eleven volumes of Washington's writings, a single word to that effect. +He could not have recommended this indifference without ceasing to be +wise as he was; for without justice there is no wisdom on earth. He +could not have recommended it without becoming inconsistent; for it was +this common law of mankind which your fathers invoked before God and man +when they proclaimed your independence. It was he himself, your great +Washington, who not only accepted, but again and again asked, foreign +aid--foreign help for the support of that common law of mankind in +respect to your own independence. Knowledge and instruction are so +universally spread amongst the enlightened people of the United States, +the history of your country is such a household science at the most +lonely hearths of your remotest settlements, that it may be sufficient +for me to refer, in that respect, to the instructions and correspondence +between Washington and the Minister at Paris--the equally immortal +Franklin--the modest man with the proud epitaph, which tells the world +that he wrested the lightning from heaven, and the sceptre from the +tyrant's hands. + +I will go further. Even that doctrine of neutrality which Washington +taught and bequeathed to you, he taught not as a constitutional +_principle_--a lasting regulation for all future time, but only as +a matter of temporary _policy_. I refer in that respect to the very +words of his Farewell Address. There he states explicitly that "it is +your _policy_ to steer clear of _permanent_ alliances with any +portion of the foreign world." These are his very words. Policy is the +word, and you know that policy is not the science of principle, but of +exigencies; and that principles are, of course, by a free and powerful +nation, never to be sacrificed to exigencies. The exigencies pass away +like the bubbles of a shower, but the nation is immortal: it must +consider the future also, and not only the egotistical dominion of the +passing hour: it must be aware that to an immortal nation nothing can be +of higher importance than immortal principles. Again, in the same +address Washington explicitly says, in reference to his policy of +neutrality, that "with him a predominant motive has been to _gain +time_ to your country to settle and mature its institutions, and to +progress without interruption to that degree of strength and consistency +which is necessary to give it the command of its own fortunes." These +are highly memorable words, gentlemen. Here I take my ground; and +casting a glance of admiration over your glorious land, I confidently +ask you, gentlemen, are your institutions settled and matured or are +they not? Are you, or are you not, come to such a degree of strength and +consistency as to be the masters of your own fortunes? Oh! how do I +thank God for having given me the glorious view of this country's +greatness, which answers this question for me! Yes! you _have_ +attained that degree of strength and consistency in which your less +fortunate brethren may well claim your protecting hand. + +One word more on Washington's doctrines. In one of his letters, written +to Lafayette, he says:--"Let us only have twenty years of peace, and our +country will come to such a degree of power and wealth that we shall be +able, in a just cause, to defy any power on earth whatsoever." "In a +just cause!" Now, in the name of eternal truth, and by all that is dear +and sacred to man, since the history of mankind is recorded, there has +been no cause more just than the cause of Hungary. Never was there a +people, without the slightest reason, more sacrilegiously, more +treacherously attacked, or by fouler means than Hungary. Never has +crime, cursed ambition, despotism, and violence, united more wickedly to +crush freedom, and the very life, than against Hungary. Never was a +country more mortally aggrieved than Hungary is. All _your_ +sufferings--all _your_ complaints, which, with so much right, drove +your forefathers to take up arms, are but slight grievances in +comparison with those immense deep wounds, out of which the heart of +Hungary bleeds! If the cause of our people is not sufficiently just to +insure the protection of God, and the support of right-willing men--then +there is no just cause, and no justice on earth. Then the blood of no +new Abel will moan towards Heaven. The genius of charity, Christian +love, and justice will mourningly fly the earth; a heavy curse will fall +upon morality--oppressed men will despair, and only the Cains of mankind +walk proudly with impious brow about the ruins of liberty on earth. + +Now, allow me briefly to consider how your Foreign Policy has grown and +enlarged itself. I will only recall to your memory the message of +President Monroe, when he clearly stated that the United States would +take up arms to protect the American Colonies of Spain, now free +republics, should the Holy (or rather unholy) Alliance make an attempt +either to aid Spain to reduce the new American republics to their +ancient colonial state, or to compel them to adopt political systems +more conformable to the policy and views of that alliance. I entreat you +to mark this well, gentlemen. Not only the forced introduction of +monarchy, but in general the interference of foreign powers in the +contest, was declared sufficient motive for the United States to protect +the colonies. Let me remind you that this declaration of President +Monroe was not only approved and confirmed by the people of the United +States, but that Great Britain itself joined the United States, in the +declaration of this decision and this policy. I further recall to your +memory the instructions given in 1826 to your Envoys to the Congress of +Panama, Richard Anderson and John Sergeant, where it was clearly stated +that the United States would have opposed, with their whole force, the +interference of the continental powers in that struggle for +independence. It is true, that this declaration to go even to war, to +protect the independence of foreign States against foreign interference, +was restricted to the continent of America; for President Monroe +declares in his message that the United States can have no concern in +European straggles, being distant and separated from Europe by the great +Atlantic Ocean. But I would remark that this indifference to European +concerns is again a matter, not of principle but of temporary +exigency--the motives of which have, by the lapse of time, entirely +disappeared--so much that the balance is even turned to the opposite +side. + +President Monroe mentions _distance_ as a motive of the +above-stated distinction. Well, since the prodigious development of your +Fulton's glorious invention, distance is no longer calculated by miles, +but by hours; and, being so, Europe is of course less distant from you +than the greater part of the American continent. But, let even the word +distance be taken in a nominal sense. Europe is nearer to you than the +greatest part of the American continent--yea! even nearer than perhaps +some parts of your own territory. President Monroe's second motive is, +that you are separated from Europe _by the Atlantic_. Now, at the +present time, and in the present condition of navigation, the Atlantic +is no separation, but rather a link; as the means of that commercial +intercourse which brings the interest of Europe home to you, connecting +you with it by every tie of moral as well as material interest. + +There is immense truth in that which the French Legation in the United +States expressed to your government in an able note of 27th October +past:--"America is closely connected with Europe, being only separated +from the latter by a distance scarcely exceeding eight days' journey, by +one of the most important of general interests--the interest of +commerce. The nations of America and Europe are at this day so +dependent upon one another, that the effects of any event, prosperous or +otherwise, happening on one side of the Atlantic, are immediately felt +on the other side. The result of this community of interests, +commercial, political, and moral, between Europe and America--of this +frequency and rapidity of intercourse between them, is, that it becomes +as difficult to point out the geographical degree where American policy +shall terminate, and European policy begin, as it is to trace out the +line where American commerce begins and European commerce terminates. +Where may be said to begin or terminate the ideas which are in the +ascendant in Europe and in America?" + +It is chiefly in New York that I feel induced to urge this, because New +York is, by innumerable ties, connected with Europe--more connected than +several parts of Europe itself. It is the agricultural interest of this +great country which chiefly wants an outlet and a market. Now, it is far +more to Europe than to the American continent that you have to look in +that respect. On this account you cannot remain indifferent to the fate +of freedom on the European continent: for be sure, gentlemen--and I +would say this chiefly to the gentlemen of trade--should absolutism gain +ground in Europe, it will, it must, put every possible obstacle in the +way of commercial intercourse with republican America: for commercial +intercourse is the most powerful convoyer of principles, and be sure the +victory of absolutism on the European continent will in no quarter have +more injurious national consequences than against your vast agricultural +and commercial interests. Then why not prevent it, while it is still +possible to do so with comparatively small sacrifices, rather than abide +that fatal catastrophe, and have to mourn the immense sacrifices it +would then cost? + +Even in political considerations, now-a-days, you have stronger motives +to feel interested in the fate of Europe than in the fate of the Central +or Southern parts of America. Whatever may happen in the institutions +of these parts, you are too powerful to see your own institutions +affected by it. But let Europe become absolutistical (as, unless +Hungary be restored to its independence, and Italy become free, be sure +it will)--and your children will see those words, which your national +government spoke in 1827, fulfilled on a larger scale than they were +meant, that "the absolutism of Europe will not be appeased, until every +vestige of human freedom has been obliterated even here." And oh! do not +rely too fondly upon your power. It is great, assuredly. You have not to +fear any single power on earth. But look to history. Mighty empires +have vanished. Let not the enemies of freedom grow too strong. +Victorious over Europe, and then united, they would be too strong even +for you! And be sure they hate you most cordially. They consider you as +their most dangerous opponent. Absolutism cannot sleep tranquilly, while +the republican principle has such a mighty representative as your +country is. Yes, gentlemen, it was the fear of driving the absolutists +to fanatical effort, which induced your great Statesmen not to extend to +Europe the principle on which they acted towards the New World, and by +no means the publicly avowed feeble motives. Every manifestation of your +public life in those times shows that I am right to say so. The European +nations were, about 1823, in such a degraded situation, that indeed you +must have felt anxious not to come into any political contact with that +pestilential atmosphere, when, as Mr. Clay said in 1818, in his speech +about the emancipation of South America, "Paris was transferred to St. +Petersburg." But scarcely a year later, the Greek nation came in its +contest to an important crisis, which gave you hope that the spirit of +freedom was waking again, and at once you abandoned the principle of +political indifference for Europe. You know, your Clays and your +Websters spoke, as if really they were speaking for my very cause. You +know how your citizens acted in behalf of that struggle for liberty in a +part of Europe which is more distant than Hungary: and again when Poland +fell, you know what spirit pervaded the United States. + +I have shown you how Washington's policy has been gradually changed: but +one mighty difference I must still commemorate. Your population has, +since Monroe's time, nearly doubled, I believe; or at least has +increased by millions. And what sort of men are these millions? Are they +only native-born Americans? No European emigrants? Many are men, who +though citizens of the United States are, by the most sacred ties of +relationship, attached to the fate of Europe. That is a consideration +worthy of reflection with your wisest men, who will, ere long agree with +me, that in your present condition you are at least as much interested +in the state of Europe, as twenty-eight years ago your fathers were in +the fate of Central and Southern America. And really so it is. The +unexampled sympathy for the cause of my country which I have met with in +the United States proves that it is so. Your generous interference with +the Turkish captivity of the Governor of Hungary, proves that is so. And +this progressive development in your foreign policy, is, in fact, no +longer a mere instinctive ebullition of public opinion, which is about +hereafter to direct your governmental policy; the opinion of the people +is _already_ avowed as the policy of the government. I have a most +decisive authority to rely upon in saying so. It is the message of the +President of the United States. His Excellency, Millard Fillmore, made a +communication to Congress, a few days ago, and there I read the +paragraph:--"The deep interest which we feel in the spread of liberal +principles, and the establishment of free governments, and the sympathy +with which we witness every struggle against oppression, _forbid that +we should be indifferent_ to a case in which the strong arm of a +foreign power is invoked to stifle public sentiment and repress the +spirit of freedom in any country." + +Now, gentlemen, here is the ground which I take for my earnest +endeavours to benefit the cause of Hungary. I have only respectfully to +ask: Is a principle which the public opinion of the United States so +resolutely professes, and which the government of the United States, +with the full sentiment of its responsibility, declares to your Congress +to be a ruling principle of your national government--is that principle +meant to be serious? Indeed, it would be a most impertinent outrage +towards your great people and your national government, to entertain the +insulting opinion, that what the people of the United States and its +national government profess in such a solemn diplomatic manner could be +meant as a mere sporting with the most sacred interests of humanity. God +forbid that I should think so. Therefore, I take the principle of your +policy as I find it established--and I come in the name of oppressed +humanity to claim the unavoidable, practical, consequences of your own +freely chosen policy, which you have avowed to the whole world; to claim +the realization of those expectations which you, the sovereign people of +the United States, have chosen, of your own accord, to raise in the +bosom of my countrymen and of all the oppressed. + +You will excuse me, gentlemen, for having dwelt so long upon that +principle of non-interference with European measures: but I have found +it to be the stone of stumbling thrown in my way when I spoke of what I +humbly request from the United States. I have been charged as arrogantly +attempting to change your existing policy, and since I cannot in one +speech exhaust the complex and mighty whole of my mission, I choose on +the present opportunity to develop my views about that fundamental +principle: and having shown, not theoretically, but practically, that it +is a mistake to think that you had, at any time, such a principle, and +having shown that if you ever entertained such a policy, you have been +forced to abandon it--so much, at least, I hope I have achieved. My +humble requests to your active sympathy may be still opposed by--I know +not what other motives; but the objection, that you must not interfere +with European concerns--this objection is disposed of, once and for +ever, I hope. It remains now to inquire, whether, since you have +professed not to be indifferent to the cause of European freedom--the +cause of Hungary is such as to have just claims to your active and +effectual assistance and support. It is, gentlemen. + +To prove this I do not now intend to enter into an explanation of the +particulars of our struggle, which I had the honour to conduct, as the +chosen Chief Magistrate of my native land. It is highly gratifying to me +to find that the cause of Hungary is--excepting some ridiculous +misrepresentations of ill-will--correctly understood here. I will only +state now one fact, and that is, that our endeavours for independence +were crushed by the armed interference of a foreign despotic power--the +principle of all evil on earth--Russia. And stating this fact, I will +not again intrude upon you with my own views, but recall to your memory +the doctrines established by your own statesmen. Firstly--I return to +your great Washington. He says, in one of his letters to Lafayette, "My +policies are plain and simple; I think every nation has a right to +establish that form of government under which it conceives it can live +most happy; and that no government ought to interfere with the internal +concerns of another." Here I take my ground:--upon a principle of +Washington--a _principle_, not a mere temporary policy calculated +for the first twenty years of your infancy. Russia _has_ interfered +with the internal concerns of Hungary, and by doing so has violated the +policy of the United States, established as a lasting principle by +Washington himself. It is a lasting principle. I could appeal in my +support to the opinion of every statesman of the United States, of every +party, of every time; but to save time, I pass at once from the first +President of the United States to the last, and recall to your memory +this word of the present annual message of his Excellency President +Fillmore:--"Let every people choose for itself, and make and alter its +political institutions to suit its own condition and convenience." I beg +leave also to quote the statement of your present Secretary of State, +Mr. Webster, who, in his speech on the Greek question, speaks +thus:--"The law of nations maintains that in extreme cases resistance is +lawful, and that one nation has no right to interfere in the affairs of +another." Well, that precisely is the ground upon which we Hungarians +stand. + +But I may perhaps meet the objection (I am sorry to say I have met it +already)--"Well, we own that it has been violated by Russia in the case +of Hungary, but after all what is Hungary to us? Let every people take +care of itself, what is that to us?" So some speak: it is the old +doctrine of private egotism, "Every one for himself, and God for us +all." I will answer the objection again by the words of Mr. Webster, +who, in his speech on the Greek question, having professed that the +internal sovereignty of every nation is a law of nations--thus goes on, +"But it may be asked 'what is all that to us?' The question is easily +answered. _We are one of the nations_, and we as a nation have +precisely the same interest in international law as a private individual +has in the laws of his country." The principle which your honourable +Secretary of State professes, is a principle of eternal truth. No man +can disavow it, no political party can disavow it. Thus happily I am +able to address my prayers, not to a party, but to the whole people of +the United States, and will go on to do so as long as I have no reason +to regard one party as opposed or indifferent to my country's cause. + +But from certain quarters it may be avowed, "Well, we acknowledge every +nation's sovereign right; we acknowledge it to be a law of nations that +no foreign power interfere in the affairs of another, and we are +determined to respect this common law of mankind; but if others do not +respect that law it is not ours to meddle with them." Let me answer by +an analysis:--_Every nation has the same interest in international, +law as a private individual has in the laws of his country_. That is +an acknowledged principle with your statesmen. What then is the latter +relation? Does it suffice that an individual do not himself violate the +law? Must he not so far as is in his power also prevent others from +violating the law? Suppose you see that a wicked man is about to rob--to +murder your neighbour, or to burn his house, will you wrap yourself in +your own virtuous lawfulness, and say, "I myself neither rob, nor +murder, nor burn; but what others do is not my concern. I am not my +brother's keeper. _I sympathize with him_; but I am not called on to +save him from being robbed, murdered, or burnt." What honest man of the +world would answer so? None of you. None of the people of the United +States, I am sure. That would be the damned maxim of the Pharisees of +old, who thanked God that they were not as others were. Our Saviour was +not content himself to avoid trading in the hall of the temple, but he +drove out those who were trading there. + +The duty of enforcing observance to the common law of nations has no +other _limit_ than the power to fulfil it. Of course the republic +of St. Marino, or the Prince of Monaco, cannot stop the Czar of Russia +in his ambitious annoyance. It was ridiculous when the Prince of Modena +refused to recognize the government of Louis Philippe--"but to whom much +is given, from him will much be expected," says the Lord. Every +condition has not only its rights, but also its own duties; and whatever +exists as a power on earth, is in duty a part of the executive +government of mankind, called to maintain the law of nations. Woe, a +thousandfold woe to humanity, should there be no force on earth to +maintain the laws of humanity. Woe to humanity, should those who are as +mighty as they are free, not feel interested to maintain the laws of +mankind, because they are rightful laws,--but only in so far as some +partial money-interests would desire it. Woe to mankind if every despot +of the world may dare to trample down the laws of humanity, and no free +nation make these laws respected. People of the United States, humanity +expects that your glorious republic will prove to the world, that +_republics are founded on virtue_--it expects to see you the +guardians of the laws of humanity. + +I will come to the last possible objection. I may be told, "You are +right in your principles, your cause is just, and you have our sympathy, +but, after all, we _cannot_ go to war for your country; we cannot +furnish you armies and fleets; we cannot fight your battle for you." +There is the rub! Who can exactly tell what would have been the issue of +your own struggle for independence (though your country was in a far +happier geographical position than we, poor Hungarians), had France +given such an answer to your forefathers in 1778 and 1781, instead of +sending to your aid a fleet of thirty-eight men-of-war, and auxiliary +troops, and 24,000 muskets, and a loan of nineteen millions? And what +was far more than all this, did it not show that France resolved with +all its power to espouse the cause of your independence? But, perhaps, I +shall be told that France did this, not out of love of freedom, but out +of hatred against England. Well, let it be; but let me then ask, shall +the curse of olden times--hatred--be more efficient in the destinies of +mankind than love of freedom, principles of justice, and the laws of +humanity? And is America in the days of steam navigation more distant +from Europe to-day, than France was from America seventy-three years +ago? However, I most solemnly declare that it is not my intention to +rely literally upon this example. It is not my wish to entangle the +United States in war, or to engage your great people to send out armies +and fleets to raise up and restore Hungary. Not at all, gentlemen; I +most solemnly declare that I have never entertained such expectations or +such hopes; and here I come to the practical point. + +The principle of evil in Europe is the enervating spirit of Russian +absolutism. Upon this rests the daring boldness of every petty tyrant to +trample upon oppressed nations, and to crush liberty. To this Moloch of +ambition has my native land fallen a victim. It is with this that +Montalembert threatens the French republicans. It was Russian +intervention in Hungary which governed French intervention in Rome, and +gave German tyrants hardihood to crush all the endeavours for freedom +and unity in Germany. The despots of the European continent are leagued +against the freedom of the world. That is A MATTER OF FACT. The second +matter of fact is that the European continent is on the eve of a new +revolution. It is not necessary to be initiated in the secret +preparations of the European democracy to be aware of that approaching +contingency. It is pointed out by the French constitution itself, +prescribing a new Presidential election for the next spring. Now, +suppose that the ambition of Louis Napoleon, encouraged by Russian +secret aid, awaits this time (_which I scarcely believe_), and +suppose that there should be a Republic in France; of course the first +act of the new French President must be, at least, to recall the French +troops from Rome. Nobody can doubt that a revolution in Italy will +follow. Or if there is no peaceful solution in France, but a revolution, +then every man knows that whenever the heart of France boils up, the +pulsation is felt throughout Europe, and oppressed nations once more +rise, and Russia again interferes. + +Now I humbly ask, with the view of these circumstances before your eyes, +can it be convenient to such a great power as this glorious Republic, to +await the very outbreak, and not until then to discuss and decide on +your foreign policy? There may come, as under the last President, at a +late hour, agents to see how matters stand in Hungary. Russian +interference and treason achieved what the sacrilegious Hapsburg dynasty +failed to achieve. You know the old words, "While Rome debated, Saguntum +fell." So I respectfully press upon you my FIRST entreaty: it is, that +your people will in good time express to your central government what +course of foreign policy it wishes to be pursued in the case of the +approaching events I have mentioned. And I most confidently hope that +there is only one course possible, consistently with the above recorded +principles. If you acknowledge that the right of every nation to alter +its institutions and government is a law of nations--if you acknowledge +the interference of foreign powers in that sovereign right to be a +violation of the law of nations, as you really do--if you are +_forbidden to remain indifferent_ to this violation of international +law (as your President openly professes that you are)--then there +is no other course possible than neither to interfere in that +sovereign right of nations, nor to allow any other powers +whatever to interfere. + +But you will perhaps object to me, "That amounts to going to war." I +answer: no--that amounts to preventing war. What is wanted to that +effect? It is wanted, that, being aware of the precarious condition of +Europe, your national government should, as soon as possible, send +instructions to your Minister at London, to declare to the English +government that the United States, acknowledging the sovereign right of +every nation to dispose of its own domestic concerns, have resolved not +to interfere, but also not to let any foreign power whatever interfere +with this sovereign right in order to repress the spirit of freedom in +any country. Consequently, to invite the Cabinet of St. James's into +this policy, and declare that the United States are resolved to act +conjointly with England in that decision, in the approaching crisis of +the European continent. Such is my FIRST humble request. If the citizens +of the United States, instead of honouring me with the offers of their +hospitality, would be pleased to pass convenient resolutions, and to +ratify them to their national government--if the press would hasten to +give its aid, and in consequence the national government instructed its +Minister in England accordingly, and by communication to the Congress, +as it is wont, give publicity to this step, I am entirely sure that you +would find the people of Great Britain heartily joining this direction +of policy. No power could feel peculiarly offended by it; no existing +relation would be broken or injured: and still any future interference +of Russia against the restoration of Hungary to that independence which +was formally declared in 1849 would be prevented, Russian arrogance and +preponderance would be checked, and the oppressed nations of Europe soon +become free. + +There may be some over-anxious men, who perhaps would say, "But if such +a declaration of your government were not respected, and Russia still +did interfere, then you would be obliged by this previous declaration, +to go to war; and you don't desire to have a war." That objection seems +to me as if somebody were to say, "If the vault of heaven breaks down, +what shall we do?" My answer is, "But it will not break down." Even so I +answer. But your declaration _will_ be respected--Russia will not +interfere--you will have no occasion for war--you will have prevented +war. Be sure Russia would twice, thrice consider, before provoking +against itself, besides the roused judgment of nations--(to say nothing +of the legions of republican France)--the English "Lion" and the +star-surrounded "Eagle" of America. Remember that you, in conjunction +with England, once before declared that you would not permit European +absolutism to interfere with the formerly Spanish colonies of America. +Did this declaration bring you to a war? quite the contrary; it +prevented war. So it would be in our case also. Let me therefore most +humbly entreat you, people of the United States, to give such practical +direction to your generous sympathy for Hungary, as to arrange meetings +and pass such resolutions, in every possible place of this Union, as I +took the liberty to mention above. + +The SECOND measure which I beg leave to mention, has reference to +commercial interest. In later times a doctrine has stolen into the code +of international law, which is as contrary to the commercial interests +of nations as to their independence. The pettiest despot of the world is +permitted to exclude your commerce from whatever port he pleases. He +has only to arrange the blockade, and your commerce is shut out; or, if +captured Venice, bleeding Lombardy, or my prostrate but resolute +Hungary, rises to shake off the Austrian tyrant's yoke (as surely they +will), that tyrant believes he has the right, from that very moment, to +exclude your commerce from the uprisen nation. Now, this is an +absurdity--a tyrannical invention of tyrants violating your +interest--your independence. The United States have not always regarded +things from the despotic point of view. I find, in a note of Mr. +Everett, Minister of the United States in Spain, dated "Madrid, Jan. 20, +1826," these words:--"In the war between Spain and the Spanish American +colonies, the United States have freely granted to _both_ parties +the hospitality of their ports and territory, and have allowed the +agents of _both_ to procure within their jurisdiction, in the way +of lawful trade, _any_ supplies which suited their convenience." +Now, gentlemen, this is the principle which humanity expects, for your +own and for mankind's benefit, to see maintained by you, and not yonder +fatal course, which permits tyrants to draw from your country every +facility for the oppression of their nations, but forbids nations to buy +the means of defence. That was not the principle of your Washington. +When he speaks of harmony, of friendly intercourse, and of peace, he +always takes care to apply his ideas to _nations_, and not to +_governments_--still less to tyrants who subdue nations by foreign +arms. The sacred word Nation, with all its natural rights, should not be +blotted out, at least from _your_ political dictionary: and yet I +am sorry to see that the word nation is often replaced by the word +Government. Gentlemen, I humbly wish that the public opinion of the +people of the United States, conscious of its own rights, should loudly +and resolutely declare that the people of the United States will +continue its commercial intercourse with any or every nation, be it in +revolution against its oppressors or be it not; and that the people of +the United States expect confidently, that its government will provide +for the protection of your trade. I feel assured, that your national +government, seeing public opinion so pronounced, will judge it +convenient to augment your naval forces in the Mediterranean: and to +look for some such station for it as would not force the navy of +republican America to make disavowals inconsistent with republican +principles or republican dignity, only because King So-and-So, be he +even the cursed King of Naples, grants the favour of an anchoring place +for the naval forces of your republic. I believe your illustrious +country should everywhere freely unfurl the star-spangled banner of +liberty, with all its congenial principles, and not make itself in any +respect dependent on the glorious smiles of the Kings Bomba et Compagne. + +The THIRD object of my wishes, gentlemen, is the recognition of the +independence of Hungary when the critical moment arrives. Your own +declaration of independence proclaims the right of every nation to +assume among the powers of the earth the separate and equal station to +which "the laws of nature and nature's God" entitle them. The political +existence of your glorious republic is founded upon this principle, upon +this right. Our nation stands upon the same ground: there is a striking +resemblance between your cause and that of my country. On the 4th July, +1776, John Adams spoke thus in your Congress, "Sink or swim, live or +die, survive or perish, I am for this declaration. In the beginning we +did not go so far as separation from the Crown, but 'there is a divinity +which shapes our ends.'" These noble words were present to my mind on +the 14th April, 1849, when I moved the forfeiture of the Crown by the +Hapsburgs in the National Assembly of Hungary. Our condition was the +same; and if there be any difference, I venture to say it is in favour +of us. Your country, before this declaration, was not a +_self-consisting independent_ State. Hungary was. Through the +lapse of a thousand years, through every vicissitude of this long +period, while nations vanished and empires fell, _the self-consisting +independence of Hungary was never disputed_, but was recognized by +all powers of the earth, sanctioned by treaties made with the Hapsburg +dynasty, at the era when this dynasty, by the freewill of my nation, +which acted as one of two contracting parties, was invested with the +kingly crown of Hungary. Even more, this independence of the kingdom was +acknowledged to make a part of the international law of Europe, and was +guaranteed not only by foreign European governments, such as Great +Britain, but also by several of those once constitutional states which +belonged formerly to the German, and after its dissolution, to the +Austrian empire. + +This independent condition of Hungary is clearly defined in one of our +fundamental laws of 1791, in these words:--"Hungary is a free and +independent kingdom, having its own self-consistent existence and +constitution, and not subject[*] to any other nation or country in the +world." This therefore was our ancient right. _We were not dependent +on, nor a part of, the Austrian empire, as your country was dependent on +England._ It was clearly defined that we owed to Austria nothing but +good neighbourhood, and the only tie between us and Austria was, that we +elected to be our kings the same dynasty which were also the sovereigns +of Austria, and occupied the same line of hereditary succession as our +kings; but by accepting this; our forefathers, with the consent of the +King, again declared, that though Hungary accepts the dynasty as our +hereditary kings, all the other franchises, rights, and laws of the +nation shall remain in full power and intact; and our country shall not +be governed like the other dominions of that dynasty, but according to +our constitutionally established authorities. We could not belong to +"the Austrian Empire," for that empire did not then as yet exist, while +Hungary had already existed as a substantive kingdom for many centuries, +and for some two hundred and eighty years under the government of that +Hapsburgian dynasty. The Austrian Empire, as you know, was established +only in 1806, when the Rhenish confederacy of Napoleon struck the +deathblow of the German empire, of which Francis II. of Austria, was not +_hereditary_ but _elected_ Emperor. That Hungary had belonged +to the _German_ empire is a thing which no man in the world ever +imagined yet. It is only now that the Hapsburgian tyrant professes an +intention to melt Hungary into the German Confederation; but you know +this intention to be in so striking opposition to the European public +law, that England and France solemnly protested against it, so that it +is not carried out even to-day. The German Empire having died, its late +Emperor Francis, also King of Hungary, chose to entitle himself Austrian +Emperor, in 1806; but even in that fundamental charter he solemnly +declared that Hungary and its annexed provinces _are not intended to +make, and will not make, a part of the Austrian Empire_. Subsequently +he entered with this empire into the German Confederation, but Hungary, +as well as Lombardy and Venice, not making part of the Austrian empire, +still remained separated, and were not received into the confederacy. + +[Footnote *: In the original Latin, _obnoxium_, "not entangled, or +compromised, with any other."] + +The laws which we succeeded to carry in 1848, of course altered nothing +in that old chartered condition of Hungary. We transformed the +peasantry into freeholders, and abolished feudal incumbrances. We +replaced the political privileges of aristocracy by the common liberty +of the whole people; gave to the people at large representation in the +legislature; transformed our municipalities into democratic +corporations; introduced equality before the law for the whole people in +rights and duties, and abolished the immunity of taxation which had been +enjoyed by the class called _Noble_; secured equal religious +liberty to all, secured liberty of the press and of association, +provided for public gratuitous instruction of the whole people of every +confession and of whatever tongue. In all this we did no wrong. All +these were, as you see, internal reforms which did not at all interfere +with our allegiance to the king and were carried lawfully in peaceful +legislation _with the king's own sanction_. Besides this there was +one other thing which was carried. We were formerly governed by a Board +of Council, which had the express duty to govern according to our laws, +and be responsible for doing so; but we found by long experience that a +Corporation cannot really be responsible; and that this was the reason +why the absolutist tendency of the dynasty succeeded in encroaching upon +our liberty. So we replaced the Board of Council by Ministers; the empty +responsibility of a Board by the individual responsibility of men--and +_the king consented to it_. I myself was named by him Minister of +the Treasury. That is all. But precisely here was the rub. The dynasty +could not bear the idea that we would not give to its ambition the life +sweat of our people; it was not contented with the 1,500,000 dollars +which were generously appropriated to it yearly. It dreaded that it +would be disabled in future from using our brave army, against our will, +to crush the spirit of freedom in the world. Therefore it resorted to +the most outrageous conspiracy, and attacked us by arms, and upon +receiving a false report of a great victory this young usurper issued a +proclamation declaring that Hungary shall no more exist--that its +independence, its constitution, its very existence is abolished, and it +shall be absorbed, like a farm or fold, into the Austrian Empire. To all +this Hungary answered, "Thou shalt not exist, tyrant, but we will;" and +we banished him, and issued the declaration of the deposition of his +dynasty, and of our separate independence. + +So you see, gentlemen, that there is a very great difference between +your declaration and ours--it is in our favour. There is another +difference; you declared your independence of the English crown when it +was yet very doubtful whether you would be successful. We declared our +independence of the Austrian crown only after we, in legitimate defence, +were already victorious; when we had actually beaten the pretender, and +had thus already proved that we had strength to become an independent +power. One thing more: our declaration of independence was not only +overwhelmingly voted in our Congress, but every county, every +municipality, solemnly declared its consent and adherence to it; so it +became sanctioned, not by mere representatives, but by the whole nation +positively, and by the fundamental institutions of Hungary. And so it +still remains. Nothing has since happened on the part of the nation +contrary to this declaration. One thing only happened,--a foreign +power, Russia, came with its armed bondsmen, and, aided by treason, has +overthrown us for a while. Now, I put the question before God and +humanity to you, free sovereign people of America, can this violation of +international law abolish the legitimate character of our declaration of +independence? If not, then here I take my ground, because I am in this +very manifesto entrusted with the charge of Governor of my fatherland. I +have sworn, before God and my nation, to endeavour to maintain and +secure this act of independence. And so may God the Almighty help me as +I will--I will, until my nation is again in the condition to dispose of +its government, which I confidently trust,--yea, more, I know,--will be +republican. And then I retire to the humble condition of my former +private life, equalling, in one thing at least, your Washington, not in +merits, but in honesty. That is the only ambition of my life. Amen. +Here, then, is my THIRD humble wish: that the people of the United +States would, by all constitutional means of its wonted public life, +declare that, acknowledging the legitimacy of our independence, it is +anxious to greet Hungary amongst the independent powers of the earth, +and invites the government of the United States to recognize this +independence _at the earliest convenient time_. That is all. Let +me see the principle announced: the rest may well be left to the wisdom +of your government, with some confidence in my own respectful discretion +also. + +So much for the people of the United States, in its public and political +capacity. But if that sympathy which I have the honour to meet with is +really intended to become beneficial, there is one humble wish more +which I entertain: it is a respectful appeal to generous feeling. +Gentlemen, I would rather starve than rely, for myself and family, on +foreign aid; but for my country's Freedom, I would not be ashamed to go +begging from door to door. I have taken the advice of some kind friends +whether it be lawful to express such a humble request, for I feel it an +honourable duty neither to offend nor to evade your laws. I am told it +is lawful. There are two means to see this my humble wish accomplished. +The first is, by spontaneous subscription; the second is, by a loan. The +latter may require private consultation in a narrower circle. As to +subscriptions, the idea was brought home to my mind by a plain but very +generous letter, which I had the honour to receive, and which I beg to +read. It is as follows:-- + +CINCINNATI, O., Nov. 14, 1851. + +M. LOUIS KOSSUTH, Governor of Hungary:--Sir--I have authorized the +office of the Ohio Life Insurance and Trust Company, in New York, to +honour your draft on me for one thousand dollars. Respectfully yours, W. +SMEAD. + +I beg leave here publicly to return my most humble thanks to the +gentleman, for his ample aid, and the delicate manner in which he +offered it; and it came to my mind, that where one individual is ready +to make such sacrifices to my country's cause, there may perhaps be many +who would give their small share to it, if they were only apprised that +it will be thankfully accepted, however small it may be. And it came to +my mind, that millions of drops make an ocean, and the United States +number many millions of inhabitants, all warmly attached to liberty. A +million dollars, paid singly, would be to me far _more_ precious +than paid in one single draft; for it would practically show the +sympathy of the people at large. Would I were so happy as your +Washington was, when he also, for your glorious country's sake, in the +hours of your need, called to France for money. + +Sir, I have done. I came to your shores an exile: you have poured upon +me the triumph of a welcome such as the world has never yet seen. And +why? Because you took me for the representative of that principle of +liberty which God has destined to become the common benefit of all +humanity. It is glorious to see a free and mighty people so greet the +principle of freedom, in the person of one who is persecuted and +helpless. Be blessed for it! Your generous deed will be recorded; and as +millions of Europe's oppressed nations will, even now, raise their +thanksgiving to God for this ray of hope, which by this act you have +thrown on the dark night of their fate; even so, through all posterity, +oppressed men will look to your memory as to a token of God that there +is a hope for freedom on earth, since there is a people like you to feel +its worth and to support its cause. + + * * * * * + +VIII.--ON NATIONALITIES. + +[_Speech at the Banquet of the Press, New York_.] + +At this Banquet, Mr. Bryant, the poet, presided, and numerous speeches +were delivered, among which was one by the well-known author, Mr. +Bancroft, lately ambassador in England. This gentleman closed by saying, +that when the illustrious Governor of Hungary uttered the solemn truth, +that Europe had no hope but in republican institutions--that was a +renunciation to the world that the Austrian monarchy was sick and dying, +and that vitality remained in the people alone. And as he uttered that +truth, not his own race only--not the Magyars only, but every +nationality of Hungary, all the fifteen or twenty millions within its +limits--all cried out that he was the representative of their +convictions--that he was the man of their affections, that he was the +utterer of truths on which they relied. + +Our guest crosses the Atlantic, and he is received; and what is the +great fact that constitutes his reception? He finds there the military +arranged to do him honour. And among those who, on that day, bore arms, +were men of every tongue that is spoken between the steppes of Tartary, +eastward, towards the Pacific ocean. The great truth that was pronounced +on that occasion--I do not fear to utter it--was, let who will cavil, +_la solidarité des peuples_--the sublime truth that all men are +brothers--that all nations, too, are brethren, and are responsible for +one another. + +The chairman also spoke eloquently in introducing the third toast, which +was briefly, LOUIS KOSSUTH. As Mr. Bryant pronounced his name, Kossuth +rose, and was received with multifarious demonstrations of enthusiasm. +At last he proceeded as follows:-- + +Gentlemen.--I know that in your hands the Independent Republican Press +is a weapon to defend truth and justice, a torch lit at the fire of +immortality, a spark of which glisters in every man's soul and proves +its divine origin: and as the cause of my country is just and true, and +wants nothing but light to secure support from every friend of freedom, +every noble-minded man,--for this reason I address you with joy, +gentlemen. + +Though it is sorrowful to see how Austrian intrigues, distorting plain +open history into a tissue of falsehood, find their way even into the +American press, I am proud and happy that the immense majority of you, +conscious of your noble vocation and instinct with the generosity of +freedom, protect our sacred rights against the dark plots of tyranny. +Your Independent Press has likewise proved that its freedom is the most +efficient protection even against calumny; a far better one than +restrictive prevention, which condemns the human intellect to eternal +minority. + +I address you, gentlemen, with the greater joy, because through you I +have the invaluable benefit of reaching the whole of your great, +glorious, and free people. + +Eighty years ago the immortal Franklin's own press was almost the only +one in the colonies: now you have above three thousand newspapers, with +a circulation of five millions of copies. I am told that the journals of +New York State alone exceed in number those of all the rest of the world +outside of your great Union, and that the circulation of the newspapers +of this city alone nearly reaches that of the whole empire of Great +Britain! But, what is more,--I boldly declare that, except in the United +States, there is scarcely anywhere a practical freedom of the press. +Indeed, concerning Norway I am not quite aware. But throughout the +European continent you know how the press is fettered. In France, under +nominally republican government, all the fruits of victorious +revolutions are nipt by the blasting grip of _centralized_ +power,--legislative and administrative omnipotence. The independence of +the French press is crushed; the government cannot bear the free word of +public opinion; and in a republic, the shout "Vive la république" is +become almost a crime. This is a mournful sight, but is an efficient +warning against centralization. It is chiefly Great Britain which boasts +of a free press; and assuredly in one sense the freedom is almost +unlimited: for I saw placards with the printer's name stating that Queen +Victoria is no lawful queen, and all those who rule ought to be hanged; +but men only laughed at the foolish extravagance. Nevertheless, I hope +the generous people of Great Britain will not be offended when I say +that their press is not practically free. Its freedom is not real, for +it is not a _common benefit_ to all: it is but a particular +benefit, that is, a _privilege_. Taxation there forbids the use of +newspapers to the poor. Absence of taxation enables your journals to be +published at one tenth, or even one twentieth, of the English price: +hence several of your daily papers reach from thirty to sixty thousand +readers, while in England one paper alone is on this scale,--the London +'Times,' which circulates thirty thousand, perhaps. Such being the +condition of your press, in addressing you I address a whole people; nor +only so, but a whole intelligent people. + +The wide diffusion of intelligence among you is in fact proved by the +immense circulation of your journals. It is not solely the cheap price +which renders your press a common benefit, and not a mere privilege to +the richer; but it is the universality of public instruction. It is +glorious to know that in this flourishing young city alone nearly a +hundred thousand children receive public education annually. Do you +know, gentlemen, what I consider to be your most glorious monument? if +it be, as I have read, that, when your engineers draw geometrical lines +to guide your wandering squatters in the solitudes where virgin Nature +adores her Lord, they place on every thirty-sixth square of the district +marked out to be a township, a modest wooden pole with the glorious +mark, POPULAR EDUCATION. This is your proudest monument. In my opinion, +not your geographical situation, not your material power, not the bold +enterprizing spirit of your people, is the chief guarantee of their +future; but the universality of education: for a whole people, once +become intelligent, never can consent not to be free. You will always be +willing to be free, and you are great and powerful enough to be as good +as your will. + +My humble prayers in my country's cause I address to your entire nation: +but you, gentlemen, are the engineers through whom my cause must reach +them. It is therefore highly gratifying to me to see, not isolated men, +but the powerful complex of the great word PRESS, granting me this +important manifestation of generous sentiment. I beg you to consider, +that whatever and wherever I speak, is _always_ spoken to the +press; and for all the imperfections of my language let me plead for +your indulgence, as one of your professional colleagues: for indeed such +I have been. + +Yes, gentlemen; I commenced my public career as a journalist. You, under +your happy institutions, know not the torment of writing with hands +fettered by an Austrian censor. To sit at the desk, with a heart full of +the necessity of the moment, a conscience stirred with righteous +feeling, a mind animated with convictions and principles, and a whole +soul warmed by a patriot's fire;--to see before your eyes the scissors +of the censor ready to lop your ideas, maim your arguments, murder your +thoughts, render vain your laborious days and sleepless nights;--to know +that the people will judge you, not by what you have felt, thought, +written, but by what the censor will let you say;--to perceive that the +prohibition has no rule or limit but the arbitrary pleasure of a man who +is doomed by profession to be a coward and a fool;--oh! his little +scissors suspended over one are a worse misery than the sword of +Damocles. Oh! to go on, day by day, in such a work of Sisyphus, believe +me, is no small sacrifice of any intelligent man to fatherland and +humanity. And this is the present condition of the press, not in Hungary +only, but in all countries cursed by Austrian rule. Indeed, our recent +reforms gave freedom of the press, not to my fatherland only, but +indirectly to Vienna, Prague, Lemberg; in a word, to the whole empire of +Austria and this must ensure your sympathy to us. Contrariwise, the +interference of Russia has crushed the press on the whole European +continent. Freedom of the press is incompatible with the preponderance +of Russia, and with the very existence of the Austrian dynasty, the +sworn enemy of every liberal thought. This must engage your generous +support to sweep away those tyrants, and to raise liberty where now foul +oppression rules. + +Some time back there appeared in certain New York papers systematic +falsehoods, which went so far as to state that we, the Hungarians, had +struggled for oppression, while it was the Austrian dynasty which stood +up for liberty! Such effrontery astonishes even one who has seen +Russian treacheries. We may be misrepresented, scorned, jeered at, +censured. Our martyrs, whose blood cries for revenge, may be laughed at +as fools. Heroes, who will command the veneration of history, may be +called Don Quixotes. But that among freemen and professed republicans +even the honour of an unfortunate nation, in its most mournful +suffering, should not be sacred,--that is indeed a sorrowful page in +human history. + +You cannot expect me to enter into a special refutation of this compound +of calumnies. I may reserve it for my pen. But inasmuch as the basis of +all the calumnies lies in general ignorance concerning the relation of +the Magyars to other races of Hungary, permit me to speak on the +question of NATIONALITIES, a false theory of which plays so mischievous +a part in the destinies of Europe. No word has been more misrepresented +than the word Nationality, which is become in the hands of absolutism a +dangerous instrument against liberty. + +Let me ask you, gentlemen: are you, the people of the United States, a +_nation_, or not? Have you a _national_ government, or not? +You answer, yes: and yet you are not all of one blood, nor of one +language. Millions of you speak English; others French, German, Italian, +Spanish, Danish, and even several Indian dialects: yet you are a nation. +Neither your central government, nor those of separate states, nor your +municipalities, legislate or administer in every language spoken among +you; yet you have a national government. + +Now, suppose many of you were struck with the curse of Babel, and +exclaimed, "This union is an oppression! our laws, our institutions, our +state and city governments, are an oppression! What is union to us? what +are rights? what avail laws? what is freedom? what is geography? what +is community of interests to us? They are all nothing; LANGUAGE is +everything. Let us divide the Union, divide the states, divide the very +cities, divide the whole territory, according to languages. Let the +people of every language become a separate state: for every nation has a +right to national life, and to us, the language, and nothing else, is +the nationality. Unless the state is founded upon language, its +organization is tyranny." + +What then would become of your great Union? What of your constitution, +the glorious legacy of your greatest man? What of those immortal stars +on mankind's moral sky? What would become of your country itself, +whence the spirit of freedom soars into light, and rising hope +irradiates the future of humanity? What would become of this grand, +mighty complex of your republic, should her integrity ever be rent by +the fanatics of language? Where now she walks among the rising temples +of liberty and happiness, she soon would tread upon ruins, and mourn +over human hopes. But happy art then, free nation of America, founded on +the only solid basis,--liberty! a principle steady as the world, eternal +as the truth, universal for every climate, for every time, like +Providence. Tyrants are not in the midst of you to throw the apple of +discord and raise hatred in this national family, hatred of +_races_, that curse of humanity, that venomous ally of despotism. +Glorious it is to see the oppressed of diverse countries,--diverse in +language, history, habits,--wandering to these shores, and becoming +members of this great nation, regenerated by the principle of common +liberty. + +If language alone makes a nation, then there is no great nation on +earth: for there is no country whose population is counted by millions, +but speaks more than one language. No! It is not language only. +Community of interests, of rights, of duties, of history, but chiefly +community of institutions; by which a population, varying perhaps in +tongue and race, is bound together through daily intercourse in the +towns, which are the centres and home of commerce and industry:--besides +these, the very mountain-ranges, the system of rivers and streams,--the +soil, the dust of which is mingled with the mortal remains of those +ancestors who bled on the same field, for the same interests, the common +inheritance of glory and of woe, the community of laws and institutions, +common freedom or common oppression:--all this enters into the complex +idea of Nationality. + +That this is instinctively felt by the common sense of the people, +nowhere is more manifestly shown than at this very moment in my native +land. Hungary was declared by Francis Joseph of Austria _no more to +exist_ as a Nation, no more as a State. It was and is put under +martial law. Strangers, aliens to our laws and history as well as to our +tongue, rule now, where our fathers lived and our brothers bled. To be a +Hungarian is become almost a crime in our own native land. Well: to +justify before the world the extinction of Hungary, the partition of its +territory, and the reincorporating of the dissected limbs into the +common body of servitude, the treacherous dynasty was anxious to show +that the Hungarians are in a minority in their own land. They hoped that +intimidation and terrorism would induce even the very Magyars to disavow +their language and birth. They ordered a census of races to be made. +They performed it with the iron rule of martial law; and dealt so +arbitrarily that thousands of women and men, who professed to be +Magyars, who professed not to know any other language than the Magyar, +were, notwithstanding all their protestation, put down as Sclaves, +Serbs, Germans, or Wallachians, because their names had not quite a +Hungarian sound. And still what was the issue of this malignant plot? +That of the twelve millions of inhabitants of Hungary proper, the +Magyars turned out to be more than eight millions, some two millions +more than we know the case really is. The people instinctively felt that +the tyrant had the design through the pretext of language to destroy the +existence of the complex nation, and it met the tyrannic plot as if it +answered, "We are, and must be, a nation; and if the tyrant takes +language only for the mark of nationality, then we are all Magyars." And +mark well, gentlemen! this happened, not under my governorship, but +under the rule of Austrian martial law. The Cabinet of Vienna became +furious; it thought of a new census, but prudent men told them that a +new census would give the whole twelve millions as Magyars; thus no new +census was taken. + +But on the European continent there unhappily has grown up a school, +which bound the idea of nationality to the idea of language only, and +joined political pretensions to it. There are some who advocate the +theory that existing States must cease, and the territories of the world +be divided anew by languages and nations, separated by tongues. + +You are aware that this idea, if it were not impracticable, would be a +curse to humanity--a deathblow to civilization and progress, and throw +back mankind by centuries. It would be an eternal source of strife and +war: for there is a holy, almost religious tie, by which man's heart is +bound to his home, and no man would ever consent to abandon his native +land only because his neighbours speak another language than himself. +His heart claims that sacred spot where the ashes of his fathers +lie--where his own cradle stood--where he dreamed the happy dreams of +youth, and where nature itself bears a mark of his manhood's toil. The +idea were worse than the old migration of nations was. Nothing but +despotism would rise out of such a fanatical strife of all mankind. + +And really it is very curious. Nobody of the advocates of this +mischievous theory is willing to yield to it for himself--but others he +desires to yield to it. Every Frenchman becomes furious when his Alsace +is claimed to Germany by the right of language--or the borders of his +Pyrenees to Spain--but there are some amongst the very men who feel +revolted at this idea, who claim of Germany that it should yield up +large territory because one part of the inhabitants speak a different +tongue, and would claim from Hungary to divide its territory, which God +himself has limited by its range of mountains and the system of streams, +as also by all the links of a community of more than a thousand years; +to cut off our right hand, Transylvania, and to give it up to the +neighbouring Wallachia, to cut out like Shylock one pound of our very +breast--the Banat--and the rich country between the Danube and +Theiss--to augment by it Turkish Serbia and so forth. It is the new +ambition of conquest, but an easy conquest not by arms, but by language. + +So much I know, at least, that this absurd idea cannot, and will not, be +advocated by any man here in the United States; which did not open its +hospitable shores to humanity, and greet the flocking millions of +emigrants with the right of a citizen, in order that the Union may be +cut to pieces, and even your single States divided into new-framed, +independent countries according to languages. + +And do you know, gentlemen, whence this absurd theory sprang up on the +European Continent? It was the idea of Panslavismus--that is the idea +that the mighty stock of Sclavonic races is called to rule the world, as +once the Roman did. It was a Russian plot--it was a dark design to make +out of national feelings a tool to Russian preponderance over the world. + +Perhaps you are not aware of the historical origin of this plot. It was +after that most immortal act of tyranny, the third division of Poland, +that the chance of fate brought the Prince Czartorinsky, to the Court of +Catherine of Russia. He subsequently became minister of Alexander the +Czar. It was in this quality that, with the noble aim to benefit his +fallen fatherland, he claimed from the young Czar the restoration of +Poland, suggesting for equivalent the idea of Russian preponderance over +all nations of the old Sclavonic race. I believe his intention was +sincere; I believe he did not mean to overlook those natural borders, +which, besides the affinity of language, God himself has drawn between +the nations. But he forgot that he might be no longer able to master +the spirits which he would raise, and that an undesired fanaticism might +force sundry fantastical shapes into his framework, by which the frame +itself must burst in pieces. He forgot that Russian preponderance cannot +be propitious to liberty; he forgot that it cannot be favourable even to +the development of the Sclave nationality, because Sclavonic nations +would by this idea be degraded into mere Russians, that is, absorbed by +despotism. + +Russia got hold of the fanciful idea very readily! May be that young +Alexander had in the first moment noble inclinations; the warm heart of +youth is susceptible to noble instincts. It is not common in history to +find young princes so premature in tyranny as Francis-Joseph of Austria. +But a few years of power were sufficient to extinguish every spark of +noble sentiment, if there was one, in Alexander's heart. Upon the +throne of the Romanoffs the man is soon absorbed by the Autocrat. The +traditional policy of St. Petersburg is not an atmosphere in which the +plant of regeneration can grow, and the fanciful idea became soon a +weapon of oppression and of Russian preponderance--Russia availed +herself of the idea of Panslavism to break Turkey down, and to make an +obedient satellite out of Austria. Turkey still withstands her, but +Austria has fallen into the snare. Russia sent out its agents, its +moneys, its venomous secret diplomacy; it whispered to the Sclave +nations about hatred against foreign dominion--about independence of +religion connected with nationality under its own supremacy; but chiefly +it spoke to them of Panslavism under the protectorate of the Czar. The +millions of his large empire also, all oppressed--all in servitude--all +a tool to his ambition; them too he flattered with the idea of becoming +rulers of the world, in order that they might not think of liberty: he +knew that man's breast cannot maintain in ascendancy two great passions +at once. He gave them ambition and excluded the spirit of liberty. This +ambition got hold of all the Sclave nations through Europe; so +Panslavism became the source of a movement, not of nationality, but of +the dominion of languages. That word "language" replaced every other +sentiment, and so it became a curse to the development of liberty. + +Only one part of the Sclavonic races saw the matter clear, and withstood +the current of this dark Russian plot. These were the Polish +Democrats--the only ones who understood that to fight for liberty is to +fight for nationality. Therefore they fought in our ranks, and were +willing to flock in thousands upon thousands to aid us in our struggle; +but we could not arm them, so I would not accept them. We ourselves had +a hundredfold more hands ready to fight than arms--and there was nobody +in the world to supply us with arms. + +Now let me see what was the condition of Hungary under these +circumstances. + +Eight hundred and fifty years ago, when the first King of Hungary, St. +Stephen, becoming Christian himself, converted the Hungarian nation to +Christianity, it was the Roman Catholic clergy of Germany whom he +invited to assist him in his pious work. They did assist him, but the +assistance, as happens with human nature, was accompanied by some +worldly designs. Hungary offered a wide field to the ambition of +foreigners, and they persuaded the King to adopt a curious principle, +which he laid down in his last Will and Testament--that it is not good +for the people of a country to be but of one extraction and speak but +one tongue. A second rule was, to adopt the language of the +Church--Latin--for the language of government, legislature, law and all +public proceedings. This is the origin of that fatality, that Democracy +did not grow up for centuries in Hungary. The public proceedings being +in Latin, the laws given in Latin, public instruction carried on in +Latin, the great mass of the people, who were agriculturists, did not +partake in any of this; and the few who in the ranks of the people +partook in it, became severed and alienated from the people's interests. +This dead Latin language, introduced into the public life of a living +nation, was the most mischievous barrier against liberty. The first +blow to it was stricken by the Reformation. The Protestant Church, +introducing the national language into the divine services, became a +medium to the development of the spirit of liberty, and so our ancient +struggles for religious liberty were always connected with the +maintenance of political rights. But still, Latin public life went on +down to 1780. At that time, Joseph of Hapsburg, aiming at +centralization, replaced the Latin by the German tongue. This roused the +national spirit of Hungary; and our forefathers seeing that the dead +Latin language, excluding the people from the public concerns, cannot be +propitious to liberty, and anxious to oppose the design of the Viennese +Cabinet to Germanize Hungary, and _so melt it into the common +absolutism of the Austrian dynasty_--I say, anxious to oppose this +design by a cheerful public life of the people itself, from the year +1790 began to pass laws in the direction that by-and-by, step by step, +the Latin language should be replaced in the public proceedings of the +Legislature and of the Government by a living language familiar to the +people itself. And what was more natural, than that, being in the +necessity to choose one language, they choose the Magyar? the more so, +since those who spoke Hungarian were not only more than those who spoke +any one of the other languages, but were if not more than, at least +equal to, all those who spoke several other languages together. + +Be so kind to mark well, gentlemen; no other language was oppressed--the +Hungarian language was enforced upon nobody. Wherever another language +was in use even in public life; of whatever Church--whatever popular +school--whatever community--it was not replaced by the Hungarian +language. It was only the dead Latin, which by-and-by became eliminated +from the diplomatic public life, and replaced by the living Hungarian in +Hungary. + +In Hungary, I say. Gentlemen, be pleased to mark: never was this measure +extended into the municipal life of Croatia and Sclavonia, which, though +belonging for 800 years to Hungary, still were not Hungary, but a race +with distinct local institutions. + +The Croatians and Sclavonians themselves repeatedly urged us in the +common parliament to afford them opportunity to learn the Hungarian +language, that, having the right, they might also enjoy the benefit, of +being employed in the government offices of our common Hungary. This +opportunity was afforded to them, but nobody was forced to make use of +it; while neither with their own municipal and public life, nor with the +domestic, social, religious life, of any other people in Hungary itself, +did the Hungarian language ever interfere. It replaced only the Latin +language, which no people spoke, and which was contrary to liberty, +because it excluded the millions from public life. Willing to give +freedom to the people, we expelled that Latin tongue; which was an +obstacle to its future. We did what every other nation in the old world +has done, clearing by it the way to the universal liberty. + +Your country is happy even in that respect. Being a young nation, you +did not find the Latin tongue in your way when you established this +Republic; so you did not want a law to eject it from your public life. +You have a living language, which is spoken in your Congress, in your +State Legislatures, and by which your Government rules. It is not the +native language of your whole people--and yet no man in the Union takes +it for an oppression that legislature and government is not carried on +in every language spoken in the United States. + +And one thing I have to mention yet. This replacing of the Latin +language by the Hungarian was not a work of our recent measures, it was +done before, step by step, from 1791. When we carried in 1848 our +democratic reforms, and gave political, social, civil, and full +religious freedom to the whole people, we extended our cares to the +equal protection of every tongue and race, affording to all equal right +to aid out of the public funds, for the moral, religious, and scientific +development in churches and in schools. Nay, we extended this even to +political affairs, sanctioning the free use of every tongue, in the +municipalities and communal corporations, as well as in the +administration of justice. The promulgation of the laws in every tongue, +the right to petition and to claim justice in each man's tongue, the +duty of the government to answer in the same, all this was granted, and +thus far more was done in that respect also, than any other nation ever +accorded to the claims of tongues; by far more than the United States +ever did, though there is no country in the world where so many +different languages are spoken as here. + +It is therefore the most calumnious misrepresentation to say that the +Hungarians struggled for the dominion of their own _race_. No; we +struggled for civil, political, social, and religious freedom, common to +all, against Austrian despotism. We struggled for the great principle +of _self-government against centralization_; because centralization +is absolutism; and is inconsistent with constitutional rights. Austria +has given the very proof of it. The House of Austria had never the +intention to grant constitutional life to the nations of Europe. I will +prove that on another occasion. But the friends of the Hapsburgs say, +it has granted a constitution--in March, 1849. Well, where is that +Constitution now? It was not only never executed, but it was, three +months ago, formally withdrawn. Even the word Ministry is blotted out +from the Dictionary of the Austrian government! Schwarzenberg is again +House, Court, and State Chancellor, as Metternich was; only Metternich +ruled not with the iron rule of martial law over the whole empire of +Austria as Schwarzenberg does. Metternich _encroached upon_ the +constitutional rights of Hungary, Transylvania, Croatia, and Slavonia. +Schwarzenberg has _abolished_ them, and young Francis-Joseph has +melted all the nations together into common bondage, where the promised +_equality of nationalities_ is carried out most literally, to be +sure, for they are all equally oppressed, and all are equally ruled by +absolutist principles and by the German language. And why was that +illusory constitution withdrawn? Because it was a lie from the +beginning; an impossibility. It was founded on the principle of +centralization. It centralized thirteen different nations, which had had +no political history in common, except to have groaned under Austrian +rule. Under such circumstances to have a common life was an absurdity +augmented by deceit. + +I cannot exhaust this vast topic in one speech. We want Republican +institutions, so founded on self-government everywhere, that the people +themselves may be sovereign everywhere. This is the cause, for which I +humbly request your protecting aid. It is the cause of oppressed Europe. +It is the cause of Germany, bleeding under some thirty petty tyrants who +lean on that league of despots, the basis of which is Petersburg. It is +the cause of fair, but unfortunate Italy, which in so many respects is +now dear to our heart. We have a common enemy; so we are brothers in +arms for freedom and independence. I know how Italy is situated; and I +dare confidently to declare, there is no hope for Italy, but in that +great republican party, at the head of which Mazzini stands. It has +nothing to do with communistical schemes, or the French doctrines of +Socialism: but it wills, that Italy be free and republican. Whither else +could Italy look for freedom and independence, if not to that party +which Mazzini leads? To the King of Naples perhaps? Let me be silent +about that execrated man. Or to the dynasty of Sardinia and Piedmont? +This professes to be constitutional; yet it captures those poor +Hungarian soldiers who seek an asylum in Piedmont,--captures, and +delivers them to Austria to be shot: and they _are_ shot, +increasing the number of those 3742 martyrs whom Radetzky murdered on +the scaffold during three short years. The House of Savoy is become the +blood-hound of Austria against fugitive Hungarians. + +Gentlemen, the generous sympathy of public opinion here (God be +blessed!) is strongly aroused to the wrongs and sufferings of Hungary. I +look to _your_ aid to keep that sympathy alive,--to urge the +formation of societies to collect funds and support a loan,--to move in +favour of the propositions which I had the honour to express at the +Corporation Banquet. Consider not the weakness of my address, but only +the strength of my cause; and following the generous impulse of your +republican hearts, accord to it the protective aid of the free +independent Press. Then I may yet see fulfilled the noble words of your +Chairman's poetry:-- + + Truth crush'd to earth shall rise again; + The eternal years of God are hers; + But error, wounded, writhes in pain, + And dies _among_.... + (let me add, Sir,).. _with all_ her worshippers. + +In the course of the same evening, one of the toasts drunk was, "To the +Political Exiles of Europe," to which Michael Doheny, Esq., an Irish +exile, first responded, in a speech full of animosity against England. +After him Mr. DANA made the following speech, which may be a useful +comment on that of Kossuth. + +My friend, who has taken his seat, spoke in his own right as a political +exile from Ireland, a country than which none has more deeply suffered +from the woes of foreign domination. I speak here by no such title. And +yet if any man may without presumption claim to speak in behalf of the +political exiles and rebels against tyranny, of several nations, of all +nations, indeed it is an American. For he is not only himself the heir +of a nation of rebels, but his whole lineage is cosmopolitan, and he may +boast that he is akin to all the races of Europe. We have no exclusive +origin, thank God! In the veins of our country there flows the blood of +a thousand tribes, just as our language is made up of a thousand idioms. +We hear a good deal from certain quarters about the greatness of races, +the practical energy of this race, the artistic genius of the other, and +the great intellectual qualities of another. America disproves of all +these dogmas, and establishes in their stead the higher principle that +all races are capable of a noble development under noble institutions. +Give freedom to the Celt, the Slavon, or the Italian, or whatever other +people; give them freedom and independence; establish among them the +great principle of _local self-government_, and the earth does not +more surely revolve in its orbit than they will in due time ripen into +all the excellence and all the dignity of humanity. Men make and control +institutions, but institutions in their turn make men. And if a people +under Providence are endowed with institutions that have given free play +and healthy growth to the most useful and admirable powers of man, it is +not for that people to boast of its race as better than other races, and +thank God, like the Pharisee, that it is not as other men. No, it is for +that people to see the cause of its good fortune in its institutions, +and to remember that it has responsibilities, and that it owes a helping +hand to others that honestly struggle for such benefits. Especially is +this the case with the American people, made up as they are from all +races, and absorbing yearly as they do so much of the best blood of all. +America has thriven and grown strong upon the misfortunes of Europe. Our +toast specially refers to the political exiles of Europe, but the truth +is, that all the exiles of that continent are political. Every shipload +of emigrants that seeks our shores has been banished by political +causes; for had the institutions of their country been such as to secure +to them freedom and the prosperity of freedom, do you think they would +have forsaken their homes and the homes of their fathers to seek new +homes beyond the ocean? We owe then to Europe a debt for all this +population and power that it has flung upon our shores, and how else can +we pay it except by doing what we can to help the European nations to +gain their freedom and form institutions under which there will be no +political exiles? For one I go for paying that debt, according to our +means and opportunities. I saw the other day in the streets a large +body of Europeans of various nations, marching along with a red flag. +In Paris, or Rome, or Vienna, such a procession would have been +impossible, or if it could have got into the streets, it would have been +assailed by the soldiery, and its members either shot down or flung into +prison. Yet in New York they went peacefully on their way, made their +demonstration in all freedom, and no trouble or harm came of it. Very +many of those men were political exiles. And why? Not because they were +bad men, for here in New York nothing could be more quiet and +appropriate than their behaviour. But they prove, that from whatever +country there are political exiles, there the institutions are bad. I +know we are in the habit of hearing about Red Republicans and Socialists +as men who are dangerous on account of their opinions, and who have +deserved to be banished from France, from Germany, from Italy. I will +not now say anything about those opinions, but this I do say, that a +country where all opinions and every opinion cannot be held and freely +discussed, has a bad system of government and bad institutions. It is +not the men nor their opinions that stand condemned, but the government +and institutions. Therefore it is that we must sympathize with such +exiles, without regard to their opinions, and pray earnestly and labour +earnestly for the elevation of all countries to freedom. + + * * * * * + +IX.--ON MILITARY INSTITUTIONS. + +[_Speech to the New York Militia, December 16th._] + +The First Division, consisting of four brigades, was presented to +Kossuth in the Castle Garden. Major-General Sandford then proceeded to +address Kossuth as follows:-- + +Governor Kossuth:--It is with no ordinary feeling of gratification that +I have this opportunity of addressing you, in the name and on behalf of +the citizen soldiers of the city of New York. With an unbounded +admiration of your devotion to the great cause of constitutional +liberty, and of that indomitable firmness with which you have persevered +under all circumstances in sustaining it, they were most happy to +testify, upon your arrival in our city, their sense of your services in +that cause which they are organized to sustain, and now they are again +assembled to greet you with a heart-felt welcome, and to listen to the +voice of one whom they have learned to respect, to love, and to +venerate. The body of men now presented to you, about five thousand in +number, represents the First Division of New York State Militia. The +division enrols about fifty thousand men in this city and upon Staten +Island, and the law of our State only imposes upon the general body the +duty of appearing armed and equipped once in each year, at an annual +parade appointed for that purpose. But out of this large number the law +provides for the organization of those who are willing and desirous to +acquire that degree of military science, to fit them, upon any sudden +emergency of domestic insurrection or of foreign aggression, to sustain +the laws and support the institutions of our country. They uniform and +equip themselves at their own expense, and they serve without pay, +satisfied with the consciousness that they are discharging a duty to +their country, and qualifying themselves to sustain the honour of our +flag and the freedom won by our fathers. They represent fairly all +classes of our citizens. Our hard-working and ingenious mechanic--our +enterprising and energetic merchant--our intelligent professional +men--our grocers, butchers, bakers, and cartmen, are all to be found in +our ranks, exhibiting in public spirit, energy, and intelligence, a body +of men not to be surpassed, even in this country of active enterprise +and widely diffused intelligence. It is amongst such men, devoted to +such a service, that, you may feel well assured, the intelligence of the +noble struggle of the Hungarian people for their rights and liberties +was received with the deepest feeling, and the progress of your contest +watched with the most earnest solicitude. They exulted in your +victories as the triumph of freedom over oppression and despotism--they +saw in your almost superhuman energies and dauntless courage the hearts +of a people determined to be free. They rejoiced that a great nation, +with kindred principles and institutions, was established as an +independent republic amidst the despotisms of Europe. But, alas! all +their hopes and anticipations were blasted. Such an example amidst the +down-trodden subjects of the arbitrary governments of Europe, was viewed +with alarm by their despotic rulers, and the enslaved hordes of the +imperial Russian were hurled upon the free sons of Hungary. Even with +such mighty odds, we should not have despaired for Hungary, had she been +afforded but one year of peaceful preparation to complete her +organization and develop her resources. Her gallant sons upon her own +soil, and battling for their homes, their altars, and their +independence, would have been unconquerable. But treason and despotism +combined, triumphed over freedom. Then commenced a scene of horrors and +cruelty, such as despots only and the minions of despots can perpetrate. + +Hungarian liberty may be cast down, but cannot be destroyed. The sacred +flame burns unquenched in the hearts of the people, and will again burst +forth, a glorious light to enlighten the nation--but a consuming fire to +their oppressors. But when? and how shall this be accomplished? Sir, we +believe and feel with you that this will be accomplished whenever the +free people of America, uniting with those kindred nations of Europe +which sustain and shall secure free institutions, will support and +insist upon that great moral principle of international law which you +have recently so eloquently and ably expounded--that one nation should +not interfere with the domestic concerns of another. Establish this +great and just principle, and Hungary would again assume her station +among the nations of the earth--free and independent. Establish this +great principle, and Germany and Italy would also soon be free. Sir, we +believe in this great principle; we believe it to be a principle of +justice and humanity; we believe it to be the inalienable right of every +people to establish such forms of government as are best adapted to +their condition, and as they may deem best calculated to ensure their +own rights, liberties, and pursuit of happiness. And we believe that +this great principle of international law should be the basis of the +intercourse of nations, and that we have no more right to make free with +the forms of government of other nations, than with their forms of +religion. But this principle being conceded and established, how is it +to be enforced? How are the despotic dynasties of Europe to be prevented +from lending their combined energies to crush every germ of freedom +amongst those who, if left to themselves, would, like Hungary, be free +and independent. Solely by the method which you have so ably developed. +Solely by inducing those nations which are strong enough to maintain the +principles of international law--to unite in their support, and by such +union, effectually to guarantee the peace of the world. To effect this +most desirable object, you have adopted the true method. You would +operate upon the public opinion, and public opinion operating upon free +government, creates and establishes public and international law. But +when we see this great principle of non-intervention violated--when we +see a free and united people crushed and trampled upon by foreign +despots, because they have dared to proclaim and establish equal rights +and privileges as the basis of their own institutions, must we look +tamely on and see the life-blood of freedom crushed out by the iron heel +of barbaric despotism, and hear the death-groans of the brave and free +without daring to express our feelings or to extend the hand of sympathy +and comfort to the suffering sons of liberty? No! in the name of +outraged justice and humanity, no! We will openly, warmly, and freely +express our sympathy in the cause of freedom, and our approbation of the +devotion, the endurance, and the gallantry of her sons. We will, by all +constitutional modes, endeavour to sustain those principles, which will +terminate this outrage upon the sacred laws of justice and humanity. We +will further aid this cause by contributing our share to the +contributions offered by our people to enable you to advance the +establishment of those principles so important to the emancipation of +your beloved Hungary, and so essential to the preservation of civil and +religious liberty. And now upon this interesting occasion, I hail the +presence of this noble company of faithful and devoted sons of Hungary, +your companions in exile and in prison, and present them to this +division; men, who, like our fathers, pledged their sacred honours "to +sustain the independence of their country." [Here there was an outburst +of cheering, and Colonel Berczenszy and the other Hungarians, companions +in arms of Kossuth, all rose, and were again greeted with another burst +of enthusiastic cheering.] We receive them as friends and brothers, and +as martyrs in the same holy cause of constitutional liberty in which our +fathers fought and bled, and suffered, and triumphed; and in which, we +trust and believe, you will also live to triumph and rejoice, in the +bosom of your own, your native land. + +Loud applause followed the conclusion of this address. + +Kossuth then rose and said-- + +General and gentlemen,--I accept with the highest gratitude, the honour +to meet the first division of the New York State Militia, who having, in +their capacity of citizen soldiers, honoured me on my arrival by their +participation in the generous welcome which I met with, have also, by +the military honour bestowed on me, so much contributed to impart to +this great demonstration that public character which cannot fail to +prove highly beneficial to the cause which I hold up before the free +people of this mighty republic, and which I dare confidently to state is +the great question of freedom and independence to the European +continent. I entreat you, gentlemen, not to expect any elaborate speech +from me, because really I am unprepared to make one. You are citizen +soldiers, a glorious title, to which I have the ambition of aspiring; +so, I hope you will kindly excuse me, if I endeavour to speak to you +_as_ soldiers. Do you know, gentlemen, what is the finest speech I +ever heard or read? It is the address of Garibaldi to his Roman soldiers +in the last war, when he told them:--"Soldiers, what I have to offer you +is fatigue, danger, struggling, and death--the chill of the cold night, +the open air, and the burning sun--no lodgings, no munitions, no +provisions--but forced marches, dangerous watchposts, and continual +struggling with bayonets against batteries. Let those who love freedom +and their country, follow me." That is the most glorious speech I ever +heard in my life. But, of course, that is no speech for to-day. I will +speak so, when I again meet the soldiers of Hungary, to fight once more +the battle of freedom and independence. [After various compliments to +General Sandford on the appearance of his soldiers, and the good order +of the republic, Kossuth continued as follows:] I thank you for the +explanation of the organization and discipline of this gallant division. +Europe has many things to learn from America. It has to learn the value +of free institutions--the expansive power of freedom--the practical +value of local self-government, as opposed to centralization. But one of +the most important lessons you give to Europe, is in the organization of +the militia of the United States. You have the best organized army in +the world, and yet you have scarcely a standing army at all. That is a +necessary thing for Europe to learn from America---that great standing +armies must cease. But they can cease, only _then_, when the nations +are free; for great standing armies are not national institutions, they +are the instruments of dynastic violence or foreign despotism. The +existence of tyranny imposes on Europe great standing armies. When the +nations once become free, they will not want them, because they will not +war with each other. Freedom will become a friendly link among nations. +But as far as they may want them, your example shows that a popular +militia, like yours, is the mightiest national Defence. Thirty-seven +years ago a great battle was fought at New Orleans, which showed what a +defence your country has in its militia. Nay more, your history proves +that this institution affords the most powerful means of Offensive war, +should war become indispensable. I am aware, gentlemen, that your war +with Mexico was chiefly carried on by volunteers. I know what a +distinguished part the volunteers of New York took in that war. And who +were these volunteers? Who were those from New York city, and of other +regiments? They were of your militia, the source of that military spirit +which is the glory of your country, and its safety when needed in time +of war or social disorder. I learned all this from the United States, +and it was my firm intention to carry out this militia organization in +Hungary. My idea was and still is to do so, and I will endeavour, with +the help of God, to carry it out. + +My idea is, there are duties towards one native land common to every +citizen, and public instruction and education must have such a direction +as to enable every citizen to perform them. One of these duties is to +defend it in time of danger, to take up arms for its freedom and +independence and security. My idea is to lay such a foundation for +public instruction, in the schools, that every boy in Hungary shall be +educated in military skill, so much as is necessary for the defence of +his native land, and those who feel inclined to adopt the profession of +arms, might complete their education in higher public schools and +universities, as is the case in the professions of the bar, and physic, +and the pulpit. But I would have no distinction among the citizens. To +defend our country is a common duty, and every one must know how to +perform it. Taking the basis of your organization as an example for +Hungary, Hungary would have at least one million of men ready to defend +it against the oppression of any power whatever. That the militia of +Hungary, thus developed, would be the most solid guardian of my +country's freedom and independence, we have shown in our past struggles. +The glorious deeds which the unnamed heroes of the people achieved, +proves what with previous preparation they could do in defence of their +native land. Often they have gone into battle without knowing how to +fire or cock a musket; but they took batteries by their bayonets, and +they achieved glorious deeds like those that are classed among the deeds +of immortality. We have not either wish or inclination for conquest. We +are content with our native land if it be independent and free. For the +maintenance of that independence and freedom, we established by law the +institution of the National Guard. It is like your militia. I consider +the organization to be like a porcupine, which moves on its own road +quietly, but when attacked or when danger approaches, stretches forth +its thorns. May God Almighty grant that I may soon see developed in my +native land, the great institution of a National Guard! + +The power of Hungary, thus established, is a basis indispensable to the +freedom of Europe. I will prove this in a few words. The enemy of +European freedom is Russia. Now, can Hungary be a barrier to secure +Europe against this power of Russia? I answer: yes. You are a nation of +twenty-four millions, and you have an organized militia of some three +millions; Hungary is a nation of fifteen millions, and at least can have +one million of brave citizen soldiers. I hope this may be regarded, +then, as a positive proof of what I say about the ability of Hungary to +resist the power of despotism, and defend Europe against Russian +encroachments. Another thing is, the weakness of Russia herself; for she +is not so strong as people generally believe. It has taken her whole +power to put down Hungary, and all she can raise consists of 750,000 +men. Then you must consider that the Russian territory is of immense +extent, and that its population is oppressed; tranquillity and the order +of the grave,--not the order of contentment,--is kept in Russia itself, +only by the armed soldiery of the Czar. Now, it is not much when I say +that 250,000 men are indispensable to keep tranquillity in the interior +of that empire; 100,000 men are necessary to guard its frontiers +extending from Siberia to Turkey; 100,000 to keep down the heroic spirit +of oppressed Poland, Take all this together, and you will see that +Russia scarcely can, at the utmost, employ 300,000 men in a foreign war, +and, really, it had not more engaged, as history will prove, in the +greatest struggle it made for existence--it could not bring more into +the field. The million of citizen soldiers would not require to be so +brave as they are, to be a match for those 300,000 men; and, therefore, +the first result of restored independence in Hungary would be--should +the Czar once more have the arrogant intention to put his foot upon +mankind's neck, as he blasphemously boasted he had the authority of God +to do--the repression of his power by Hungary. Not only would it be +repressed, but Hungary could assault him in a quarter where she would +find powerful allies. His financial embarrassments are very great, for +you know that even in the brief war in Hungary he was necessitated to +raise a loan in England. We should have for our allies the oppressed +people, and our steps would be marked by the liberation of all who are +now enslaved. First among our allies would be the Polish nation, which +is not restricted to the Poland of the maps, but extends through the +wide provinces of Gallicia, Lithuania, &c. These are proofs that the +might of Russia is not so immense that it should intimidate a nation +fighting in a just cause. With Hungary once free, Russia would never +dare to threaten European liberty again. + +But if Russia is so weak as I have shown her to be, why, you may say, do +I ask your support and aid against her interference? Because Russia is +only thirty hours' distance from Hungary, and one of her large armies +stands prepared to move at any time against the liberties of our people, +before we could have time to develop our resources. This is the motive +why I ask, in the name of my country, the great and beneficial support +of the United States to check and prevent Russian interference in +Hungary, so that we may have _time_ to erect it into an +insurmountable barrier and impregnable fortress against the despotism of +the Czar. This, I say, is the reason why I claim aid from the United +States, and ask it to assume its rightful executive in the police of +nations. That is the only glory which is wanting to the lustre of your +glorious stars. The militia of the United States having been the +assertors of the independence and liberties of this country and the +guardians of its security, have now scarcely any other calling; and I +confidently hope, that being your condition, you will not deny your +generous support to the great principle of non-interference, in the next +struggle which Hungary will make for freedom and independence, which +even now is felt in the air, and is pointed out by the finger of God +himself. My _second_ earnest wish and hope is, that the people will +see that their commerce with other people, whether in revolution or not, +shall be secured. It is not so much my interest as it is your right; and +I hope the militia of the United States will ever be ready to protect +oppressed humanity. My _third_ humble claim is, that this great +republic shall recognize the legitimate independence of Hungary. The +militia of this country fought and bled for that principle upon your own +soil; so, by the glory of your predecessors--by all the blessings which +have flowed from your struggle, which make your glory and happiness--you +will feel inclined to support this my humble claim for the recognition +of the legitimate independence of my fatherland. + +I thank you for the generous sympathy, and for the reception and welcome +of my companions, the devoted sons of Hungary, who were ready to +sacrifice life and fortune to the independence of their native land. +There are several among them who were already soldiers before our +struggle, and they employed their military skill in the service of their +country. But there were others who were not soldiers, yet whose +patriotism led them to embrace the cause of their native land, and they +proved to be brave and efficient supporters of the freedom for which +they fought. Thanking you for the sympathy you have expressed for them, +I promise you, gentlemen, that they will prove themselves worthy of it. +I will point out to them the most dangerous places, and I know they will +acquit themselves honourably and bravely. As to myself, I have here a +sword on my side given to me by an American citizen. This being a gift +from a citizen of the United States, I take it as a token of +encouragement to go on in that way by which, with the blessing of +Almighty God, I shall yet be enabled again to see my fatherland +independent and free. I swear here before you, that this American sword +in my hand shall be always faithful in the cause of freedom--that it +shall be ever foremost in the battle--and that it shall never be +polluted by ambition or cowardice. + + * * * * * + +X.--CONDITIONS ESSENTIAL FOR DEMOCRACY AND PEACE. + +[_Reply to the Address of the Democrats of Tammany Hall, New York, +Dec. 17th_.] + +Mr. Sickles, who made the address, closed by stating that he contributed +to the cause of Hungary "a golden dollar, fresh from the free mines of +the Pacific;" adding that he trusted millions would follow, and that the +"Almighty Dollar," if still the proverb of a money-making people, would +become a symbol of its noblest instincts and truest ambition. + +Kossuth, in reply, after warm thanks, declined the personal praises +bestowed on him, and sketched the series of events by which the Austrian +tyranny had converted him from insignificance into a man of importance. +He then proceeded to comment on France[*] as follows:--I hope that the +great French nation will soon succeed to establish a true republic. But +I have come to the conviction, that for freedom there is no duration in +CENTRALIZATION, which is a legacy of ambitious men. To be conquerors, +power must be centralized; but to be a free nation, self-government must +reign in families, villages, cities, counties, states. As power now is +lodged in France, the government has in its hand an army of half a +million of men, under that iron discipline which is needed in a standing +army. It has under its control a budget of more than a thousand million +francs. It can dispose of every public office in France; it has a civil +army of more than 500,000 men: the mayor of the least village derives +his appointment from the government. All the police, all the _gens +d'armes_, are in its hands. Now, gentlemen, is it not clear +that--with such authority and force,--not to become dangerous to +liberty, every President needs to be a Washington. And Washingtons are +not so thickly strewn around. Woe to the country, whose institutions are +such, that their freedom depends on the personal character of one man. +Be he the best man in the world, he will not overcome the essential +repugnance of his position to freedom. When France abandons this +_centralization_, and carries out her own principles of "Liberty, +Equality, Fraternity," by _local self-government_, she will be the +great basis of European republics. As to sovereignty of the people, I +take it that the right to cast a vote for the election of a President +once in four years does not exhaust the sovereign rights of a nation. A +people deciding about its own matters, must be everywhere master of its +own fate, in village communes as much as in electing its chief officer. + +[Footnote *: The news of the _coup d'état_ had not yet reached him.] + +You have spoken about certain persons who will have "peace at any +price." Of course you feel that permanent peace _cannot_ be had at +any less price, than that which buys justice: nor can there be justice, +where is no freedom. Under oppression is neither contentment nor +tranquillity. There are some who prefer being oppressed to the dangers +of shaking off oppression; but I am sure there are millions who fear +death less than enslavement. Peace therefore will not exist, though all +your Rothschilds and Barings help the despots. To withhold material aid +from the oppressed will not avert the war, but by depriving the leaders +of the means of concert will simply make the struggle more lingering: a +result surely not desired by friends of peace. + +But, sir, I thank you for your dollar. The ocean is composed of drops. +The greatest results are achieved, not by individuals, but by the humble +industry of mankind, incessantly bringing man nearer to the aim +providentially destined for him. Not all the Rothschilds together can +wield such sums as poor people can; for the poor count by millions. +Those dollars of the people have another great value. One million of +them given by a million of men gives hope to the popular cause: it gives +the sympathy and support of a million men. I bless God for that word of +yours, that the one dollar should be followed by many; for then your +example would not only in a financial respect be a great benefit, but +afford a foundation for that freedom which the Almighty designs for the +nations. Here is a great glory for your country to aim at. It is +glorious to stand at the top of the pyramid of humanity; more glorious +to become yourselves the pillar on which the welfare of human nature +rests. For this, mankind looks to your country with hope and confidence. + + * * * * * + +XI.--HUNGARY AND AUSTRIA IN RELIGIOUS CONTRAST. + +[_Address in the Plymouth Church at Brooklyn, Dec. 18th, 1851_.] + +The Rev. H. W. Beecher having assured Kossuth of the deep and religious +interest long felt and expressed towards him within those very walls: +Kossuth replied, declaring that he felt himself always in the power of +God, and believed Christianity and freedom to be but one cause. He went +on to add: + +The cause of Hungary is strongly connected with the principle of +religious liberty on earth. In the first war of the sixteenth century a +battle was fought by the Moslems in Hungary, by which the power of our +nation was almost overthrown. At that time the monarchy was elective. A +Hungarian, who was Governor of Transylvania, was chosen king, but +another party elected Ferdinand of Austria to be King of Hungary. A long +struggle ensued, in which the Princes of Transylvania called in Turkish +aid against the House of Austria. + +In the hour of necessity, the House of Austria complied with the wishes +of my nation, whenever my country had taken up arms; but no sooner was +the sword laid down, than this dynasty always neglected to perform its +promises. In the midst of the last century, under Maria Theresa, those +who did not belong to the Catholic faith were almost excluded from all +offices. Joseph succeeded, who was a tolerant man; but scarcely was he +in his grave, when the Emperor Francis renewed persecution, and it was +only in 1848, that religious liberty was established to every creed. +When the House of Austria took arms against the laws of 1848, they took +arms against religious liberty. + +In our Parliament, it was Roman Catholics who stood in the van of battle +for religious liberty: but when I say this, I must state it without +drawing any commentary from it. It was reserved to our revolution to +show the development of the glorious cause of freedom. When my country +imposed on me the duty to govern the land, I was ready to show the +confidence I had in religious freedom. I chose a Catholic Minister to be +Minister of Education in Hungary, and he fully justified the confidence +I reposed in him. He has shown that our Constitution is founded upon +equality; that it regards all men as citizens, and makes no distinction +of profession. It is only under free institutions that a clergyman can +remain a clergyman with burning heart towards his own duties, and yet, +when called to perform the duties of a citizen, be no longer a clergyman +but a citizen. Could the Church of Rome have appreciated this principle, +and have acted upon it, my friend Mazzini were not now necessary for the +freedom of Italy. But as Rome did not appreciate it, the temporal power +of the Pope will probably fall at the next revolution. + +My principles are, that the Church shall not meddle with politics, and +Government will not meddle with religion. In every society there are +political and civil concerns on one side, and on the other social +concerns; for the first, civil authority must be established--in +political and civil respects every one has to acknowledge the power of +its jurisdiction. But, in respect to social interests, it is quite the +contrary. Religion is not an institution--it is a matter of conscience. + +For the support of these principles I ask your generous aid. You know +that whenever the House of Austria attains to any strength, its first +step is to break down religious liberty. And Austria is helped by +Russia, which is even still less propitious to these principles; you +remember the insolence or hardship to which in Russia those people are +subject who do not belong to the Greek Church; at the present time the +poor Jews are subjected to great indignities, and compelled, if not to +shave off their hair, to cut it in a particular manner, so as to +distinguish them from members of the Greek Church. But Hungary, by the +providence of God, is destined to become once more the vanguard of +civilization, and of religious liberty for the whole of the European +Continent against the encroachments of Russian despotism, as it has +already been the barrier of Christianity, against Islamism. + +Kossuth then proceeded to explain, that any moneys contributed by the +generosity of the American public would not be employed as a warlike +fund, for which it would be utterly insignificant; but solely as a means +of enabling the oppressed to concert their measures. After this he +canvassed _the three props_ of Austria, and pointed out the +weakness of them all; viz. its loans,--its army,--and Russia. Its loans +run fast to a bankruptcy. Its army is composed of nations which hate it. +Under the Austrian government, the Tyrol perhaps alone has escaped +bombardments, scaffolds, and jails filled with patriots. The armies are +raised by forcible conscriptions, and contain some hundred thousand +Hungarians who recently fought and conquered Austria, whom Austria now +keeps in drill to serve against her when the time comes. As to the third +prop--Russia,--possibly for some days yet in the future it may support +Austria; but not in a long war: Austria can never stand in a long war. + +I am told (said Kossuth) that some who call themselves "men of peace" +cry out for _peace at any price_. But is the present condition +peace? Is the scaffold peace?--that scaffold, on which in Lombardy +during the "peaceful" years the blood of 3742 patriots has been shed. +When the prisons of Austria are filled with patriots, is that peace? or +is the discontent of all the nations peace? I do not believe that the +Lord created the world for _such_ a kind of peace as that,--to be a +prison,--to be a volcano, boiling up and ready to break out. No: but +with justice and liberty there will be contentment, and with +contentment, peace--lasting peace, consistent peace: while from the +tyrants of the world there is oppression, and with oppression the +breaking forth of war..... + + * * * * * + +XII.--PUBLIC PIRACY OF RUSSIA + +[_Reply to the Address of the Bar of New York, Dec. 19th, 1851_.] + +A reception and a banquet to Kossuth having been prepared by the Bar at +Tripler Hall, ex-justice Jones introduced him with a short speech; after +which Judge Sandford, in the name of the whole Bar, read an ample +address, of which the following is the principal part:-- + +Governor Kossuth.--The Bar of New York, having participated with their +fellow-citizens in extending to you that cordial and enthusiastic +welcome which greeted your landing upon the shores of America, have +solicited the opportunity to express to you, as a member of the legal +profession, their respect for your great talents and eminent +attainments, and their admiration for the ardour and enthusiasm with +which you have devoted all your powers and energies to the sacred cause +of the emancipation of your native land. Wherever freedom has needed an +advocate, wherever law has required a supporter, wherever tyranny and +oppression have provoked resistance, and men have been found for the +occasion, it is the proud honour of our common profession to have +presented from our ranks some prominent individual who has generously +and boldly engaged in the service; and Hungary has furnished to the +world one of the most striking in the brilliant series of illustrious +examples. As early as the year 1840, the public history of Hungary had +made us acquainted with the distinguished part which a Mr. Kossuth, an +attorney, as he was then described, had performed in sustaining the laws +of his country. Mr. Kossuth, the Attorney of that day, has since matured +into the Counsellor, Statesman, Patriot, Governor, and now stands before +us the Exile more distinguished for his firmness and undaunted courage +in his last reverse than for his exaltation by the free choice of his +countrymen. After the years of your imprisonment and painful anxiety had +worn away, and the illegal measure of your arrest had been publicly +acknowledged, we found you restored to your personal liberty, and again +ardently engaged in the great cause of your country's freedom. At the +meeting of the Diet of Hungary which was held in November, 1847, and +before the flame of revolution had illuminated Europe, we found a series +of acts resolved upon by that body, which declared an equality of civil +rights and of public burdens among all classes, denominations, and races +in Hungary and its provinces, perfect toleration for every form of +religion, an extension of the elective franchise, universal freedom in +the sale of landed property, liberty to strangers to settle in the +country, the emancipation of the Jews, the sum of eight millions set +apart to encourage manufactures and construct roads, and the nobles of +Hungary, by a voluntary act, abolishing the old tenure of the lands, +thereby constituting the producing classes to be absolute owners of +nearly one half of the cultivated territory in the kingdom. This great +advance made by your country in a system of benign and ameliorating +legislation, was checked by occurrences which are too fresh in your +recollection to require a recapitulation. We welcome you among us; we +tender you our admiration for your efforts; our sympathy for your +sufferings; our cordial wishes that your persevering labours may be +successful in restoring your country to her place among nations, and her +people to the enjoyment of those blessings of civil and religious +liberty, to which, by their intelligence and bravery, and by the _laws +of nature and of nature's God_, they are justly entitled. Our +professional pursuits have led us to the study of the system of +jurisprudence which has been matured by the wisdom and experience of +ages, but which has been recognized by all eminent jurists to be founded +upon the defined principles of Christianity. From that great source of +law we have learned, that as members of the family of mankind, our +duties are not bounded by the territorial limits of the government which +protects us, nor circumscribed as to time or space. We have framed a +constitution of government, and under it have adopted a system of laws +which we are bound to execute and obey. The stability and efficiency of +our own government are dependent upon the intelligence, virtue, and +moderation of our people. It has been justly remarked by one of our most +distinguished jurists, that "in a republic, every citizen is himself in +some measure entrusted with the public safety, and acts an important +part for its weal or woe." Trained as we have been in these principles +of self-government, appreciating all the blessings which a bounteous +Creator has so profusely showered upon us, and desirous to see the +principles of civil and religious liberty extended to other nations, we +rejoice at every uprising of their oppressed people; we sympathize with +their struggles, and within the limits of our public laws and public +policy, we aid them in their efforts. If through weakness or treachery +they fail, we grieve at their misfortunes. In you, sir, we behold a +personification of that great principle which forms the corner stone of +our own revered Constitution--the right of self-government. Darkened as +has been the horizon of suffering Hungary, in you, sir, still burns that +living fire of freedom, which we trust will yet light up her firmament, +and shed its lustrous flame over her wasted lands. "The unnamed +demi-gods" whose blood has moistened her battle-fields, the martyrs +whose lives have been freely offered up on the scaffold and beneath the +axe, the living exiles now scattered through distant lands, have not +suffered, are not suffering in vain. Governments were created for the +benefit of the many, and not of the few. A day, an hour of retribution +will yet come; the Almighty promise will not be forgotten--"Vengeance is +mine--I will repay it, saith the Lord." + +Kossuth thereupon replied:-- + +Gentlemen,--Highly as I value the opportunity to meet the gentlemen of +the Bar, I should have felt very much embarrassed to have to answer the +address of that corporation before such a numerous and distinguished +assembly, had not you, sir, relieved my well-founded anxiety by justly +anticipating and appreciating my difficulties. Let me hope, that herein +you were the interpreter of this distinguished assembly's indulgence. + +Gentlemen of the Bar, you have the noble task to be the first +interpreters of the law; to make it subservient to justice; to maintain +its eternal principles against encroachment; and to restore those +principles to life, whenever they become obliterated by misunderstanding +or by violence. My opinion is, that Law must keep pace in its +development with institutions and intelligence, and until these are +perfect, law is and must be with them in continual progress. Justice is +immortal, eternal, and immutable, like God himself; and the development +of law is only then a progress, when it is directed towards those +principles which, like Him, are eternal; and whenever prejudice or error +succeeds in establishing in customary law any doctrine contrary to +eternal justice, it is one of your noblest duties, gentlemen,--having no +written Code to fetter justice within the bonds of error and +prejudice,--it is one of your noblest duties to apply _Principles_, +--to show that an unjust custom is a corrupt practice, an +abuse; and by showing this, to originate that change, or rather +development in the unwritten, customary law, which is necessary to make +it protect justice, instead of opposing and violating it. + +If this be your noble vocation in respect to the Private laws of your +country, let me entreat you, gentlemen, to extend it to that Public law +which, regulating the mutual duties of nations towards each other, rules +the destinies of humanity. You know that in that eternal code of "nature +and of nature's God," which your forefathers invoked when they raised +the colonies of England to the rank of a free nation, there are no +pettifogging subtleties, but only everlasting principles: everlasting, +like those by which the world is ruled. You know that when artificial +cunning of ambitious oppressors succeeds to pervert those principles, +and when passive indifference or thoughtlessness submits to it, as +weakness must submit: it is the noble destiny--let me say, duty--of +enlightened nations, alike powerful as free, to restore those eternal +principles to practical validity, so that justice, light, and truth may +sway, where injustice, oppression, and error have prevailed. Raise high +the torch of truth; cast its beams on the dark field of arbitrary +prejudice; become the champions of principles, and your people will be +the regenerators of International law. + +It will. A tempestuous life has somewhat sharpened my eye, and had it +even not done so, still I would dare to say, I know how to read your +people's heart. It is conscious of your country's power; it is jealous +of its own dignity; it knows that it is able to restore the law of +nations to the principles of justice and right; and knowing its ability, +its will shall not be lacking. Let the cause of Hungary become the +opportunity for the restoration of true and just international law. +Mankind is come to the eleventh hour in its destinies. One hour of delay +more, and its fate may be sealed, and nothing left to the generous +inclinations of your people--so tender-hearted, so noble, and so +kind--but to mourn over murdered nations, its beloved brethren in +humanity. + +I have but to make a few remarks about two objections, which I am told I +shall have to contend with. The first is, that it is a leading principle +of the United States not to interfere with European nations. I may +perhaps assume that you have been pleased to acquaint yourselves with +what I have elsewhere said on that argument; viz. that the United States +had never entertained or confessed such a principle, or at any rate had +abandoned it, and had been forced to do so: which indicates it to have +been only a temporary policy. I stated the mighty difference between +neutrality and non-interference; so I will only briefly remark that a +like difference exists between alliance and interference. Every +independent power has the right to form alliances, but is not under duty +to do so: it may remain neutral, if it please. Neither alliances nor +neutrality are matters of principle, but simply of policy. They may hurt +interest, but do not violate law; whereas with interference the contrary +is the case. Interference with the sovereign right of nations to resist +oppression, or to alter their institutions and government, is a +violation of the law of nations and of God: therefore non-interference +is a duty common to every power and every nation, and is placed under +the safeguard of every power, of every nation. He who violates that law +is like a pirate: every power on earth has the duty to chase him down as +a curse to human nature. There is not a man in the United States but +would avow that a pirate must be chased down; and no man more readily +than the gentlemen of trade. A gentleman who came yesterday to honour +me with the invitation of Cincinnati, that rising wonder of the +West,--with eloquence which speaks volumes in one word, designated as +_piracy_ the interference of foreign violence with the domestic +concerns of a nation. There is such a moving power in a word of truth! +That word has relieved me of many long speeches. I no longer need to +discuss the principle of your foreign policy: there can be no doubt +about what is lawful, what is a duty, against piracy. Your naval forces +are, and must be, instructed to put down piracy wherever they meet it, +on whatever geographic lines, whether in European or in American waters. +You sent your Commodore Decatur for that purpose to the Mediterranean, +who told the Dey of Algiers, that "if he claims powder, he will have it +with the balls;" and no man in the United States imagined this to oppose +your received policy. Nobody then objected that it is the ruling +principle of the United States not to meddle with European or African +concerns; rather, if your government had neglected so to do, I am sure +the gentlemen of trade would have been foremost to complain. Now, in the +name of all which is pleasing to God and sacred to man, if all are ready +thus to unite in the outcry against a rover, who, at the danger of his +own life, boards some frail ship, murders some poor sailors, or takes a +few bales of cotton--is there no hope to see a similar universal outcry +against those great pirates who board, not some small cutters, but the +beloved home of nations? who murder, not some few sailors, but whole +peoples? who shed blood, not by drops, but by torrents? who rob, not +some hundred weight of merchandize, but the freedom, independence, +welfare, and the very existence of nations? Oh God and Father of human +kind! spare--oh spare that degradation to thy children; that in their +destinies some bales of cotton should more weigh than those great +moralities. Alas! what a pitiful sight! A miserable pickpocket, a +drunken highway robber, chased by the whole human race to the gallows: +and those who pickpocket the life-sweat of nations, rob them of their +welfare, of their liberty, and murder them by thousands--these +high-handed criminals proudly raise their brow, trample upon mankind, +and degrade its laws before their high reverential name, and term +themselves "most sacred majesties." But may God be blessed, there is +hope for human nature; for there is a powerful, free, mighty people here +on the virgin soil of America, ready to protect the laws of man and of +Heaven against the execrated pirates and their associates. + +But again I am told, "The United States, as a power, are not +indifferent; we sympathize deeply with those who are oppressed; we will +respect the laws of nations; but we have no interest to make them +respected by others towards others." Interest! and always interest! Oh, +how cupidity has succeeded to misrepresent the word? Is there any +interest which could outweigh the interest of justice and of right? +Interest! But I answer by the very words of one of the most +distinguished members of your profession, gentlemen, the present +Honourable Secretary of State:--"The United States, as a nation, have +precisely the same interest (yes, _interest_ is his word) in +international law as a private individual has in the laws of his +country." He was a member of the bar who advanced that principle of +eternal justice against the mere fact of policy; and now that he is in +the position to carry out the principle which he has advanced, I +confidently trust he will be as good as his word,[*] and that his +honourable colleagues, the gentlemen of the bar, will remember their +calling to maintain the permanent principles of justice against the +encroachments of accidental policy. + +[Footnote *: See the extracts from Mr. Webster's speech at the Washington +Banquet.] + +But I may be answered--"If we (the United States) avow that we will not +endure the interference of Russia in Hungary (for that is the practical +meaning, I will not deny), and if Russia should not respect our +declaration; then we _might_ have to go to war." Well, I am not the +man to decline the consequences of my principles. I will not steal into +your sympathy by evasion. Yes, gentlemen, I confess, _should_ +Russia not respect such a declaration of your country, then you are +forced to go to war, or else be degraded before mankind. But, +gentlemen, you must not shrink back from the mere _word_ war; you +must consider what is the probability of its occurrence. I have already +stated publicly my certain knowledge how vulnerable Russia is; how weak +she is internally. But the best clue to you as to what will be her +future conduct, if you act decisively, will be gained by examining the +extreme caution and timidity with which, in the late events, she felt +her way, before she interposed by force. + +The last French Revolution broke out in February, 1848. The Czar hates +republics,--name and thing; but he did not interfere against the France +of Lamartine, any more than against the France of Louis Philippe in +1830. Why not? He dared not. But he resorted to his natural and his +most dangerous weapon, _secret diplomacy_. He sent male and female +intriguers to Paris, and succeeded in turning the revolution into a mock +republic. But from the pulsations of the great French heart every tyrant +had trembled. The German nation took its destiny into its own hands, and +proposed to itself to become ONE, in Frankfort. The throne in Berlin +quaked; the Austrian emperor fled from his palace, a few weeks after he +had with his own hands waved the flag of freedom out of his window. In +Vienna an Austrian Parliament met. A constitution was devised for Polish +Gallicia, linked by blood, history, and nature, to the Poland domineered +over by the Czar; while on its western frontier another Polish province, +Posen, was wrapt in revolutionary flames. You can imagine how the Czar +raged, how he wished to unite all mankind in one head, so that he might +cut it off with a single blow; and still he nowhere interfered. Why not? +Again I say, he was prudently afraid. However, the French republic +became very innocent to him--almost an ally in some respects, really an +ally in others, as in the case of unfortunate Rome. The gentlemen of +Frankfort proved also to be very innocent. The hopes of Germany +failed--the people were shot down in Vienna, Prague, Lemberg,--the +Austrian mock Parliament was sent from Vienna to Kremsen, and from +Kremsen home. Only Hungary stood firm, steady, victorious--the Czar had +nothing more to fear from all revolutionary Europe--nothing from +Germany--nothing from France. He had no fear from the United States, +since he knew that your government then was not willing to meddle with +European affairs: so he had free hands in Hungary. But one thing still +he did not know, and that was--what will _England_ and what will +_Turkey_ say, if he interferes?--and that consideration alone was +sufficient to check him. So anxious was he to feel the pulse of England +and of Turkey, that he sent first a small army--some ten thousand +men--to help the Austrians in Transylvania; and sent them in such a +manner as to have, in case of need, for excuse, that he was called to do +so, _not by Austria only, but by that part of the people also, which +deceived by foul delusion, stood by Austria!_ Oh, it was an infernal +plot! We beat down and drove out his 10,000 men, together with all the +Austrians--but the Czar had won his game. He was hereby assured that he +would have no foreign power to oppose him when he dared to violate the +law of nations by an armed interference in Hungary. So he interfered +with all his might. + +It is a torture even to remember, how like a dream vanished all our +hopes that there is yet justice on earth. When I saw my nation, as a +handful of brave men, forsaken to fight alone that immense battle for +humanity; when I saw Russian diplomacy stealing, like secret poison, +into our ranks, introducing treason into them;--but let me not look +back; it is all in vain; the past is past. _Forward_ is my word, +and forward I will go; for I know that there is yet a God in heaven, and +there is a people like you on earth, and there is a power of decided +will here also in this bleeding heart. It is my motto still, that "there +is no difficulty to him who wills." But so much is a fact, so much is +sure, that _the Czar did not dare to interfere until he was assured +that he would meet no foreign power to oppose him_. Show him, free +people of America--show him in a manly declaration, that he will meet +your force if he dares once more to trample on the laws of +nations--accompany this declaration with an augmentation of your +Mediterranean fleets, and be sure he will not stir. You will have no +war, and Austria falls almost without a battle, like a house without +foundation, raised upon the sand; Hungary--my poor Hungary--will be +free, and Europe's oppressed continent able to arrange its domestic +concerns. Even without my appeal to your sympathy, you have the source +in your own generous hearts. This meeting is a substantial proof of it. +Receive my thanks. + +I have done, gentlemen; I am worn out. I must reserve for another +occasion what I would say further, were I able. I know that when I +speak in this glorious country, there is the mighty engine of the press +which enables me to address the whole people. Let me now say that the +ground on which the hopes of my native land rest, is the principle of +justice, right, and law. To the maintenance of these you have devoted +your lives, gentlemen of the Bar. I leave them under your professional +care, and trust they will find many advocates among you. + + * * * * * + +XIII.--CLAIMS OF HUNGARY ON THE FEMALE SEX. + +[_Speech to the Ladies of New York_.] + +The Rev. Dr. Tyng having spoken in the name of the Ladies of New York, +and concluded with the words: "And now, sir, the ladies whom I have the +honour to represent, knowing your history, and fully aware of its vast +importance, desire themselves to be the audience, and to hear the voice +of Kossuth, and the claims of Hungary." Kossuth replied as follows:-- + +I would I were able to answer that call. I would I were able suitably to +fill the place which your kindness has assigned to me. You were pleased +to say that Austria was blind to let me escape. Be assured that it was +not the merit of Austria. She would have been very glad to bury me +alive, but the Sultan of Turkey took courage, and notwithstanding all +the remonstrances of Austria, I am free. + +Ladies, worn out as I am, still I am very glad that the ladies of New +York condescend to listen to my farewell. When in the midst of a busy +day, the watchful care of a guardian angel throws some flowers of joy in +the thorny way of man, he gathers them up with thanks: a cheerful thrill +quivers through his heart, like the melody of an Aeolian harp; but the +earnest duties of life soon claim his attention and his cares. The +melodious thrill dies away, and on he must go; on he goes, joyless, +cheerless, and cold, every fibre of his heart bent to the earnest duties +of the day. But when the hard work of the day is done, and the stress of +mind for a moment subsides, then the heart again claims its right, and +the tender fingers of our memory gather up again the violets of joy +which the guardian angel threw in our way, and we look at them with +delight; while we cherish them as the favourite gifts of life--we are as +glad as the child on Christmas eve. These are the happiest moments of +man's life. But when we are not noisy, not eloquent, we are silent +almost mute, like nature in a midsummer's night, reposing from the +burning heat of the day. Ladies, that is my condition now. It is a hard +day's work which I have had to do here. I am delivering my farewell +address; and every compassionate smile, every warm grasp of the hand, +every token of kindness which I have received (and I have received so +many), every flower of consolation which the ladies of New York have +thrown on my thorny way, rushes with double force to my memory. I feel +happy in this memory--there is a solemn tranquillity about my mind; but +in such a moment I would rather be silent than speak. You know, ladies, +that it is not the deepest feelings which are the loudest. + +And besides, I have to say farewell to New York! This is a sorrowful +word. What immense hopes are linked in my memory with its name!--hopes +of resurrection for my fatherland--hopes of liberation for the European +continent! Will the expectations which the mighty outburst of New York's +heart foreshadowed, be realized? or will the ray of consolation pass +away like an electric flash? Oh, could I cast one single glance into the +book of futurity! No, God forgive me this impious wish. It is He who hid +the future from man, and what he does is well done. It were not good for +man to know his destiny. The sense of duty would falter or be unstrung, +if we were assured of the failure or success of our aims. It is because +we do not know the future, that we retain our energy of duty, So on will +I go in my work, with the full energy of my humble abilities, without +despair, but with hope. + +It is Eastern blood which runs in my veins. If I have somewhat of +Eastern fatalism, it is the fatalism of a Christian who trusts with +unwavering faith in the boundless goodness of a Divine Providence. But +among all these different feelings and thoughts that come upon me in the +hour of my farewell, one thing is almost indispensable to me, and that +is, the assurance that the sympathy I have met with here will not pass +away like the cheers which a warbling girl receives on the stage--that +it will be preserved as a principle, and that when the emotion subsides, +the calmness of reflection will but strengthen it. This consolation I +wanted, and this consolation I have, because, ladies, I place it in your +hands. I bestow on your motherly and sisterly cares, the hopes of +Europe's oppressed nations,--the hopes of civil, political, social, and +religious liberty. Oh let me entreat you, with the brief and stammering +words of a warm heart, overwhelmed with emotions and with sorrowful +cares--let me entreat you, ladies, to be watchful of the sympathy of +your people, like the mother over the cradle of her beloved child. It is +worthy of your watchful care, because, it is the cradle of regenerated +humanity. + +Especially in regard to my poor fatherland, I have particular claims on +the fairer and better half of humanity, which you are. The _first_ +of these claims is, that there is not perhaps on the face of the earth a +nation, which in its institutions has shown more chivalric regard for +ladies than the Hungarian. It is a praiseworthy trait of the Oriental +character. You know that it was the Moorish race in Spain, who were the +founders of the chivalric era in Europe, so full of personal virtue, so +full of noble deeds, so devoted to the service of ladies, to heroism, +and to the protection of the oppressed. You are told that the ladies of +the East are degraded to less almost than a human condition, being +secluded from all social life, and pent up within the harem's walls. And +so it is. But you must not judge the East by the measure of European +civilization. They have their own civilization, quite different from +ours in views, inclinations, affections, and thoughts. We in Hungary +have gained from the West the advantages of civilization for our women, +but we have preserved for them the regard and reverence of our Oriental +character. Nay, more than that, we carried these views into our +institutions and into our laws. With us, the widow remains the head of +the family, as the father was. As long as she lives, she is the mistress +of the property of her deceased husband. The chivalrous spirit of the +nation supposes she will provide, with motherly care, for the wants of +her children; and she remains in possession so long as she bears her +deceased husband's name. Under the old constitution of Hungary (which we +reformed upon a democratic basis--it having been aristocratic) the widow +of a lord had the right to send her representative to the parliament, +and in the county elections of public functionaries widows had a right +to vote alike with the men. Perhaps this chivalric character of my +nation, so full of regard toward the fair sex, may somewhat commend my +mission to the ladies of America. + +Our _second_ particular claim is, that the source of all the +misfortune which now weighs so heavily upon my bleeding fatherland, is +in two ladies--Catharine of Russia, and Sophia of Hapsburg, the +ambitious mother of this second Nero, Francis-Joseph. You know that one +hundred and fifty years ago, Charles the Twelfth of Sweden, the bravest +of the brave, foreseeing the growth of Russia, and fearing that it would +oppress and overwhelm civilization, ventured with a handful of men to +attack its rising power. After immortal deeds, and almost fabulous +victories, one loss made him a refugee upon Turkish soil, like myself. +But, happier than myself, he succeeded in persuading Turkey of the +necessity of checking Russia in her overweening ambition, and curtailing +her growth. On went Mehemet Baltadji with his Turks, and met Peter the +Czar, and pent him up in a corner, where there was no possibility of +escape. There Mehemet held him with iron grasp till hunger came to his +aid. Nature claimed her rights, and in a council of war it was decided +to surrender to Mehemet. Then Catharine who was present in the camp, +appeared in person before the Grand Vizier to sue for mercy. She was +fair, and she was rich with jewels of nameless value. She went to the +Grand Vizier's tent. She came back without her jewels, but she brought +mercy, and Russia was saved. From that celebrated day dates the downfall +of Turkey, and the growth of Russia. Out of this source flowed the +stream of Russian preponderance over the European continent. The +depression of liberty, and the nameless sufferings of Poland and of my +poor native land, are the dreadful fruits of Catharine's success on that +day, cursed in the records of the human race. + +The second lady who will be cursed through all posterity in her memory, +is Sophia, the mother of the present usurper of Hungary--she who had the +ambitious dream to raise the power of a child upon the ruins of liberty, +and on the neck of prostrate nations. It was her ambition--the evil +genius of the House of Hapsburg in the present day--which brought +desolation upon us. I need only mention one fact to characterize what +kind of a heart was in that woman. On the anniversary of the day of +Arad, where our martyrs bled, she came to the court with a bracelet of +rubies set in so many roses as was the number of heads of the brave +Hungarians who fell there, declaring that she joyfully exhibited it to +the company as a memento which she wears on her very arm, to cherish in +eternal memory the pleasure she derived from the killing of those heroes +at Arad. This very fact may give you a true knowledge of the character +of that woman, and this is the _second_ claim to the ladies' +sympathy for oppressed humanity and for my poor fatherland. + +Our _third_ particular claim is the behaviour of our ladies during +the last war. It is no arbitrary praise--it is a fact,--that, in the +struggle for our rights and freedom, we had no more powerful +auxiliaries, and no more faithful executors of the will of the nation, +than the women of Hungary. You know that in ancient Rome, after the +battle of Cannae, which was won by Hannibal, the Senate called on the +people spontaneously to sacrifice all their wealth on the altar of their +fatherland. Every jewel, every ornament was brought forth, but still the +tribune judged it necessary to pass a law prohibiting the ladies of Rome +to wear more than half an ounce of gold, or particoloured splendid +dresses. Now, we wanted in Hungary no such law. The women of Hungary +brought all that they had. You would have been astonished to see how, in +the most wealthy houses of Hungary, if you were invited to dinner, you +would be forced to eat soup with iron spoons. When the wounded and the +sick--and many of them we had, because we fought hard--when the wounded +and the sick were not so well provided as it would have been our duty +and our pleasure to do, I ordered the respective public functionaries to +take care of them. But the poor wounded went on suffering, and the +proper officers were but slow in providing for them. When I saw this, +one single word was spoken to the ladies of Hungary, and in a short time +there was provision made for hundreds of thousands of sick. And I never +met a single mother who would have withheld her son from sharing in the +battle; but I have met many who ordered and commanded their children to +fight for their fatherland. I saw many and many brides who urged on the +bridegrooms to delay their day of happiness till they should come back +victorious from the battles of their fatherland. Thus acted the ladies +of Hungary. A country deserves to live; a country deserves to have a +future, when the women, as much as the men, love and cherish it. + +But I have a stronger motive than all these to claim your protecting +sympathy for my country's cause. It is her nameless woe, nameless +sufferings. In the name of that ocean of bloody tears which the impious +hand of the tyrant wrung from the eyes of the childless mothers, of the +brides who beheld the executioner's sword between them and their wedding +day--in the name of all these mothers, wives, brides, daughters, and +sisters, who, by thousands of thousands, weep over the graves of Magyars +so dear to their hearts,--who weep the bloody tears of a patriot (as +they all are) over the face of their beloved native land--in the name of +all those torturing stripes with which the flogging hand of Austrian +tyrants dared to outrage human nature in the womankind of my native +land--in the name of that daily curse against Austria with which even +the prayers of our women are mixed--in the name of the nameless +sufferings of my own dear wife [here the whole audience rose and cheered +vehemently]--the faithful companion of my life,--of her, who for months +and for months was hunted by my country's tyrants, with no hope, no +support, no protection, but at the humble threshold of the hard-working +people, as noble and generous as they are poor--in the name of my poor +little children, who when so young as to be scarcely conscious of life, +had already to learn what an Austrian prison is--in the name of all +this, and what is still worse, in the name of liberty trodden down, I +claim, ladies of New York, your protecting sympathy for my country's +cause. Nobody can do more for it than you. The heart of man is as soft +wax in your tender hands. Mould it, ladies; mould it into the form of +generous compassion for my country's wrongs, inspire it with the noble +feelings of your own hearts, inspire it with the consciousness of your +country's power, dignity, and might. You are the framers of man's +character. Whatever be the fate of man, one stamp he always bears on his +brow--that which the mother's hand impressed upon the soul of the child. +The smile of your lips can make a hero out of the coward, and a generous +man out of the egotist; one word from you inspires the youth to noble +resolutions; the lustre of your eyes is the fairest reward for the toils +of life. You can kindle energy even in the breast of broken age, that +once more it may blaze up in a noble generous deed before it dies. All +this power you have. Use it, ladies, in behalf of your country's glory, +and for the benefit of oppressed humanity, and when you meet a cold +calculator, who thinks by arithmetic when he is called to feel the +wrongs of oppressed nations, convert him, ladies. Your smiles are +commands, and the truth which pours forth instinctively from your +hearts, is mightier than the logic articulated by any scholar. The Peri +excluded from Paradise, brought many generous gifts to heaven in order +to regain it. She brought the dying sigh of a patriot; the kiss of a +faithful girl imprinted upon the lips of her bridegroom, when they were +distorted by the venom of the plague. She brought many other fair gifts; +but the doors of Paradise opened before her only when she brought with +her the first prayer of a man converted to charity and brotherly love +for his oppressed brethren and humanity. + +Remember the power which you have, and which I have endeavoured to point +out in a few brief words. Remember this, and form associations; +establish ladies' committees to raise substantial aid for Hungary. Now I +have done. One word only remains to be said-a word of deep sorrow, the +word, "Farewell, New York!" New York! that word will for ever make every +string of my heart thrill. I am like a wandering bird. I am worse than a +wandering bird. He may return to his summer home, I have no home on +earth! Here I felt almost at home. But "Forward" is my call, and I must +part. I part with the hope that the sympathy which I have met here in a +short transitory home will bring me yet back to my own beloved home, so +that my ashes may yet mix with the dust of my native soil. Ladies, +remember Hungary, and--farewell! + + * * * * * + +XIV.--RESULTS OF THE OVERTHROW OF THE FRENCH REPUBLIC. + +[_Speech at the Citizens' Banquet, Philadelphia, Dec. 26th._] + +Mr. Dallas, the Chairman, made an eloquent address advocating the cause +of Hungary against Russia, and avowing the duty of America to give +warlike aid. This speech was the more remarkable, as coming immediately +after the arrival of the news of Louis Napoleon's usurpation. The mind +of the public was naturally so full of the event, that Kossuth could not +avoid to discuss it; but the topic is so threadbare to the reader, that +it will suffice here to preserve a few sentiments. + +In the opening, Kossuth complained of forged letters and forged cheques +sent to annoy him, and anonymous letters of false accusation circulated +against him. Proceeding from this to public topics, and the certainty of +a new convulsion in Europe, he said, that it might prove in the future +highly dangerous to the moneyed interests, if the world be persuaded +that the holders of great disposable wealth use it to aid despotism, and +that the possession of it checks the generous propensity to forward the +triumph of freedom. If the world be confirmed in this persuasion, the +results will be painfully felt by those gentlemen, whose treasures are +always open for the despots to crush liberty with. Such moneylenders +have excited boundless hatred in all that section of Europe, which has +had to suffer from their ready financial aid to despotism. I (said +Kossuth) am no Socialist, no Communist; and if I get the means to act +efficiently, I shall so act that the inevitable revolution may not +subvert the rights of property: but so much I confidently declare--that +to the spreading of Communist doctrines in certain quarters of Europe +nobody has so much contributed as those European capitalists, who by +incessantly aiding the despots with their money have inspired many of +the oppressed with the belief that financial wealth is dangerous to the +freedom of the world. Rothschild is the most efficient apostle of +Communism. + +In regard to Louis Bonaparte's temporary success, Kossuth argued, that +it would secure, when France makes her next move for freedom, two +results beneficial to liberty: First, that in future, the French +republicans would abandon their delusive and disastrous Centralization. +We have shown (said he) in Hungary, that for a nation to be invincible, +its life must not be bound up with its metropolis. Henceforward, in +European aspirations, centralization is replaced by federative harmony. +I thank Louis Napoleon for it. _Your_ principles of local +self-government, gentlemen, were hitherto professed on the continent of +Europe chiefly by us Hungarians: now they will conquer the world,--a new +victory for humanity. Had the old French republic stood, it would have +perpetuated the curse of _great standing armies_, which are +instruments of ambition and a wasting pestilence. Again; the blow struck +by Louis Napoleon has forced his nation into the common destiny of +Europe. It has forbidden France ever in future to play a separate game, +and think to keep her own liberty, without effectively espousing the +cause of foreign liberty. + +What is the sum of all this? First, that there is nothing in the news +from France to alter any judgments which you might previously have +formed, or cause you any suspense. Secondly, it only more than ever +claims from you an immediately decisive conduct. The success of freedom +now depends entirely on what policy the United States of America will +adopt. + +Well! gentlemen. It may be that the United States have no reply to the +hopes of the world. You will then see a mournful tear in the eye of +humanity, and its breast heaving with sighs. We presume, you are so +powerful that you can afford not to care about the treading down of the +law of nations and the funeral of European freedom. You are so glorious +at home, that you can afford to lose the glory (at so rare a crisis!) of +saving liberty and justice on earth. Yet in your own hour of trial you +asked and received military and naval aid from France. Your President +has informed the world, that you are not willing to allow "the strong +arm of a foreign power to suppress the spirit of freedom in any +country." If after this you tell me that you are _afraid_ of +Russia, and are _too weak_ to help us,--and would rather be on good +terms with the Czar, than rejoice in the liberty and independence of +Hungary, Italy, Germany, France,--dreadful as it would be, I would wipe +away my tear, and say to my brethren, "Let us pray, and let us go to the +Lord's Last Supper, and thence to battle and to death." I would then +leave you, gentlemen, with a dying farewell, and with a prayer that the +sun of freedom may never drop below the horizon of your happy land. + +I am in Philadelphia, the city of brotherly love, the city of William +Penn, whose likeness I saw this day in a history of your city, with this +motto under it: "_Si vis pacem, para bellum_"--(prepare for war, if +thou wilt have peace)--a weighty memento, gentlemen, to the name of +William Penn. + +And I am in that city which is the cradle of your independence--where, +in the hour of your need, the appeal was proclaimed to the Law of +Nature's God, and that appeal for help from Europe, which was granted to +you. + +I stood in Independence Hall, whence the spirit of freedom lisps eternal +words of history to the secret recesses of your hearts. Man may well be +silent where from such a place history so speaks. So my task is +done--with me the pain, with you the decision--and, let me add the +prophetic words of the poet, "the moral of the strain." + +Kossuth took his seat amid the three times three of the audience. + + * * * * * + +XV.--INTEREST OF AMERICA IN HUNGARIAN LIBERTY. + +[_Baltimore, Dec. 27th_.] + +On the 27th December Kossuth reached Baltimore, and was met by an +immense concourse of citizens and a long line of military, who escorted +him to his quarters with much enthusiastic demonstration. In the evening +he addressed the citizens in the Hall of the Maryland Institute, which +was densely crowded, great numbers standing outside the building, when +unable to get admittance. + +After an apologetic introduction, Kossuth proceeded to say:-- + +Gentlemen! It is gratifying to me to receive this spontaneous welcome. I +was already grateful, during my stay in New York, to receive the +expression of your sentiments, and your generous resolutions. They +become the more beneficial to me, because I am on my way and very near +to Washington City, where the elected of your national confidence stand +in their proud position, as conservators of those lofty interests, which +bind your thirty-one stars of Sovereign States into one mighty +constellation of Freedom, Power, and Right; where the Congress and +Government of this vast Republic watch over the common weal of your +united country, and hereby make you a Power on earth, a fullgrown member +of that great Family of Nations, which, having One Father in heaven, are +brethren, and should act as brethren. + +Among the interests intrusted by you to the Congress and Government, +your _foreign policy_ is nearly the most important. This, in a +great and powerful nation, can have no other basis than Eternal Law and +Christian Morality. Even your peculiar interests are, in my belief, best +served, when your foreign policy rests, not on transitory +considerations, but on everlasting principles. Even in private life no +man can entirely cut himself off from others. A man willing to attempt +it would be an exile in his own country, an exile in his own city, an +exile in his family. Just so with nations, which in the larger family of +man are individual members. If a nation seclude itself, it is an exile +in the midst of humanity. No man, ladies and gentlemen, is independent +of his fellow-man; no nation, however powerful, is independent of other +nations. Put the richest, the strongest man for a single week wholly +apart from family, city, country, and he will quickly learn his +essential weakness. In a nation, the consequence of total isolation is +not felt as soon, but it will at length be felt as surely. The +_hours_ of nations are counted by _years_; yet the secluded +nation, self-exiled from mankind, dwindles away. Woe to the people, +whose citizens care only for their own present, and not for the future +of their country! the future, in which they have to live immortally by +children and children's children, with whose glory and happiness and +power they ought now to sympathize. Men or nations secluded are like +the silk-worm, which secretes itself in a self-woven case, and at length +creeps out to die. So will it at length be with the nation which is +wrapped up in self. + +It is one of your glories, that some portions of your united republic +are farther from other portions than Hungary is from Baltimore: mere +distance is therefore no reason why you should be unconcerned about our +fate. You are not too far for commercial intercourse with the most +distant coasts of Europe; and especially since the invention of one of +your citizens has been brought to higher perfection, the ocean rather +unites you to us, than separates you. Would you have the +_advantages_ of the connection, without the _duties_ which +spring out of it? Disregard of duty sooner or later kills advantage. I +need not remind you what a link of nature, blood, language, science, +industry, religion, civilization, exists between you and us, and binds +us ever tighter. You cannot help feeling at home our condition in +Europe. Our peace or war, our civilization or barbarism, our freedom or +oppression, our wealth or starvation, progress or retrogression, +_must_ act upon you, just as your condition reacts upon us. The +link between the destinies of Christendom cannot be cut asunder. In +fact, there never yet was a time when Europe more demanded that you +should have _some_ policy towards it; and indifference is none at +all. At this moment it is under universal oppression of _social, +political_, and _religious_ liberty,--the three treasures which +make your glory and happiness. This oppression is ordered by Russia, and +executed by her satellites. The elected President of France has +impiously stabbed the constitution, to make himself Emperor. The +Austrian Ministry has openly declared that the absolutist powers will +maintain him. Thus the impulse of revolution has been given; its +vibration will be felt throughout Europe and in my fatherland. Never +will you have an opportunity more glorious for you, and more favourable +to mankind, for adopting a real policy founded upon principles. + +The people of Hungary have abundant motives to risk life for freedom and +independence. Once we had a nationality; now we have none. Once we had a +constitution;--by the blessing of God we succeeded to transform it three +years ago from an aristocratic to a democratic one;--now Hungary has no +constitution at all. For a thousand years we were a free people; we are +now so no longer. Like a flock of sheep, we are appropriated, not by the +Austrian empire, not by the nation, but by a despotic ambitious family. +We had freedom of the press. Not nineteen years ago, I began the +struggle, and endured three years imprisonment for it; but we won that +great right of mankind--free expression of thought. Now there is no +press at all in Hungary; there is only the hangman and martial law. We +established equal protection for every religion; now there is equal +oppression for all. The Protestant Church had its own self-government +for its churches and schools, won by victorious arms and secured by a +hundred laws; now the laws are torn down, and the freedom of church and +school is gone. The Catholic Church had control of its own estates; now, +day by day, the nearly bankrupt Austrian government is overgrowing that +property by the poisonous weeds of a new loan, on which it vegetates, a +curse to every nation on the continent. Such is the condition of the +Catholic Church, concerning which I--a Protestant, not only by birth, +but also by conviction--declare, that during a whole lifetime, when +Hungary was struggling for religious liberty, that Church contended in +the foremost rank for the rights of us Protestants. So much do we value +the freedom of conscience, that the very thought was repugnant to us +all, that there should be unequal rights of citizenship between +Protestants and Catholics and professors of the Faith of Moses. Zeal for +religious freedom will kindle Magyars to struggle, as long as there is +blood in our veins. As during three centuries, so the late war was for +religious independence as well as civil; indeed, still earlier, we were +the barrier of Christendom against the invading Mahommedan. We +succeeded lately in freeing the agriculture of Hungary, and transforming +peasants into freeholders; now the Austrian dynasty is stealthily +bringing back feudal rights. In freeing the peasants, we provided for +indemnification of landlords; Austria taxes the peasants very heavily, +and does not (for she cannot) indemnify the landlords; because her +violence and wastefulness does not know how to turn our public estates +to account. She favours a few landlords only, who are faithful tools of +her oppression. During our struggle, we issued paper-money,--it was +called the Kossuth-bank-note; Austria disavowed it, and commanded its +surrender, yet twenty millions are firmly held by the people, as +valuable after a new revolution. Before we fell under the stroke of +Russian interference, the taxation permitted by our Parliament was only +four and a half millions of dollars; Austria now imposes SIXTY. Our +people burn their tobacco-seed and cut down their vines, rather than +endure her tax. Such are the motives which Austria gives to Hungary +_not_ to make a new revolution! There is not a single interest +which she has not mortally wounded. The mind, the heart, dignity, +conscience, self-esteem, hatred, love, revenge, besides every material +interest of every class, is engaged to the struggle. + +The oppression of Hungary has ratified the oppression of all our +continent. Since she has fallen, Italy has been completely crushed, the +moderate freedom of Germany has been put down by Austria with the +support of Russia; lastly, the usurpation of Louis Napoleon has been +made possible. Without the restoration of Hungary Europe cannot be freed +from Russian thraldom; under which nationalities are erased, no freedom +is possible, all religions are subjected to like slavery. Gentlemen! the +Emperor Napoleon spoke a prophetic word, when he said that in fifty +years all Europe would be either republican or Cossack. Hungary once +free, Europe is republican; Hungary permanently crushed, all Europe is +Cossack. And what does Hungary _need_ for freedom? Not that other +nations should fight our proper battle against our immediate oppressor. +We have hearts loving freedom and ready to shed their blood for it; we +have armies fully equal to Austria, we want only "FAIR PLAY." Let the +United States feel itself to be as it is, a Power on earth, bound to aid +in the police of the nations, and in the name of violated right let it +say to the Russian intruder, "Keep back, hands off, let the brave +Magyars fight their own battle, _else_ we must take their part." +For centuries, perhaps, you will have no more glorious opportunity than +now. Hitherto, the word Glory has been connected with conquest and +oppression. Take the New Glory for yours, by assuring to all nations +exemption from the conspiracy of tyrants. That is what I _first_ +humbly request and hope. + +[Kossuth proceeded, as in former speeches, to explain his other +requests, viz. _secondly_, free commerce with America, whether +Hungary was in war with Austria or not; _thirdly_, that when the +suitable moment arrived, the Government should recognize the legitimate +character of the Declaration of Independence made by Hungary in April, +1849. He added]:-- + +These requests I have very often explained since I have had the honour +to be in the United States. I explained them yesterday in +Philadelphia--the cradle of your Declaration of Independence. There I +was answered, not only by the unanimous adoption of these resolutions on +the part of the city of Harrisburg the capital of Pennsylvania, but also +by the people of Philadelphia, at a great and important meeting. Nor was +that enough. I received more in Philadelphia. I was told that, besides +the granting of these my humble requests, whenever war breaks out for +Hungary's freedom and independence I shall find brave hearts and stout +arms among the twenty-four millions of the people of the United States +ready to go over to Europe and fight side by side in the great battle +for the freedom and independence of the European continent. I was told +that it was not possible, when the battle for mankind's liberty is +fought, for the sword of Washington to rest in its scabbard. That sword, +which struck the first blow here on this continent for the republican +freedom of this great country, must be present there, where the last +stroke for all humanity will be given. Now, gentlemen, I will not abuse +your kind indulgence and patience, which you have bestowed in your +crowded situation. I will only say, that should this be the generous +will of the people of the United States, in the name of the honour of my +nation I can give the assurance that the Hungarians will be found worthy +to fight side by side with you for civil and political freedom on the +European continent, and to take care, with the sword of Washington, that +no hair of that lock which I received as a present in Philadelphia, and +which I promised to attach to that very standard which I will bear to +decide the victory against despotism--that no hair of that lock shall +fall into the hands of tyrants. And now may the ladies who have honoured +me with their presence graciously allow me to express to them my most +humble thanks and one humble prayer. The destinies of mankind--the +future of humanity--repose in the hands of womanhood. The mark which the +mother imprints upon the brow of the child remains for his whole life. +Ladies of the United States, when the wandering exile passes away from +your presence, take to your kind care the great cause of the liberty of +the world with the tenderness with which a mother takes care of her +child; and when _you_ take care of this great cause, the sympathy +of the people of the United States will not vanish like the passing +emotion of the heart, but will become substantial, active, and +effectual. + +The speaker then took his seat, with three times three from the +audience. + +Judge Legrand followed and proposed the Harrisburg resolutions, which +were adopted. They are as annexed:-- + +Resolved,--That the citizens of Harrisburg, the seat of government of +Pennsylvania, in town meeting assembled, hereby approve and endorse the +three propositions promulgated by Louis Kossuth, Governor of Hungary, in +his great speech before the Mayor and authorities of the city of New +York, viz.:-- + +"First. That feeling interested in the maintenance of the laws of +nations, acknowledging the sovereign right of every people to dispose of +its own domestic concerns to be one of the laws, and the interference +with this sovereign right to be a violation of these laws of nations, +the people of the United States--resolved to respect and to make +respected these public laws--declares the Russian past intervention in +Hungary to be a violation of these laws, which, if reiterated, would be +a new violation, and would not be regarded indifferently by the people +of the United States. + +"Second. That the people of the United States are resolved to maintain +its right of commercial intercourse with the nations of Europe, whether +they be in a state of revolution against their government or not; and +that, with the view of approaching scenes on the continent of Europe, +the people invite the government to take appropriate measures for the +protection of the trade of the people with the Mediterranean. + +"Third. That the people of the United States should declare their +opinion in respect to the question of the independence of Hungary, and +urge the government to act accordingly." + +Resolved, That the people of Hungary are, and ought to remain a free and +independent nation; that Louis Kossuth is their lawful governor, and +that the Hungarian people should not be prevented from exercising the +rights of freemen by the tyranny of Austria and Russia. + +Resolved, That we extend to Louis Kossuth, Governor of Hungary, and the +Hungarian nation, that has made such a noble stand in the cause of +freedom, that sympathy, aid, and support, which freemen alone know how +to grant. + +Resolved, That a committee of fifteen, including the officers of this +meeting, be appointed to repair to Philadelphia, and invite the Governor +of Hungary to visit the capital of Pennsylvania at such times as may +suit his convenience. + + * * * * * + +XVI.--NOVELTIES IN AMERICAN REPUBLICANISM. + +[_Washington Banquet, Jan. 5th_, 1852.] + +The Banquet given by a large number of the Members of the two Houses of +Congress to Kossuth took place at the National Hotel, in Washington +City. The number present was about two hundred and fifty. The Hon. Wm. +R. King, of Alabama, president of the Senate, presided. On his right sat +Louis Kossuth, and on his left the Hon. Daniel Webster, Secretary of +State. On the right of Kossuth at the same table, sat the Hon. Linn +Boyd, speaker of the House of Representatives. Besides other +distinguished guests who responded to toasts, are named Hon. Thomas +Corwin, Secretary of the Treasury, and Hon. Alex. H. H. Stuart, +Secretary of the Interior. + +A few minutes after eight o'clock, a large number of ladies were +admitted, and the President of the Senate requested gentlemen to fill +their glasses for the first toast, which was, + + "The President of the United States." + +To this, Mr. Webster responded. + +The President then announced the second toast: + +"The Judiciary of the United States: The expounder of the Constitution +and the bulwark of liberty regulated by law." + +Judge Wayne, of the Supreme Court of the United States, replied, and +after alluding to "The distinguished stranger" who was then among them, +said: I give you, gentlemen, as a sentiment: + +"Constitutional liberty to all the nations of the earth, supported by +Christian faith and the morality of the Bible." + +The toast was received with enthusiastic applause. + +The third toast was,-- + +"The Navy of the United States: The home squadron everywhere. Its glory +was illustrated, when its flag in a foreign sea gave liberty and +protection to the Hungarian Chief." + +Mr. Stanton, of Tennessee, in his reply, said: + +But recently, Mr. President, a new significance has been given to this +flag. Heretofore, the navy has been the symbol of our power and the +emblem of our liberty, but now it speaks of humanity and of a noble +sympathy for the oppressed of all nations. _The home squadron +everywhere_, to give protection to the brave and to those who may +have fallen in the cause of freedom! Your acquiescence in that sentiment +indicates the profound sympathy of the people of the United States for +the people of Hungary, manifested in the person of their great chief; +and I can conceive of no duty that would be more acceptable to the +gallant officers of the navy of the United States except one, and that +is, _to strike a blow for liberty themselves in a just cause, approved +by our Government_. + +The fourth toast was,-- + +"The army of the united states. In saluting the illustrious Exile with +magnanimous courtesy, as high as it could pay to any Power on earth, it +has added grace to the glory of its history." + +General Shields, Senator for Illinois, Chairman of the Committee of +Military Affairs in the Senate, being loudly called for, replied in the +necessary absence of General Scott, the chief of the army; and after an +appropriate acknowledgment of the toast, added: + +In paving this very high honor to our illustrious guest--this noble +Hungarian--let me observe that that army which has been toasted to-night +spoke for his reception by the voice of their cannon; and the cannon +that spoke there spoke the voice of twenty-five millions of people. Sir, +that salute which the American cannon gave the Hungarian exile had a +deep meaning in it. It was not a salute to the mere man Louis Kossuth, +but it was a salute in favour of the great principle which he +represents--the principle which he advocates, the principle of +nationality and of human liberty. Sir, I was born in a land which has +suffered as an oppressed nation. I am now a citizen of a land which +would have suffered from the same power, had it not been for the +bravery, gallantry, and good fortune of the men of that time. Sir, as an +Irishman by birth, and an American by adoption, I would feel myself a +traitor to both countries if I did not sustain downtrodden nationalities +everywhere--in Hungary, in Poland, in Germany, in Italy--everywhere +where man is trodden down and oppressed. And, sir, I say again, that +that army which maintained itself in three wars against one of the +greatest and most powerful nations of the world, will, if the trying +time should come again, maintain that same flag (the stars and stripes) +and the same triumph, and the same victories in the cause of liberty. +[Great applause.] + +The president of the evening then, after a cordial speech, proposed the +fifth toast: + +"Hungary, represented in the person of our honoured Guest, having proved +herself worthy to be free by the virtues and valour of her sons, the law +of nations and the dictates of justice alike demand that she shall have +fair play in her struggle for independence." + +This toast was received with immense applause, which lasted several +minutes. + +Kossuth then rose and spoke as follows: + +Sir: As once Cineas the Epirote stood among the Senators of Rome, who, +with a word of self-conscious majesty, arrested kings in their ambitious +march--thus, full of admiration and of reverence, I stand amongst you, +legislators of the new Capitol, that glorious hall of your people's +collective majesty. The Capitol of old yet stands, but the spirit has +departed from it, and is come over to yours, purified by the air of +liberty. The old stands a mournful monument of the fragility of human +things: yours as a sanctuary of eternal right. The old beamed with the +red lustre of conquest, now darkened by the gloom of oppression; yours +is bright with freedom. The old absorbed the world into its own +centralized glory; yours protects your own nation from being absorbed, +even by itself. The old was awful with unrestricted power; yours is +glorious by having restricted it. At the view of the old, nations +trembled; at the view of yours, humanity hopes. To the old, misfortune +was introduced with fettered hands to kneel at triumphant conquerors' +feet; to yours the triumph of introduction is granted to unfortunate +exiles who are invited to the honour of a seat. And where Kings and +Caesars never will be hailed for their power and wealth, there the +persecuted chief of a downtrodden nation is welcomed as your great +Republic's guest, precisely because he is persecuted, helpless, and +poor. In the old, the terrible _voe victis!_ was the rule; in +yours, protection to the oppressed, malediction to ambitious oppressors, +and consolation to a vanquished just cause. And while from the old a +conquered world was ruled, you in yours provide for the common +federative interests of a territory larger than that old conquered +world. There sat men boasting that their will was sovereign of the +earth; here sit men whose glory is to acknowledge "the laws of nature +and of nature's God," and to do what their sovereign, the People, wills. + +Sir, there is history in these contrasts. History of past ages and +history of future centuries may be often recorded in small facts. The +particulars to which the passion of living men clings, as if human +fingers could arrest the wheel of Destiny, these particulars die away; +it is the issue which makes history, and that issue is always coherent +with its causes. There is a necessity of consequences wherever the +necessity of position exists. Principles are the _alpha_: they must +finish with _omega_, and they will. Thus history may be often told +in a few words. + +Before the heroic struggle of Greece had yet engaged your country's +sympathy for the fate of freedom, in Europe then so far distant and now +so near, Chateaubriand happened to be in Athens, and he heard from a +_minaret_ raised upon the Propylaeum's ruins a Turkish priest in +the Arabic language announcing the lapse of hours to the Christians of +Minerva's town. What immense history there was in the small fact of a +Turkish Imaum crying out, "Pray, pray! the hour is running fast, and the +judgment draws near." + +Sir, there is equally a history of future ages written in the honour +bestowed by you on my humble self. The first Governor of Independent +Hungary, driven from his native land by Russian violence; an exile on +Turkish soil, protected by a Mahommedan Sultan from the blood-thirst of +Christian tyrants; cast back a prisoner to far Asia by diplomacy; was at +length rescued from his Asiatic prison, when America crossed the +Atlantic, charged with the hopes of Europe's oppressed nations. He +pleads, as a poor exile, before the people of this great Republic, his +country's wrongs and its intimate connection with the fate of the +European continent, and, in the boldness of a just cause, claims that +the principles of the Christian religion be raised to a law of nations. +To see that not only is the boldness of the poor exile forgiven, but +that he is consoled by the sympathy of millions, encouraged by +individuals, associations, meetings, cities, and States; supported by +effective aid and greeted by Congress and by Government as the nation's +guest; honoured, out of generosity, with that honour which only one man +before him received (a man who had deserved them from your gratitude,) +with honours such as no potentate ever can receive, and this banquet +here, and the toast which I have to thank you for: oh! indeed, sir, +there is a history of future ages in all these facts! They will go down +to posterity as the proper consequences of great principles. + +Sir, though I have a noble pride in my principles, and the inspiration +of a just cause, still I have also the consciousness of my personal +insignificance. Never will I forget what is due from me to the +_Sovereign Source_ of my public capacity. This I owe to my +nation's dignity; and therefore, respectfully thanking this highly +distinguished assembly in my country's name, I have the boldness to say +that Hungary well deserves your sympathy; that Hungary has a claim to +protection, because it has a claim to justice. But as to myself, I am +well aware that in all these honours I have no personal share. Nay, I +know that even that which might seem to be personal in your toast, is +only an acknowledgment of a historical fact, very instructively +connected with a principle valuable and dear to every republican heart +in the United States of America. As to ambition, I indeed never was +able to understand how anybody can love ambition more than liberty. But +I am glad to state a historical fact, as a principal demonstration of +that influence which institutions exercise upon the character of +nations. + +We Hungarians are very fond of the principle of municipal +self-government, and we have a natural horror against centralization. +That fond attachment to municipal self-government, without which there +is no provincial freedom possible, is a fundamental feature of our +national character. We brought it with us from far Asia a thousand +years ago, and we preserved it throughout the vicissitudes of ten +centuries. No nation has perhaps so much struggled and suffered for the +civilized Christian world as we. We do not complain of this lot. It may +be heavy, but it is not inglorious. Where the cradle of our Saviour +stood, and where His divine doctrine was founded, there now another +faith rules: the whole of Europe's armed pilgrimage could not avert this +fate from that sacred spot, nor stop the rushing waves of Islamism from +absorbing the Christian empire of Constantine. _We_ stopped those +rushing waves. The breast of my nation proved a breakwater to them. We +guarded Christendom, that Luthers and Calvins might reform it. It was a +dangerous time, and its dangers often placed the confidence of all my +nation into one man's hand. But there was not a single instance in our +history where a man honoured by his people's confidence deceived them +for his own ambition. The man out of whom Russian diplomacy succeeded in +making a murderer of his nation's hopes, gained some victories when +victories were the chief necessity of the moment, and at the head of an +army, circumstances gave him the ability to ruin his country; but he +never had the people's confidence. So even he is no contradiction to the +historical truth, that no Hungarian whom his nation honoured with its +confidence was ever seduced by ambition to become dangerous to his +country's liberty. That is a remarkable fact, and yet it is not +accidental; it springs from the proper influence of institutions upon +the national character. Our nation, through all its history, was +educated in the school of local self-government; and in such a country, +grasping ambition having no field, has no place in man's character. + +The truth of this doctrine becomes yet more illustrated by a quite +contrary historical fact in France. Whatever have been the changes of +government in that great country--and many they have been, to be +sure--we have seen a Convention, a Directorate, Consuls, and one +Consul, and an Emperor, and the Restoration, and the Citizen King, and +the Republic; Through all these different experiments centralization was +the keynote of the institutions of France--power always centralized; +omnipotence always vested somewhere. And, remarkable indeed, France has +never yet raised one single man to the seat of power, who has not +sacrificed his country's freedom to his personal ambition! + +It is sorrowful indeed, but it is natural. It is in the garden of +centralization that the venomous plant of ambition thrives. I dare +confidently affirm, that in your great country there exists not a single +man through whose brains has ever passed the thought, that he would wish +to raise the seat of his ambition upon the ruins of your country's +liberty, if he could. Such a wish is impossible in the United States. +Institutions react upon the character of nations. He who sows wind will +reap storm. History is the revelation of Providence. The Almighty rules +by eternal laws not only the material but also the moral world; and as +every law is a principle, so every principle is a law. Men as well as +nations are endowed with free-will to choose a principle, but, that once +chosen, the consequences must be accepted. + +With self-government is freedom, and with freedom is justice and +patriotism. With centralization is ambition, and with ambition dwells +despotism. Happy your great country, sir, for being so warmly attached +to that great principle of self-government. Upon this foundation your +fathers raised a home to freedom more glorious than the world has ever +seen. Upon this foundation you have developed it to a living wonder of +the world. Happy your great country, sir! that it was selected by the +blessing of the Lord to prove the glorious practicability of a +federative union of many sovereign States, all preserving their +State-rights and their self-government, and yet united in one--every +star beaming with its own lustre, but altogether one constellation on +mankind's canopy. + +Upon this foundation your free country has grown to prodigious power in +a surprizingly brief period, a power which attracts by its fundamental +principle. You have conquered by it more in seventy-five years than Rome +by arms in centuries. Your principles will conquer the world. By the +glorious example of your freedom, welfare, and security, mankind is +about to become conscious of its aim. The lesson you give to humanity +will not be lost. The respect for State-rights in the Federal Government +of America, and in its several States, will become an instructive +example for universal toleration, forbearance, and justice to the future +States, and Republics of Europe. Upon this basis those mischievous +questions of language-nationalities will be got rid of, which cunning +despotism has raised in Europe to murder liberty. Smaller States will +find security in the principle of federative union, while they will +preserve their national freedom by the principle of sovereign +self-government; and while larger States, abdicating the principle of +centralization will cease to be a blood-field to unscrupulous usurpation +and a tool to the ambition of wicked men, municipal institutions will +ensure the development of local elements; freedom, formerly an abstract +political theory, will be brought to every municipal hearth; and out of +the welfare and contentment of all parts will flow happiness, peace, and +security for the whole. + +That is my confident hope. Then will the fluctuations of Germany's fate +at once subside. It will become the heart of Europe, not by melting +North Germany into a Southern frame, or the South into a Northern; not +by absorbing historical peculiarities into a centralized omnipotence; +not by mixing all in one State, but by federating several sovereign +States into a Union like yours. + +Upon a similar basis will take place the national regeneration of +Sclavonic States, and not upon the sacrilegious idea of Panslavism, +which means the omnipotence of the Czar. Upon a similar basis shall we +see fair Italy independent and free. Not unity, but _union_ will +and must become the watchword of national members, hitherto torn rudely +asunder by provincial rivalries, out of which a crowd of despots and +common servitude arose. In truth it will be a noble joy to your great +Republic to feel that the moral influence of your glorious example has +worked this happy development in mankind's destiny; nor have I the +slightest doubt of the efficacy of that example. + +But there is one thing indispensable to it, without which there is no +hope for this happy issue. It is, that the oppressed nations of Europe +become the masters of their future, free to regulate their own domestic +concerns. And to this nothing is wanted but to have that "fair play" to +all, _for_ all, which you, sir, in your toast, were pleased to +pronounce as a right of my nation, alike sanctioned by the law of +nations as by the dictates of eternal justice. Without this "fair play" +there is no hope for Europe--no hope of seeing your principles spread. + +Yours is a happy country, gentlemen. You had more than fair play. You +had active and effectual aid from Europe in your struggle for +independence, which, once achieved, you used so wisely as to become a +prodigy of freedom and welfare, and a lesson of life to nations. + +But we in Europe--we, unhappily, have no such fair play. With us, +against every pulsation of liberty all despots are united in a common +league; and you may be sure that despots will never yield to the moral +influence of your great example. They hate the very existence of this +example. It is the sorrow of their thoughts, and the incubus of their +dreams. To stop its moral influence abroad, and to check its spread at +home, is what they wish, instead of yielding to its influence. + +We shall have no fair play. The Cossack already rules, by Louis +Napoleon's usurpation, to the very borders of the Atlantic Ocean. One of +your great statesmen--now, to my deep sorrow, bound to the sick bed of +far advanced age[*]--(alas! that I am deprived of the advice which his +wisdom could have imparted to me)--your great statesman told the world +thirty years ago that Paris was transferred to St. Petersburg. What +would he now say, when St. Petersburg is transferred to Paris, and +Europe is but an appendage to Russia? + +[Footnote *: Henry Clay, since deceased.] + +Alas! Europe can no longer secure to Europe fair play. England only +remains; but even England casts a sorrowful glance over the waves. +Still, we will stand our ground, "sink or swim, live or die." You know +the word; it is your own. We will follow it; it will be a bloody path to +tread. Despots have conspired against the world. Terror spreads over +Europe, and persecutes by way of anticipation. From Paris to Pesth there +is a gloomy silence, like the silence of nature before the terrors of a +hurricane. It is a sensible silence, disturbed only by the thousandfold +rattling of muskets by which Napoleon prepares to crush the people who +gave him a home when he was an exile, and by the groans of new martyrs +in Sicily, Milan, Vienna, and Pesth. The very sympathy which I met in +England, and was expected to meet here, throws my sisters into the +dungeons of Austria. Well, God's will be done! The heart may break, but +duty will be done. We will stand our place, though to us in Europe there +be no "fair play." But so much I hope, that no just man on earth can +charge me with unbecoming arrogance, when here, on this soil of freedom, +I kneel down and raise my prayer to God: "Almighty Father of Humanity, +will thy merciful arm not raise up a power on earth to protect the law +of nations when there are so many to violate it?" It is a prayer and +nothing else. What would remain to the oppressed if they were not even +permitted to pray? The rest is in the hand of God. + +Sir, I most fervently thank you for the acknowledgment that my country +has proved worthy to be free. Yes, gentlemen, I feel proud at my +nation's character, heroism, love of freedom and vitality; and I bow +with reverential awe before the decree of Providence which has placed my +country into a position such that, without its restoration to +independence, there is no possibility for freedom and independence of +nations on the European continent. Even what now in France is coming to +pass proves the truth of this. Every disappointed hope with which Europe +looked towards France is a degree more added to the importance of +Hungary to the world. Upon our plains were fought the decisive battles +for Christendom; _there_ will be fought the decisive battle for the +independence, of nations, for State rights, for international law, and +for democratic liberty. We will live free, or die like men; but should +my people be doomed to die, it will be the first whose death will not be +recorded as suicide, but as a martyrdom for the world, and future ages +will mourn over the sad fate of the Magyar race, doomed to perish, not +because we deserved it, but because in the nineteenth century there was +nobody to protect "the laws of nature and of nature's God." + +But I look to the future with confidence and with hope. Manifold +adversities could not fail to impress some mark of sorrow upon my heart, +which is at least a guard against sanguine illusions. But I have a +steady faith in principles. Once in my life indeed I was deplorably +deceived in my anticipations, from supposing principle to exist in +quarters where it did not. I did not count on generosity or chivalrous +goodness from the governments of England and France, but I gave them +credit for selfish and instinctive prudence. I supposed them to value +Parliamentary Government, and to have foresight enough to know the +alarming dangers to which they would be exposed, if they allowed the +armed interference of Russia to overturn historical, limited, +representative institutions. But France and England both proved to be +blind, and deceived me. It was a horrible mistake; and has issued in a +horrible result. The present condition of Europe, which ought to have +been foreseen by those governments, exculpates me for having erred +through expecting them to see their own interests. Well, there is a +providence in every fact. Without this mistake the principles of +American republicanism would for a long time yet not have found a +fertile soil on that continent, where it was considered wisdom to belong +to the French school. Now matters stand thus: that either the continent +of Europe has no future at all, or this future is American +republicanism. And who can believe that two hundred millions of that +continent, which is the mother of such a civilization, are not to have +any future at all? Such a doubt would be almost blasphemy against +Providence. But there is a Providence indeed--a just, a bountiful +Providence, and in it I trust, with all the piety of my religion. I dare +to say my very self was an instrument of it. Even my being here, when +four months ago I was yet a prisoner of the league of European despots +in far Asia, and the sympathy which your glorious people honours me +with, and the high benefit of the welcome of your Congress, and the +honour to be your guest, to be the guest of your great Republic--I, a +poor exile--is there not a very intelligible manifestation of Providence +in it?--the more, when I remember that the name of your guest is by the +furious rage of the Austrian tyrant, nailed to the gallows. + +I confidently trust that the nations of Europe have a future. I am +aware that this future is vehemently resisted by the bayonets of +absolutism; but I know that though bayonets may give a defence, they +afford no seat to a prince. I trust in the future of my native land, +because I know that it is worthy to have one, and that it is necessary +to the destinies of humanity. I trust to the principles of +republicanism; and, whatever may be my personal fate, so much I know, +that my country will preserve to you and your glorious land an +everlasting gratitude. + +A toast in honour of Mr. Webster, the Secretary of State, having then +been proposed, that gentleman responded in an ample speech, of which the +following is an extract:-- + +Gentlemen, I do not propose at this hour of the night, to entertain you +by any general disquisition upon the value of human freedom, upon the +inalienable rights of man, or upon any general topics of that kind; but +I wish to say a few words upon the precise question, as I understand it, +that exists before the civilized world, between Hungary and the Austrian +Government, and I may arrange the thoughts to which I desire to give +utterance under two or three general heads. + +And in the first place I say, that wherever there is in the Christian +and civilized world a nationality of character--wherever there exists a +nation of sufficient knowledge and wealth and population to constitute a +Government, then a National Government is a necessary and proper result +of nationality of character. We may talk of it as we please, but there +is nothing that satisfies the human being in an enlightened age, unless +he is governed by his own countrymen and the institutions of his own +Government. No matter how easy be the yoke of a foreign Power, no matter +how lightly it sits upon the shoulders, if it is not imposed by the +voice of his own nation and of his own country, he will not, he cannot, +and he _means_ not to be happy under its burden. + +There is not a civilized and intelligent man on earth that enjoys entire +satisfaction in his condition, if he does not live under the government +of his own nation--his own country, whose volitions and sentiments and +sympathies are like his own. Hence he cannot say "This is not my +country; it is the country of another Power; it is a country belonging +to somebody else." Therefore, I say that whenever there is a nation of +sufficient intelligence and numbers and wealth to maintain a government, +distinguished in its character and its history and its institutions, +that nation cannot be happy but under a government of its own choice. + +Then, sir, the next question is, whether Hungary, as she exists in our +ideas, as we see her, and as we know her, is distinct in her +nationality, is competent in her population, is also competent in her +knowledge and devotion to correct sentiment, is competent in her +national capacity for liberty and independence, to obtain a government +that shall be Hungarian out and out? Upon that subject, gentlemen, I +have no manner of doubt. Let us look a little at the position in which +this matter stands. What is Hungary? + +Hungary is about the size of Great Britain, and comprehends nearly half +of the territory of Austria. + +[According to one authority its population is 14 millions and a half.] + +It is stated by another authority that the population of Hungary is +_nearly_ 14,000,000; that of England (in 1841) nearly 15,000,000; +that of Prussia about 16,000,000. + +Thus it is evident that, in point of power, so far as power depends upon +population, Hungary possesses as much power as England _proper_, or +even as the kingdom of Prussia. Well, then, there is population +enough--there are people enough. Who, then, are they? They are distinct +from the nations that surround them. They are distinct from the +Austrians on the west, and the Turks on the east; and I will say in the +next place that they are an _enlightened_ nation. They have their +history; they have their traditions; they are attached to their own +institutions--institutions which have existed for more than a thousand +years. + +Gentlemen, it is remarkable that, on the western coasts of Europe, +political light exists. There is a sun in the political firmament, and +that sun sheds his light on those who are able to enjoy it. But in +eastern Europe, generally speaking, and on the confines between eastern +Europe and Asia, there is no political sun in the heavens. It is all an +arctic zone of political life. The luminary, that enlightens the world +in general, seldom rises there above the horizon. The light which they +possess is at best crepuscular, a kind of twilight, and they are under +the necessity of groping about to catch, as they may, any stray gleams +of the light of day. Gentlemen, the country of which your guest to-night +is a native is a remarkable exception. She has shown through her whole +history, for many hundreds of years, an attachment to the principles of +civil liberty, and of law and order, and obedience to the constitution +which the will of the great majority have established. That is the +fact; and it ought to be known wherever the question of the +practicability of Hungarian liberty and independence are discussed. It +ought to be known that Hungary stands out from it above her neighbours +in all that respects free institutions, constitutional government, and a +hereditary love of liberty. + +Gentlemen, my sentiments in regard to this effort made by Hungary are +here sufficiently well expressed. In a memorial addressed to Lord John +Russell and Lord Palmerston, said to have been written by Lord +Fitzwilliam, and signed by him and several other Peers and members of +Parliament, the following language is used, the object of the memorial +being to ask the mediation of England in favour of Hungary. + +"While so many of the nations of Europe have engaged in revolutionary +movements, and have embarked in schemes of doubtful policy and still +more doubtful success, it is gratifying to the undersigned to be able to +assure your lordships that the Hungarians demand nothing but the +recognition of ancient rights and the stability and integrity of their +ancient constitution. To your lordships it cannot be unknown that that +constitution bears a striking family-resemblance to that of our own +country." + +Gentlemen, I have said that a National Government, where there is a +distinct nationality, is essential to human happiness. I have said that +in my opinion, Hungary is thus capable of human happiness. I have said +that she possesses that distinct nationality, that power of population, +and that of wealth, which entitles her to have a Government of her own; +and I have now to add what I am sure will not sound well upon the Upper +Danube; and that is, that, in my humble judgment, the imposition of a +foreign yoke upon a people capable of self-government, while it +oppresses and depresses that people, adds nothing to the strength of +those who impose that yoke. In my opinion, Austria would be a better +and a stronger Government to-morrow if she confined the limits of her +power to hereditary and German dominions. Especially if she saw in +Hungary a strong, sensible, independent neighbouring nation; because I +think that the cost of keeping Hungary quiet is not repaid by any +benefit derived from Hungarian levies or tributes. And then again, good +neighbourhood, and the goodwill and generous sympathies of mankind, and +the generosity of character that ought to pervade the minds of +Governments as well as those of individuals, is vastly more promoted by +living in a state of friendship and amity with those who differ from us +in modes of government, than by any attempt to consolidate power in the +hands of one over all the rest. + +Gentlemen, the progress of things is unquestionably onward. It is +onward with respect to Hungary. It is onward everywhere. Public +opinion, in my estimation at least, is making great progress. It will +penetrate all resources; it will come more or less to animate all minds; +and in respect to that country, for which our sympathies to-night have +been so strongly invoked, I cannot but say that I think the people of +Hungary are an enlightened, industrious, sober, well-inclined community; +and I wish only to add, that I do not now enter into any discussion of +the form of government which may be proper for Hungary. Of course, all +of you, like myself, would be glad to see her, when she becomes +independent, embrace that system of government which is most acceptable +to ourselves. We shall rejoice to see our American model upon the Lower +Danube, and on the mountains of Hungary. But that is not the first step. +It is not that which will be our first prayer for Hungary. The first +prayer shall be, that Hungary may become independent of all foreign +power, that her destinies may be entrusted to her own hands, and to her +own discretion. I do not profess to understand the social relations and +connections of races, and of twenty other things that may affect the +public institutions of Hungary. All I say is, that Hungary can regulate +these matters for herself infinitely better than they can be regulated +for her by Austria, and therefore I limit my aspirations for Hungary, +for the present, to that single and simple point HUNGARIAN +INDEPENDENCE:-- + +"Hungarian independence; Hungarian control of her own destinies; and +Hungary as a distinct nationality among the nations of Europe." + +The toast was received with enthusiastic applause. + +The President then announced the next toast-- + +"The rights of states are only valuable when subject to the free control +of those to whom they appertain, and utterly worthless if to be +determined by the sword of foreign interference." + +Mr. Douglas of Illinois, one of the Candidates for the Presidency, in +responding, spoke at length, and denounced the injustice and folly of +England. In the close he said:-- + +He regarded the intervention of Russia in the affairs of Hungary as a +palpable violation of the laws of nations, that would authorize the +United States to interfere. If Russia, or Austria, or any other power, +should interfere again, then he would determine whether or not we should +act, his action depending upon the circumstances as they should then be +presented. In the mean time, however, he would proclaim the principle of +the laws of nations: he would instruct our ministers abroad to protest +the moment there was the first symptom of the violation of these laws. +He would show to Europe that we had as much right to sympathize in a +system of government similar to our own, as they had in similar +circumstances. In his opinion, Hungary was better adapted for a liberal +movement than any other nation in Europe. + +In conclusion, Mr. Douglas begged leave to offer the following +sentiment:-- + +"Hungary: When she shall make her next struggle for liberty, may the +friends of freedom throughout the world proclaim to the ears of all +European despots, Hands off, a clear field and a fair fight, and God +will protect the right." + +The toast was received with the greatest applause. + +Colonel Florence submitted the following sentiment:-- + +"The American Minister to France, whose intervention defeated the +quintuple treaty." + +General Cass replied in a very energetic speech, in which he stated that +he was approaching the age of three score years and ten. Turning to +Kossuth, he said:-- + +Leader of your country's revolution--asserter of the rights of +man--martyr of the principles of national independence--welcome to our +shores! Sir, the ocean, more merciful than the wrath of tyrants, has +brought you to a country of freedom and of safety. That was a proud day +for you, but it was a prouder day for us, when you left the shores of +old Hellespont and put your foot upon an American deck. Protected by +American cannon, with the stars of our country floating over you, you +could defy the world in arms! And, sir, here in the land of Washington, +it is not a barren welcome that I desire to give you; but much further +than that I am willing to go. I am willing to lay down the great +principles of national rights, and adhere to them. The sun of heaven +never shone on such a government as this. And shall we sit blindfolded, +with our arms crossed, and say to tyranny, "Prevail in every other +region of the world?" [Cries of "No, no!"] I thank you for the response. +Every independent nation under Heaven has a right to establish just such +a government as it pleases. And if the oppressed of any nation wish to +throw off their shackles, they have the right, without the interference +of any other; and, with the first and greatest of our Presidents--the +father of his country--I trust we are prepared to say, that "we +sympathize with every oppressed nation which unfurls the banner of +freedom." And I am willing, as a member of Congress, to pass a +declaration to-morrow, in the name of the American people, maintaining +that sentiment. + +A toast was then proposed: + +"Turkey: Her noble hospitality extended to a fallen patriot, even at the +risk of war, proves her to be worthy of the respect and friendship of +liberal nations." + +Kossuth replied as follows:-- + +Sir, I feel very thankful for having the opportunity to express in this +place my everlasting gratitude to the Sultan of Turkey and to his noble +people. I am not a man to flatter any one. Before God, nations, and +principles I bow--before none else. But I bow with warm and proud +gratitude, before the memory of the generous conduct I met in Turkey. +And I entreat your kind permission to state some facts, which perhaps +may contribute something to a better knowledge of that country, because +I am confident that, when it is once better known, more attention will +be bestowed on its future. + +Firstly, as to myself. When I was in that country, and Russia and +Austria, in the full pride of their victory, were imposing their will +upon the Sultan, and claiming the surrender of me and my associates, it +is true that a grand divan was held at Constantinople, and not very +favourable opinions were pronounced by a certain party opposed to the +existing government in Turkey, whereby the Sublime Porte itself was led +to believe that there was no help for us poor exiles, but to abandon our +faith and become Mohammedans, in order that Turkey might be able to +protect us. I thereupon made a declaration, which I believe I was bound +in honesty to make. But I owe it to the honour of the Sultan to say +openly, that even before I had declared that I would rather die than +accept this condition--before that declaration was conveyed to +Constantinople, and before any one there could have got knowledge that I +had appealed to the public opinion of England in relation +thereto--before all this was known at Constantinople, when the decision +of that great divan was announced to the Sultan to be unfavourable to +the exiles, he out of the generosity of his own heart, without knowing +what we were willing to accept or not to accept, declared: "They are +upon the soil; they have trusted to my honour, to my justice--to my +religion--and they shall not be deceived. Rather will I accept war than +deliver them up." That is entirely his merit. But notwithstanding these +high obligations which I feel towards Turkey, I never will try to engage +public sympathy and attention towards a country--towards a power--upon +the basis of one fact. But there are many considerations in reference to +Turkey which merit the full attention of the United States of America. + +When we make a comparison between the Turkish Government and that of +Austria and Russia in respect to religious liberty, the scale turns +entirely in favour of Turkey. There is not only toleration for all +religions, but the government does not mix with their religious affairs, +but leaves these entirely to their own control; whereas under Austria, +although self-government was secured by three victorious revolutions, by +treaties which ensured these revolutions, and by hundreds of laws; still +Austria has blotted out from Hungary the self-government of the +Protestant church, while Turkey accords and protects the self-government +of every religious denomination. Russia (as is well known) taking +religion as a political tool, persecutes the Roman Catholics, and indeed +the Greeks and Jews, in such a manner that the heart of man must revolt +against it. The Sultan, whenever a fanatic dares to encroach on the +religious freedom of any one at all in his wide dominions, is the +inexorable champion of that religious liberty which is permitted +everywhere under his rule. + +Again, I must cite from the history of Hungary this fact; that when +one-half of Hungary was under Turkish dominion, and the other half under +Austrian, religious liberty was always encouraged in that part which was +under the Turkish rule; and there was not only a full development of +Protestantism, but Unitarianism also was protected; yet by Austria the +Unitarians were afterwards excluded from every civil right, because they +were Unitarians, although our revolution restored their natural rights. +Such was the condition in respect to religious liberty under the +Austrian and under the Turkish dominion. + +Now, in respect to municipal self-government, Hungary and all those +different provinces which are now opposed to the Austrian empire,--if +indeed an empire which only rests upon the goodwill of a foreign master, +can be said to exist, or even to vegetate,--all those different +provinces are absorbed by Austria. There was not one which had not in +former times a constitutional life, not one which Austria did not +deprive of it by centralizing all power in her own court. Such is the +principle of Christian rule! + +Take, on the other hand, the Turk. In Turkey I have not only seen the +municipal self-government of cities developed to a very considerable +degree, but I have seen administration of justice very much like the +institution of the jury. I have seen a public trial in a case where one +party was a Turk, and the other party a Christian; where the municipal +authorities of the Christian and of the Turkish population were called +together to be not only the witnesses of the trial, but mutually to +control and direct it with perfect publicity. But more yet: there exist +Wallachia and Moldavia, under Turkish dominion; and the Turkish nation, +which has conquered that province and is dominant, yet, out of respect +for national self-government, has prescribed to its own self not to have +the right of a house to dwell in, or a single foot of soil in that land. +In all the domestic concerns of the province--which for centuries has +had a charter, by which the self-government of Wallachia and Moldavia +was ensured--it is worthy to mention that the Turk has never broken his +oath. Whereas in the European continent there is scarcely a single +dynasty, whether king, prince, duke, or emperor, which has not broken +faith before God and man. Now, the existence of this Turkey, great as +the present power of Europe is, is indispensable to the security of +Europe. You know that in the Crimea, in the time of Catherine, Potemkin +wrote the words, "Here passes the way to Constantinople." The policy +indicated by him at that time is always the policy of St. Petersburg; +and it is of Constantinople that Napoleon rightly said, that the power +which has it in command, if it is willing, is able, to rule +three-quarters of the world. Now, it is the intention, it is the +consistent policy of the Russian cabinet, to lay hold of Constantinople; +and therefore to protect the independent existence of Turkey is +necessary to Europe: for if Turkey be crushed, Russia becomes not only +entirely predominant, as she already is, but becomes the single mistress +of Asia and of Europe. And to uphold this independence of Turkey, +gentlemen, nothing is wanted but some encouragement from such a place as +the United States. Since Turkey has lost the possession of Buda in +Hungary, its power is declining. But why? Because from that time +European diplomatists began to succeed in persuading Turkey that she had +no strength to stand by herself; and by and bye it became the rule in +Constantinople that every petty interior question needed European +diplomacy. Now I say, Turkey has vitality such as not many nations have. +It has a power that not many have. Turkey wants nothing but a +consciousness of its own powers and encouragement to stand upon its own +feet; and this encouragement, if it comes as counsel, as kind advice, +out of such a place as the United States, I am confident will not only +be thankfully heard, but also very joyfully followed. That is the only +thing which is wanted there. + +And besides this political consideration that the existence of Turkey, +as it is, is necessary to the future of Europe, there are also high +commercial considerations proper to interest and attract the United +States. The freedom of commerce on the Danube is a law of nations +guaranteed by treaties; and yet there exists _no_ freedom. It is in +the hands of Russia. Turkey, to be sure, is very anxious to re-establish +freedom; but there is nobody to back her in her demands. Turkey can also +present to the manufacturing industry of such a country as the United +States a far larger and more important market than all China, with her +two hundred and fifty millions of inhabitants. + +But one consideration I can mention--and though it has no reference to +the public opinion here, I beg permission to avail myself of this +opportunity to pronounce it and give it publicity--and that is, that I +hope in the name of the future freedom and independence of the European +nations, those provinces of Turkey which are inhabited by Christians +will not, out of theoretical passion, and out of attachment to a mere +word, neglect that course of action which alone can lead them to freedom +and independence. Gentlemen, I declare that should the next +revolutionary movement in Europe extend to the Turkish provinces of +Moldavia and Servia,--and should Turkey hereby fall,--this would not +become a benefit to those provinces, but would benefit Russia only; +because then, Turkey no more existing, all those provinces will be +naturally absorbed by Russia; whereas, to hold fast to Turkey--that +Turkey, which respects religious liberty, gives them entirely and fully +self-government. + +So much, gentlemen, I desired to express. I believe you will excuse me +for the inappropriate manner in which I have acquitted myself of this, +which I considered to be my duty in expressing my thanks to Turkey. I +declare before you that I am fully convinced of the identity of interest +between Hungary and Turkey. We have a common enemy--therefore Hungary +and Turkey are by natural ties drawn into a close alliance against that +enemy. I declare that not only out of gratitude, but also out of a +knowledge of this community of interest, I will never in my life let an +opportunity escape where I in my humble capacity can contribute to the +glory, welfare, and happiness of Turkey, but will consider it the duty +of honour toward my country to be the truest, most faithful friend of +the Turkish empire. + + * * * * * + +XVIII.--ASPECTS OF AMERICA TOWARD ENGLAND. + +[_Speech at the Anniversary of the Battle of New Orleans, Jan. 8_.] + +F.P. Blair, Esq., in the name of the Democratic Association, pronounced +an elaborate address, vindicating the interposition of the King of +France to aid the American Colonies when they revolted from England, and +pointing out that America, in defence of her institutions, may be called +on to support the masses of the European nations as a breakwater between +herself and Despotism. He showed the certain danger to which English +freedom would be exposed from the triumph of despotism, and asked:-- + + What have we to expect from neutrality? We may anticipate + the treatment which we received from both belligerents + when Napoleon pressed on to empire over all the nation + as Russia does now.... Can we hope, that when the war + is intended to exterminate the principle of which our government + is the great exemplar, our people will be allowed the immunity + of free trade with the belligerents to grow rich and + strong by their calamities?... The impending danger + can only be averted from us by the ability of the people of + Europe, now kept down by military mercenaries, to rise and + assert their own rights. To encourage such efforts is the duty + of every free people, and of all that would be free.... + Shall our government hesitate to denounce, as a violation of + the law of nations, the intervention of the Czar? Shall it + hesitate to declare it a justification of a counter-intervention?... + Our countrymen will not assent to the one-sided + doctrine. They will intervene to lift up those stricken down + by intervention,-- + +The exiles from Europe--_Liberty_ and _Louis Kossuth_. + +The band struck up the well-known Marseilles Hymn, and Kossuth, rising +to respond, was received with prolonged cheers. The music having ceased, +three hearty cheers were given, and Louis Kossuth responded to the toast +and the address in the following remarks, which were received with warm +enthusiasm:-- + +Gentlemen: I feel sincerely gratified with the honour of being invited +to be present on this solemn occasion, dedicated to the memory of a +glorious as well as highly responsible fact in your history. + +There is high political wisdom in the custom yearly to revive the memory +of civil virtue and national glory in the mind of the living generation, +because nothing else is so efficient to keep alive the spirit of +patriotism--that powerful genius, which, like the angels of Scripture, +guards with flaming sword the Paradise of national liberty and +independence. Happy the land where the history of the past is the +history of the people, and not a mere flattery of kings; and +doubly happy the land where the rewards of the past are brightened by +present glory, present happiness; and where the noble deeds of the dead, +instead of being a mournful monument of vanished greatness which saddens +the heart, though it ennobles the mind, are a lasting source of national +welfare to the age and to posterity. But where, as in this your happy +land, national history is the elementary basis of education--where the +very schoolboy is better acquainted with the history of his country than +in monarchies almost the professors are--in such a country it would be +indeed but a ridiculous parading of vanity for a stranger to dwell upon +facts which every child is better acquainted with than he can be. Allow +me therefore, gentlemen, rather briefly to expound what is the practical +philosophy of that great victory which you are assembled to +celebrate--what is the moral of the strain as it presents itself to the +inquirer's mind. + +As a man has to pass through several periods of age, each of them marked +with its own peculiarities, before he comes to a settled position in +life, even so a nation. A nation has first to be born, then to grow; +then it has to prove its passive vitality by undergoing a trial of life. +Afterwards it has to prove its active force to rise within its own +immediate horizon. At last, it must take its proper seat amongst the +nations of the world as a power on earth. Every one of these periods of +national life must be gone through. There is no help for it. It is a +necessary process of life. And every one of these life-periods has its +own natural condition, which must be accepted as a necessity, even if we +should not be pleased with it. + +Gentlemen, having passed through the ordeal of an earnest life, with the +prospect of yet having to steer through stormy gales, it is natural +that, while I grasp my helm, I gaze at History, as my compass. And there +is no history more instructive than yours, because you have concentrated +within the narrow scope of a few years that natural process of national +life, which elsewhere was achieved only through centuries. It would be a +mistake, and a mistake not without danger, to believe that your nation +is still in its youth because it has lived but seventy-five years. The +natural condition of nations is not measured by years, but by those +periods of the process of life which I have mentioned. And there is no +nation on earth in whose history those periods were so distinctly marked +as in yours. First, you had to be born. That is the period of your +glorious struggle for independence. Endless honour be to those who +conducted it! You were baptized with blood, as it seems to be the +destiny of nations; but it was the genius of Freedom which stood +god-father at your baptism, and gave to you a lasting character by +giving you the Christian name of "_Republic_." Then you had to +grow, and, indeed, you have grown with the luxuriant rapidity of the +virgin nature of the American soil. Washington knew the nature of this +soil, fertilized by the blood of your martyrs and warmed by the sun of +your liberty. He knew it, when he told your fathers that you wanted but +twenty years of peaceful growth to defy any power whatsoever in a just +cause. You have grown through those twenty years, and wisely avoided to +endanger your growth by undertaking a toil not becoming to your growing +age; and there you stood about another twenty years, looking resolutely +but unpretendingly around, if there be anybody to question that you were +really a nation. The question was put in 1812, and decided by that +glorious victory, the anniversary of which you celebrate to-day. That +victory has a deeper meaning in your history than only that of a +repulsed invasion. It marks a period in your national life--the period +of acknowledged, unshakeable security of your national existence. It is +the consummation of your declaration of independence. You have proved by +it that the United States possess an incontestable vitality, having the +power to preserve that independent national position which your fathers +established by the declaration of independence. In reality, it was the +victory of New Orleans by which you took your seat amongst the +independent nations of the world never to be contested through all +posterity. + +If the history of New Orleans showed the security of your national +existence, the victorious war against Mexico proved that also your +national interests must be respected. The period of active vitality is +attained. It remains yet to take your seat, not amongst the +_nations_ of the earth, for _that_ you have since the day of +New Orleans, but amongst the _powers_ on earth. What is the meaning +of that word "power on earth?" The meaning of it is, to have not only +the power to guard your own particular interests, but also to have a +vote in the regulation of the common interests of humanity, of which you +are an independent member--in a word, to become a tribunal enforcing the +law of nations, precisely as your supreme court maintains your own +constitution and laws. And, indeed, all argument of statesmanship, all +philosophy of history, would be vain, if I were mistaken that your great +nation is arrived at this unavoidable period of life. + +The instinct of the people is in the life of a nation precisely that +which conscience is in the life of man. Before we, in our private life, +arrive at a clear conviction what course we have to adopt in this or +that occurrence, the conscience--that inexplicable spirit in our +breast--tells us in a pulsation of our heart what is right or what is +wrong. And this first pulsation of conscience is very trustworthy. Then +comes the reflective operation of the mind: it now and then lulls +conscience to sleep, now and then modifies particulars, and now and then +raises it to the degree of conviction. But conscience was in advance of +the mind. So is the instinct of the people--the conscience of nations. +Nor needs the highest intellectual power of individuality to feel +offended at the idea that the instinct of the people is always the first +to feel the right and wrong. It is the pulsation of the heart of the +nation; it is the advertisement of conscience, which never heaves +without reason, without necessity. + +Indeed, gentlemen, it is not my presence here which elicited that +majestic interest for national law and international rights. Nay, I had +not been here, but for the pre-existence of this interest. It raised +glorious interpreters during the struggles of Greece, when, indeed, I +was yet too young to be in public life. It flashed up, kindled by +Poland's heroic struggles, and it blazed high and broad when we were +fighting the sacred battle of independence for the European continent. +Had this interest and sympathy not existed long ago, I were not now +here. My very freedom is the result of it. + +And may I be permitted to mention that there were several concerns quite +unconnected with the cause of Hungary, which have much contributed to +direct public opinion to feel interested in the question of foreign +policy, so naturally connected with the question, What is international +law? + +Your relations with Mexico and Central America; the threatened +intervention of European powers in the possible issue of a recent case +which brought so much mourning into many families in the United States; +the question about the Sandwich Islands, which European diplomacy +appeared to contemplate as an appropriate barrier between your Pacific +States and the Indian and Chinese trade; the sad fate of an American +citizen now condemned to the galleys in Africa; and several other +considerations of pressing concern, must necessarily have contributed to +excite the interest of public opinion for the settlement of the +question, What is and what shall be law amongst nations?--law not +dictated by the whims of ambitious despots, but founded upon everlasting +principles, such as republics can acknowledge who themselves live upon +principles. + +The cause of Hungary is implicated with the very questions of right, in +which your country in so many respects is concerned. It happens to lie +so broad across the principles of international law, as to occupy not +only the instinct of the people but also the calm reflection of your +statesmen, conspicuous by mature wisdom and patriotism; and herein is +the key, besides the generosity congenial to freemen, why the cause +which I plead is honoured with so rapid a progress in public sentiment. + +And let me entreat your permission for one topic more. I received, +during my brief stay in England, some one hundred and thirty addresses +from cities and associations, all full of the same warm sympathy for my +country's cause, which you also have so generously testified. That +sympathy was accorded to me, notwithstanding my frank declaration that I +am a republican, and that my country, when restored to independence, can +be nothing but a republic. Now this is a fact gratifying to every friend +of progress in public sentiment, highly proving that the people are +everywhere honourable, just, noble, and good. And do you know, +gentlemen, which of these numerous addresses were the most glorious to +the people of England and the most gratifying to me? It was one in which +I heard your Washington praised, and sorrow avowed that England had +opposed that glorious cause upon which is founded the noble fame of that +great man; and the addresses--(numerous they were indeed)--in which the +hope and resolution were expressed, that England and the United States, +forgetting the sorrows of the past will in brotherly love go hand in +hand to support the eternal principles of international law and freedom +on earth. + +Yes indeed, sir, you were right to say that the justice of your +struggle, which took out of England's hand a mighty continent, is openly +acknowledged even by the English people itself. The memory of the day of +New Orleans must of course recall to your mind the wrongs against which +you so gloriously fought. Oh, let me entreat you, bury the hatred of +past ages in the grave where all the crimes of the past lie mouldering +with the ashes of those who sinned, and take the glorious opportunity to +benefit the great cause of humanity. + +One thing let me tell you, gentlemen. _People_ and +_Governments_ are different things in such a country as Great +Britain is. It is sorrowful enough that the people have often to pay for +what the government sinned. Let it not be said in history, that even the +people of the United States made a kindred people pay for the sins of +its government. And remember that you can mightily react upon the public +opinion of Britain, and that the people of Britain can react upon the +course of its own government. It were indeed a great misfortune to see +the government of Great Britain pushed by irritation to side with the +absolutist powers against the oppressed nations about to struggle for +independence and liberty. Even Ireland could only lose by this. And +besides its own loss, this might perhaps be just the decisive blow +against liberty; whereas if the government of England, otherwise +remaining as it is, do but unite with you not to allow foreign +interference with our struggles on the continent this would become +almost a sure guarantee of the victory of those struggles; and, +according as circumstances stand, that would be indeed the most +practical benefit to the noble people of Ireland also, because freedom, +independence, and the principles of natural law could not fail to +benefit their cause, which so well merits the sympathy of every just man +and they have also the sympathy--I know it--of the better half of +England itself. + +Hatred is no good counsellor, gentlemen. The wisdom of love is a better +one. What people has suffered more than my poor Hungary has from Russia? +Shall I hate the people of Russia for it? Oh never! I have but pity and +Christian brotherly love for it. It is the government, it is the +principle of the government, which makes every drop of my blood boil and +which must fall, if humanity is to live. We were for centuries in war +against the Turks, and God knows what we have suffered by it! But past +is past. Now we have a common enemy, and thus we have a common interest, +a mutual esteem, and love rules where our fathers have fought. + +Gentlemen, how far this supreme duty toward your own interest will allow +you to go in giving life and effect to the principle which you so +generously proclaim, and which your party (as I have understood) have +generously proclaimed in different parts--_that_ you will in your +wisdom decide, remaining always the masters of your action and of your +fate. But that principle will rest; that principle is true; that +principle is just; and you are just, because you are free. I hope +therefore to see you cordially unite with me once more in the +sentiment--"Intervention for non-intervention." + + * * * * * + +XIX.--MEANING OF RECOGNIZING. + +[_Last Speech at Washington_.] + +In returning thanks to all the citizens here assembled, and to yourself, +sir, in particular,[*] I beg to add some remarks. That I have not here +been honoured with the same demonstrations of local cordiality as in +other places, I do not, with you, attribute to diplomatic influences. I +know well the skill of Russian diplomacy, which indeed at Moldovarica +instructs all its representatives to marry Moldovarican ladies. But I +also know that the framers of your Constitution wisely discouraged the +development of municipal life in the district of Columbia, lest local +influences and pressure from without on the seat of the central +legislature might unduly sway the national councils. Just so, we have +often known a single street in Paris coerce the deliberations of the +nation. Columbia having, as I understand, by an exceptional arrangement, +no true local self-government, is deficient in local movement. +Nevertheless, I have received _private_ expression of sentiment and +of generous kind sympathy from various parts of this district, and +chiefly from the city of Washington. + +[Footnote *: Chancellor Walworth of New York.] + +In respect to the declaration which you make as to nonintervention, I +have only to thank you, and to express my earnest hope that all those in +whose name you speak, will proceed to give effect to their principle in +public life. + +The second right of nations,--that of mutual commerce--still more +closely touches your domestic interests, regard it as a clear national +right of your citizens to hold commerce with the thirty-five millions of +men oppressed by Austria, if those thirty-five millions desire it, +though to Emperor of Austria, having occupied an immoral position refuse +it to you: and if the people of Hungary, Bohemia, and Italy take arms to +punish his atrocities, that is no good reason why your citizens should +submit to abstain from commerce with these injured nations. + +In regard to my third desire, to see the _legitimacy_ of our +declaration of Independence acknowledged by Congress that did not mean +that I (a poor exile!) am _de facto_ Governor of Hungary! You +little conceive how valuable to us it would have been, if your Envoy, +who came to inquire and report, during our struggle, had been authorized +to recognize the legitimacy of our cause and of our proceeding. And even +now, the moral effect would be great; for such an act cannot stand +alone, it points to your future policy towards every other nation. +Moreover, it would enlarge the lawful field of action for private +sympathy, and would enable me to accept many things which I cannot now; +I do not mean titles,--which I value not. I care only for my country's +dignity; but it appertains to its dignity that its solemnly expressed +Will be recognized by your government. + +Legislatures of your States (with warm gratitude I acknowledge) have +declared these principles: cities and associations have received them; +so have many eminent persons. But if you wish foreign powers to know +that it is not Mr. A. or Mr. B. but the nation itself which pronounces +them, I venture to suggest that it may be convenient in your various +associations of every kind to make separate declarations to this effect, +as by contributions of money ever so small; and this will really be +_national_ aid. If the United States carry out this determination +with their characteristic energy it will be effectual. + + * * * * * + +XX.--CONTRAST OF THE AMERICAN TO THE HUNGARIAN CRISIS. + +[_Speech before the Senate at Annapolis, Jan. 13_.] + +Kossuth, having arrived at Annapolis, capital of Maryland, was +entertained in the Government House by Governor Lowe, and was next day +introduced to the Senate, who welcomed him with a cordial address. He +responded as follows:-- + +Mr. President: In the changes of my stormy life, many occasions, +connected with associations of historical interest, have impressed a +deep emotion upon my mind: but perhaps never yet has the memory of the +past made such a glowing impression upon me as here. + +I bow reverentially, Senators of Maryland, in this glorious hall, the +sanctuary of immortal deeds, hallowed by immortal names. + +Before I thank the living, let me look to those dead whose spirits dwell +within these walls [looking at the portraits that hung upon the walls], +living an imperishable life in the glory, freedom, and happiness of your +great United Republic, which is destined, as I confidently hope, to +become the corner-stone of the future of Humanity. + +Yes, there they are, the glorious architects of the independence of this +Republic. + +There is _Thomas Stone_; there, your Demosthenes, _Samuel +Chase_; there, _Charles Carroll, of Carrollton_, who designedly +added that epithet to the significance of his name, that nobody should +be mistaken about who was the _Carroll_ who dared the noble deed, +and was rewarded by being the last of his illustrious companions, whom +God called to the Heavenly Paradise, after he had long enjoyed the +paradise of freedom on earth; and here, _William Paca_;--all of +them signers of the Declaration of American Independence--that noblest, +happiest page in mankind's history. + +How happy that man must have been [pointing to the portrait of Governor +Paca] having to govern this sovereign State on that day when, within +these very halls the act was ratified which, by the recognition of your +very enemy, raised your country to an independent nation. + +Ye spirits of the departed! cast a ray of consolation by the voice of +your nation over that injured land, whose elected chief, a wandering +exile for having dared to imitate you, lays the trembling hopes of an +oppressed continent before the generous heart of your people--now not +only an independent nation but also a mighty and glorious power. + +Alas! what a difference in the success of two like deeds! Have we not +done what ye did? Yes, we have. Was the cause for which we did it not +alike sacred and just as yours? It was. Or have we not fought to +sustain it with equal resolution as your brethren did? Bold though it be +to claim a glory such as America has, I am bold to claim, and say--yes, +we did. And yet what a difference in the result! And whence this +difference? Only out of that single circumstance that, while you, in +your struggle, meet with _assistance_, we in ours met not even with +_"fair play:"_ since, when we fought, there was nobody on earth to +maintain "the laws of nature's God." + +During our struggle, America was silent and England did not stir; and +while you were assisted by a French King, we were forsaken by a French +Republic--itself now trodden down because it has forsaken us? + +Well, we are not broken yet. There is hope for us, because there is a +God in heaven and an America on earth. May be that our nameless woes +were necessary, that the glorious destiny of America may be fulfilled; +that after it had been an asylum for the oppressed, it should become, by +regenerating Europe, the pillar of manhood's liberty. + +Oh! it is not a mere capricious change of fate, that the exiled governor +of the land whose name, four years ago, was scarcely known on your +glorious shores, and which now (oh, let me have the blessings of this +belief!) is dear to the generous heart of America. It is not a mere +chance that Hungary's exiled chief thanks the Senators of Maryland for +the high honour of public welcome in that very Hall where the first +Continental Congress met; where your great Republic's glorious +constitution was framed; where the treaty of acknowledged independence +was ratified, and where you, Senators, guard with steady hand the rights +of your sovereign States which is now united to thirty others, not to +make you less free, but to make you more mighty--to make you a power on +earth. + +I believe there is the hand of God in history. You assigned a place in +this hall of freedom to the memory of Chatham, for having been just to +America, by opposing the stamp act, which awoke your nation to +resistance. + +Now, the people of England think as once Pitt the elder thought, and +honours with deep reverence the memory of your Washington. + +But suppose the England of Lord Chatham's time had thought as Chatham +did: and his burning words had moved the English aristocracy to be just +towards the colonies: those our men there [turning to the portraits] had +not signed your country's independence. Washington were perhaps a name +"unknown, unhonoured, and unsung," and this proud constellation of your +glorious stars had perhaps not yet risen on mankind's sky--instead of +being now about to become the sun of Freedom. It is thus Providence +acts. + +Let me hope, sir, that Hungary's unmerited fate was necessary, in order +that your stars should become such a sun. + +Sirs, I stand, perhaps, upon the very spot where your Washington stood, +consummating the greatest act of his life. The walls which now listen +to my humble words, listened to the words of his republican virtue, +immortal by their very modesty. Let me, upon this sacred spot, express +my confident belief that if he stood here now, he would tell you that +his prophecy is fulfilled; that you are mighty enough "to defy any power +on earth in a just cause," and he would tell you that there never was +and never will be a cause more just than the cause of Hungary, being, as +it is, the cause of oppressed humanity. + +Sir, I thank the Senate of Maryland, in my country's name for the honour +of your generous welcome. I entreat the Senate kindly to remember my +prostrate fatherland. Sir, I bid you farewell, feeling heart and soul +purified, and my resolution strengthened, by the very air of this +ancient city of Providence. + + * * * * * + +XXI.--THANKS FOR HIS GREAT SUCCESS. + +[_Speech at Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, on his Reception in the Capitol. +Jan. 14th_.] + +On Jan. 14th Kossuth was received in Harrisburg, capital of +Pennsylvania, in the Capitol. Governor Johnston in the name of the +State, addressed to him a copious and energetic speech, in the course of +which he said:-- + +We have declared the law, that man is capable of self government, and +possesses the inherent and indestructible right of altering, amending, +and changing his form of government at his pleasure, and in furtherance +of his happiness. We have sworn hostility against every form of tyranny +over the mind of man. These truths we have made a part of the laws of +nations. Despots combine and interfere by force and fraud, to prevent +the erection of republican institutions by a nation struggling +successfully against its local usurping oppressor, for independence. +Fidelity to our principles and institutions demands that we PREVENT such +interference by solemnly proclaiming that the laws of nations and +humanity SHALL BE PRESERVED inviolate and sacred. In the performance of +this duty the faint-hearted may falter; the domestic despot and cold +diplomatist may linger behind; the man of world-extended and fearful +traffic may hesitate; but the warm and great heart of the American +masses will feel no moment of hesitation and doubt in defence of truth. +The great Author of nations will find the means to carry out His wise +designs. How glorious our destiny, if to us is given the solemn charge +of carrying into effect the beneficent purpose of Heaven in the +establishment upon earth of universal liberty, universal education, +universal happiness, and peace. + +When Governor Johnston had concluded with a very cordial welcome, +Kossuth replied as follows:-- + +Senators and representatives of Pennsylvania.--I came with confidence, I +came with hope to the United States--with the confidence of a man who +trusts to the certainty of principles, knowing that where freedom is +sown, there generosity grows--with the hope of a man who knows that +there is life in his cause, and that where there is life there must be a +future yet. Still hope is only an instinctive throb with which Nature's +motherly care comforts adversity. We often hope without knowing why, and +like a lonely wanderer on a stormy night, direct our weary steps towards +the first glimmering window light, uncertain whether we are about to +knock at the door of a philanthropist or of a heartless egotist. But +the hope and confidence with which I came to the United States was not +such. There was a knowledge of fact in it. I did not know what +_persons_ it might be my fate to meet, but I knew that meet I +should with two living _principles_--with that of FREEDOM and that +of NATIONAL HOSPITALITY. + +Both are political principles here. Freedom is expansive like the light: +it loves to spread itself: and hospitality here in this happy land, is +raised out of the narrow circle of private virtue into political wisdom. +As you, gentlemen, are the representatives of your people, so the people +of the United States at large are representative of European humanity--a +congregation of nations assembled in the hospitable Hall of American +liberty. Your people is linked to Europe, not only by the common tie of +manhood--not only by the communicative spirit of liberty--not only by +the commercial intercourse, but by the sacred ties of blood. The people +of the United States is Europe transplanted to America. And it is not +Hungary's woes alone--it is the cause of all Europe which I am come to +plead. Where was ever a son, who in his own happy days could +indifferently look at the sufferings of his mother, whose heart's blood +is running in his very veins? And Europe is the mother of the United +States. + +I hope to God, that the people of this glorious land is and will ever +be, fervently attached to this their free, great and happy home. I hope +to God that whatever tongue they speak, they are and will ever be +American, and nothing but American. And so they must be, if they will be +free--if they desire for their adopted home greatness and perpetuity. +Should once the citizens of the United States cease to be Americans, and +become again English, Irish, German, Spanish, Italian, Danish, Swedish, +French--America would soon cease to be what it is now--freedom elevated +to the proud position of a power on earth. + +But while I hope that all the people of the United States will never +become anything but Americans; and that even its youngest adopted sons, +though fresh with sweet home recollections, will know here no South, no +North, no East and no West--nothing but the whole country, the common +nationality of freedom--in a word, America; still I also know that blood +is blood--that the heart of the son must beat at the contemplation of +his mother's sufferings. These were the motives of my confident hope. +And here in this place I have the happy right to say, God the Almighty +is with me; my hopes are about to be realized. Sir, it is a gratifying +view to see how the generous sympathy of individuals for the cause which +I respectfully plead is rising into Public Opinion. But nowhere had I +the happy lot to see this more clearly expressed than in this great +commonwealth of Pennsylvania, the mighty "_keystone_ State" of the +Union. The people of Harrisburg spoke first: no city before had so +distinctly articulated the public sympathy into acknowledged principles. +It has framed the sympathy of generous instinct into a political shape. +I will for ever remember it with fervent gratitude. Then came the +Metropolis--a hope and a consolation by its very name to the +oppressed--the sanctuary of American Independence, where the very bells +speak prophecy--which is now sheltering more inhabitants than all +Pennsylvania did, when, seventy-five years ago, the prophetic bell of +Independence Hall announced to the world that free America was born; +which now, with the voice of thunder, will, I hope, tell the world that +the doubtful life of that child has unfolded itself into a mighty power +on earth. Yes, after Harrisburg, the metropolis spoke, a flourishing +example of freedom's self-developing energy; and after the metropolis, +now so mighty a centre of nations, and it ally of international +law--next came Pittsburg, the immense manufacturing workshop, alike +memorable for its moral power and its natural advantages, which made it +a link with the great valley of the West, a cradle of a new world, which +is linked in its turn to the old world by boundless agricultural +interests. And after the people of Pennsylvania have thus spoken, here +now I stand in the temple of this people's sovereignty, with joyful +gratitude acknowledging the inestimable benefits of this public +reception, where--with the elected of Pennsylvania, entrusted with the +Legislative and Executive power of the sovereign people, gather into one +garland the public opinion, and with the authority of their high +position, announce loudly to the world the principles, the resolution, +and the will of the two millions of this great Commonwealth. Sir, the +words your Excellency has honoured me with will have their weight +throughout the world. The jeering smile of the despots, which +accompanied my wandering, will be changed, at the report of these +proceedings, to a frown which may yet cast fresh mourning over families, +as it has cast over mine; nevertheless the afflicted will wait to be +consoled by the dawn of public happiness. From the words which your +Excellency spoke, the nations will feel double resolution to shake off +the yoke of despotism. + +[Footnote: Philadelphia (_brotherly love_) is evidently intended. +"Metropolis" strictly means mother city, not chief city.] + +The proceedings of to-day will, moreover, have their weight in the +development of public opinion in other States of your united Republic. +Governor! I plead no dead cause, Europe is no corpse: it has a future +yet, because it wills. Sir, from the window of your room, which your +hospitality has opened to me, I saw suspended a musket and a powder +horn, and this motto--"Material Aid." And I believe that the Speaker of +the House of Representatives of Pennsylvania is seated in that chair +whence the Declaration of American Independence was signed. The first is +what Europe wants in order to have the success of the second. Permit me +to take this for a happy augury; and allow me with the plain words of an +earnest mind, to give you the assurance of my country's warm, +everlasting gratitude, in which, upon the basis of our restored +independence, a wide field will be opened to mutual benefit, by friendly +commercial intercourse ennobled by the consciousness of imparted benefit +on your side, and by the pleasant duty of gratitude on the side of +Hungary, which so well deserves your generous sympathy. + + * * * * * + +XXII.--ON THE PRESENT WEAKNESS OF DESPOTISM. +[_Speech at the Harrisburg Banquet_.] + +About three hundred persons sat down to dinner, a large portion of them +members of the legislature. Governor Johnston presided, assisted by +Ex-Senator Cameron. A toast complimentary to Governor Johnston having +been drunk with great enthusiasm, the Governor briefly responded. After +returning his thanks for the compliment, he alluded to the mission of +Kossuth. The great Magyar came here not for _sympathy_ alone, but +for _aid_ for the cause of republican freedom. He not only wanted +that, but encouragement of our government in aid of the cause of +down-trodden Hungary. No profession, but action was wanted; and he +exhorted his hearers never to cease acting, until the government took +the high ground necessary to secure to Hungary the simple justice she +demanded. In conclusion he gave the third toast: + +"Hungary--Betrayed but not subdued; her constitution violated, her +people in chains, her chief in exile. The star of freedom will yet shine +through the dark night of her adversity." + +Kossuth, in response, opened by lamenting that the perpetual claims upon +his time, and the pressure of sorrowful feelings on his heart, made it +impossible for him to study how to address them suitably. He proceeded +to say: + +But to what purpose is eloquence here? Have you not anticipated my +wishes? Have you not sanctioned my principles? Are you not going on to +action, as generous men do, who are conscious of their power and of +their aim? Well, to what purpose, then, is eloquence here? I have only +to thank--and that is more eloquently told by a warm grasp of the hand +than by all the skilful arrangement of words. + +I beg therefore your indulgence for laying before you some mere facts, +which perhaps may contribute to strengthen your conviction that the +people of the United States, in bestowing its sympathy upon my cause, +does not support a dead cause, but one which has a life, and whose +success is rationally sure. + +Let me before all cast a glance at the enemy. And let those imposed upon +by the attitude of despotism in 1852, consider how much stronger it was +in 1847-8. France was lolled by Louis Philippe's politics, of "peace at +any price," into apathy. Men believed in the solidity of his government. +No heart-revolting cruelty stirred the public mind. No general +indignation from offended national self-esteem prevailed. The stability +of the public credit encouraged the circulation of capital, and by that +circulation large masses of industrious poor found, if not contentment, +at least daily bread. The King was taken for a prudent man; and the +private morality of his family cast a sort of halo around his house. The +spirit of revolution was reduced to play the meagre game of secret +associations; not seconded by any movement of universal interest--the +spirit of radical innovation was restrained into scientific polemic, +read by few and understood by fewer. There was a faith in the patriotic +authority of certain men, whose reputation was that of being liberal. +One part of the nation lived on from day to day without any stirring +passion, in entire passiveness; the other believed in gradual +improvement and progress, because it had confidence in the watchful care +of partizan leaders. The combat of Parliamentary eloquence was +considered to be a storm in a glass of water, and the highest aspiration +of parties was to oust the ministry and take their place. And yet the +prohibition of a public banquet blew asunder the whole complex like mere +chaff. + +Germany was tranquil, because the honest pretensions of the ambition of +her statesmen were satisfied by the open lists of parliamentary +eloquence. The public life of the nation had gained a field for itself +in Legislative debates--a benefit not enjoyed for centuries. The +professors being transferred to the legislative floor, and the college +to the parliament, the nation was gratified by improvements in the laws, +and by the oratory of her renowned men, who never failed to flatter the +national vanity. It believed itself to be really in full speed of +greatness, and listened contented and quiet--like an intelligent +audience to an interesting lecture--even in respect to the unity of +great Germany. The custom-association (Zollverein) became an idol of +satisfied national vanity, and of cheerful hopes; science and art were +growing fast; speculative researches of political economy met an open +field in social life; men conscious of higher aims wandered afar into +new homes, despairing to find a field of action in their native land. +Material improvement was the ruling word, and the lofty spirit of +freedom was blighted by the contact of small interests. + +And yet a prohibited banquet at Paris shook the very foundation of this +artificial tranquillity, and the princely thrones of Germany trembled +before the rising spirit of freedom, though it was groping in darkness, +because unconscious of its aim. + +Italy--fair, unfortunate Italy--looking into the mirror of its ancient +glory, heaved with gloomy grief; but the sky of the heaven was as clear +and blue above, as it ever was since creation's dawn: and it sung like +the bird in a cage placed upon a bough of the blooming orange tree. And +then Pius IX, placing himself at the head of Italian regeneration, +became popular as no man in Rome since Rienzi's time, In 1848 men heard +with surprise, on the coast of the Adriatic, my name coupled in +_vivas_ with the name of Pius IX. But the sarcasm of Madame De +Stael--that in Italy men became women--was still believed true; so that +too many of the Italians themselves despaired of conquering Austria +without Charles Albert. + +Austria had not for centuries, and Prussia never yet has, experienced +what sort of a thing a revolution is, and the falling of the vault of +the sky would have been considered less improbable than a popular +revolution in Berlin or Vienna, where Metternich ruled in triumphant +proud security. + +The house of Austria was considered as a mighty power on earth; +respected, because thought necessary to Europe against the preponderance +of Russia. No people under the dominion of this dynasty, had a national +army, and all were divided by absurd rivalries of language, kept up by +Metternich's Machiavelism. The nations were divided; none of them was +conscious of its strength, but all were aware of the united strength of +a disciplined and large imperial army, the regiments of which had never +yet fought one against another, and never yet had broken the spell of +the black and yellow flag by tearing it to pieces with their own hands. + +And yet, when Paris stirred and I made a mere speech in the Hungarian +Parliament, the house of Austria was presently at the mercy of the +people of Vienna; Metternich was driven away, and his absolutism +replaced by a promise of constitutional life. + +In Gallicia the odium connected with the despotic Austrian rule had, by +satanic craft, been thrown upon those classes which represent the +ancient Polish nationality; and the well-deserved hatred of aristocratic +oppression, though living only in traditional remembrances, had +prevailed in the sentiments of the common people over the hatred against +Austria, though despotic and a stranger; so much so, that, to triumph +over the ill-advised, untimely movement of 1846, Austria had nothing to +do but open the field to murder, by granting a two dollars' reward for +every head of a Polish land proprietor. + +And in Hungary the people of every race was equally excluded from all +political right--from any share of constitutional life. The endeavours +of myself and my friends for internal improvements--for emancipation of +the peasantry--for the people's restoration to its natural rights in +civil, political, social, and religious respects, were cramped by the +Hapsburg policy. But the odium of this cramping was thrown by Austria +upon our own conservative party: and thus our national force was divided +into antagonistic elements. + +Besides, the idea of Panslavism and of national rivalries, raised by +Russia and fostered by Austria, diverted the excitement of the public +mind from the development of common political freedom. And Hungary had +no _national_ army. Its regiments were filled with foreign elements +and scattered over foreign countries, while our own country was guarded +with well-disciplined foreign troops. And what was far worse than all +this, Hungary, by long illegalities corrupted in its own character, +deprived of its ancient heroic stamp, germanized in its saloons, sapped +in its cottages and huts, impressed with the unavoidable _fatality_ +of Austrian sovereignty, and the knowledge of Austrian power, secluded +from the attention of the world, which was scarcely aware of its +existence,--Hungary had no hope in its national future, because it had +no consciousness of its strength, and was highly monarchical in its +inclinations, and generous in its allegiance to the King. No man +dreamed of the possibility of a revolution there, and he who would have +suggested it would only have gained the reputation of a madman. + +Such was the condition of Europe in the first half of February, 1848. +Never yet seemed the power of despots more steady, more sure. Yet, one +month later, every throne on the continent trembled except the Czar's. +The existence of dynasties depended upon the magnanimity of their +people, and Europe was all on fire. + +And in what condition is Europe now? Every man on earth is aware that +things cannot endure as they are. _Formerly millions believed that a +peaceful development of constitutional monarchy was the only future +reserved for Europe. Now nobody on the European continent any longer +believes that constitutional monarchy can have a future there._ +Absolutist reaction goes with all that arrogance which revolts every +sentiment, and infuriates the very child in its mother's arms. The +promise, the word, the oath of a king are become equivalent to a lie and +to perjury. Faith in the morality of kings is plucked out, even to the +last root, from the people's heart. + +The experiment of constitutional concessions was thought dangerous to +the dynasties, as soon as they became aware that the people of Europe is +no imbecile child, that can be lulled to sleep by mockery; but that it +will have reality. Thus the kings on the greater part of the continent, +throwing away the mask of liberal affectations, deceived every +expectation, broke every oath, and embarked with a full gale upon the +open sea of unrestricted despotism. They know that Love they can no +longer get; so we have been told openly, that _they will not have_ +LOVE, _but_ MONEY, to maintain large armies, and keep the world in +servitude. On the other hand, the nations, assailed in their moral +dignity and material welfare, degraded into a flock of sheep kept only +to be shorn--equally with the kings detest the mockery of constitutional +royalty which has proved so ruinous to them. + +Royalty has lost its sacredness in France, Germany, Italy, Austria, and +Hungary. Both parties equally recognize that the time has come when the +struggle of principles must be decided. Absolutism or republicanism--the +Czar or the principles of America--there is no more compromise, no more +truce possible. The two antagonist principles must meet upon the narrow +bridge of a knife-edge, cast across the deep gulf which is ready to +swallow him who falls. It is a struggle for life and death. + +That is the condition of the European continent in general. A great, +terrible, bloody uprising is unavoidable. That is known and felt by +every one. And every sound man knows equally well that the temporary +success of Louis Napoleon's usurpation has only made the terrible crisis +more unavoidable. Ye men of "peace at any price," do not shut your eyes +wilfully to the finger of God pointing to the _mene, tekel, +upharsin_ written with gigantic letters upon the sky of Europe. +Despots never yield to justice; mankind, inspired with the love of +freedom, will not yield up its manhood tamely. Peace is impossible. + +Gentlemen, the success of my mission here may ensure the victory of +freedom; may prevent torrents of martyrs' blood; may weaken the +earthquake of impending war; and restore a solid peace. But be sure, the +certainty of the European struggle does not depend upon your generous +support; nor would my failure here even retard the outbreak of the +hurricane. + +Should we, not meeting here with that support, which your glorious +Republic in its public capacity and your generous citizens in their +private capacity can afford without jeopardizing your own welfare and +your own interest (and assuredly it never came into my mind to desire +more)--should we, meeting with no support here, be crushed again, and +absolutism consolidate its power upon the ruins of murdered nations, I +indeed cannot but believe that it would become a historical reproach of +conscience, lying like an incubus upon the breast of the people of the +United States from generation to generation. I mean, the idea, that had +you not withheld that support which you might have afforded consistently +with your own interest, Hungary perhaps would be a free, flourishing +country, instead of being blotted out from the map; and Europe perhaps +free, and absolutist tyranny swept from the earth. + +You then would in vain shed a tear of compassion over our sad fate, and +mourn over the grave of nations: nor only so; but the victory of +absolutism could not fail to be felt even here in your mighty and +blessed home. You would first feel it in your commercial intercourse, +and ere long you would become inevitably entangled; for as soon as the +Czar had secured the submission of all Europe, he would not look +indifferently upon the development of your power, which is an embodiment +of republican principles. + +I am not _afraid_ to answer the question, as to what are our means +and chances of success--but prudence commands me to be discreet. Still, +some considerations I may suggest. + +The spell of Austria is broken. It is now notorious that the might of +the dynasty, though disciplined, well provided, and supported by deluded +races, which had been roused to the fury of extermination against us--it +is now notorious that all this satanically combined power proved unable +to withstand the force of Hungary, though we were surprized and +unprepared, and had no army and no arms, no ammunition, no money, no +friends, and were secluded and forsaken by the whole world. It was +proved that Austria could not conquer us Magyars, when we were taken +unaware; who can believe that we could not match her now that we are +aware and predetermined? Yes, if unprepared in material resources, we +are yet prepared in self-consciousness and mutual trust; we have learned +by experience what is required for our success. + +In former times Hungary was the strength of Austria. Now, Austria is +weak, _because_ it has occupied Hungary. It was strong by the unity +of its army, the power of which was founded upon the confidence in this +unity. That confidence is broken, since one part of that army raised the +tri-colour flag, and cast to the dust the double-headed eagle, the black +and yellow flag, which was the emblem of the army's unity. + +Formerly the Austrian army believed that it was strong enough to uphold +the throne; now it knows that it is nothing by itself, and rests only +upon the support of the Czar. That spirit-depressing sentiment is so +diffused among the troops, that, only take the reliance upon Russia +away, or make it doubtful whether Russia will interfere or not, and the +Austrian army will disperse and fall asunder almost without any fight; +because it knows that it has its most dangerous enemies within its own +ranks; and is so far from having any cement, that no man, himself +attached to that perjured dynasty, can trust the man beside him in the +ranks, but watches every movement of his arm. In such an army there is +no hope for tyrants. + +The old soldiers feel humiliated by the issue of our struggle. They are +offended by having no share in the reward thrown away on despised court +favourites. The old Croat regiments feel outraged in their national +honour by being deceived in their national expectations. The recruits +brought with them recollections of their bombarded cities and of the +oppression of their families; and in that army are 140,000 Hungarians +who fought under our tri-coloured flag against Austria, and whose +burning feelings of national wrong are inspired by the glorious memory +of their victories. + +Oh, had we had in 1848 such an army of disciplined soldiers as Austria +itself keeps now for us, never had one Cossack trod the soil of Hungary, +and Europe would now be free. Or, let Austria dismiss them, and they +will be disciplined soldiers at home. The trumpet of national +resurrection will reach them wherever they are. + +Hungary has the conviction of her strength. _The formerly hostile +races, all oppressed like us, now feel themselves to have been deceived, +and unite with us._ We have no opposite party in the nation. Some +there are, ambitious men, or some incorrigible aristocrats perhaps: but +these are no party; they always turn towards the sun, and they melt away +like snow in March. + +And besides Hungary, the people in Austria too, in Italy, in Prussia, in +all Germany, is conscious of its strength. Every large city on the +continent has been in the power of the people, and has had to be +regained by bombardings and by martial law. Italy has redeemed its +heroic character, at Milan, Venice, Brescia, and Rome--all of them +immortal pages in Italian history, glorious sources of inspiration, +heroism, and self-conscious strength. And now they know their aim, and +are united in their aim, and burn to show to the world that the spirit +of ancient Rome again rises in them. + +And then to take into consideration the financial part. Without money +there is no war. Now, the nations, when once engaged in the war, will +find means enough for home-support of the war in the rich resources of +their own land; whereas the despots lose the disposal of those resources +by the outbreak of insurrection, and are reduced entirely to foreign +loans, which no emperor of Austria will find again in any new +revolution. + +And, mark well, gentlemen, every friendly step by which your great +republic and its generous people testifies its lively interest for our +just cause, adding to the prospects of success, diminishes the credit of +the despots, and by embarrassing their attempts to find loans, may be of +decisive weight in the issue. + +Though absolutism was much more favourably situated in 1847 than in +1851, it was overtaken by the events of 1848, when, but for the want of +unity and concert, the liberal party must have triumphed everywhere. +That unity and concert is now attained; why should not absolutism in +1852 be as easily shaken as in 1848! + +The liberal cause is stronger everywhere, because conscious of its aim +and prepared. Absolutism has no more bayonets now than in 1848. Without +the interference of Russia our success is not only probable, but is +almost sure. + +And as to Russia--remember, that if at such a crisis she thinks of +subduing Hungary, she has Poland to occupy, Finland to guard, Turkey to +watch, and Circassia to fight. + +Herein is the reason why I confidently state, that if the United States +declare that a new intervention of Russia will be considered by your +glorious republic a violation of the law of nations, that declaration +will be respected, and Russia will not interfere. + +Be pleased to consider the consequence of such renewed interference, +after the passive acceptance of the first has proved so fatal to Europe, +and so dangerous even to England itself. We can scarcely doubt, that, if +ever Russia plans a new invasion, England could not forbear to encourage +Turkey, not to lose again the favourable opportunity to shake off the +preponderance of Russia. I have lived in Turkey. I know what enthusiasm +exists there for that idea, and how popular such a war would be. Turkey +is a match for Russia on the continent. The weak point of Turkey lies in +the nearness of Sevastopol, the Russian harbour and arsenal, to +Constantinople. Well, an English fleet, or an American fleet, or both +joined, stationed at the mouth of the Bosphorus, may easily prevent this +danger without one cannon's shot; and if this be prevented, Turkey alone +is a match for Russia. And Turkey would not stand alone. The brave +Circassians, triumphant through a war of ten years, would send down +80,000 of their unconquerable horsemen to the plains of Moscow. And +Poland would rise, and Sweden would remember Finland and Charles the +XII. With Hungary in the rear, screened by this very circumstance from +her invasion, and Austria fallen to pieces from want of foreign support, +Russia _must_ respect your protest in behalf of international law, +or else she will fall never to rise again. + +Gentlemen, I thank you for the patience with which you have listened to +this exposition--long and tedious, because I had no time to be brief. +And begging leave to assure you of my lasting gratitude for all the +generous favours you have been and will yet be pleased to bestow upon my +cause, let me proclaim my fervent wishes in this sentiment: + +"Pennsylvania, the Keystone State--May it, by its legitimate influence +upon the destinies of this mighty power on earth, and by the substantial +generosity of its citizens, soon become the keystone of European +independence." + +Hon. J. H. Walker, Speaker of the Senate, and several other speakers +followed, all decidedly sympathizing with the Hungarians, and advocating +intervention for non-intervention. + +The speaking continued until after midnight. + + * * * * * + +XXIII.--AGENCIES OF RUSSIAN ASCENDANCY AND SUPREMACY. + +[_Pittsburg Festival, Jan. 26th_.] + +Kossuth was received in the Masonic Hall, which was filled to +overflowing. After an eloquent address to him from the Chairman, A. W. +Loomis, Esq., he replied: + +Sir, The highly interesting instruction which your kindness has afforded +me about that new and wonderful world of the West, in the entrance of +which I now stand, impresses me with a presentiment of unlooked for +events. + +Since I have been in the United States, I have felt as if my guardian +angel whispered, that in _the West_ the hopes of my bleeding +country will be realized. It was an unconscious instinct,--a ray +shooting above the horizon from the yet unseen sun. You, sir, have shown +me the sun itself in full majesty. You have transformed my instinct into +conviction. Here then, upon the threshold of the West, I bow with awe +and joy, as the fireworshipper of old Persia to the source of life and +light. + +It is indeed joyful, sir, as you said, to see politicians, sectarians, +philanthropists of all classes uniting in spontaneous sympathy for a +cause pleaded by a stranger. I recognize in it the bounty of Providence. +I see the truth revealed, that as magnetism pervades the universe, so +there is a sentiment, which, independent of party affections and +bubbling passion, pervades the breast of mankind; and that is, the love +of Freedom, Justice, and Right. The chord of Freedom passes through all +hearts, and whoever touches it, elicits harmony. The harmony is in the +chord, not in him who touches it. There is no skill in the breeze which +sweeps over the Aeolian harp, yet a sweet harmony bursts forth from its +vibrations. The harmony of sympathy which I meet is the most decisive +proof, gentlemen, that the cause which I plead is indeed the cause of +liberty, the love of which gushes up spontaneously in human bosoms. + +Gentlemen, the cause of Hungary, even were it _not_ the cause of +Europe and of all earthly freedom, deserves your sympathy and active +protection. Like other free nations, we were brave. The Austrian dynasty +was perjured and treacherous; and our bravest bled on the scaffold. +Tyrannies are cruel: only the people knows how to be generous in +victory.--Let me rather say, the People _was_ generous: for the +future I hope it will be _just_. I hope this, not because there is +any deep truth in the Irish poet, who sang + + "Revenge on a tyrant is sweetest of all:" + +Not for that reason. But I hope that the oppressed nations will not +again stop half way, and sacrifice their future to untimely generosity; +for they have all paid too cruelly for the lesson, that _with tyrants +there is no faith_. So there must be no dealing with them. + +Yet, Gentlemen, it is not for Hungary's worth, nor for Hungary's +sufferings that I claim protection for her; but because as in _her_ +the law of nations has been strikingly trampled down, so in _her_ +this law must be vindicated. Else, the league of despots will be able to +enforce it as a precedent against all free nations; no law will +henceforth be sure on earth, and oppression will rule the world. + +It is indeed a new doctrine that all despots have a right to interfere +with every attempt of a people to regulate its own institutions; and +that oppression in each separate nation is to be upheld by a foreign +Czar. According to this, freedom and independence are everywhere +proscribed, as inconsistent with the security of absolutism,--to which +every other consideration is to yield. + +I have been indeed astonished to meet the reply, that the cause which I +plead is not worthy of much consideration, "since, after all, it is only +the cause of _one country_!" I have read that the Borgias were wont +to say, that Italy is like the artichoke, which must be eaten leaf by +leaf. Let me tell those, with whom Hungary is but one leaf of the +artichoke, that the despot who is allowed to nibble each leaf +separately, will manage to dispose of the whole. + +My opponents say; I myself confess my cause to be that of one country +only: for in claiming "non-interference," I show my desire to abandon +all other countries but my own to their oppressors! I may be permitted +to ask,--Is there any truth in the world which may not be distorted into +a mockery? + +Russia is the strength of oppression. Her force in the background +emboldens every petty tyrant and makes every oppressed nation despond: +_not_ because she is so very powerful, but because all foresee +distinctly that she will act unshrinkingly in the tyrant's favour so +soon as he needs it. We fought, beat, crushed the Austrian emperor, of +course not without sacrifice. You know that your own brave Duquesne +Greys lost in one action more than half their men. Now, if after a +victory gained at such a price, Russia steps in with a fresh force, well +provided with every means of war, though that force be not such as one +could not resist, it is formidable as a rearguard, falling fresh upon a +nation exhausted with its very victories. Suppose that at the close of +your own Mexican victories, you had to meet a fresh host of 100,000 +well-disciplined men, what would have been the fate of your gallant +army, which entered the city of Montezuma? + +That is the key of Russian preponderance. But consider the consequences +of our defeat. Austria was restored,--_not_ to its independent +position--_that_ is lost forever; but, to the position of a tyrant +at home, obedient to the wink of his master abroad. Relying on the +precedent established by Russia,--Naples, Spain, and degraded France +interfered in ROME. After this, Austria and Prussia quarrelled for +German supremacy, but before they drew the sword, went to the Czar for +permission. The Czar at Warsaw replied: "I forbid you to quarrel. +Reconstruct the German confederacy of 1815 and add to it no +constitutional element. Send your two armies to HESSE CASSEL; crush the +people who there resist by law the Grand Duke's attempt to overthrow the +sworn Constitution. As to SCHLESWIG HOLSTEIN, I want to have it reserved +to Denmark, as a satrapy for my servant and nephew. The German +confederacy having dared to countenance its rebellion, shall be punished +by having to request Austria to send an army against it." So ordered the +Czar, and so it was done. And after it was done, the Czar ordered the +withdrawal of the pageant of a Constitution, which in the hour of need +the Emperor of Austria had promised to his empire. It was withdrawn. +When thus every popular movement was crushed, every shadow of freedom +withdrawn, the scaffolds of Hungary and Italy saturated with blood, the +prisons filled with martyrs, the exiles driven from every asylum in the +European continent, and Germany reduced to a condition worse than when +the Unholy Alliance was at the full tide,--_then_ the Czar wrote an +autograph letter to Louis Napoleon, the perjured President of France, +assuring him of his imperial grace and benevolent support, if he would +strike a deathblow to the French Republic. And Louis Napoleon struck the +blow. + +Such are the results of the overwhelming preponderance of Russia, +imposed upon Europe by its interference in Hungary. Suppose now that I +succeed in my sacred mission,--sacred, because it is the cause of law +and of all the oppressed;--suppose Russian interference checked; then +Hungary will crush the tottering Austrian dynasty: Italy, delivered from +foreign dominion, will sportively dispose of its petty tyrants. The +nation of Austria will become free, and a valuable ingredient in German +liberty. At the result of a glorious struggle in Hungary, burning shame +will mount to the cheek of the French, and Louis Napoleon will be shaken +off. + +Let interference by the combination of despots be checked, let nations +become masters of their own fate,--and rely upon the magic power of your +glorious example. Republican institutions will spread as the light of +the sun. Yes, gentlemen. It is not for _one_ country that I ask +your support. My ground is as broad as the world; for it is the ground +of eternal principles, common to all humanity. No man, on the pretext +that his heart is with some other nation,--German, Italian, Pole, +French; no man, on the pretext that he is a Universal philanthropist, +ought to refuse his sympathies to Hungary; for its cause happens in this +crisis to comprise the rest. If I were a Pole, a German, or an Italian, +egotistically patriotic, I could not serve my country better than by +attacking Russia, the only substantial enemy. + +What would the petty princes of Germany have been in 1848 without +Prussia? and what was Prussia, when her capital was in the hands of the +people, but for the certainty of the Czar's support? What were the petty +despots of Italy without Austria? and what was Austria, when her armies, +driven from the soil of Hungary in a series of pitched battles, were so +demoralized, that nothing but the treacherous disobedience of a general +prevented our brave militia from extinguishing in Vienna and Olmutz the +decrepit absolutism of the Hapsburgs? What hindered _me_ from +afterwards crushing it? The intervention of Russian despotism,--always +the primal cause of evil. + +Absolutism has understood and declared, that its repose is impossible, +whilst a free press and free institutions exist any where. Formerly the +absolutists adhered to the principle of "legitimacy," or, the Divine +right of an hereditary dynasty; and provided this false principle was +respected, they did not object to the development of constitutions which +preserved attachment to monarchies. But now they have thrown away their +own principle of dynastical legitimacy, and have no rule but to oppress +freedom everywhere. Whoever will join them in that work is welcome, +though he be a usurper. Thus it came to pass, that Henry of Bourbon was +rejected by the despots, while Louis Napoleon has received from the Czar +an autograph letter of approval, and from Austria complimentary gifts. +Will the United States remain inactive, while free institutions are +systematically extinguished? Can they look on indifferently, because +seventy years ago it was a wise doctrine, appropriate to their +childhood, not to care about European politics? + +It is publicly reported, that Russia has decided to absorb Turkey; and +means to grant Italy to Austria; Belgium, and the Rhenish provinces to +France; and the rest of Germany to Prussia. The Czar, acting like the +Persian Kings of old when they sent garments of honour to their satraps, +flings in the addition of a few provinces of kingdoms to their +satrapies. + +And oh! Almighty father of humanity! is there no power on earth to stop +this execrable annihilation of human and national rights, of freedom and +independence?--though there is a Republic powerful enough to do so--a +Republic founded upon the very principles which the despotic powers have +put under an inexorable ban! + +Gentlemen, I have dwelt perhaps too long on the condition of Europe; but +it was necessary to show that though there be no Russian eagles, painted +over the public offices in Germany, Italy, France, still the Russian +frontier is really extended to the Atlantic. + +People of free America, beware, ere it be too late! Hurriedly and by +sudden violence, all civil and religious liberty must, for the repose of +absolutism, be trampled out of Europe; and by more deliberate +perpetration, by diplomacy, persuasion, and gold, the way must be +prepared to trample it out elsewhere by ulterior violence. + +And here I claim permission to say something about the most dangerous +power of Russia, its DIPLOMACY. + +It is worthy of consideration that while Russia starves her armies and +underpays her officials, who live by peculation, still, abroad she +devotes greater resources to her diplomacy than any other power has ever +done. + +Acting on the maxim that "men are not influenced by facts, but by +opinions respecting facts"--not by "things as they are," but by "things +as they are believed to be," she finds it easier and cheaper, through a +diplomatic agency, to impress the world with a belief in a strength she +has not, than to try to organize or attain that strength. + +And to come to that aim, Russian diplomacy is not restricted to +diplomatic proceedings. Brilliant saloons of fascinating ladies, as well +as marriages, are equally departments of Russian diplomacy. + +The secret-service money at the disposal of all other diplomatists, is +always limited, and has only been exceptionably used. But every Russian +diplomatist, in whom confidence is reposed, has _unlimited credit_, +and is allowed to disburse any sum to achieve an adequate result. Their +traditional experience teaches them how to attain their point; their +discretion can be relied on, and they understand every possible means of +reaching men directly and indirectly, pulling frequently the strings of +thoroughly unconscious puppets. + +Constantinople is the great workshop of diplomatic skill, worthy of more +close interest than has hitherto been bestowed upon it from +America--because there will be struck the most dreadful blow to the +independence of Europe. In Constantinople, when Russia wishes to turn a +grand vizier out of office, it does not attack him: it praises him +rather, and spreads the rumour of having him in its pay; and it is sure +that foreign influential diplomatists will then turn out for it the +hated grand vizier. When on the other hand a grand vizier is wavering in +his position, and Russia likes him to continue in office, it attacks him +with ostentatious publicity. + +Russia hates not always the man whom it appears to hate, and loves not +always the man whom it appears to love. Russian diplomacy is a +subterraneous power, slippery like a snake, burrowing like the mole; and +when it has to come out in broad daylight, it watches to the left when +it looks to the right. Russia gives instructions never to allow her to +be directly defended by the press. That would lead to discussion and +further exposure. With regard to herself, she wants silence--the silence +of the grave. But her agents devote months of scheming, and any sums +required to attack her opponents, to get up discord, or the appearance +of division amongst them, or to popularize any momentary view which +suits her policy, and she delights in doing so through apparently +hostile and therefore unsuspected agents. + +Thus Russia is powerful by an army held ready as a rearguard to support +needy despots with; powerful by its ascendancy over the European +continent; powerful by having pushed other despots into extremities +where they have lost all independent vitality, and cannot escape +throwing themselves into the iron grasp of the Czar; but above all, +Russia is powerful by its secret diplomacy. Still this Colossus, +gigantic as it appears to be--like to the idol + + "With front of brass but feet of clay," + +may be overturned--easily overturned, from its fragile pedestal, if the +glorious Republic of the United States opposes to it, with resolute +attitude, THE LAW OF NATIONS, and does not abandon principles in favour +of _accomplished_ criminal _facts_. + +The mournful condition of Hungary seems to be pointed out by Providence +to the United States as an opportunity to save mankind from Russia +without any sacrifice at all; whereas if this opportunity be lost--I say +it with the inspiration of prophecy--there are many here in this Hall +who will yet see the day when the United States shall have to wrestle +for life and death with all Europe absorbed by Russia. + +I know where I stand, gentlemen; I know your power and the indomitable, +heroic spirit of your people. It is not with the intention to create +apprehension that I say this: the people of the United States fears +nobody on earth. It may be that Russia, even after having absorbed +Europe, will not dare to attack the United States directly. But it may +be that it will dare even this. Some domestic dissension may come--(no +nation is safe against it)--the passion of particular interest may cause +some momentary discord. Russia will foster it, by its secret diplomacy, +to which nothing is sacred on earth; and when irritation comes to the +pitch, and the ties of affection become for a moment loose, then perhaps +Russia may step in at a moment of interior weakness, from which not the +greatest nations are exempt. Russia will begin by "_divido_," and +will perhaps come to "_impero_." All this may happen; I can say +neither yes nor no; but one thing I am sure of, and that is, that Russia +triumphant in Europe can and will attack you in your most vital +interests, and can hurt you mortally, _without even resorting to +war_. + +Be sure, gentlemen, so soon as Russia has consolidated its undisputed +preponderance, the first step will be to exclude the commerce of America +from Europe by a prohibitory system of custom duties. It will do it; it +must do it. Firstly, because commerce is the convoyer of principles. +That is more sure yet than what a gentleman of New York so eloquently +said,--that "the _steam engine is a democrat_." Absolutism could +not for a single moment rule Europe with security, if Europe remained in +commercial intercourse with republican America. And secondly, Russia +will exclude your trade from Europe, because (and let the great valley +of the West mark it) because your immensely expanding agriculture is the +most dangerous competitor to Russian wheat, or corn, in the markets of +Europe. Either you must be excluded from the trade with Europe, or +Russia cannot find a market for its corn. + +If you ask, _how soon_ is such an exclusion of your produce from +Europe by Russian influence possible? I reply: possibly within a single +year; for within a year, if we cannot recommence the struggle, Russia +may accomplish the partition of Europe. Principles can only be balanced +by principles--absolutism by republican institutions--unrighteous +interference by the law of nations--despotism by civil and religious +liberty. This is the cause which I advocate. It is not the cause of +Hungary alone; it is yours--it is the world's. It has a determination +as absolute and extreme as despotism. + +Hungary would have been too content, if Russia had not interfered, +merely to defend herself against Austria, the immediate instrument of +her oppression. Now the independence of Europe, and the independence of +Hungary with it, can only be secured on the Moskwa, and on the Neva, in +the Kremlin, and in the great Hall of St. George. + +For this purpose, in which you yourselves are so vitally interested, we +do not claim for you to fight our battles for us. Look to the nations of +Europe, groaning under Russia's weight. Look, in the first line to +Sweden, and from Sweden, across Poland to Hungary, and from Hungary to +Turkey, and to brave Circassia. Pronounce in favor of the law of +nations, with the determination which shows that you mean to act, and I +say, Russia _will_ respect your declaration, or else it will have a +war from Sweden down to Turkey and Circassia. So soon as it moves with +160,000 to 200,000 men against Hungary (and with less it could not), all +those nations will be aware that there is the last opportunity afforded +to them by Providence to shake off Russia's yoke, and they will avail +themselves of this opportunity--be sure of it. The momentary fall of +Hungary was too painful a lesson to them. + +But again I am answered, "in case of such a war you will be entangled in +it." To this I say that you will have to fight a war single-handed and +alone, within less than five years against Russia and all Europe, if you +do not take the position which I humbly claim. But if you take this +position, the necessity of this war will be averted from you, and +Russian preponderance will be checked and your protestation respected, +without having to go to war. Because there is another sanction which you +may add to your protestation--a sanction powerful as a threat of war, +and yet no war at all. That sanction will be the declaration of +Congress, that, as the intervention of a foreign power in the domestic +affairs of any nation is a violation of the laws of nations, by the fact +of such intervention your neutrality laws of 1818 are suspended in as +far as the interfering or interference-claiming power is concerned. In +other words, that the citizens of the United States are at liberty to +follow their own inclination in respect to such a foreign power which +violates the laws of nations. + +This sanction would be sufficient, because the enterprizing spirit of +your high-minded people is too well known not to be feared by all the +despots of the world. + +Your laws, which forbid your citizens to partake in an armed expedition +abroad, are founded upon the sentiment, that to a foreign power with +which you are on terms of _amity_ the regards of friendship are +due. But you, without becoming inconsistent with your own fundamental +principles, cannot consider yourself to be in good friendship with a +power which violates the laws of nations: so you may well withdraw the +regards of friendship from it without resorting to war. Between +friendship and hostility there is yet a middle position--that of being +neither friend nor enemy--therefore permitting to every private +individual to act as he pleases. + +Thus the conditional recall of your neutrality laws would enforce the +respect to your protestation without bringing your country into the +moral obligation to maintain your protestation by war. I hope those who +share my principles but hesitate to pronounce on account of the +possibility of a war, will be pleased to consider this humble +suggestion, and will see, that with my principles war will be averted +from the United States, and by opposing my principles the United States +will soon be forced into dangerous difficulties, out of which they +cannot be extricated but by a war, which they will have to fight +single-handed and alone. + +[After this, Kossuth proceeded to speak on _Catholicism;_ but this +subject is treated afterwards more amply in his speech at St. Louis +against the Jesuits.] + + * * * * * + +While Kossuth was addressing his audience at Pittsburg, a special envoy +from Massachusetts arrived, Mr. Erastus Hopkins of Northampton, one of +the Representatives of the State Legislature. At the vote of the +Legislature, the Governor (Jan. 15th) deputed Mr. Hopkins to convey to +Kossuth a solemn public invitation; and at the close of Kossuth's speech +(Jan. 27th) permission was granted by the President of the evening to +allow Mr. Hopkins' credentials to be read; upon which that gentleman +said:-- + +"Mr. President, after the soul-stirring proceedings of this afternoon, I +dare hardly venture to obtrude upon your attention. It was indeed very +far from my expectation, when I came a pilgrim on a toilsome journey at +this inclement season of the year, that I would be enabled to mingle the +congratulations of the citizens of the 'Old Bay State' to Governor +Kossuth with those of the people of Alleghany County. But Sir, my +message, although not addressed to this meeting, is addressed to one, +whom we, in common with you, love, and whom we all delight to honour." + +Turning to Kossuth, Mr. Hopkins then addressed him as follows: + +"Governor Kossuth: I am directed by his Excellency the Governor of +Massachusetts to present to you the accompanying resolve of the +Legislature, inviting you to visit their capital during the present +session. The resolve is _in fact_, no less than in its terms, _in +the name and in behalf of the people of the commonwealth_. + +"Having with this announcement delivered to you the documents entrusted +to my charge, I must be considered as having exhausted my official +functions. Yet, sir, having had the honour of introducing the resolve to +the Legislature of Massachusetts [cheers], and witnessing with pleasure +the unanimous and instant concurrence of her four hundred +representatives [renewed cheers], I will venture to add a few words +beyond the record--only such words, however, as cannot fail to be +consonant with the sentiment and hearts of her people. + +"The people of Massachusetts would have you accept this act of her +constituted authorities as _no unmeaning compliment._ Never, in her +history as an independent State, with one single and illustrious +exception, has Massachusetts tendered such a mark of respect to any +other than the chief magistrates of these United States. And even in the +present instance, much as she admires your patriotism, your eloquence, +your untiring devotedness and zeal,--deeply as she is moved by your +plaintive appeals and supplications in behalf of your native and +oppressed land--greatly as she is amazed by the irrepressible elasticity +with which you rise from under the heel of oppression, with fortitude +increased under sufferings, with assurance growing stronger as the +darkness grows deeper [cheers], still, it is not one or all these +qualities combined that can lead her to swerve from her dignity as an +independent State to the mere worship of man. [Applause.] No! But it is +because she views you as the advocate and representative of certain +great _principles_ which constitute her own vitality as a +State;--because she views you as the representative of human rights and +freedom in another and far distant land,--it is because she views you as +the rightful but exiled Governor of a people, whose past history and +whose recent deeds show them to be worthy of some better future than +that of Russian tyranny and Austrian oppression,--that she seeks to +welcome you to her borders: that she seeks to attest to a gazing world +that to the cause of freedom she is not insensible, and that to the +oppression of tyrants she is not indifferent." + +Mr. Hopkins then proceeded to recount the public glories of +Massachusetts, which he summed up in "Religion, Education, and +Freedom,--a tricolour for the world." He avowed Massachusetts to be "the +birth-place of American liberty;" and stated that her government is +carried on in 322 cities and townships, literally democratic assemblies, +which levy their own taxes, sustain their own schools, police, tribunals +&c., and receive and pay local funds four or five times larger than +those of the State treasury. "The seat of Government," said he, "is a +fiction in Massachusetts, save as it signifies the hearts of the people. +Come to her borders; witness the truth of all and more than I have +uttered; as you shall find it attested by our institutions, by the +plenitude of our hospitality, and by the acclamations of one million +souls." + +Kossuth replied briefly, with thanks and cordial assent. + + * * * * * + +XXIV.--REPLY TO THE PITTSBURG CLERGY. + +[_Jan. 26th_.] + +The substance of his speech is reported as follows:-- + +He said that he received with a thankful heart this testimonial of +respect and welcome from the reverend ministers of the Gospel, whose +hearts and minds were deeply imbued with regard and desire for +_truth_. He had been taught to reverence the Word of God, because +it guaranteed freedom to man; and there was nothing more intimately +associated with the idea of freedom than the right of every mind to +search for truth in its own way--the right of private judgment. +Therefore in receiving the approbation of so reverend and learned a +body, he felt that he received the approbation of religion itself; and +as if an angel voice from heaven had declared to him--"The cause you +plead has found favour before Heaven. You may encounter hostility; you +may be overtaken by calumny; you may endure sufferings, and trials, and +temptations; you may even suffer martyrdom;--but the cause will triumph. +Trust to Him who strengthened the arm of David against the mighty +Goliath; and learn to say in truth: Lord, thy will be done!" When he +thought thus, and felt thus, he was not weak, but strong. The sufferings +and trials which he had endured had strengthened his body, even as the +holy influences of religion had strengthened his soul. He was not left +as the fragile flower, that remained bowed and bent before the blast; +for he could now look forward with more of hope and of trust for the +future of his own beloved land, when he heard such glorious truths so +warmly proclaimed; and when he saw such evidences of real sympathy for +the cause of Hungary. They spoke of the Protestant Church. He claimed no +merit on account of his belief; but he, too, was a Protestant--not by +education merely, but from his own studied convictions. He could believe +nothing merely because he might be commanded to do so; but solely as the +result of his own convictions. Truth is as uncorruptible and +imperishable as God himself; and He will spread it throughout all the +world. But the triumph of truth cannot be achieved by persecution, +opposition, or political oppression. This glorious principle can only be +triumphant when the nations of the earth shall become free from +oppression; because it is only under the protection of free +institutions--a free press, free controversy, freedom of speech, and +free popular education,--where it is your privilege to preach and that +of the neighbour to hear,--that the political independence of a people +can be preserved. Oppression is everywhere accompanied by the +demoralization of the masses, and their adoption of infidelity or +fanaticism; while under the teachings of freedom religion becomes a +growth of the soul. + +He would urge them to go on and support that cause which they believed +to be sanctified by truth. It has been said that true religion can never +cease to be republican. If this be true, he would ask what could more +promote the glorious cause, than the influence of the United States +exerted among the nations of the world, toward the general +acknowledgment of that doctrine among nations which is laid down for the +government of men,--"What ye would that men should do unto you, do ye +even so to them." This fundamental truth should be declared a part of +the international law of the world; and the Gospel would then become the +bulwark of liberty to all mankind. Thus we may see that the triumph of +genuine liberty can best be secured by recognizing religion as the true +basis of the law of nations. He who shall be instrumental in +incorporating this grand doctrine among those laws, will be equal, or +perhaps superior to, a Luther, or a Melancthon, a Calvin, or a Huss, a +Cranmer, or any other of the world's greatest reformers. The people of +this republic have all this within their grasp; and he hoped the +Almighty would hasten the day when it shall be done. He had often heard +that the people of this country loved to be called a great people, and +he had many times heard them called a great people. To _be_ a great +people, however, the people of this country must really _act_ as a +great people. He urged upon the ministers of the Gospel that they should +warn their flocks against the horrid doctrines of _Materialism_. +Nothing is more hostile to national greatness than when the poor see the +rich governed only by pecuniary considerations--leaving nothing for the +mind and the soul, or undervaluing virtue and talents. He thankfully +acknowledged the deep solemnity of his feelings, when for his humble +self, such solemn manifestations were observed; and while commending his +bleeding country to their love, he could only refer them to the +Saviour's words as the guide for their prayers and their watchfulness. + + * * * * * + +XXV.--HUNGARIAN LOAN. + +[_Melodeum, Cleveland_.] + +Kossuth having been presented at the Melodeum to the Mayor, was publicly +addressed by Mr. Starkweather in a highly energetic speech, which ended +by saluting him as "rightful Governor of Hungary." + +Kossuth replied:-- + +Sir, if I am not mistaken it is now the 156th time [since I entered +America], I am sure that it is the 34th time since I left Washington on +the 12th of January,--that I have had the honour to address an American +audience in that tongue which I learned from Shakespeare, while confined +in an Austrian prison for having dared to claim the right of a free +press, which now, like the hundred-handed Briareus of old, pours my +words by thousands of channels into the hearts of millions of freemen, +who comprize in their national capacity a mighty Republic, destined to +enforce the Law of Nations, upon which rests the deliverance of the +world from an overwhelming despotism. + +The press is nobly recompensing me. The ways of Providence are +wonderful! + +May the free press never forget its living principle, "Justice and +Truth." May it always be watchful with its thousand eyes, that the +secret craft of diplomacy may never succeed to degrade one organ of the +American press into an unconscious Russian tool, acted on by blind +animosity or by exclusive predilections. + +Sir--after having spoken so often, and so much; and the free press +having conveyed my principles, my arguments, and my prayers, in almost +every homestead of this great Republic; I may be well permitted to +believe, that the stage of speaking is passed, and the stage of +practical action has come. + +Almost every packet brings such news of absolutist reaction in Europe, +and almost every new step of the despotic powers is accompanied by such +incidents, that it were indeed unpardonable neglect, if, when Providence +has placed so much influence in my hands by the confidence of nations +bestowed upon me, I should not use all possible energy to circumvent the +influence of evil, to combine the efforts of the good, to check the +plots of vile, and the waywardness of erring or weak characters--often +the unconscious tools of the vile, to direct the action of inconsiderate +friends, and above all, to accomplish those preparations which are +indispensable to meet the exigencies of the future--in short, to attain +that crisis, at which I humbly claim protection for principles from the +people of the United States, in their public capacity, and substantial +aid from their private generosity. + +You of course are aware that all these things together present a vast +field, for which every moment of my time would scarcely suffice. + +Often am I asked, what are the instrumentalities for this my activity? +But this question cannot be answered publicly, as I am quite unwilling +to let the enemy learn my secrets. + +However, so much I may state, that it is not without a definite aim and +clear hope that I devote all that yet remains in me of energy and +strength. If I did not hope,--if under certain conditions I had not an +assurance of success,--I would prefer tranquillity to action, though it +were the tranquillity of the grave. + +There are _two_ modes in which free nations may aid the cause of +European Independence,--namely, _politically_ and _privately_. +As to the first, I avow with intense gratitude that the great National +Jury, the PEOPLE, gave and gives incessantly its favourable verdict. +Your State Legislature is pronouncing its vote, and the cause is moved +before the High Court of your national Congress. + +In regard to aid by _private funds_ I rejoice to see local +associations clustering round the central one of Northern Ohio, in +Cleveland; but I desire that such efforts may not be delayed until I +come in person: for I can possibly come only to a few. + +Already in New York I started the idea of a National Hungarian Loan, in +shares of one, five and ten dollars, with the facsimile of my signature, +and of larger shares of fifty and of a hundred dollars with my +autograph. I prepared the smaller shares for generous men, who are not +rich, yet desire to help the great cause of Freedom. It is a noble +privilege of the richer to do greater good. But remember, it is not a +gift, it is a loan: for either Freedom has no name on earth, or Hungary +has a future yet; and let Hungary be once again independent, and she has +ample resources to pay that small loan, if the people of the United +States, remembering the aid received in their own dark hour, vouchsafe +to me such a loan. + +Hungary has no public debt, it has fifteen millions of population, a +territory of more than one hundred thousand square English miles, +abundant in the greatest variety of nature's blessings, if the doom of +oppression be taken from it. The State of Hungary has public landed +property administered badly, worth more than a hundred millions of +dollars, even at the low price, at which it was already an established +principle of my administration to sell it in small shares to suit the +poorer classes. + +Hungary has rich mines of gold, silver, copper, quicksilver, antimony, +iron, sulphur, nickel, opal, and other mines. Hungary has the richest +salt mines in the world--where the extraction of one hundred weight of +the purest stone salt, amounts to but little more than one shilling of +your money--and though that is sold by the government at the price of +two to three and a half dollars, and thus the consumption is of course +very restricted, this still yields a net revenue of five millions of +dollars a year--to the Government--but no! there is not government, it +is usurpation now! sucking out the lifeblood of the people, crushing the +spirit of freedom by soldiers, hangmen, policemen, and harassing the +people in its domestic life and the sanctuary of its family with +oppression worse than a free American can conceive. + +You see by this, gentlemen, that when Hungary is once free--and free it +will be--she has ample resources to repay your generous loan within a +year without any taxation of the people itself; and pay it well, because +every shilling of your generous aid will faithfully be employed for its +restoration to freedom and independence. I may point to my whole life as +a guarantee to that purpose. I had millions at my disposal, entrusted to +me by my people's confidence, and here I stand penniless and poor, not +knowing what my children will eat to-morrow, if I die to-day; and I am +proud that I am poor, and I pledge my honour to you, that every shilling +of what your generosity gives for Hungary will be employed for Hungary's +benefit. In fact, as I have provided for the contingency of anything +befalling me, so also I am ready, if it be your people's will, to admit +any control, consistent with the necessary conditions of success. + +[After this, Kossuth proceeded to speak on the aspect of republicanism +towards Catholicism and the fortunes of Ireland; a subject more fully +treated in other speeches.] + + * * * * * + +ADDRESS TO KOSSUTH FROM THE STATE COMMITTEE OF OHIO. + +Governor Kossuth:--As Chairman of the Committee appointed for that +purpose by a resolution of the General Assembly of the State of Ohio, I +have the honour to tender to you, in the name and in behalf of the +State, a cordial welcome to the capital. + +We proffer this greeting as a small tribute of that admiration which +your courage, your integrity, and above all, your self-denying devotion +to the cause of Hungarian freedom has roused in our breasts. + +Wonder not, sir, at the enthusiasm which your presence excites in a +people who cherish, with fond recollection and reverence, the smallest +relic of that time, when liberty wrestled with oppression in America, +and who hail the anniversaries of her triumphs with such grateful +remembrance of those brave and patriotic men who wrought out our full +measure of national happiness. + +In you we behold a living embodiment of those great principles which we +cherish with such tender affection. + +You are the realization of that virtue, that courage, that civil and +military genius, which sheds such lustre on our early history. + +You call to mind more freshly than poetic or historic page, song, or +speaking canvass, that glorious record which was graven more than two +centuries ago by the first exiles from European oppression upon the +granite rocks of New England,--_"Resistance to tyrants is obedience to +God."_ + +Our affection is warmed by the lively interest which we feel in the +spread of this cardinal principle, and the fitness for its championship +which you have evinced, revealing constantly a resemblance to that +immortal man, the impress of whose greatness you behold on every side. + +When Liberty, scourged from the old, sought out a new world wherein to +raise her sacred temple, it was to his master hand she confided the +noble work. + +Had he been less great, that glorious shrine might never have been +beaconed in the sky, or at least its proportions might have been uncouth +and insecure. + +Now therefore, since liberty has secured the manifold blessings that +flow from human equality, and proudly flung back the taunts of tyrants, +it is a joyous reflection to the children of this her first home, that +she has at length found a man in foreign lands fitly gifted to +appreciate those blessings, industrious to search out and follow the +path by which they were attained, and virtuous to take no selfish +advantage from the thanksgiving that her mission will arouse. + +Sir, it is a splendid characteristic of our national government, that +Ohioans are as keenly touched by the history of your wrongs as the +borders of the Atlantic States. + +Yes, sir, the hearts of two millions of freemen at the centre of our +country's population leap fast at the shrieks of freedom in every clime, +believing in no cold, unbrother-like law of distance; and, sir, we yield +to no State in the sincerity with which the following resolution was +adopted: + +Resolved,--That we declare the Russian past intervention in the affairs +of Hungary a violation of the law of nations, which, if repeated, would +not be regarded indifferently by the people of the State of Ohio. + +In conclusion, sir, I present to you a copy of the resolutions of the +General Assembly, and again welcome you to the valley of the West, +trusting that the warmth of your reception in Ohio is but an earnest of +that glorious sympathy which will spring in your path should you go +still farther westward in your holy mission. + + * * * * * + +XXVI.--PANEGYRIC OF OHIO. + +[_Speech at his Reception at Columbus, Feb. 5th_.] + +Kossuth was conducted by Governor Wood to the place fitted up for his +reception, and was there addressed by the Hon. Samuel Galloway in an +ample and glowing speech, which opened by assuring him that the +enthusiasm which he now witnessed was no new creation; inasmuch as, more +than two years before, the General Assembly of the State had resolved +that Congress be requested to interpose for Kossuth's deliverance from +captivity. + +Kossuth replied:-- + +Sir, I thank you for the information of what I owe to Ohio. I stood upon +the ruins of vanquished greatness in Asia, where tidings from young +America are so seldom heard that indeed I was not acquainted with the +fact. Still, I loved Ohio before I knew what I had yet to hear. Now I +will love her with the affection and tenderness of a child, knowing what +part she took in my restoration to liberty and life. + +Sir, permit me to decline those praises which you have been pleased to +bestow on me personally. I know of no _merit_--I know only the word +_duty_, and you are acquainted with the beautiful lines of the +Irish poet-- + + "Far dearer the grave or the prison, + Illumed by a patriot's name, + Than the glories of all who have risen, + On liberty's ruins, to fame." + + +I was glad to hear that you are familiar with the history of our +struggles, and of our achievements, and of our aims. This dispenses me +from speaking much,--and that is a great benefit to me, because indeed I +have spoken very much. + +Sir, entering the young state of Ohio--though my mind is constantly +filled with homeward thoughts and homeward sorrows, still my sorrows +relax while I look around me in astonishment, and rub my eyes to +ascertain that it is not the magic of a dream, which makes your bold, +mighty, and flourishing commonwealth rich with all the marks of +civilization and of life, here, where almost yesterday was nothing but a +vast wilderness, silent and dumb like the elements of the world on +creation's eve. And here I stand in Columbus, which, though ten years +younger than I am, is still the capital of that mighty commonwealth, +which--again in its turn,--ten years before I was born, nursed but three +thousand daring men, scattered over the vast wilderness, fighting for +their lives with scalping Indians; but now numbers two millions of happy +freemen, who, generous because free, are conscious of their power, and +weigh mightily in the scale of mankind's destiny. + +How wonderful that an exile from a distant European nation of Asiatic +origin, which, amidst the raging waves of centuries that swept away +empires, stood for a thousand years like a rock, and protected +Christendom and civilization against barbarism--how wonderful that the +exiled governor of that nation was destined to come to this land, where +a mighty nation has grown up, as it were, over night, out of the very +earth, and found this nation protecting the rights of humanity, when +offended in his person,--found that youthful nation ready to stretch its +powerful arm across the Atlantic to protect all Hungary against +oppression,--found her pouring the balm of her sympathy into the +bleeding wounds of Hungary, that, regenerated by the faithful spirit of +America, she may rise once more independent and free, a breakwater to +the flood of Russian ambition, which oppresses Europe and threatens the +world. + +Citizens of Columbus--the namesake of your city, when he discovered +America, little thought that by his discovery he would liberate the Old +World.--And those exiles of the Old World, who sixty-four years ago, +first settled within the limits of Ohio, at Marietta, little thought +that the first generation which would leap into their steps, would make +despots tremble and oppressed nations rise. And yet, thus it will be. +The mighty outburst of popular feeling which it is my wonderful lot to +witness, is a revelation of that future too clear not to be understood. +The Eagle of America flaps its wings; the Stars of America illumine +Europe's night; and the Star-spangled banner, taking under its +protection the Hungarian flag, fluttering loftily and proudly, tells the +tyrants of the world that the right of freedom must sway, and not the +whim of despots but the Law of Nations must rule. + +Gentlemen, I may not speak longer. [Cries of _go on!_] Yes, +gentlemen, but I am ill, and worn out. Give me your lungs, and then I +will go on. + +Citizens, your young and thriving city is conspicuous by its character +of benevolence. There is scarcely a natural human affliction for which +your young city has not an asylum of benevolence. To-day you have risen +in that benevolence from alleviating private affliction to consoling +oppressed nations. Be blessed for it. I came to the shores of your +country pleading the restoration of the law of nations to its due sway, +and as I went on pleading, I met flowers of sympathy. Since I am in +Ohio I meet fruits; and as I go on thankfully gathering the fruits, new +flowers arise, still promising more and more beautiful fruits. That is +the character of Ohio--and you are the capital of Ohio. + +If I am not mistaken, the birth of your city was the year of the trial +of war, by which your nation proved to the world that there is no power +on earth that can dare any more to touch your lofty building of +Independence. The glory of your eastern sister States is, to have +conquered that independence for you. Let it be your glory to have cast +your mighty weight into the scale, that the law of nations, guarded and +protected by you, may afford to every oppressed nation that "fair play" +which America had when it struggled for independence. + +Gentlemen, I am tired out. You must generously excuse me, when I +conclude by humbly recommending my poor country's future to your +generosity. + + * * * * * + +XXVII.--DEMOCRACY THE SPIRIT OF THE AGE. + +[_Reception by the two Houses of Legislature of Ohio_.] + +Kossuth, attended by the Joint Committee, was then introduced, and +addressed by the President of the Senate, Hon. Wm. Medill, as follows: + +Governor Kossuth: On learning that you were about to visit the Western +portion of our country, the General Assembly of this State adopted the +following preamble and resolutions:-- + +Whereas, Louis Kossuth, Governor of Hungary, has endeared himself to the +people of Ohio by his great military and greater civic services rendered +to the cause of Liberty; by the transcendent power and eloquence with +which he has vindicated the right of every nation to determine for +itself its own form of government, by the perils he has encountered and +the suffering he has endured to achieve the freedom of his native +country: therefore, in the name, and on behalf of the people, + +_Be it resolved by the General Assembly of the State of Ohio_, That +the war in which Hungary was lately seemingly overcome, was a struggle +in behalf of the great principles which underlie the structure of our +government, vindicated by the bloody battles of eight years, and that we +cannot be indifferent to their fate, whatever be the arena in which the +struggle for their vitality goes on. + +_Resolved_, That an attack in any form upon them is implicitly an +attack upon us, an armed intervention against them, is in effect an +insult to us; that any narrowing of the sway of these principles is a +most dangerous weakening of our own influence and power; and that all +such combinations of kings against people should be regarded by us now +as they were in 1776, and so far as circumstances will admit, the +parallel should and will be so treated. + +_Resolved_, That we are proud to recognize in Louis Kossuth +constitutional Governor of Hungary, the heroic personification of these +great principles, and that as such, and in token and pledge of our +profound sympathy with him, and the high cause he so nobly represents, +we tender to him, in behalf of two millions of freemen, a hearty welcome +to the capital of the State of Ohio. + +_Resolved_, That we declare the Russian past intervention in the +affairs of Hungary, a violation of the laws of nations which, if +repeated, would not be regarded indifferently by the people of the State +of Ohio. + +_Resolved_, That a joint committee of three on the part of the +Senate, and five on the part of the House of Representatives, be +appointed to tender Governor Kossuth, in the name and on behalf of the +people of Ohio, a public reception by their General Assembly, now in the +session of the capital of the State. + +This preamble, and these resolutions, set forth the views and sentiments +of the people of Ohio in a far more forcible, authoritative, and +enduring form, than can possibly be done by any declaration or +expression of mine. In no part of the United States has your course been +more warmly approved or your great talents, persevering energy, and +devoted patriotism, more universally admired. This, sir, is sufficiently +evinced in the cordial and heartfelt welcome that has everywhere awaited +you, since your entrance into the State. + +Free and independent themselves, the people of Ohio can not look with +indifference on the great contest in which you are engaged. The history +of that fearful struggle which resulted in the achievement of their own +independence is still fresh in their recollection. Always on the side of +the oppressed, no cold or calculating policy can suppress or control +their sympathies. + +The cause of Hungary, which you so eloquently plead, and which it is +your high and sacred mission to maintain, is the cause of freedom in +every quarter of the world. The principles involved in that cause, form +the basis of our own institutions, the source of our present prosperity +and greatness, and the foundation of all our hopes and anticipations of +the future. + +It would be strange, indeed, if a cause so pure and holy, or a champion +so gifted, should fail to command the highest regard and admiration of +freemen. + +In the name, then, and on behalf of the General Assembly of Ohio, I bid +you welcome to our midst. + +I welcome you, sir, to the capital of a great and flourishing +commonwealth--to its halls of legislation, which, in your own +fatherland, were the scenes of some of your proudest triumphs, and to +the hearts of a free, generous, and sympathizing people. + + +KOSSUTH'S REPLY. + +Mr. President--The General Assembly of Ohio, having magnanimously +bestowed upon me the high honour of this national welcome, it is with +profound veneration that I beg leave to express my fervent gratitude for +it. + +Were even no principles for the future connected with the honour which I +now enjoy, still the past would be memorable as history, and not fail to +have a beneficial influence, continuously to develop the Spirit of the +Age. Almost every century has had one predominant idea, which imparted a +common direction to the activity of nations. This predominant idea is +the Spirit of the Age, invisible yet omnipresent; impregnable, +all-pervading; scorned, abused, opposed, and yet omnipotent. + +The spirit of our age is Democracy. All _for_ the people and all +_by_ the people. Nothing _about_ the people _without_ the +people. That is Democracy, and that is the ruling tendency of the spirit +of our age. + +To this spirit is opposed the principle of Despotism, claiming +sovereignty over mankind, and degrading nations from the position of a +self-conscious, self-consistent aim, to the condition of tools +subservient to the authority of ambition. + +One of these principles will and must prevail. So far as one +civilization prevails, the destiny of mankind is linked to a common +source of principles, and within the boundaries of a common +civilization community of destinies exists. Hence the warm interest which +the condition of distant nations awakes now-a-days in a manner not yet +recorded in history because humanity never was yet aware of that common +tie as it now is. With this consciousness thus developed, two opposite +principles cannot rule within the same boundaries--Democracy and +Despotism. + +In the conflict of these two hostile principles, until now it was not +Right, not Justice, but only Success which met approbation and applause. +Unsuccessful patriotism was stigmatized with the name of crime. +Revolution not crowned by success was styled Anarchy and Revolt, and +the vanquished patriot being dragged to the gallows by victorious +despotism, men did not consider _why_ he died on the gallows; but +the fact itself, that _there_ he died, imparted a stain to his +name. + +And though impartial history, now and then, casts the halo of a martyr +over an unsuccessful patriot's grave, yet even this was not always sure. +Tyrants have often perverted history by adulation or by fear. But +whatever that late verdict might have been; for him who dared to +struggle against despotism at the time when he struggled in vain, there +was no honour on earth.--Victorious tyranny marked the front of virtue +with the brand of a criminal. + +Even when an existing "authority" was mere violence worse than that of a +pirate, to have opposed it unsuccessfully was sufficient to ensure the +disapproval of all who held any authority. The People indeed never +failed to console the outcast by its sympathy, but Authority felt no +such sympathy, and rather regarded this very sympathy as a dangerous +symptom of anarchy. + +When the idea of justice is thus perverted--when virtue is thus deprived +of its fair renown, and honour is thus attacked--when success like that +of Louis Napoleon's is gained through connivance--all this becomes an +immeasurable obstacle to the freedom of nations, which never yet was +achieved but by a struggle,--a struggle, which success raised to the +honour of a glorious revolution, but failure lowered to the reputation +of a criminal outbreak. + +Mr. President, I feel proud at the accident, that in my person public +honours have been restored to that on which alone they ought to be +bestowed--righteousness and a just cause; whereas, until now, honours +were lavished only upon success. I consider this as a highly important +_fact_, which cannot fail to encourage the resolution of devoted +patriots, who, though not afraid of death, may be excused for recoiling +before humiliation. + +Senators, Representatives of Ohio, I thank you for it in the name of all +who may yet suffer for having done the duty of a patriot. You may yet +see many a man, who, out of your approbation, will draw encouragement to +noble deeds; for there are many on earth ready to meet misfortune for a +noble aim, but not so many ready to meet humiliation and indignity. +Besides, in honouring me, you have approved what my nation has done. You +have honoured all Hungary by it, and I pledge my word to you that we +will yet do what you have approved. The approbation of our conscience we +have--the sympathy of your generous people has met us--and it is no +idle thing, that sympathy of the people of Ohio--it weighs as the +sovereign will of two millions of freemen. You have added to it the +sanction of your authority. Your people's sympathy you have framed into +a law, sacred and sure in its consequences, on which humanity may rely. + +But, sir, high though be the value of this noble approbation, it becomes +an invaluable benefit to humanity by these resolutions by which the +General Assembly of Ohio, acknowledging the justice of those principles +which it is my mission to plead in my injured country's name, declares +that the mighty and flourishing commonwealth of Ohio is resolved to +resist the eternal laws of nations to their due sway, too long contemned +by arbitrary power. + +It was indeed a sorrowful sight to see how nations bled, and how freedom +withered in the iron grasp of despotisms, leagued for universal +oppression of humanity. It was a sorrowful sight to see that there was +no power on earth ready to maintain those eternal laws, without which +there is no security for any nation on earth. It was a sorrowful sight +to see all nations isolating themselves in defence, while despots +leagued in offence. + +The view has changed. A bright lustre is spreading over the dark sky of +humanity. The glorious galaxy of the United States rises upon oppressed +nations, and the bloody star of despotism fading at your very +declaration, will soon vanish from the sky like a meteor. + +Legislators of Ohio, it may be flattering to ambitious vanity to act the +part of an execrated conqueror, but it is a glory unparalleled in +history to protect rights and freedom on earth. The time draws near, +when, by virtue of such a declaration as yours, shared by your sister +States, Europe's liberated nations will unite in a mighty choir of +Hallelujahs, thanking God that his paternal cares have raised the United +States to the glorious position of a first-born son of freedom on +earth. + +Washington prophesied, that within twenty years the Republic of the +United States would be strong enough to defy any power on earth _in a +just cause_. The State of Ohio was not yet born when the wisest of +men and purest of patriots uttered that prophecy; and God the Almighty +has made the prophecy true, by annexing, in a prodigiously short period, +more stars to the proud constellation of your Republic, and increasing +the lustre of every star more powerfully, than Washington could have +anticipated in the brightest moments of his patriotic hopes. + +Rejoice, O my nation, in thy very woes! Wipe off all thy tears, and +smile amidst thy tortures, like the Dutch hero, De Wytt. There is a +Providence which rules. Thou wast, O my nation, often the martyr, who by +thy blood didst redeem the Christian nations on earth. Even thy present +nameless woes are providential. They were necessary, that the +star-spangled banner of America should rise over a new Sinai--the +Mountain of Law for all nations. Thy sufferings were necessary, that the +people of the United States, powerful by their freedom and free by the +principle of national independence, that common right of all humanity, +should stand up, a new Moses upon the new Sinai, and shout out with the +thundering voice of its twenty-five millions--"Hear, ye despots of the +world, henceforward this shall be law, in the name of the Lord your God +and our God. + +Ye shall not kill nations. + +Ye shall not steal their freedom. + +And ye shall not covet what is your neighbour's." + +Ohio has given its vote by the resolutions I had the honour to hear. It +is the vote of two millions, and it will have its constitutional weight +in the councils of Washington City, where the delegates of the people's +sovereignty find their glory in doing the people's will. + +Sir, it will be a day of consolation and joy in Hungary, when my +bleeding nation reads these resolutions, which I will send to her. They +will flash over the gloomy land; and my nation, unbroken in courage, +steady in resolution, and firm in confidence, will draw still more +courage, more resolution from them, because it is well aware that the +legislature of Ohio would never pledge a word to which the people of +Ohio will not be true in case of need. + +Sir, I regret that my illness has disabled me to express my fervent +thanks in a manner more becoming to this Assembly's dignity. I beg to be +excused for it; and humbly beg you to believe, that my nation for ever, +and I for all my life, will cherish the memory of this benefit. + + * * * * * + +XXVIII.--THE MISERIES AND THE STRENGTH OF HUNGARY. + +[_Columbus, Feb. 7th, to the Association of Friends of Hungary_.] + +On Feb. 7th was held the first regular meeting of the Ohio Association +of the Friends of Hungary, in the City Hall of Columbus. Governor Wood +addressed the Association, as its President; and in the course of his +speech said:-- + +This is a cause in which the people of the United States feel much +interest. Much has been said on the doctrine of intervention and +non-intervention. There was a time when if I ventured to speak a word on +any question in this State it was received with authority. The opinions +I now express have been formed with the same deliberation as those I +expressed with authority in another capacity. There has seemed to be a +combined effort on the part of despots in Europe to put down free +institutions. It is the duty of freemen to oppose this effort--to resist +the principle that every civic community has not a right to regulate its +own affairs. Whenever one nation interferes with the internal concerns +of another, it is a direct insult to all other nations. + +There is a combined effort in Continental Europe to overthrow all free +and liberal institutions. This accomplished, what next?--The efforts of +tyrants will be directed to our institutions. It will be their aim to +break us down. Must not we prevent this event--_peaceably if we +can--forcibly if we must?_ No power will prevail with tyrants and +usurpers but the power of gunpowder or steel. + +Kossuth in reply, turning to Governor Wood, said: Before addressing the +assembly, I humbly entreat your excellency to permit me to express, out +of the very heart of my heart, my gratitude and fervent thanks for those +lofty, generous principles which you have been pleased now to pronounce. +I know those principles would have immense value even if they were only +an individual opinion; but when they are expressed by him who is the +elect of the people of Ohio, they doubly, manifoldly increase in weight. + +The restoration of Hungary to its national independence is my aim, to +which I the more cheerfully devote my life, because I know that my +nation, once master of its own destiny, can make no other choice, in the +regulation of its institutions and of its government, than that of a +Republic founded upon democracy and the great principle of municipal +self-government, without which, as opposed to centralization, there is +no practical freedom possible. + +Other nations enjoying a comparatively tolerable condition under their +existing governments--though aware of their imperfections, may shrink +from a revolution of which they cannot anticipate the issue, while they +know that in every case it is attended with great sacrifices and great +sufferings for the generation which undertakes the hazard of the change. +But that is not the condition of Hungary. My poor native land is in such +a condition that all the horrors of a revolution, when without the hopes +of happiness to be gained by it, are preferable to what it lives to +endure now. The very life on a bloody battle-field, where every +whistling musket-ball may bring death--affords more security, more ease, +and is less alarming than that life which the people of Hungary has to +suffer now. We have seen many a sorrowful day in our past, We have been +by our geographical position, destined as the breakwater against every +great misfortune, which in former centuries rushed over Europe from the +East. It is not only the Turks, when they were yet a dangerous, +conquering race, which my nation had to stay, by wading to the very lips +in its own heroic blood. No. The still more terrible invasion of Batu +Khan's (the Mongol) raging millions, poured down over Europe from the +Steppes of Tartary,--who came not to conquer but to destroy, and +therefore spared not nature, not men, not the child in its mother's +womb. It was Hungary which had to stay its flood from devouring the rest +of Europe. Nevertheless, all which Hungary has ever suffered is far +less than it has to suffer now from the tyrant of Austria, himself in +his turn nothing but the slave of ambitious Russia. + +Oh! it is a fair, beautiful land, my beloved country, rich in nature's +blessings as perhaps no land is rich on earth. When the spring has +strewn its blossoms over it, it looks as the garden of Eden may have +looked, and when the summer ripens nature's ocean of crops over its +hills and plains, it looks like a table dressed for mankind by the Lord +himself; and still it was here in Columbus that I read the news that a +terrible dearth, that famine is spreading over the rich and fertile +land. How should it not? Where life-draining oppression weighs so +heavily, that the landowner offers the use of all his lands to the +government, merely to get free from the taxation--where the vintager +cuts down his vineyards and the gardener his orchard, and the farmer +burns his tobacco seed to be rid of the duties, and their +vexations--there of course must dearth prevail, and famine raise its +hideous head. Yet the tyrant adds calumny to oppression, by attributing +the dearth to a want of industry, after having created it by oppression. +There exists no personal security of property. Nor is the verdict "not +guilty," when pronounced by an Austrian court, sufficient to ensure +security against prison, nay, against death by the executioner--through +a new trial ordered to find a man guilty at any price. Poor Louis +Bathyanyi was thus treated. Even now persecution is going on--hundreds +are arrested secretly and sent to prison and their property confiscated, +though they were already acquitted by the very Haynaus. _Even to whisper +that a man or woman was arrested in the night is considered a crime_, +and punished by prison, or if the whisperer be a young man, by sending him +to the army, there to taste, when he dares to frown, the corporal's +stick. _No man knows what is forbidden, what not_, because there +exists no law but the arbitrary will of martial courts--no protecting +institution--no public life--free speech forbidden--the press +fettered--complaint a crime,--When we consider all this, indeed it is +not possible not to arrive at the conviction, that, come what may, a new +war of revolution in Hungary is not a matter of choice, but a matter of +unavoidable necessity, because all that may come is not by far so +terrible as that which is! + +But I am often asked,--"What hope has Hungary should she rise again?" +Pardon me, gentlemen, for saying, that I cannot forbear to be surprized +as often as I hear this question. Why! The Emperor of Austria, fresh +with his bloody victories over Italy, Vienna, Lemberg, Prague, attacked +us in the fulness of his power, when we had no expectation, and were +least in the world prepared to meet it. We were assaulted on several +sides; our fortresses were in the hands of traitors, we had as yet no +army at all. We were secluded from all the world--forsaken by all the +world--without money--without arms--without ammunition--without +friends--having nothing for us but the justice of our cause and the +people burning with patriotism--men who went to the battlefield almost +without knowing how to cock their guns; but still, within less than six +months, we beat all the force of Austria,--we crushed it to the dust, +and in despair, the proud tyrant fled to the feet of the Czar, begging +his assistance for his sacrilegious purpose, and paying him by the +sacrifice of honour, independence, and all his future! + +In contemplating these facts, who can doubt that we are now a match for +Austria. Then we had no army--now we have 120,000 brave Magyars, who +fought for freedom and motherland, enlisted in the ranks of Austria, +forming their weakness and our strength. Then hostile nations were +opposed to us, now they are friendly, and are with us. Then no +combination existed between the oppressed nations--now the combination +exists. Then our oppressor took his own time to strike--when he was best +and we were worst prepared:--now we will take our time and strike the +blow when it is best for us and worst for him. In a word, then every +chance was against us, and we almost in a condition that the stoutest +hearts faltered; and we only took up the gauntlet because our very soul +revolted against the boundless treachery;--now every chance is for us, +and it is the native which throws the gauntlet into the tyrant's face. +Our very misfortune ensures our success--because then we had some +something to lose, now we have nothing. We can only gain--for I defy +the sophistry of despotism to invent anything of public or private +oppression which is not already inflicted upon us. + +But I was upon the question of success.--When I moot that +question--upon what reposes the success of Hungary, it always occurs to +my mind that the last Administration of the United States sent a +gentleman over to Europe during the Hungarian struggle, _not_ with +orders to recognize the independence of Hungary, but just to look to +what chance of success we had. Now, suppose that the United States, +taking into consideration the right of every nation to dispose of +itself, and true to that policy which it has always followed to take +established facts as they are, and not to investigate what chances there +might or might not be for the future, but always recognize every new +Government everywhere--suppose that it had sent that gentleman with +such an instruction to Hungary: what would have been the consequence? If +the government of Hungary which existed then and indeed existed very +actively, for it had created armies, had beaten Austria, and driven her +last soldier from Hungarian territory,--If that government had been +recognized by the United States, of course commercial intercourse with +the United States, in every respect, would have been lawful, according +to your existing international laws. The Emperor of Austria, the Czar of +Russia, because they are recognized powers, have full liberty to buy +your cannons, gunpowder, muskets--everything. That would have been the +case with Hungary. That legitimate commerce with the people of the +United States with Hungary, of course would have been protected by the +navy of the United States in the Mediterranean. Now, men we had +enough--but arms we had none. That would have given us arms, and having +beaten Austria already, we would have beaten Russia, and I, instead of +having now the honour of addressing you here, would perhaps have +dictated a peace in Moscow. But the gentleman was sent to _investigate +the chances_ of success. Upon his investigation Hungary perished. + +Let me entreat you, friends of Hungary, do not much hesitate about +success. While Rome deliberated, Saguntum fell. I fear that by too long +investigating what chances we have, the chances of success will be +compromised, which by speedy help could have been ensured. + +Well, I am answered--"there is no doubt about it.--Hungary is a match +for Austria. You have beaten Austria, it is true; but Russia--there is +the rub." Precisely, because there is the rub, I come to the United +States, relying upon the fundamental principles of your great Republic, +to claim the protection and maintenance of the law of nations against +the armed interference of Russia. + +That is precisely what I claim. That accorded, no intervention of Russia +can take place; the word of America will be respected, not out of +consideration for your dignity, but because the Czar and the cabinet of +Russia, atrocious and unprincipled as they are, are no fools, and will +not risk their existence. Therefore your word will be respected. + +You have an act of Congress, passed in 1818, by which the people of the +United States are forbidden by law to take any hostile steps against a +power with which the United States are at amity. Well, suppose Congress +pronounces such a resolution--that in respect to any power which +violates the laws of nations we recall this neutrality law and give full +liberty to follow its own will. (Applause.) Now, in declaring this, +Congress has prevented a war, because it has been pointed out to the +people in what way that pronunciation of the law of nations is to be +supported, and the enterprizing spirit of the people of the United +States is too well known as its sympathy for the cause of Hungary is +too decidedly expressed, not to impart a conviction to the Czar of +Russia that though the United States do not wish to go to war, so the +law of nations will be enforced, _peaceably if possible_ (turning +to Governor Wood) _forcibly if necessary_. + +But as I again and again meet the doubt whether your protest even with +such sanction will be respected, I farther answer--let me entreat you to +try. It costs nothing. You are not bound to go farther than you +will;--try. _Perhaps_ it will be respected, and if it be, humanity +is rescued, and freedom on earth reigns where despotism now rules. It is +worth a trial. + +Besides, I beg to remind you of my second and third requests, either of +which might bring a practical solution of this doubt. At present, +whoever will may sell arms to Austria, but you forbid your own citizens +to sell arms to Hungary; and this, though the rule of Austria has no +legitimate basis, but rests on unjust force; while you have avowed the +cause of Hungary to be just. Such a state of your law is not neutrality, +and is not righteous towards _us_ nor is it fair towards your +_own people_. If Venice were to-day to shake off the yoke of +Austria, Austria will forthwith forbid all of you to buy and sell with +Venice. Well: I say that is not fair towards your own citizens, any more +than to the Venetians. True; you have not the right to open any market +by force, towards a nation which is unwilling to deal with you, but you +have a clear right to deal with one which desires it, in spite of any +belligerent who chooses to forbid you. How could the fact of Hungary or +Venice rising up against their oppressor justify Austria in damaging the +lawful commerce of America with those nations? On this turns my second +principle, which I consider of high importance for the coming struggle; +that the United States would declare their resolve to uphold their +commercial intercourse with every nation which is ready to accept it. + +Thirdly, I claimed that you would recognize the Hungarian Declaration of +Independence as having been legitimate. My enemies have misrepresented +this, as if I desired to be recognized as _de facto_ the Governor +of Hungary. This is mere absurdity. That is not the question--_am_ +I governor or not governor? The question is--_was_ the Declaration +of Independence of Hungary, in the judgment of the people of the United +States, a legitimate one, to which my nation had a right--or was it not? +I believe America cannot answer no, because your very existence rests on +a similar act. And if that declaration is made, what will be the +consequence of it? What will be the practical result? Why, that very +moment when I or whoever else, upon the basis of this declaration, +recognized to be legitimate by your republic, shall take a stake upon +Hungarian independence, and issue a proclamation declaring that a +national government exists, that very moment the existence of the +government will be recognized, and the gentleman who will be sent to +Europe will not be sent to investigate what chances we have of success, +but into what diplomatic relation we shall come. And what will be the +consequence? A legitimate commercial intercourse of America. Then I can +fit out men of war--steamers and everything--and your laws will not +prevent me. The government of Hungary will then be a friendly power, and +therefore according to your laws everything might be done for the +benefit of my country--and who knows what a benefit it might secure to +yourselves? + +As regards my use of any pecuniary aids, I declare that I will respect +the laws of every nation where I have the honour even temporarily to be. +I will employ that aid, which the friends of Hungary may place at my +disposal, for the benefit of my country, to be sure, but only in such a +way as is not forbidden by, or contrary to, your laws. Now, to make an +armed expedition against a friendly power--that is forbidden. But if +Hungary rises upon the basis of a recognized, legitimate independence, +then what is necessary for it to prepare for coming into that position +is lawful. I have taken the advice of the highest authorities in that +respect. I was not so bold as to become the interpreter of your laws, +but I have asked, Is that lawful, or is it not? from the highest +authorities in law matters of the United States. + +Now to return to Hungary. In what condition is it! In the beginning of +my talking I mentioned the invasion of Tartarian hordes. Then the wild +beasts spread over the land, and caused the few remnants of the people +to take refuge in some castles, and fortresses, and fortified places and +in the most remote and sterile ground. The wild beasts fed on human +blood. Now again the wild beasts are spreading terribly; and why? +Because to have a single pistol, to have a sword, or a musket, is a +crime which is punished by several years' imprisonment. Such is now the +condition of Hungary! Therefore, you may now see that the country is +disarmed, and of what importance is it for that success, about which I +hear now and then doubts, to have arms prepared in a convenient lawful +manner. + +[After this, Kossuth spoke in some detail concerning the pecuniary +contributions; and closed with complaints of his painfully over-worked +chest, which had much impeded his speech.] + + * * * * * + +XXIX.--OHIO AND FRANCE CONTRASTED AS REPUBLICS. + +[_Reception at Cincinnati_.] + +Kossuth having been received by a vast assemblage of the people of +Cincinnati was addressed in their name by the Honourable Caleb Smith, +from whose speech the following are extracts:-- + +Your progress through a portion of the whole States which originally +constituted the American confederacy, has called forth such +manifestations of public feeling as leave no doubt that the liberty +enjoyed by the people of those States, has created in their hearts a +generous sympathy for the advocates of civil liberty who have +endeavoured to establish free institutions in Europe. + +The brilliant success which attended the first efforts of the Hungarian +Patriots, excited the hope that the tricoloured flag unfurled on the +shores of the Danube, would, like the stars and stripes of our own +Republic, become the emblem and the hope of freedom. + +The intervention of Russia, in violation of the law of nations, in +defiance of justice and right, and in disregard of the public sentiment +of the civilized world, for a time, at last, disappointed this hope; and +the exultation it excited was followed by a mournful sadness, when +Russian arms and domestic treason combined, caused the Hungarian flag to +trail in the dust. + +Hungary failed to establish her independence, but failed only, when +success was impossible. The efforts she has made have not been wholly +lost. The seed which she has sown in agony and blood, will yet sprout +and bring forth fruit. The memory of her devoted sons who have fallen in +the cause of liberty, will be perpetuated upon the living tablets of the +hearts of freedom's votaries throughout the world. The spirits of the +martyrs shall whisper hope and consolation to the hearts of her +surviving children; and from out the dungeons of her captive patriots +shall go forth the spirit of liberty to cheer and animate their +countrymen. + +You are engaged in a high and holy mission. The redemption of your +fatherland from oppression is worthy of your efforts, and may God +prosper them; and may you find in this free land such sympathy and aid +as will strengthen your heart for the stern trials which await you in +your own country. + +Kossuth replied:-- + +Sir,--Before I answer you, let me look over this animated ocean, that I +may impress upon my memory the look of those who have transformed the +wilderness of a primitive forest into an immense city, of which there +exists a prediction that, by the year of our Lord 2000, it will be the +greatest city in the world. + +"The West! the West! the region of the Father of Rivers," there thou +canst see the cradle of a new-born humanity. So I was told by the +learned expounders of descriptive geography, who believe that they know +the world, because they have seen it on maps. + +The West a cradle! Why? A cradle is the sleeping place of a child +wrapped in swaddling clothes and crying for the mother's milk. + +People of Cincinnati, are you that child which, awakening in an +unwatched moment, liberated his tender hands from the swaddling band, +swept away by his left arm the primitive forest planted by the Lord at +creation's dawn, and raised by his right hand this mighty metropolis. +Why, if that be your childhood's pastime, I am awed by the presentiment +of your manhood's task; for it is written, that it is forbidden to men +to approach too near to omnipotence. And that people here which created +this rich city, and changed the native woods of the red man into a +flourishing seat of Christian civilization and civilized +Christianity--into a living workshop of science and art, of industry and +widely spread commerce; and performed this change, not like the drop, +which, by falling incessantly through centuries, digs a gulf where a +mountain stood, but performed it suddenly within the turn of the hand, +like a magician; that people achieved a prouder work than the giants of +old, who dared to pile Ossa upon Pelion; but excuse me, the comparison +is bad. + +Those giants of old heaped mountain upon mountain, with the impious +design to storm the heavens. You have transformed the wilderness of the +West into the dwelling-place of an enlightened, industrious, intelligent +Christian community, that it may flourish a living monument of the +wonderful bounty of Divine Providence--a temple of freedom, which +glorifies God, and bids oppressed humanity to hope. + +And yet, when I look at you, citizens of Cincinnati, I see no race of +giants, astonishing by uncommon frame: I see men as I am wont to see all +my life, and I have lived almost long enough to have seen Cincinnati a +small hamlet, composed of some modest log-houses, separated by dense +woods, where savage beast and savage Indian lurked about the lonely +settlers, who, as the legend of Jacob Wetzel and his faithful log tells, +had to wrestle for life when they left their poor abode. + +What is the key of this rapid wonderful change? The glorious cities of +old were founded by heroes whom posterity called demi-gods, and whose +name survived their work by thousands of years. Who is your hero? Who +stood god-father at the birth of the Queen of the West? + +I looked to history and found not his name. But instead of one mortal +man's renowned name, I find in the records of your city's history an +immortal being's name, and that is, _the people_. The word sparkles +with the lustre of a life invigorating flame, and that flame is LIBERTY. +Freedom, regulated by wise institutions, based upon the great principle +of national independence and self-government; this is the magical rod by +which the great enchanter, "_the people_," has achieved this +wonderful work. + +Sir, there is a mighty change going on in human development. Formerly +great things were done by great men, whose names stand in history like +milestones, marking the march of mankind on the highway of progress. It +was mankind which marched, and still it passed unnoticed and unknown. Of +him history has made no record, but of the milestones only, and has +called them great men. The lofty frame of individual greatness +overshadowed the people, who were ready to follow but not prepared to go +without being led. Humanity and its progress was absorbed by +individualities; because the people which stood low in the valley got +giddy by looking up to the mountain's top, where its leaders stood. It +was the age of childhood for nations. Children cling to the leading +strings as to a necessity, and feel it a benefit to be led. + +But the leaders of nations changed soon into kings. Ambition claimed as +a right what merit had gained as a free offering. Arrogance succeeded to +greatness; and out of the child-like attachment for benefits received, +the duty of blind obedience was framed by the iron hand of violence, and +by the craft of impious hypocrisy, degrading everything held for holy by +men--religion itself--into a tool of oppression on earth. It was the era +of uncontroverted despotism, which, with sacrilegious arrogance, claimed +the title of divine rank; and mankind advanced slowly in progress, +because it was not conscious of its own aim. Oppression was taken for a +gloomy fatality. + +The scene has changed. Nations have become conscious of their rights and +destiny, and will tolerate no masters, nor will suffer oppression any +longer. The spirit of freedom moves through the air; and remember, that +you are morally somewhat responsible for it, inasmuch as it is your +glorious struggle for independence which was the first upheaving of +mankind's heart roused to self-conscious life. Even by that first effort +she gloriously achieved the national independence of America. Though +gifted with all the blessings of nature's virginal vitality, you would +never have succeeded to achieve this wonderful growth which we see, if +you had employed your conquered national independence merely to take a +new master for the old one. + +And mark well, gentlemen! a nation may have a master even if it has no +king--a nation may be called a republic, and yet be not +free--_Wherever centralization exists, there the nation has either +sold or lent, either alienated or delegated its sovereignty_; and +wherever this is done, the nation has a master--and he who has a master +is of course not his own master. Power may be centralized in many--the +centralization by and by will be concentrated in few, as in ancient +Venice, or in one, as in France at the time of the "_Uncle_," some +forty years ago, and again in France, now that the "_Nephew_" has +his bloody reign for a day. + +Yes, gentlemen, if that generation of devoted patriots who achieved the +Independence of the United States, had merely changed the old master for +a new one with the name of an Emperor or a King, or of an omnipotent +President, your country were now just something like Brazil or Mexico, +or the Republic of South America, all of them independent, as you know, +and all except Brazil even Republics, and all rich with nature's +blessings, and offering a new home to those who fly from the oppression +of the Old World--and yet all of them old before they were young, and +decrepit before they were strong. Had the founders of your country's +Independence followed this direction which led the rest of America +astray, Cincinnati would be a hamlet yet as it was in Jacob Wetzel's +time; and Ohio, instead of being a first-rate star in the constellation +of your Republic, would be an appendage of neighbouring Eastern +States--a not yet explored desert, marked in the map of America only by +lines of northern latitude and western longitude. + +The people, a real sovereign; your institutions securing real freedom, +because founded on the principles of self-government; union to secure +national independence and the position of a power on earth; and all +together, having no master but God; omnipotence not vested in any man, +in any assembly,--and an open field to every honest exertion--because +civil, political, and religious liberty is the common benefit to all, +not limited but by itself (that is, by the unseen, but not unfelt, +influence of self-given law); that is the key of the living wonder which +spreads before my eyes. + +Let me recall to your memory a curious fact. It is just a hundred years +ago, that the first trading house upon the Great Miami was built by +daring English adventurers, at a place later known as Laramie's Store, +then the territory of the Twigtwee Indians. The trade house was +destroyed by Frenchmen, who possessed then a whole world on the +continent of America. Well, twenty-four years later, France aided your +America in its struggle for independence; and oh! feel not offended in +your proud power of to-day, when I say that independence would not then +have been achieved without the aid of France. + +Since that time, France has been twice a Republic, and changed its +constitutions thirteen times; and, though thirty-six millions strong, it +has lost every foot of land on the continent of America, and at home it +lies prostrated beneath the feet of the most inglorious usurper that +ever dared to raise ambition's bloody seat upon the ruins of liberty. +And your Republic? It has grown a giant of power. And Ohio? out of the +ruins of a trading-house into a mighty commonwealth of two millions of +free and happy men, who shout out with a voice like the thunderstorm, to +the despots of the Old World, "ye shall stop in your ambitious way +before the power of freedom, ready to protect the common laws of all +humanity." + +What a glorious triumph of your institutions over the principles of +CENTRALIZED government! + +Oh! may all the generations yet unborn, and all the millions who will +yet gather in this New World of the West, which soon will preponderate +in the scale of the Union, where all the west weighed nothing fifty +years ago--may they all ever and ever remember the high instruction +which the Almighty has revealed in this parallel of different results. + +Sir, you say that Ohio can show no battle field connected with +recollections of your own glorious revolution. Let me answer, that the +whole West is a monument, and Cincinnati the fair cornice of it. If your +eastern sister States have instructed the world how nations become +independent and free, the West shows to the world what a nation once +independent and really free can become. + +Allow me to declare, that by standing before the world as such an +instructive example, you exercise the most effective revolutionary +propaganda; for if the mis-result of French revolutions discourage the +nations from shaking off the 'oppressors' yoke, your victory,--and still +more, your unparalleled prosperity,--has encouraged oppressed nations to +dare what you dared. + +Egotists and hypocrites may say that you are not responsible for it; you +have bid nobody to follow you:--and it may be true that you are not +responsible before a tribunal. Still, you are sufficiently free not to +feel offended by a true word; therefore I say you are responsible before +your own conscience, for, your example having started a new doctrine, +the teacher of a new doctrine is morally bound not to forsake his +doctrine when assailed in the person of his disciples. + + * * * * * + +XXX.--WAR A PROVIDENTIAL NECESSITY AGAINST OPPRESSION. + +[_To the Clergy of Cincinnati_.] + +The clergy of Cincinnati addressed Kossuth by the mouth of the Rev. Mr. +Fisher. Among other topics, this gentleman said:-- + +We wish to _you_ first, and through you, to the world, to express +our respect for those heroic clergymen who dared to offer public prayers +to Almighty God for the success of your arms. We have not forgotten the +manner in which Austria attempted to dragoon their tongues into silence, +and their souls into abject submission. Nor can we believe that a +country with such pastors--that a country whose religious interests are +confided to men ready to pray against the Despot, will be suffered by +our heavenly Father to remain trodden down, and to have her name blotted +out of the history of nations. If in the great battle of freedom, the +heart of the minister of religion at the Altar, beats in sympathy with +the heart of the minister at the Council Board, and the soldier in the +battle-field, there is then a union of the moral, intellectual, and +physical forces of a nation, which we have been taught to believe would +generally and ultimately be victorious. + +We frankly confess to you that our hope that Hungary is not to share the +fate of unhappy Poland, is grounded first on the large element of a +Protestant ministry she embraces, and secondly on the advance which the +nations are making in a true understanding of the principles of +republican freedom. We believe the cause of Hungary to be just. Against +the usurpations of Kings and perjured Princes--against the interference +of foreign powers to assist in treading on the sparks of liberty +anywhere on the earth, and especially in such a land as yours, we claim +the privilege at the fit time of entering our protest and expressing +toward such acts our deepest abhorrence. And while we desire most +earnestly the advent of universal peace, and rejoice that the power of +moral principles is increasing in the world, and anticipate the day when +the nations shall learn war no more, yet we are fully convinced, both +from the Holy Scriptures and the history of the past, that under the +overruling providence of God wars occasioned by the oppression, the +ambition, and the covetousness of men, are often the means of breaking +up the stagnant waters of superstition and irreligion, and securing to +the truth a position from which it may most successfully send abroad its +light, and mould the heart of a nation to religion and peace. +_Despotism is_ in our view _a perpetual war of a few upon the +many_; and we must unlearn some of the earliest lessons that our +mothers taught us and our fathers illustrated in their lives, before we +can cease to sympathize with the assertors of their rights against the +force or the fraud of their fellow-men. And since the sad issue of +revolution after revolution in infidel France, there are not a few of +us, who have indulged the hope (especially since your visit to our +shores), that in central Europe, in your native land, among an +undebauched and a Bible-reading people, a government might arise that +would accord freedom of conscience to all, and shine as a light of +virtuous republicanism upon the darkness around. + +In meeting you thus we design no mere display, no ineffective parade of +words. We wish to give whatever weight of influence we may bear in this +community, to the cause of freedom in your native land, to assist in +securing to you and your nation, such aid as a nation situated as we are +can _wisely_ give, so as best to subserve the interests of liberty +and humanity in all the world. We regard the moral influence of this +country as of the first importance; and the peaceful working of +republican institutions as a daily protest against despotism. And for +ourselves we pledge to you and your country, that we will, in public and +private, bear your cause upon our hearts, and invoke in your behalf, the +intervention of an arm that no earthly power can resist. + +Kossuth replied at length. The following is an extract from his +speech:-- + +You have been pleased to refer to war as, under certain circumstances, +an instrumentality of Divine Providence--and indeed so it is. Great +things depend upon the exact definition of a word. There is, I suppose, +nobody on earth who takes war for a moral or happy condition. Every man +must wish peace; but peace must not be confounded with oppression. It +is our duty, I believe, to follow the historical advice of the +Scriptures, which very often have pointed out war as an instrumentality +against oppression and injustice. + +You have very truly said that despotism is a continued war of the few +against the many, of ambition against mankind. Now if that be +true--(and true it is--for war is nothing else than an appeal to +force)--then how can any persons claim of oppressed nations not to +resort to war? Who makes war? those who defend themselves? or those who +attack others? Now if it be true that despotism is a continued attack +upon mankind, then war comes from that quarter, and I have no where in +the world heard that an unjust attack should not be opposed by a just +defence. It is absurd to entreat nations not to disturb a peace which +does not exist. What would have become of Christianity in Europe (and in +further consequence, also in America), if in those times, when +Mohammedanism was yet a conquering power, Hungary out of love of peace +had not opposed Mohammedanism in defence of Christianity? What would +have become of Protestantism when assailed by Charles V, by Philip II, +and others? Did Luther or others forbid the use of arms against arms, to +protect for men the right of private judgment in matters of salvation. +I have seen war. I know what an immense machine it is. What an immense +misfortune and with what sufferings it is connected. Believe me, there +is no nation which loves war, but many that fear war less than they hate +oppression, which prevents both their happiness on earth and the +development of private judgment for salvation in eternity. + +You have been pleased to assure me that you take the cause of Hungary +for a just cause. I most respectfully thank you for it. I consider your +judgment of immense value in that respect. Why? Because you are too +deeply penetrated by the sacred mission to which you have devoted your +lives, ever to approve anything which you would not consider consistent +and in harmony with your position as ministers of the gospel; and +therefore when you give me the verdict of justice for the cause of +Hungary, I take your approbation as a sanction from the principles of +the Christian religion. + +Let me therefore entreat you, gentlemen, to bestow your action, your +prayers, and that which in the gospel is connected with +prayers--watchfulness, upon my country's cause. It is not without +design that I mention this word watchfulness; for it would be not +appropriate for me to speak any word which might excite mere passion. I +rely upon principles in their plainness, and make no appeal to blind +excitement; but I venture to throw out the hint, that in certain +quarters even the word _religion_ is employed as a tool against +that cause which you pronounce to be just; and therefore I may be +permitted to claim from ministers of Christ--from Protestant +clergymen--from American Protestant clergymen, that they will not only +pray for that cause, but also be watchful against that abuse of religion +for the oppression of a just cause. + +You have farther stated that as American clergymen, you entertain the +conviction that a free Gospel can only be permanently enjoyed under a +free civil government. Now what is free Gospel? The trumpet of the +Gospel is of course sounded from the moral influence of the truths, +which are deposited by Divine Providence in the holy Scriptures. No +influence can be more powerful than that of the truth which God himself +has revealed, and nevertheless you say, that for permanent enjoyment of +this moral influence, the field of free civil government is necessary. +So it is. Now, let me make the application of these very truths in +respect to the moral institutions of your country. I entirely trust that +all other institutions which we know now will by and bye disappear +before the moral influence of _your_ institutions, as is proved by +the wonderful development of this country--but under one condition, that +the nations be restored to national independence: since, so long as +absolutist power rules the world, there is no place, no field _for_ +the moral influence of your institutions. Precisely as the moral +influence of the Gospel cannot spread without a free civil government, +so the influence of your institutions can spread only upon the basis of +national independence, as a common benefit to every nation. + +You will, I hope, generously excuse me for having answered your generous +sentiments in such a plain manner. My indisposition has given me no time +to prepare for the honour of meeting you in such a way as I would have +wished. You have given joy, consolation, and hope to my heart, and +encouragement to go on in that way which you honour with your welcome +and your sympathy; and I shall thank this your generosity in the most +effective manner, by following your advice and by further using those +exertions which have met your approbation. + + * * * * * + +XXXI.--ON WASHINGTON'S POLICY. + +[_Speech on the Anniversary of Washington's Birthday, Cincinnati_.] + +A splendid entertainment was prepared, to which six hundred persons sat +down. After the toasts many energetic speeches were made. Mr. Corry +said:-- + +The time has come for our mighty Republic to stand by its friends and +brave its enemies. There is a confederation of tyrants now marching +across the cinders of Europe. Are we to take no heed of their +aggressions at our doors? It is for us to aid the people of the old +world against their tyrants, as we were aided to get rid of ours. Ohio +will not fail in her duty. + +The president of the evening, Mr. James J. Foran, observed:-- + +In 1849 we held in this city the first meeting, I believe, in the United +States on this subject, and expressed our indignation at the +unwarrantable interference of Russia. We declared it to be our duty, as +a free and powerful government, to notify to Russia, that her +interference in the affairs of Hungary must cease, or the United States +would cast their strength on the side of justice and right against +tyranny and oppression.... In the great struggle which is approaching +between liberty and absolutism we shall be compelled to act a part. It +will not do to rely altogether on either a just cause or the +interposition of Providence. It is well to have both of these; but to +add to them our own exertions, is indispensable to human success. + +Here, "in the wilderness," in the bosom of the Great West, in the city +of one hundred and fifty thousand inhabitants, whence emanated the first +public move in America for his personal cause, and also his liberation +from captivity, do we welcome Louis Kossuth, the champion of +self-government in Europe. + +Kossuth in response said:-- + +Mr. President: I consider it a particular favour of Providence that I am +permitted to partake, on the present solemn occasion, in paying the +tribute of honour and gratitude to the memory of your immortal +Washington. + +An architect having raised a proud and noble building to the service of +the Almighty, his admirers desired to erect a monument to his memory. +How was it done? His name was inscribed upon the wall, with these +additional words: "You seek his monument--look around." + +Let him who looks for a monument of Washington, look around the United +States. The whole country is a monument to him. Your freedom, your +independence, your national power, your prosperity, and your prodigious +growth, is a monument to Washington. + +There is no room left for panegyric, none especially to a stranger whom +you had full reason to charge with arrogance, were he able to believe +that his feeble voice could claim to be noticed in the mighty harmony of +a nation's praise. Let me therefore, instead of such an arrogant +attempt, pray that that GOD, to whose providential intentions Washington +was a glorious instrument, may impart to the people of the United States +the same wisdom for the conservation of the present prosperity of the +land and for its future security which he gave to Washington for the +foundation of it. + +Allow me, sir, to add, Washington's wisdom consisted in doing all which, +according to the circumstances _of his time_ and the condition of +his country, was necessary to his country's freedom, independence, +welfare, glory, and future security. I pray to God that the people of +this Republic, and all those whom the people's confidence has entrusted +with the honourable charge of directing the helm of the commonwealth, +may be endowed with the same wisdom of doing all which _present_ +circumstances and the _present_ condition of your country point out +to be not only consistent with but necessary to your country's present +glory, present prosperity, and future security. + +Surely, that is the fittest tribute to the memory of Washington, that is +the most faithful adherence to the doctrine which he bequeathed to you, +by far a better tribute, and by far a more faithful adherence, than to +do, literally, the same that he did, amid circumstances quite different +from those you are now surrounded with, and in a condition entirely +different from that in which you and the world are now. + +The principles of Washington are for ever true, and should for ever be +the guiding star to the United States. But to imitate literally the +accidental policy of Washington, would be to violate his principles. If +the spirit of Washington could raise its voice now, in this +distinguished circle of American patriots, it would loudly and +emphatically protest against such a course, and would denounce it as not +only injurious to his memory, but also as dangerous to the future of +this Republic which he founded with such eminent wisdom and glorious +success. + +I have seen, sir, the people of the United States advised to regard the +writings of Washington as the Mahommedan regards the Koran, considering +everything which is not to be found in the Koran as useless to heed. Now +this parallel I, indeed, take for a very curious compliment to the +_memory of Washington_--a compliment at which his immortal spirit +must feel offended, I am sure. + +Why? to what purpose is the immortal light of Heaven beaming in man's +mind, if it be wise not to make any use of it? To what purpose all that +assiduous care about public instruction, and about the propagation of +knowledge and intelligence, if the writings of Washington are the Koran +of America; forbidding the right of private judgment, which the great +majority of your nation claim as a natural right, even in respect to the +Holy Bible, that book of Divine origin? Look to the east where the +Koran rules, obstructing with its absolutism the development of human +intellect: what do you behold there? You behold mighty nations, a noble +race of men, interesting in many respects, teeming with germs of +vitality, and still falling fast into decay, because doomed to +stagnation of their intelligence by that blind faith in their Koran's +absolute perfection, which we see recommended as a model to the people +of this Republic, whose very existence rests on progress. + +Indeed, gentlemen, I dare to say that I yield to nobody in the world, in +reverence and respect to the immortal memory of Washington. His life and +his principles were the guiding star of my life; to that star I looked +up for inspiration and advice, during the vicissitudes of my stormy +life. Hence I drew that devotion to my country and to the cause of +national freedom, which you, gentlemen, and millions of your +fellow-citizens and your national government, are so kind as to honour +by unexampled distinction, though you meet it not brightened by success, +but meet it in the gloomy night of my existence, in that helpless +condition of a homeless wanderer, in which I must patiently bear the +title of an "_imported rebel_" and of a "_beggar_" in the very +land of Washington, for having dared to do what Washington did; for +having dared to do it with less skill and with less success, but, Heaven +knows, not with less honesty and devotion than he did. + +Well, it is useless to remark that Washington would probably have ended +with equal failure, had his country not met that foreign aid for which +they honourably _begged_. It is useless to remark that he would +undoubtedly have failed, if after the glorious battle of Yorktown he had +met a fresh enemy of more than two hundred thousand men, such as we met, +and had been forsaken in that new struggle by all the world. It is +useless to remark that success should not be the only test of virtue on +earth, and fortune should not change the devotion of a patriot into an +outrage and a crime; and particularly not, when success is only torn out +of the hands of patriotism by foreign violence, and by the most +sacrilegious infraction of the common laws of all humanity. All this is +useless to say. I must bear many things--must bear even malignity--but +can bear it more easily, because against the insult of some who plead +the cause of despots in your republic, I have for consolation the +tranquillity of my conscience, the love of my countrymen, the +approbation of generous friends, and the sympathy of millions in that +very land where I meet the title of an "_imported rebel_." + +I was saying, sir, that I yield to no man on earth in reverence to the +memory of the immortal WASHINGTON! Indeed, I consider it not +inconsistent with this reverence to say: Never let past ages bind the +life of future;--let no man's wisdom be _Koran_ to you, dooming +progress to stagnation, and judgment to the meagre task of a mere +rehearsing memory. + +Thus I would speak, should even that which I advocate, be contrary to +what Washington taught--even then I would appeal from the thoughts of a +man, to the spirit of advanced mankind, and from the eighteenth century +to the present age. + +But fortunately I am not in that necessity; what I advocate is not only +not in contradiction, but in strict harmony with Washington's +principles, so much so that I have nothing else to wish than that +Washington's doctrine should be quoted fairly as a system, and not by +picking out single words, and concealing that which gives the +interpretation to these words. + +Indeed I can wish nothing more than that the _principles_ of +Washington should be followed. And I may also be permitted to say, that +not every word of Washington is a principle, and that what he +recommended as a policy according to the exigencies of his time, he +never intended to recommend as a rule for ever to be followed even in +such circumstances which he, with all his wisdom, could neither foresee +nor imagine. And I may be perhaps permitted to wish the people of the +United States should take for a truth, even in respect to the writings +of Washington, what we are taught by the ministers of the Gospel in +respect to the Holy Scriptures--that, by the discretion of private +judgment, a distinction must be made between what is essential and what +is not, between what is substantial and what is accidental, between what +is a principle and what is but a history. + +[Kossuth proceeded to argue concerning the just interpretation of +Washington's words, as in his New York speech; and continued:] + +But what is the present condition upon the basis of which I humbly +plead? Allow me, in answer, to quote the words of one of your most +renowned statesmen, the present Secretary of State. You will find then, +gentlemen, that every word he then spoke, is yet more true and more +appropriate to-day. + +"The holy alliance," says Mr. Webster, "is an alliance of crowns against +the people--of sovereigns against their own subjects;--the union of the +physical force of all governments against the rights of all people, in +all countries. Its tendency is to put an end to all Nations as such. +Extend the principles of that alliance, and the nations are no more. +There are only kings. It divides society horizontally, and leaves the +sovereigns above, and all the people below; it sets up the one above all +rule, all restraint, and puts down the others to be trampled beneath our +feet." + +This is the condition of things to which I claim the attention of +Republican America: moreover, for its own interest's alike, I claim its +attention to the following words from the same statesman, worthy of the +most earnest consideration precisely now-a-days to every American. + +"The declaration of ---- says: the powers have an undoubted right to +take a hostile attitude in regard to those states in which the overthrow +of the government may operate as an example." + +Mark! oh! mark! gentlemen, how this abominable doctrine is carried out +in Hungary, in Prussia, in Schleswig Holstein, and in Hesse Cassel. + +Now, the American statesman proceeds to maintain, that every sovereign +in Europe who goes to war _to repress an example_, is monstrous. +Indeed, if this principle be allowed, what becomes of the United States? +Are you not as legitimate objects for the operation of that principle as +any we attempt to set an example on the other side of the Atlantic. You +thought that when oppressed you might lawfully resist oppression. We, in +Hungary, thought the same; but against us is that monstrous principle of +armed intervention _against setting up an example_. So let me +therefore ask with Mr. Webster: Are you so sick of your liberty and its +effects, as to be willing to part with that doctrine upon which your +very existence rests? Do you forget what you, as a people, owe to +_lawful resistance_? and are you willing to abandon the law and +rights of society to the mercy of the allied despots, who have united to +crush them everywhere? Neutrality? Why, indeed, that would be a strange +explanation of neutrality, if you would sanction by your indifference, +the hostile alliance of all despots against republican, nay, against +constitutional principles on earth. + +But suppose Hungary rises once more to do what Washington did (and be +sure it will), and Russia interferes again and you remain again (what +some of you call) neutral--that is, you remain indifferent--what is the +consequence? Czar Nicholas and Emperor Francis-Joseph may buy and carry +away arms, ammunition, armed ships--nay, even armed sympathizers (if +they find them)--to murder Hungary with and you will protect that +commerce, and consider it a lawful one. But if I buy the same, you don't +protect that commerce; and if I would enlist an "armed expedition," for +what the Czar may do against Hungary, you would send me to prison for +ten years. + +Is that neutrality? The people of Hungary crushed by violence, shall be +nothing, its sovereign right nothing; but the piracy of the Czar, +encroaching upon the sacred rights of mine and many other nations, shall +be regarded as legitimate, against which the United States, though grown +to mighty power on earth, able without any risk of its own security to +maintain the law of nations and the influence of its glorious example, +should still have nothing to object, only because Washington, more than +half a century ago, declared neutrality appropriate to the infant +condition of his country then; and was anxious to gain time, that your +country might settle and mature its recent institutions, and progress to +that degree of strength, when it would be able to defy any power on +earth in a just cause. + +No, gentlemen, my principles may be rejected by the United States, but +never will impartial history acknowledge that by doing thus the United +States followed the principles of Washington. The ruling policy of +Washington may be summed up in the word "_national self-preservation_," +to which he, as the generous emotions of his noble breast prompted, was +ever inclined to subordinate everything. + +And he was right. Self-preservation must be the chief principle of every +nation. But the _means_ of this self-preservation are different in +different times. To-day, I confidently dare state, the duty of +self-preservation commends to the United States, not to allow that the +principle of absolutism should become omnipotent by having a charter +guaranteed to violate the laws of nature and of nature's God, which +Washington and his heroic associates invoked, when they proclaimed the +independence of this Republic. + +A second principle of Washington, and precisely in regard to foreign +nations, is, to extend your commercial relations. That is, again, a +principle, gentlemen, which I boldly can invoke to the support of my +humble claims; because if the league of despots becomes omnipotent in +Europe, it is certain that the commerce of Republican America will very +soon receive a death blow on the other side of the Atlantic; whereas, +the maintenance of the law of nations, by affording a fair field to +Hungary, Italy, and Germany, to settle their accounts with their own +domestic oppressors, would open a vast field to your commercial +relations, larger than imagination can conceive. + +The third principle of Washington is to steer clear of permanent +alliances with any portion of the foreign world. Well, sir, I do not +solicit alliances; I solicit the maintenance of the laws of nations, +that the unholy alliance of despots may not interfere with the natural +right of nations, upon which yourselves have established the lofty hall +of your national independence. + +It is on the stream of these rights that you are borne on in a rapid and +irresistible course of prosperity. Believe me, gentlemen, that course +you cannot check--you could not abandon the privileges upon which you +embarked, without exposing to a shipwreck the glorious future of your +existence and allow me to state that my poor country has some particular +claim to be protected by the consistency of your principles, because +_we are the first nation towards which you have not exercised your +principles._ You say you recognize every _de facto_ government. +Well, why was this not done with Hungary? We shook off the yoke of the +Austrian dynasty, we declared our national independence, and did thus +not in an untimely movement of popular excitement, but after we became +_de facto_ independent, after we had, by crushing our enemy in our +struggle of legitimate defence and driving him out from our country, +proved to the world that we have sufficient strength to take our +position amongst the independent nations of the earth. + +And still the United States (which they never yet have done) withheld +the benefit of their recognition, which we have full reason to believe +would have been immediately followed by other recognitions, and thus +would have prevented the foreign interference of Russia, by encouraging +our national independence within those boundaries of diplomatic +communication which no isolated power dared yet to disregard. + +Sir, I have studied the history of your immortal Washington and have, +from my early youth, considered his principles as a living source of +instruction to statesmen and to patriots. + +I now ask you to listen to Washington himself. + +When, in that very year, in which Washington issued his Farewell +Address, M. Adet, the French Minister, presented him the flag of the +French Republic, Washington, as president of the United States, answered +officially, with these memorable words: + +"Born in a land of liberty, having early learned its value, having +engaged in a perilous conflict to defend it, having devoted the best +years of my life to secure its permanent establishment in my country, my +anxious recollections, my sympathetic feelings, and my best wishes, are +irresistibly attracted, whensoever in any country I see an oppressed +nation unfurl the banner of freedom." + +Thus spoke Washington. Have I not then full reason to say, that if he +were alive his generous sympathy would be with me, and the sympathy of a +Washington never was, and never would be, a barren word. Washington who +raised the word "honesty" as a rule of policy, never would have +professed a sentiment which his wisdom as a statesman would not have +approved. + +Sir! here let me end. I consider it already as an immense benefit that +your generous attention connected the cause of Hungary with the +celebration of the memory of Washington. + +Spirit of the departed! smile down from heaven upon this appreciation of +my country's cause; watch over those principles which thou hast taken +for the guiding star of thy noble life, and the time will yet come when +not only thine own country, but liberated Europe also, will be a living +monument to thy immortal name. + +[Many other toasts, and highly energetic speeches followed, which our +limits force us to exclude.] + + * * * * * + +XXXII.--KOSSUTH'S CREDENTIALS. + +[_Farewell to Ohio, Feb. 25th_.] + +Sir,--I am about to bid an affectionate farewell to Cincinnati, and +through Cincinnati to the commonwealth of Ohio--that bright morning star +of consolation and of hope risen from the West over the gloomy horizon +of Hungary's and of Europe's dark night! + +Ohio! how that name thrills through the very heart of my heart, with +inexpressible pleasure, like the first trumpet sound of resurrection in +the ears of the chosen just! + +Ohio! how I will cherish that very name, the dearest of my soul, after +the name of my beloved own dear fatherland. + +How I long for words of flame to express all the warmth of my heartfelt +gratitude! And still how poor I feel in words, precisely because my +heart is so full; so full, that I can scarcely speak--because every +pulsation of my blood is fervent prayer to God for Ohio's glory and +happiness. + +Let me dispense with empty words--let what Ohio _did_, _does_, and _will +do_, for the cause of European freedom, be its own monument! + +I have met many a fair flower of sympathy in this great united Republic, +but all Ohio has been to me a blooming garden of sympathy. From the +first step on Ohio's soil to the last,--along all my way up to Cleveland +down to Columbus, and across to Cincinnati, and also beyond the line of +my joyful way,--in every city, in every town, in every village, in every +lonely farm, I have met the same generosity, the same sympathy. + +The people, penetrated by one universal inspiration of lofty principles, +told me everywhere that Hungary must yet be free; that the people of +Ohio will not permit the laws of nations, of justice, and of humanity, +to be trampled down by the sacrilegious combination of despotism; that +the people of Ohio takes the league of despots against liberty and +against the principle of national self-government, for an insult offered +to the great republic of the West; that it takes it for an insult which +Ohio will not bear, but will put all the weight of its power into the +political scale. Would that all the United States with equal resolution +might spurn that insult to humanity. + +That is the language which Ohio spoke to me through hundreds of +thousands of freemen--that is the language which Ohio spoke to me +through her senators and representatives in their high legislative +capacity--that is the language which Ohio spoke to me through her chief, +whom it has elevated to govern the commonwealth and to execute the +people's sovereign will. + +The executive power, the legislature, the people, all united in that +harmony of generous protection to the just cause which I humbly plead; +but that is not all yet. Sympathy and political protection I have met +also everywhere; and have met it as well in the public opinion of the +people as in the executive and legislative departments of several +States, though it is a due tribute of acknowledgment to say, that +nowhere to that extent and in equal universality as in Ohio, but that +is yet not all. + +The sympathy of Ohio was rich in fair fruits of substantial aid--from +the hall of the State legislature down to the humble abode of +noble-minded working men--and associations of the friends of Hungary, +spread through that powerful commonwealth, promise a permanent, noble +protection to the cause I plead. + +Even the present occasion of bidding farewell to Ohio is of such a +nature as to entitle me, by its very organization to the hope that you +consider your noble task of aiding the cause of Hungary not yet done; +but that you have determined to go on in a practical direction, till +the future, developed by your active protection, proves to be richer yet +in fruit than the present is. + +Considering the almost universal pronouncement of public opinion in this +great and prosperous commonwealth--considering the practical character +of the people of the West, the natural efficiency of this organization, +and _who_ are those who with generous zeal have devoted themselves +to carry it out on a large extent,--I may be well excused for +entertaining some expectations of no common success--of a success which +also in other parts of this great Union, may prove decisive in its +effects. No greater misfortune could be met with than disappointment in +such expectations, which we have been by the strongest possible motives +encouraged to conceive. To be disappointed in hopes we have justly +relied on, would be beyond all imagination terrible in its consequences. +I shudder at the very idea of the boundless woes it could not fail to be +attended with, not for myself--I attach not much value to my own +life,--but for thousands, nay for millions of men. + +I know, gentlemen, that _here_ the question is entirely matter of +time. But in regard to time, I am permitted to say so much. + +The outbreak of the unavoidable, decisive struggle between the two +opposite principles of freedom and despotism is hurried on in Europe by +two great impulses. The first is the insupportability of oppression +connected with the powerfully developed organization of the oppressed, +which by its very progress imposes the necessity of no delay. Be pleased +earnestly to reflect upon what I rather suggest than explain. And be +pleased also to read between the lines. I, of course, speak not of +anything relating to your country. I state simply European fact, of +which every thinking man, the Czars and their satellites themselves, are +fully aware, though the how and the where they cannot grasp. + +The second impulse, hurrying events to a decision, is that very combined +scheme of activity which the despots of Europe too evidently display. +They know full well that they are on the brink of an inevitable +retribution; that their crimes have pushed them to the point, where +either their power will cease for ever to exist, or they must risk all +for all. In former times they relied at the hour of danger upon the +generous credulity of nations. By seemingly submitting, when the people +arose irresistible, they conjured the fury of the storm They saved +themselves by promises, and when the danger was over, they restored +their abused power by breaking their oath and by deceiving their +nations. By this atrocious impiety you have seen several victorious +revolutions in Europe deprived of their fruits and sinking to nothing +by having made compromise with royal perjury. I am too honest, +gentlemen, not to confess openly, that I myself shared this error of the +Old World--I myself plead guilty of that fatal European credulity. The +tyrants who by falsehood have gained their end, are aware that they have +no security; that the nations have lost faith in their oaths, and will +never be cheated again. + +Hence, gentlemen, a very essential novelty in the present condition of +Europe. Formerly every revolution was followed by some slight progress +in the development of constitutionalism. A little more liberty to the +press, some sort of a trial by jury, a nominal responsibility of +ministers, or a mockery of popular representation in the +Legislature--something of that sort always resulted, momentarily, out of +former revolutions; and then the consciousness of being deceived by vile +mockery led to new revolutions. + +But when in 1848 and 1849, our victories in Hungary had shaken to the +very foundation the artificial building of oppression, so that there was +no more hope left to tyranny, but to shelter itself under the wings of +Russia, the Czar told them--well, I accept the part of becoming your +master, ye kings, and I will help you, but _you must be obedient_ +You, yourselves have encouraged revolutions, by making concessions to +them. I like not this everlasting resurrection of revolutions; it +disturbs my sleep. I am not sure not to find it at my own home some fine +morning. I therefore will help you, my servants, but under the +condition, that it is not only the bold Hungarians who must be crushed, +it is _revolution_ which must be crushed, its very spirit, in its +very vitality, everywhere; and to come to this aim, you must abandon all +shame as to sworn promises; withdraw every concession made to the spirit +of revolution; not the slightest freedom, no privilege, no political +right, no constitutional aspirations must be permitted; all and +everything must be levelled by the equality of passive obedience and +absolute servitude. + +"Look to my Russia; I make no concessions, I rule with an iron rod, and +I am obeyed. All you must do the same and not govern, but domineer by +universal oppression. That is my sovereign will--obey." + +Thus spoke the Czar. It is no opinion which I relate. It is a fact, a +historical fact, which the Czar openly proclaimed on several occasions, +particularly in that characteristic declaration, to which the +high-minded General Cass alluded in his remarkable speech on +"_non-intervention_" in the Senate of the United States, on the +10th day of February. The Czar Nicholas, complaining, that +"_insurrection has spread in every nation with an audacity which has +gained new force in proportion to the concessions of the +Governments_" declares that he considers it his divine mission to +crush the _Spirit of Liberty_ on earth, which he arrogantly terms +the spirit of insurrection and of anarchy. + +By this you have the definition of what is meant by the words of "war +for what principle shall rule." _The issue must be felt, not only in +Europe, but here also and everywhere_; the issue will not leave a +chance for a new struggle, either to kings or to nations, for a long +time perhaps, and probably for centuries. + +In that condition you can see the key of the remarkable fact, that when +I left my Asiatic prison under the protection of the star-spangled +flag--nations of different climates, different languages, different +institutions, different inclinations, united in the pronunciation of +sympathy, expectation, encouragement, and hope around my poor humble +self,--Italians, French, Portuguese, the people of England, Belgians, +Germans, Swiss and Swedes. It was the instinct of common danger, it was +the instinct of necessary union. It was no mere tribute of recognition +paid to the important weight of Hungary in the scale of this intense +universal struggle. It was still more a call of distress, entrusted by +the voice of mankind to my care, to bring it over to free America, as to +the natural and most powerful representative of that "Spirit of Liberty" +against which the leagued tyrants are waging a war of extermination with +inexorable resolution. Yes, it was a call of distress entrusted to my +care, to remind America that there is a tie in the destinies of nations; +and that those are digging a bottomless abyss who forsake the Spirit of +Liberty, when within the boundaries of common civilization half the +world utters in agony the call of universal distress. + +That is the mission with which I come to your shores; and believe me, +gentlemen, that is the key of that wonderful sympathy with which the +people of this republic answers my humble appeal. There is blood from +our blood in these noble American hearts; there is the great heart of +mankind which pulsates in the American breast; there is the chord of +liberty which vibrates to my sighs. + +Let ambitious fools, let the pigmies who live on the scanty food of +personal envy, when the very earth quakes beneath their feet, let even +the honest prudence of ordinary household times, measuring eternity with +that thimble with which they are wont to measure the bubbles of small +party interest, and, taking the dreadful roaring of the ocean for a +storm in a water glass, let those who believe the weather to be calm +because they have drawn a nightcap over their ears, and, burying their +heads into pillows of domestic comfort, do not hear Satan sweeping in a +hurricane over the earth; let envy, ambition, blindness, and the +pettifogging wisdom of small times, artistically investigate the +question of my official capacity, or the nature of my public authority; +let them scrupulously discuss the immense problem whether I still +possess, or possess no longer, the title of my once-Governorship; let +them ask for credentials, discuss the limits of my commission, as +representative of Hungary. I pity all such frog and mouse fighting. + +I claim no official capacity--no public authority--no representation; +boast of no commission, of no written and sealed credentials. I am +nothing but what my generous friend, the Senator of Michigan, has justly +styled me, "a private and banished man." But in that capacity I have a +nobler credential for my mission than all the clerks of the world can +write, the credential that I am a "man,"--the credential that I am "a +patriot"--the credential that I love with all sacrificing devotion my +oppressed fatherland and liberty; the credential that I hate tyrants, +and have sworn everlasting hostility to them; the credential that I feel +the strength to do good service to the cause of freedom; good service as +perhaps few men can do, because I have the iron will, in this my breast, +to serve faithfully, devotedly, indefatigably, that noble cause. + +I have the credential that I trust to God in heaven, to justice on +earth; that I offend no laws, but cling to the protection of laws. I +have the credential of my people's undeniable confidence and its +unshaken faith, to my devotion, to my manliness, to my honesty, and to +my patriotism; which faith I will honestly answer without ambition, +without interest, as faithfully as ever, but more skilfully, because +schooled by adversities. And I have the credential of the justice of the +cause I plead, and of the wonderful sympathy, which, not my person, but +that cause, has met and meets in two hemispheres. + +These are my credentials, and nothing else. To whom this is enough, he +will help me, so far as the law permits and is his good pleasure. To +whom these credentials are not sufficient, let him look for a better +accredited man. + +I have too lively a sentiment of my own modest dignity, ever to +condescend to polemics about my own personal merits or abilities. I +believe my life has been public enough to appertain to the impartial +judgment of history, but it may have perhaps interested you to hear, +how, in a small and inconsiderable circle of the Hungarian emigration, +the idea was started that I must be opposed, because I have declared +against all compromise with the House of Austria, or with royalty, and +because by declaring that my direction will be in every case only +republican, I make every arrangement, without revolution, impossible. +That I should be thus attacked at this crisis, does look like an +endeavour to check a benefit to my country, but I cannot forbear humbly +to beseech you, do not therefore think less favourably of my nation and +of the Hungarian emigration, for which I am sorry that I can do very +little, because I devote myself and all the success I may meet with to a +higher aim--to my country's freedom and independence. Believe me, +gentlemen, that my country and its exiled martyr sons are highly worthy +of your generous sympathy, though some few of the number do not always +act as they should. + +They are but few who do so, and it would be unjust to measure all of us +by the faults of some few. Upon the whole, I am proud to say that the +Hungarian emigration was scrupulous to merit generous sympathy, and to +preserve the honour of the Hungarian name. Remember that though you are +Republicans, still here, in the very metropolis of Ohio, a man was found +to lecture for Russo-Austrian despotism, and to lecture with the +astonishing boldness of an immense ignorance. + +But that good man I can dismiss with silence, the more because it is +with high appreciation and warm gratitude that I saw an honourable +gentleman, animated with the most generous sentiments of justice and +right, take immediately upon himself the task of refutation. I may +perhaps be permitted to remark, that that learned and honourable +gentleman, besides having nobly advocated the cause of freedom, justice, +and truth, has also well merited of his co-religionaries, who belong +together with himself, _to the Roman Catholic Church_. + +Gentlemen, I have but one word yet, and it is a sad one--the word of +farewell. Cincinnati, Ohio, farewell! May the richest blessings of the +Almighty rest upon thee! In every heart, and in the hearts of my people, +thy name will for ever live, a glorious object for our everlasting love +and gratitude. + + * * * * * + +XXXIII.--HARMONY OF THE EXECUTIVE AND OF THE PEOPLE IN AMERICA. + +[_Speech at Indianapolis_.] + +Kossuth was received at the State House of Indianapolis by Governor +Wright, who, in the course of his address said: + +Although I participate with my fellow-citizens in the pleasure +occasioned by your presence among us, yet it is not as an +_individual_ that I greet you with the words of welcome and +hospitality. No, sir,--it is in the name of the people of the State, +whom I represent, and whose warrant I feel that I have; and I bid you +welcome to-day, and assure you not only of my own but of their sympathy +and encouragement in the great cause you so ably represent. + +He closed with the words: + +If it shall be your fortune to lead your countrymen again in the contest +for liberty, be assured that the people of the United States, at least, +will not be indifferent, nor, if need be, inactive spectators of a +conflict that may involve, not only the independence of Hungary, but the +freedom of the world. + +Again I bid you a most cordial welcome to the State of Indiana. + +Kossuth replied:-- + +Governor,--Amongst all that I have been permitted to see in the United +State's, nothing has more attracted my attention than that part of your +democratic institutions which I see developed in the mutual and +reciprocal relations between the people and the constituted public +authorities. + +In that respect there is an immense difference between Europe and +America, for the understanding of which we have to take into account the +difference of the basis of the political organization, and together with +it what the public and social life has developed in both hemispheres. + +The great misfortune of Europe is, that the present civilization was +born in those cursed days when Republicanism set and Royalty rose. It +was a gloomy change. Nearly twenty centuries have passed, and torrents +of blood have watered the red-hot chains, and still the fetters are not +broken; nay--it is our lot to have borne its burning heat--it is our lot +to grasp with iron hand the wheels of its crushing car. Destiny--no; +Providence--is holding the balance of decision; the tongue is wavering +yet; one slight weight more into the one, or into the other scale, will +again decide the fate of ages, of centuries. + +Upon this mischievous basis of royalty was raised the building of +authority; not of that authority which commands spontaneous reverence by +merit and the value of its services, but of that authority which +oppresses liberty. Hence the authority of a public officer in +unfortunate Europe consists in the power to rule and to command, and not +in the power to serve his country well--it makes men oppressive +downwards, while it makes them creeping before those who are above. Law +is not obeyed out of respect, but out of fear. A man in public office +takes himself to be better than his countrymen, and becomes arrogant and +ambitious; and because to hold a public office is seldom a claim to +confidence, but commonly a reason to lose confidence; it is not a mark +of civic virtue and of patriotic devotion, but a stain of civic apostacy +and of venality; it is not a claim to be honoured, but a reason to be +distrusted; so much so, that in Europe the sad word of the poet is +indeed a still more sad fact.-- + + "When vice prevails and impious man bears sway + The post of honour is a private station." + +So was it even in my own dear fatherland. Before our unfortunate but +glorious revolution of 1848, the principle of royalty had so much +spoiled the nature and envenomed the character of public office, that +(of course except those who derived their authority by election--which +we for our municipal life conserved amongst all the corruption of +European royalty through centuries) no patriot accepted an office in the +government: to have accepted one was to have resigned patriotism. + +It was one of the brightest principles of our murdered Revolution--that +public office was restored to the place of civic virtue, and opened to +patriotism, by being raised from the abject situation of a tool of +oppression, to the honourable position of serving the country well. +Alas! that bright day was soon overpowered by the gloomy clouds of +despotism, brought back to our sunny sky by the freezing gale of Russian +violence. And on the continent of Europe there is night again. There is +scarcely one country where the wishes and the will of the people are +reflected in the government. There is no government which can say: + +"My voice is the echo of the people's voice--I say what my people feels; +I proclaim what my people wills; I am the embodiment of his principles, +and not the controller of his opinion: the people and myself--we are +one." + +No, on the continent of Europe people and governments are two hostile +camps. What immense mischief, pregnant with oppression and with nameless +woe, is encompassed within the circle of this single fact! + +How different the condition of America! It is not _men_ who rule, +but _the law;_ and law is obeyed, because the people is respecting +the general will by respecting the law. Public office is a place of +honour, because it is the field for patriotic devotion. Governments have +not the arrogant pretension to be the masters of the people; but have +the proud glory to be its faithful servants. A public officer ceases not +to be a citizen; he has doubly the character of a citizen, by sharing in +and by executing the people's will. And whence this striking difference? +It is because the civilization of America is founded upon the principle +of Democracy. It was born when Royalty declined, and Republicanism rose. +Hence the delightful view, not less instructive than interesting, that +here in America, instead of the clashing dissonance between the words +"government" and "people" we see them melting into one accord of +harmony. + +Thus here the public opinion of the people never can fail to be a direct +rule for the government, and reciprocally the word of the government +has the weight of a fact by the people's support. When your government +speaks, it is the people which speaks. + +Sir, I most humbly thank your Excellency, that you have been pleased to +afford to me the benefit of hearing and seeing that delightful as well +as happy harmony between the people and the government of the State of +Indiana, in the support of that noble and just cause which I plead, on +the issue of which, not the future of my country only depends, but +together with it, the future condition of all those parts of our globe +which are confined within the boundaries of Christian civilization, +which, be sure of it, gentlemen, in the ultimate issue, will have the +same fate. + +Sir, it is not without reason, that at Indianapolis in particular,--and +to your Excellency, the truly faithful, the high-minded, and the +deservedly popular Chief Magistrate of this Commonwealth, I speak that +word. It is not the first time that your Excellency, surrounded as now, +has spoken as the honoured organ of the public opinion of Indiana. It is +not yet two years since your Excellency did the same on the occasion of +a visit of the favourite son of Kentucky, Governor Crittenden. I well +remember the topic of your eloquence. It was the solicitude of Indiana +in regard to the glorious Union of these Republics. May God preserve it +for ever! But precisely because you, the favourite son of Indiana and +the honoured representatives of the sovereign people of Indiana--in one +accord of perfect harmony esteem the Gordian knot of the Union above +all, allow me to say once more, that if the United States permit the +principle of non-interference to be blotted out from the code of nations +on earth, foreign interference mingling with some domestic discord, +perhaps with that which two years ago called forth your patriotic +solicitude for the Union; yes, foreign interference mingling with some +of your domestic discords, will be the Alexander who will cut asunder +the Gordian knot of your Union, in this our present century. + +Republics exist upon principles: they are secure only when they act upon +principles. He who does not accept a principle, asserted by another, +will not long enjoy the benefit of it himself; and nations always perish +by their own sin. Oh may those whom your united people entrusted with +the noble care to be guardians of your Union--be pleased to consider +that truth ere it be too late. + +Sir, to the State of Indiana I am in many respects particularly obliged. +True, I have had invitations to visit many other States, but the +invitation from the State of Indiana was first received. Please to +accept my warmest thanks. I have seen in other States a harmony between +the people and the government, but nowhere has the Governor of a State +condescended to represent the people in a public welcome, nowhere +stepped out as the orator of the people's sympathy and its sentiment. I +most humbly thank you for this honour. + +In Maryland, the Governor introduced me to the Legislature. In +Pennsylvania the chief Magistrate was the organ of a common welcome of +the Legislature and Citizens. In Massachusetts he took the lead as the +people's elect in recommending my principles to the Legislature--and in +Ohio the chief Magistrate, by accepting the Presidency of the +Association of the friends of Hungary, became generally the executive of +the people's practical sympathy, which so magnanimously responded to the +many political manifestations of its Representatives in the Legislature. + +Let me hope, sir, that as you have been generously pleased to be the +interpreter of Indiana's welcome and sympathy, you will also not refuse +to become the Chief Executive Magistrate to the practical development of +the same. + +I may cordially thank, in the name of my cause, the people of Indiana, +its Governor, and Representatives, for the high honour of the +Legislature's invitation, and of this public welcome. + + * * * * * + +XXXIV.--IMPORTANCE OF FOREIGN POLICY, AND OF STRENGTHENING ENGLAND. + +[_Speech at Louisville, March 6th_.] + +At the Court House, Louisville, Kossuth was addressed by Bland Ballard, +Esq., and replied as follows: + +Whatever be the immediate issue of that discussion about foreign policy, +which now so eminently occupies public attention throughout the United +States, from the Capitol and White-house at Washington down to the +lonely farms of your remotest territories, one fact I have full reason +to take for sure, and that is: That when the trumpet-sound of national +resurrection is once borne over the waves of the Atlantic announcing to +you that nations have risen to assert those rights to which they are +called by nature and nature's God--when the roaring of the first +cannon-shot announces that the combat is begun which has to decide which +principle is to rule over the Christian world--absolutism or national +sovereignty--there is no power on earth which could induce the people of +the United States to remain inactive and indifferent spectators of that +great struggle, in which the future of the Christian world--yes, the +future of the United States themselves is to be decided. The people of +the United States will not remain indifferent and inactive spectators +and will not authorize, will not approve, any policy of indifference. +You yourself have told me so, sir. + +In the position of every considerable country there is a necessity of a +certain course, to adopt which cannot be avoided, and may be almost +called destiny. The duty as well as the wisdom of statesmen consists in +the ability to steer, in time, the vessel into that course, which, if +they neglect to do in time, the price will be higher and the profit +less. + +There is scarcely anything which has more astonished me than the +fact--that, for the last thirty-seven years, almost every Christian +nation has shared the great fault of not caring much about what are +called foreign matters, foreign policy. Precisely the great nations, +England, France, America, which might have regulated the course of their +governments for a very considerable period, abandoned almost entirely +that part of their public concerns, which with great nations is the most +important of all, because it regulates the position of the country in +its great national capacity. The slightest internal interest was +discussed publicly and regulated previously by the nation, before the +government had to execute it; but, as to the most important +interest--the national position of the country and its relations to the +world, Secret Diplomacy, a fatality of mankind, stepped in, and the +nations had to accept the consequences of what was already done, though +they subsequently reproved it. In England, I four months ago, avowed +that all the interior questions together cannot equal in importance the +exterior; _there_ is summed up the future of Britain: and if the +people of England do not cut short the secrecy of diplomacy--if it do +not in time take this all absorbing interest into its own hands, as it +is wont to do with every small home interest, it will have to meet +immense danger very soon, as this danger has already seriously +accumulated by former neglect. Here too, in the United States, there is +no possible question equal in importance to foreign policy, and +especially in regard to European matters. And I say that, if the United +States do not in due time adopt such a course, as will prevent the Czar +of Russia, and his despotic satellites, from believing that the United +States give them entirely free field to regulate the condition of +Europe, which cannot fail to react morally and materially on your +condition, then indeed embarrassments, sufferings, and danger will +accumulate in a very short time over you. + +Great Britain, it is clear as matters now stand, can avoid a war with +the continental powers of Europe only by joining their alliance, or at +least by giving them security, that England will not only not support +the liberal movement on the Continent, but that it will submit to the +policy of the absolutist powers. It is not impossible that England will +yield. Do not forget, gentlemen, that an English ministry, be it Tory or +Whig, is always more or less aristocratic, and it is in the nature of +aristocracy that it may love its country well, but indeed aristocracy +more. There is therefore always some inclination to be on good terms +with whoever is an enemy to what aristocracy considers its own enemy, +that is, democracy. This consideration, together with the above +mentioned carelessness of the people about foreign policy, gives you the +key to many events which else it would be impossible to understand. +People against another people should never feel hatred, but brotherly +sympathy. The memory of oppression suffered from governments should +never be imparted to nations, and children should never be hated, +despised, or punished, because their fathers have sinned. We Hungarians +wrestled for centuries with Turkey, and now we are friends, true +friends, and natural allies against a common enemy. Several of my own +ancestors lost their lives in Turkish wars, or their property in ransom +out of Turkish captivity; yet to me it is a Turkish Sultan who saved my +life and gave bread to thousands of my countrymen, which no other power +did on earth. Such is the change of time. It is Russia which crushed my +bleeding fatherland, yet the inexorable hatred of my heart does not +extend to the people of Russia. I love that people--I pity its poor, +unfortunate instruments of despotism. Wherever there is a people, there +is my love. Therefore, let the passionate excitement of past times +subside before the prudent advice of present necessities. You are blood +from England's blood, bone from its bone, and flesh from its flesh. The +Anglo-Saxon race was the kernel around which gathered this glorious +fruit--your Republic. Every other nationality is oppressed. It is the +Anglo-Saxon alone which stands high and erect in its independence. You, +the younger brother, are entirely free, because Republican. They, the +elder brother, are monarchical, but they have a constitution, and they +have many institutions which even you retained, and, by retaining them, +have proved that they are institutions congenial to freedom, and dear to +freemen. The free press, the jury, free speech, the freedom of +association, the institution of municipalities, the share of the people +in the legislature, are English institutions; the inviolability of +person and the inviolability of property are English principles. England +is the last stronghold of these principles in Europe. Is this not enough +to make you stand side by side with those principles in behalf of +oppressed humanity? + +If the United States and England unite in policy now and make by their +imposing attitude a breakwater to the ambitious league of despotism, the +Anglo-Saxon race, with all who gathered around that kernel, will not +only have the glorious pleasure of having saved the Christian world from +being absorbed by despotism, but you especially will have the noble +satisfaction of having contributed to the progress and to the +development of freedom in England, Scotland, and Ireland themselves: for +the principles of national sovereignty, independence, and +self-government, when restored on the continent of Europe, must in a +beneficent manner reach upon those islands themselves. They may remain +monarchical, if it be their will to do so, but the parliamentary +omnipotence, which absorbs all that _you_ call _State_ rights +and self-government, will yield to the influence of Europe's liberated +continent. England will govern its own domestic concerns by its own +parliament, and Scotland its own, and Ireland its own, just as the +states of your galaxy do; the three countries are destined to mutual +connection, by their geographical relations, by far more than New York +with Louisiana or Carolina with California. By conserving the +state-rights of self-government to all of them they will unite in a +common government for the common interest, as you have done. _Union, +and not unity, must be the guiding star of the future_ with every +power composed of several distinct bodies, and though I am a republican +more perhaps than thousands who are citizens of a republic, inasmuch as +I have known all the curse of having had a king--still such a +development of Great Britain's future, were it even connected with +monarchy, I, a true republican, would hail with fervent joy. To +contribute to such a future, I indeed should consider more practical +support to the cause of freedom, to the cause of Ireland itself, than, +out of passionate aversions either for past or present wrongs, to +discourage, nay, almost force Great Britain to submit to the threatening +attitude of despots or even to side with them against liberty. Out of +such a submission there can never result any good to any one in the +world, and certainly none to you--none to the nations of Europe--none to +Ireland--but increased oppression to Europe and Ireland, and danger to +you yourselves. + +I therefore say that a war side by side with England against the leagued +despots, if war should become a necessity, is not an idea to look on in +advance with aversion. You have united with England on a far less +important occasion. And should England _not_ yield to the despots, +I most confidently ask whoever in the United States inclines to judge +matters according to the true interests of his country and not by +private passion, whether you _could_ remain indifferent in a +struggle, the issue of which either would make England omnipotent on +earth, or crush liberty down throughout the world, leave America exposed +to the pressure of victorious despotism, and before all, exclude +republican America from every political and commercial relation with all +Europe. Should England see that she will not stand alone in protesting +against interference, she will, she must protest against it, because it +is the condition of her own future. But if the United States should +again adhere to the policy of indifference (which is no policy at all), +then indeed England may perhaps yield to the threatening attitude of the +absolutist powers. The policy of the United States may now decide the +direction of the policy of England, and thus prevent immense mischief, +incalculable in its consequences, even for the future of the United +States themselves. + +It is here I take the opportunity briefly to refer to an assertion of an +American statesman, who holds a high place in your affections and in my +respect. He advances the theory, that, should, you now take the course +which I humbly claim, the despots of Europe would be provoked by your +example to interfere with your institutions and turn upon you in the +hour of your weakness and exhaustion, because you have set an example of +interference. + +I indeed am at a loss to understand that. Is it interference I claim? +No; precisely the contrary, if you now declare "that your very existence +being founded on that principle of the eternal laws of nature and of +nature's God--that every nation has the independent right to regulate +its domestic concerns, to fix its institutions and its government"--you +cannot contemplate with indifference that the absolutist powers form a +league of mutual support against this principle of mankind's common law. +You therefore protest against this principle of "foreign interference." +I indeed cannot understand by what logic such a protest could be taken +up by the despotic powers as a pretext for interference in your domestic +concerns. My logic is entirely different. It runs thus; If your country +remains an indifferent spectator of the violation of the laws of nations +by foreign interference, _then_ it has established a precedent--it +has consented that the principle of interference become interpolated +into the book of international law, and you will see the time when the +league of despots commanding the whole force of oppressed Europe will +remind you thus: + +"Russia has interfered in Hungary, because it considered the example set +up by Hungary dangerous to Russia. America has silently recognized the +right of that interference. France has interfered in Rome, because the +example of the Roman democracy was dangerous to Prance. America has +silently agreed. The absolutist governments, in protection of their +divine right, have leagued in a saintly alliance, with the openly avowed +purpose to aid one another by mutual interference against the spirit of +revolution and the anarchy of republicanism. America has not protested +against it; therefore the principle of foreign interference against +every dangerous example has, by common consent of every power on +earth--contradicted by none, not even by America--become an established +international law." + +And reminding you thus, they will speak to you in the very words of that +distinguished statesman to whom I respectfully allude. + +"You have quitted the ground upon which your national existence is +founded. You have consented to the alteration of the laws of +nations--the existence of your republic is dangerous to us; _we +therefore, believing that your anarchical (that is, republican) +doctrines are destructive of, and that monarchical principles are +essential to, the peace and security and happiness of our subjects, will +obliterate the bed which has nourished such noxious weeds; we will crush +you down as the propagandists of doctrines too destructive to the peace +and good order of the world."_ + +I have quoted the very words, very unexpectedly given to +publicity,--words, which I out of respect and personal affection, did +not answer then, precisely because I took the interview for a private +one. Even now I refrain from entering into further discussion, out of +the same considerations of respect, though I am challenged by this +unlooked for publicity. I will say nothing more. But after having +quoted the very words, I leave to the public opinion to judge whether +their authority is against or for a national protest against the +principle of foreign interference. + +Let once the principle become established with your silent consent and +you will soon see it brought home to you, and brought home in a moment +of domestic discord, which Russian secret diplomacy and Russian gold +will skilfully mix. You may be sure of it; and this mighty Union will +be shaken by that very principle of foreign interference which you +silently let be established as an uncontroverted rule for the despots of +the earth. + +Great countries are under the necessity of holding the position of a +power on earth. If they do not thus, foreign powers dispose of their +most vital interests. Indifference to the condition of the foreign world +is a wilful abdication of their duty, and of their independence. +Neutrality, as a constant rule, is impossible to a great power. Only +small countries, as Switzerland and Belgium, can exist upon the basis of +neutrality. + +Great powers may remain neutral in a particular case, but they cannot +take neutrality for a constant principle, and they chiefly cannot remain +neutral in respect to principles. + +Great powers can never play with impunity the part of no power at all. + +Neutrality when taken _as a principle_ means indifference to the +condition of the world. + +Indifference of a great power to the condition of the world is a chance +given to foreign powers to regulate the interests of that indifferent +foreign power. + +Look in what light you appear before the world with your policy of +indifference. Look at the instructions of your navy in the +Mediterranean, recently published, forbidding American officers even to +speak politics in Europe. Look at the correspondences of your commodores +and consuls, frightened to their very souls that a poor exile on board +an American ship is cheered by the people of Italy and France, and +charging him for the immense crime of having met sympathy without any +provocation on his part. Look at the cry of astonishment of European +writers, that Americans in Europe are so little republican. Look how +French Napoleonist papers frown indignantly at the idea that the +Congress of the United States dare to honour my humble self. Look how +they consider it almost an insult, that an American Minister, true to +his always professed principles, dares to speak about European politics. +Look how one of my aristocratical antagonists, who quietly keeps house +in France, where I was not permitted to pass, and who, a tool in other +hands, would wish to check my endeavours to benefit my country, because +he would like to get home in some other way than by a revolution and +into a republic--look how he, from Paris in London papers, dares to +scorn the idea that America could pretend to weigh anything in the scale +of European events. + +Do you like this position, free republicans of America? And yet that is +your position in the world now, and that position is the consequence of +your adhering to your policy of indifference, at a time when you needed +to act like a power on earth. + +Remember the Sibylline books. The first three were burned when you +silently let Russian interference be accomplished in Hungary, and did +not give us your recognition when we had achieved and declared our +independence. + +Six books yet remain. The spirit of the age, the Sibylla of opportunity, +holds a second three books over the fire. Do not allow her to burn +them--else only the last three remain, and I fear you will have, without +profit, more to pay for them than would have bought all the nine, and +with them the glory and happiness of an _eternal, mighty Republic!_ + +Gentlemen, I humbly thank you for your kindness, and bid you an +affectionate farewell. + + * * * * * + +XXXV.--CATHOLICISM _VERSUS_ JESUITISM. + +[_At St. Louis, (Missouri.)_] + +Mr. Kasson addressed Kossuth in an ample speech; in which he said:-- + +Everywhere have the untrammelled masses of this people, as you passed, +lifted up their hands and voices, and supplicated the Almighty to give +to you blessing, and to your country redemption. Let this be some +recompense for the privations you have encountered, while, like Aeneas, +you have been wandering an exile from your native, captured, prostrate +Troy. + +I should not do my whole duty without saying, in behalf of the thousands +assembled here, that we have an unshaken confidence in Hungary's chosen +leader. We are not so blind that we cannot observe how no envenomed +shaft was fixed to the bow-string against him, in England and America, +while he was yet a helpless and powerless refugee, within Turkish +hospitality. But when the people were gathering around him in free +countries, shoulder to shoulder--when even the hearts of statesmen began +to open to him, and hope dawned in the Hungarian sky once more, then it +was these arrows of detraction darkened the air, shot from the Court of +the French Usurper, or from the pensioners of autocratic bounty. Your +patient labours and forbearance in your country's cause, while thus +assailed, have won for you, sir, our sincere respect, and another wreath +at the hand of the Muse of History. + +Kossuth replied: + +Gentlemen,--During my brief sojourn in your hospitable city, I have +heard so much local pettiness and so much hypocritical tactics of men +imported from Austria to advocate the cause of Russo-Austrian despotism +in Republican America, and chiefly in your city here, that indeed I +began to long for the pure air where the merry sunshine, as well as the +melancholy drop of rain, the roaring of the thunder storm, equally as +the sigh of the breeze, tell to the oppressors and their tools, and not +only to the oppressed, that there is a God in heaven who rules the +universe by eternal laws; the Almighty Father of humanity, omnipotent in +wisdom, bountiful in His omnipotence, just in His judgment, and eternal +in His love; the Lord who gave strength to the boy David against +Goliath, who often makes out of humble individuals efficient instruments +to push forward the condition of mankind towards that destiny which His +merciful will has assigned to it--His will, against which neither the +proud ambition of despots, nor the skill of their obsequious tools can +prevail--in Him I put my trust and go cheerfully on in my duties. I am +in the right way to benefit the cause, noble and just and great, to +which I devoted my life; for if there were no success in what I am +engaged, the despots would neither fear, nor hate, nor persecute me. + +Their persecution imparts more hope to my breast than all your kindness; +and I give you my word that if I have the consciousness of having well +merited in my past the hatred and the fear of tyrants and their +instruments, so may God bless me as I will do all a mortal man can do to +merit that hatred and that fear still more. + +Why? Am I not standing on the banks of the Mississippi, cheered, +welcomed, and supported, as warmly and as heartily as when I stepped +first upon your glorious shores? Opposition, hostility, venomous +calumny, have exhausted all means to check the sympathy of the people. +And has that sympathy subsided? has it abated? is it checked? No, it +rolls on swelling as I advance--here I have again an imposing evidence +before my eyes, here in St. Louis, my namesake city, where so much, and +that so perseveringly, was done to prevent this evidence. + +Yes, it rolls, and will roll on, swelling till it will finally submerge +all endeavours to mislead the instincts of freemen, to fetter the +energies of the nation, to stifle its spirit, and to check the growing +aspirations of the people's upright heart. + +When the struggle is about principles, indifference is suicide. Nay, +indifference is impossible: for indifference about the fate of that +principle upon which your national existence and all your future +rests--is passive submission to the opposite principle--it is almost +equivalent to an alliance with the despots. _He who is not for freedom +is against freedom_. There is no third choice. + +The people's instinct feels the danger of losing an irreparable +opportunity, and hence the fact, never yet met in history, that a +homeless exile becomes an object of such sympathy, rolling on like a +sea, in spite of all the passionate rage of my enemies, and all the +Christian tolerance of the Reverend Father Jesuits, which they in such +an evident manner show to me. It is time to advertise them by a few +remarks that I am aware of their hostility, and ready to meet it openly. +I make this advertisement by design here, because it is not my custom to +attack from behind or in the dark. Mine is not the famous doctrine, +_that the end sanctifies the means_. I like to meet the enemy face +to face--a fair field and fair arms. + +And in one thing more I will not imitate my reverend opponents. I will +never indulge in any personalities, never act otherwise than becoming to +a gentleman. If they choose to pursue a different course, let them do +so, and let them earn the fruits of it. + +My humble person I entirely submit to the good pleasure of their +passion. If they tell you, gentlemen, that I am no great man, they speak +the truth. Being on good terms with my conscience, I do not much care to +be on bad terms with Czars and Emperors, their obedient servants, and +the reverend father Jesuits. Nay, if I were on good terms with them, I +scarcely could remain on good terms with my conscience. So much for +myself--now a few words as to the question between us. + +I am claiming moral and material aid against that Czar of Russia who is +the most bloody persecutor of Roman Catholics. The present Pope himself, +before the revolution, when he was yet more of a High Priest than of an +Italian Despot, and cared more about spiritual than temporal business, +openly and bitterly complained in the councils of the Cardinals against +that bloody persecution which the Roman Catholics have suffered from the +Czar of Russia. Now, considering that I plead for republican principles, +to which the Reverend Father Jesuits should be _here_ warmly +attached, if they are willing to have the reputation of good citizens, +and not to be traitors to your Republic, which affords to them not only +the protection of its laws, but also the full enjoyment of all the +privileges of your republican freedom;--it is indeed a strange, striking +fact, to see these reverend fathers here in a Republic so warmly +advocating the cause of despotism, and so passionately persecuting the +cause I humbly plead, which at the same time is the cause of political +freedom and religious liberty for numerous millions of Roman Catholics +throughout Europe. + +As I am somewhat acquainted with the terrible history of that Order, I +thought to find the explanation of this striking fact, in the historical +ambition of that Order to rule the world--this, their everlasting +standard idea, to which they in all times sacrificed everything, and +misused even the holiest of all religion, as an instrument to that +ambition. But here in St. Louis I got hold of a definite circumstance +which makes the matter quite clear. + +I hold in my hand the printed Catalogue of the Society of Jesuits in the +province of Missouri, as they term your state. Herein I see that +amongst the thirty-five members officiating in the college of the Father +Jesuits, in St. Louis, there are not less than _eight_ Reverend +Father Jesuits imported from Austria. Now you see why I am so persecuted +here. This plain fact tells the story of a big book. + +But amongst all that the reverend gentlemen oppose to me there are only +two considerations to which the honour of my cause and of my nation +forces me to answer in a few remarks. They charge against me that my +cause is hostile to the Roman Catholic religion, and to get the Irish +citizens to side with them for the support of Russo-Austrian despotism +they charge me that I am no friend of Ireland. + +I. As to the Catholic religion--I indeed am a Protestant, not only by +birth, but also by conviction; and warmly penetrated by this conviction, +I would delight to see the same shared by the whole world. But before +all, I am mortally opposed to intolerance and to sectarism. I consider +religion to be a matter of conscience which every man has to arrange +between God and himself. And therefore I respect the religious +conviction of every man. I claim religious liberty for myself and my +nation, and must of course respect in others the right I claim for +myself. There is nothing in the world capable to rouse a greater +indignation in my breast than religious oppression. But particularly I +respect the Catholic religion, as the religion of some seven millions of +my countrymen, to whom I am bound in love, in friendship, in home +recollections, in gratitude, and in brotherhood, with the most sacred +ties. And I am proud to say, that as in general it is a pre-eminent +glory of my country, to be attached to the principle of full religious +liberty without any restriction, for all to all, so it is the particular +glory of my Roman Catholic countrymen not to be second to any in the +world, on the one side in attachment to their own religion, and on the +other side in toleration for other religions. + +The Austrian dynasty having been continually encroaching upon the +chartered right of Protestantism, who were those who struggled in the +first rank for our rights? Our Roman Catholic countrymen! It was a +glorious sight, almost unparalleled in history, but was also fully +appreciated by the Hungarian Protestants. All of us, man by man, would +rather sacrifice life, and blood, and goods, than to allow that a hair's +breadth should be crushed from the religious liberty of our Roman +Catholic countrymen. + +Now, what position took the Roman Catholics of Hungary in our past +struggle? There was not only no difference between them and the +Protestants in their devotion for our country's freedom and +independence, but they, according to the importance of their number, +took in the struggle a very pre-eminent part. The Roman Catholic Bishops +of Hungary protested against the perjurious treachery of the dynasty; +many of them suffer even now for their devotion to justice, liberty, and +right; and who is the Jesuit who dares to affirm that he is more devoted +to the Catholic religion than the Bishops of Hungary? Our battalions +were filled with Roman Catholic volunteers; Catholic priests led their +faithful flocks to the battle field; our National Convention was +composed in majority of Catholics--all the Catholic population, without +any exception, consented to and cheered enthusiastically my being +elected Governor of Hungary, though I am a Protestant. I had and I have +their friendship, their devotion, their support; and when I formed the +first Ministry of Independent Hungary, not only a full half of the new +Ministry I entrusted to Roman Catholics, but especially I nominated a +Roman Catholic Bishop to be Minister of public instruction, and all the +Protestants of my country hailed the nomination with applause. Such is +the cause of Hungary. Who dares now to charge me that that cause is +hostile to the Roman Catholic religion? + +But I am allied with Mazzini, with the Romans, and with the Italians; +thus goes on the charge: and these cursed Italians are enemies to the +Pope. Not to the Pope as High Priest of the Roman Catholic Church, but +as despotic sovereign of Rome and his corrupted temporal government--the +worst of human inventions. How long has it been a principle of the Roman +Catholic religion, that the Romans should not be Republicans? and that +the high priest of the Roman church should be a despotic sovereign over +the Roman nation? and in that capacity be a devoted ally and obedient +servant to the Czar of Russia, the sworn enemy and bloody persecutor of +Roman Catholicism? Why, when in 1849, the French Republic sent an army +against the Roman Republic to restore the Pope, not to his spiritual +authority, because that was by nobody contradicted, but to his temporal +despotism, the whole danger could have been averted by the Romans by +becoming, _en masse_, Protestants. The idea was pronounced in Rome +and not a single Roman accepted it. They preferred to struggle without +hope of victory--they preferred to bleed and to die rather than to +abandon their faith. + +Now, who can dare to insult that people--who can dare to insult the +Roman Catholics of Hungary, Croatia, Italy, Germany, Poland, France--who +can dare to insult the thousands of thousands of Roman citizens of the +United States--Senators, Governors, Judges--men of all public and +private positions--who can dare to insult them, as hostile to their own +religion, because they unite to support that cause which I plead? And +because they side with republican freedom, with civil and religious +liberty, against Russo-Austrian despotism? + +Who can dare to affirm that he represents the Catholic religion, if +three millions of Catholic Romans do not represent it? The Reverend +Father Jesuits perhaps! + +I take the liberty to say in a few words: They are that society which +Clement XIV, the high priest of the Roman Catholic Church, abolished as +dangerous to the Roman Catholic religion; they are those whom every +Roman Catholic King excluded from his territories as dangerous to +religion and social order; they are those, the ascendancy of whom has +always been a period of disaster and confusion to the Roman Catholic +church; they are those who now make an alliance or rather a compact of +submission with the Czar of Russia, like that which evil-doers, +according to the superstition of past ages, made with the evil spirit. +And here, in free republican America, they plead the cause of Russian +despotism; the cause of that Czar, who is the relentless persecutor of +Catholicism; who forced the United Greek Catholics, in the Polish +Provinces, by every imaginable cruelty, to abjure their connection with +Rome, and carried out, at a far greater expense of human life than +Ferdinand and Isabella or Louis XIV, the most stupendous proselytism +which violence has yet achieved. More than a hundred thousand human +beings had died of misery, or under the lash, as the Minsk nuns were +proved to have been killed, before he terrified these unhappy millions +into a submission against which their consciences revolted. Yet with +this man, red with Catholic blood, and damned with the million curses of +their co-religionists, the Rev. Father Jesuits are in alliance; and why? +Because it is a characteristic of that Order, to be ambitious to rule +the world. To achieve this, they have now made the Pope the obedient +satrap of the Czar. Into the enormity of this, enlightened Catholics see +clearly. Roman Catholics of Hungary, of Poland, of Italy, Germany, and +France have understood this. Is it possible that those of this republic +should less understand it? Why, in Italy and Rome itself, a majority of +the Catholic clergy are hostile to the temporal authority of the Pope, +and sympathize with Mazzini so generally, that of _seventeen_ +conspirators recently arrested for conspiring in favour of the Republic +against Austria, _sixteen_ were _priests_ belonging to the +humbler orders of the clergy. + +Gentlemen, I am sorry to have to argue such a question in the United +States. If it be indeed true, that amongst the Roman Catholics here an +opposition is got up against our cause, let them remember that in +opposing me, they oppose the independence and freedom of millions of +Hungarian Catholics,--of Catholic Italy,--of the Catholic half of +Germany, and of Catholic France; they are supporting the Czar, the most +bloody enemy of their religion. Yet I am glad to be able to say, that +not all the Roman Catholics here are opposed to me. I have warm friends +and kind protectors among them. The gallant General Shields,--Mr. Downs, +the Senator from Louisiana,--the warm-hearted Governor of +Maryland,--Judge Le Grand at Baltimore, and many other of my kindest +friends, are Roman Catholics. From New York onward, multitudes of Roman +Catholics have shared the general sympathy. And why not? surely freedom +is a treasure to every religious denomination whatsoever.[*] + +[Footnote *: Some sentences have been added from the Pittsburg speech, +at the end of which the same subject was treated.] + +So much for the charge that the cause which I plead--the cause of +millions of Roman Catholics--is hostile to the Roman Catholic religion. +Should I be forced to enter upon this topic once more, I will take the +heart-revolting history of those who have thus calumniated our cause, +into my hands, and recall to the memory of public opinion the terrible +pages of blood, ambition, countless crimes, and intolerance; but I hope +there will be no occasion for it. + + + +II. Now as to Ireland. Where is a man on earth, with uncorrupted soul +and with liberal instincts in his heart, who would not sympathize with +poor, unfortunate Ireland? Where is a man, loving freedom and right, in +whom the wrongs of Green Erin would not stir the heart? Who could +forbear warmly to feel for the fatherland of the Grattans, of +O'Connells, and of Wolfe Tones? I indeed am such, that wherever is +oppression and a people, there is my love. + +But why do I not plead Erin's wrongs? I am asked. My answer is: am I not +pleading the principle of Liberty? and is the cause of freedom not the +cause of Ireland? + +I see all the despots of the European continent united in a crusade +against liberty; there are two powers still neutral, the position of +which may well decide for or against despotism; these two powers are +Great Britain and America. If the Almighty blessed my endeavours--if I +could succeed to contribute something, that America, and by its +influence over the public opinion of the people of England, Great +Britain itself, should side with Liberty, from whatever consideration-- +from whatever interest, against despotism--then indeed I boldly declare +before God and men, that I have achieved a greater benefit and done a +better service to the future of Ireland, than all who go about loudly +crying about Erin's wrongs, and not doing anything for the triumph of +that cause which is about to be decided, and is the cause of all +nations, who are oppressed, and of all who are, or will be free. +Whereas, if, by uniting in the chorus of empty words, I should +contribute to alarm not only the government, but also the people of +England, and to force that government to side with despotism in the +decisive struggle against liberty, (to which that government, being as +it is, aristocratical, feels but too much inclined,) then indeed I am +sure I should do such a wrong to the future of Ireland, as the sacrifice +of my life and torrents of blood, and the sufferings of generations, +could not expiate. + +Be sure therefore, gentlemen, that every man who pleads for liberty, +pleads for Ireland; be sure, that every blow stricken for liberty is +stricken also for Ireland; that not always the most noisy are the best +friends; and prudent activity is often better service than any show of +eloquent words. + +And so let me hope, that while it is sure that he who is for freedom is +for Ireland, it also will be found that Irish blood can never be against +liberty. + +And as to you all, gentlemen, let me hope that, however the advocates of +despotism may try to mislead public opinion in free America, the +uncorrupted noble instinct of the people will prove to the world that it +is not in vain, that the down-trodden spirit of liberty raises the sign +of distress towards you, and that the wronged and the oppressed can +confidently appeal for help, for justice and for redress, to the free +and powerful Republic of America. + +I thank you, gentlemen, for the patience with which you have listened +during this torrent of rain. It shows that your sympathy is warm and +sincere--one which cannot be cooled down or washed away. + + * * * * * + +XXXVI.--THE IDES OF MARCH. + + +[_Farewell Speech at St. Louis, March 15th_.] + +Ladies and gentlemen: To-day is the fourth anniversary of the Revolution +in Hungary. + +Anniversaries of Revolutions are almost always connected with the +recollection of some patriots, death-fallen on that day, like the +Spartans at Thermopylae, martyrs of devotion to their fatherland. + +Almost in every country there is some proud cemetery, or some modest +tomb-stone, adorned on such a day by a garland of evergreen, the pious +offering of patriotic tenderness. + +I past the last night in a sleepless dream. And my soul wandered on the +magnetic wings of the past, home to my beloved bleeding land, and I saw +in the dead of the night, dark veiled shapes, with the paleness of +eternal grief upon their brow, but terrible in the tearless silence of +that grief, gliding over the churchyards of Hungary, and kneeling down +to the head of the graves, and depositing the pious tribute of green and +cypress upon them; and after a short prayer rising with clenched fists, +and gnashing teeth, and then stealing away tearless and silent as they +came--stealing away, because the blood-hounds of my country's murderer +lurks from every corner on that night, and on this day, and leads to +prison those who dare to show a pious remembrance to the beloved. +To-day, a smile on the lips of a Magyar is taken for a crime of defiance +to tyranny, and a tear in his eye is equivalent to a revolt. And yet I +have seen, with the eye of my home-wandering soul, thousands performing +the work of patriotic piety. + +And I saw more. When the pious offerers stole away, I saw the honoured +dead half risen from their tombs, looking to the offerings, and +whispering gloomily, "still a cypress, and still no flower of joy! Is +there still the chill of winter and the gloom of night over thee, +fatherland? are we not yet revenged? and the sky of the east reddened +suddenly, and quivered with bloody flames, and from the far, far west, a +lightning flashed like a star-spangled stripe, and within its light a +young eagle mounted and soared towards the quivering flames of the east, +and as he drew near, upon his approaching, the flames changed into a +radiant morning sun, and a voice from above was heard in answer to the +question of the dead: + +"Sleep yet a short while; mine is the revenge. I will make the stars of +the west, the sun of the east; and when ye next awake, ye will find the +flower of joy upon your cold bed." + +And the dead took the twig of cypress, the sign of resurrection, into +their bony hands and lay down. + +Such was the dream of my waking soul, and I prayed, and such was my +prayer: "Father, if thou deemest me worthy, take the cup from my people, +and give it in their stead to me." And there was a whisper around me +like the word "Amen." Such was my dream, half foresight and half +prophecy; but resolution all. However, none of those dead whom I saw, +fell on the 15th of March. They were victims of the royal perjury which +betrayed the 15th of March. The anniversary of our revolution has not +the stain of a single drop of blood. + +We, the elect of the nation, sat on that morning busily but quietly in +the legislative hall of old Presburg, and without any flood of +eloquence, passed our laws in short words, that the people shall be +free; the burdens of feudality cease; the peasant become free +proprietor; that equality of duties, equality of rights, shall be the +fundamental law; and civil, political, social, and religious liberty, +the common property of all the people, whatever tongue it may speak, or +in whatever church pray, and that a national ministry shall execute +these laws, and guard with its responsibility the chartered ancient +independence of our Fatherland. + +Two days before, Austria's brave people in Vienna had broken its yoke; +and summing up despots in the person of its tool, old Metternich, drove +him away, and the Hapsburgs, trembling in their imperial cavern of +imperial crimes, trembling, but treacherous, and lying and false, wrote +with yard-long letters, the words, "Constitution" and "Free Press," upon +Vienna's walls; and the people in joy cheered the inveterate liars, +because the people knows no falsehood. + +On the 14th I announced the tidings from Vienna to our Parliament at +Presburg. The announcement was swiftly carried by the great democrat, +the steam-engine, upon the billows of the Danube, down to old Buda and +to young Pesth, and while we, in the House of Representatives, passed +the laws of justice and freedom, the people of Pesth rose in peaceful +but majestic manifestation, declaring that the people should be free. At +this manifestation, all the barriers raised by violence against the +laws, fell of themselves. Not a drop of blood was shed. A man who was in +prison because he had dared to write a book, was carried home in triumph +through the streets. The people armed itself as a National Guard, the +windows were illuminated, and bonfires burnt; and when these tidings +returned back to Presburg, blended with the cheers from Vienna, they +warmed the chill of our House of Lords, who readily agreed to the laws +we proposed. And there was rejoicing throughout the land. For the first +time for centuries the farmer awoke with the pleasant feeling that his +time was now his own--for the first time went out to till his field with +the consoling thought that the ninth part of his harvest will not be +taken by the landlord, and the tenth by the bishop. Both had fully +resigned their feudal portion, and the air was brightened by the lustre +of freedom, and the very soil budding into a blooming paradise. + +Such is the memory of the 15th of March, 1848. + +One year later there was blood, but also victory, over the land; the +people, because free, fought like demi-gods. Seven great victories we +had gained in that month of March. On this very day, the remains of the +first 10,000 Russians fled, over the frontiers of Transylvania, to tell +at home how heavily the blow falls from free Hungarian arms. It was in +that very month that one evening I lay down in the bed, whence in the +morning Windischgrätz had risen: and from the battle-field (Isaszeg) I +hastened to the Congress at Debreczin, to tell the Representatives of +the nation: "It is time to declare our national independence, because it +is really achieved. The Hapsburgs have not the power to contradict it +more." Nor had they. But Russia, having experienced by the test of its +first interference, that there was no power on earth caring about the +most flagrant violation of the laws of nations, and seeing by the +silence of Great Britain and of the United States, that she may dare to +violate those laws, our heroes had to meet a fresh force of nearly +200,000 Russians. No power cheered our bravely won independence, by +diplomatic recognition; not even the United States, though they always +professed their principle to be that they recognise every de-facto +government. We therefore had the right to expect a speedy recognition +from the United States. Our struggle rose to European height, but we +were left alone to fight for the world; and we had no arms for the new +battalions, gathering up in thousands with resolute hearts and empty +hands. + +The recognition of our independence being withheld, commercial +intercourse for procuring arms abroad was impossible--the gloomy feeling +of entire forsakedness spread over our tired ranks, and prepared the +field for the secret action of treachery; until the most sacrilegious +violation of those common laws of nations was achieved and the code of +"nature and of nature's God," was drowned in Hungary's blood. And I, +who on the 15th of March, 1848, saw the principle of full civil and +religious liberty triumphing in my native land--who, on the 15th of +March, 1849, saw this freedom consolidated by victories--one year later, +on the 15th of March, 1850, was on my sorrowful way to an Asiatic +prison. + +But wonderful are the works of Divine Providence. + +It was again in the month of March, 1851, that the generous +interposition of the United States cast the first ray of hope into the +dead night of my captivity. And on the 15th of March, 1852, the fourth +anniversary of our Revolution, guided by the bounty of Providence, here +I stand in the very heart of your immense Republic; no longer a captive, +but free in the land of the free, not only not desponding, but firm in +confidence of the future, because raised in spirits by a swelling +sympathy in the home of the brave, still a poor, a homeless exile, but +not without some power to do good to my country and to the cause of +liberty, as my very persecution proves. + +Such is the history of the 15th of March, in my humble life. Who can +tell what will be the character of the next 15th of March? + +Nearly two thousand years ago the first Caesar found a Brutus on the +Ides or 15th of March. May be that the Ides of March, 1853, will see the +last of the Caesars fall under the avenging might of a thousand-handed +Brutus--the name of whom is "the people"--inexorable at last after it +has been so long generous. The seat of Caesars was first in the south, +from the south to the east, from the east to the west, and from the west +to the north. That is their last abode. None was lasting yet. Will the +last, and worst, prove luckier? No, it will not. While the seat of +Caesars was tossed around and thrown back to the icy north, a new world +became the cradle of a new humanity, where in spite of the Caesars, the +genius of freedom raised (let us hope) an everlasting throne. The +Caesar of the north and the genius of freedom have not place enough upon +this earth for both of them; one must yield and be crushed beneath the +heels of the other. Which is it? Which shall yield?--America may decide. + +Allow me to add a few remarks in dry and plain words, on other subjects. +It is not necessary to explain why I am attacked by Russia, Austria, and +their allies. But some of you, gentlemen, may have felt surprised to see +that two Hungarians have joined in the attack, both of whom accepted of +the office of ministers from my hands, and held that office under my +good pleasure, and from my will, till we all three proceeded into exile +on the same evening. My two assailants now live and act under the +protection of Louis Napoleon, who did not permit me even to pass through +France. + +You may yet find perhaps some more joining them, but the number will not +be large. Oh! the bitter pangs of an exile's daily life are terrible. I +have seen many a character faltering under the constant petty care of +how to live, which stood firm like a rock under the storm of a quaking +world, therefore I should not be surprised to find yet some few joining +in those attacks, as I have neither means nor time to care for the wants +of individuals, not even of my own children. What I get is not mine, but +my country's; and must be employed to secure its future prospects; and +it may be that others may avail themselves of this circumstance, and +show some temporary compassion to private misfortune, _under the +condition of secession from me_, with the purpose of being then able +to say that the cause of Hungary is hopeless, because not even the +Hungarian exiles live in concord. That may happen thus with some few; +for hunger is painful: but few they will be. The immense majority of my +brother exiles will rather starve than yield to such a snare. + +There may be some also that will fall victims to the craft of skilful +aristocratic diplomatists, who would fain keep or get the reputation of +liberal men, but without the necessity of becoming really liberal. That +class of influential persons may give some hope--even some half +indefinite promise of support to the cause of Hungary (which they never +intend to fulfil), under the condition of a peaceful compromise with the +House of Austria upon a monarchical-aristocratical basis, and not in +that way which I have proclaimed openly in England, knowing that every +root of the monarchical principle is torn out from the breasts of the +people of Hungary, so that we can never be knit again. Therefore the +future of Hungary can only be republican, and there is no door to that +future, but to continue the struggle. There may perhaps be some few +honest but weak men, who, weary of a homeless life, would fain return +home, even under the condition of monarchical-aristocratical compromise +which some skilful diplomatists make glitter into their eyes. + +But as to those two who do good service to the tyrant of their and my +country, the very circumstance that they were silent when I (because a +prisoner) was not able to work much, but are trying to check my +endeavours, now that I am about to achieve something which can only +prove to be a benefit to Hungarians,--smaller or greater, but only a +benefit and in no case a harm; this very circumstance shows the nature +of their attacks. But as to the pretence, by which they try to lull to +sleep their own consciences, that was revealed to me by a copy of a +confidential communication of one of their silent associates to a +private circle of friends, where it is stated, that, as I have declared +exclusively for a republic, a party must be got up under the nominal +leadership of Bathyanyi, on a monarchical basis, _because my views +leave no hope to get home in an honourable manner, otherwise than by a +revolution_. + +That is the key of the dispute. As to myself, I am a republican, and +will never be a subject to a king, any more than be a king myself. But I +love my country too sincerely to favour the course I would pursue, on my +own private sentiments alone. I know the Hapsburg, and I know my +country. I have weighed my people's revolution, wishes and will, and +weighed the condition of the only possible success. Upon this basis I +act, and am happy to say that the considerate prudence of a statesman, +and the duties of a patriot, not only act in full harmony with my own +personal republican convictions, but indeed cannot allow me in any other +course. Either freedom and our popular rights have no future, not only +in Hungary, but indeed in Europe, or that future will be, can be, and +shall be only republican for the Hungarians. It is more than foolish to +think that either an insurrectionary war can be prevented in Europe, or +that that war can terminate otherwise than either by a consolidated +despotism or republicanism. No other issue is possible. Therefore, +however mean be the private motives of the hostility of those, my very +few Hungarian enemies, I pity them. Out of too great a desire to get +home, they have made their return in every case impossible. Not all the +power of earth could afford them security at home against the +indignation of the people. Not, if I succeed to liberate my country, +for the people will consider them as traitors, who have done all they +could to prevent that liberation; not, if I should fail, because then +the people will believe that their counter-machinations are what caused +me to fail. + +So much for them. But the confidence with which I look to the republican +freedom of Hungary has been confirmed, by considering how weak must the +case be of those who urge you to indifference, when they are forced to +resort to the argument that we have no chance of success. + +I have often answered that objection, which in itself is a distrust in +God, in justice, in right, and in the blessings of humanity. Allow me +to-day in addition, only one remark. Two days ago the rumour was spread +that Louis Napoleon was killed. It was remarkable to see how those who +countenance despotism, grew livid by despair, and how those who doubt +about our success rose in spirits and in confidence. Some time ago a +similar false rumour caused almost a commercial crisis in the cotton +market of New Orleans. Now how can the security of that cause be +trusted, where the mere possible death of a single individual, and of +such an individual, can so crush every calculation upon the solidity of +the peace of oppression? + +Allow me to draw your attention to a circumstance which one of your +countrymen, William Henry Trescott, of South Carolina, has recommended +to public attention, already in the year 1849, in his pamphlet, entitled +'A few Thoughts on the Foreign Policy of the United States.' The +position of the United States underwent an immense change, as soon as +your boundaries extended to the Pacific; extensive commercial relations +with Asia became a necessity. You feel it--the very movements now +commenced in respect to Japan bear witness to it. Let those movements be +completed, and whom will you meet? Russia. That is the old story. +Everybody who is willing to have some influence in the East must meet +Russia, whose sterling thought is to exclude all other powers from the +East. + +England is to you the competitor in the commerce of the East; and +competitors may well have a fair field for them both; but Russia is not +a competitor there, she is an _enemy_. Look to the Mediterranean +Sea, and remember the everlasting thought of Russia to crush Turkey, and +to get hold of Constantinople. What is the key of this eternal fond +desire, inherited from Peter the Great? It is not the mere desire of +territorial aggrandizement; the real key is, that it is only by the +possession of Constantinople that Russia, a great territorial power +already, can become also a great maritime power. The Mediterranean is +what Russia wants, to be the mistress of Europe, Asia, of Africa, and of +the world. But the Sultan, sitting on the Bosphorus, confines the navy +of the Czar to the Black Sea, an interior lake, without any outlet but +by the beautiful Bosphorus. Constantinople taken, it is Russia which +controls the Mediterranean:--a circumstance of such immense importance, +that Mr. Trescott says, it would be a sufficient reason for direct and +positive interference--that is, for war. + +There--there--_in Turkey, will be decided the fate of the world_. +Perhaps there will be not only the end, but also the beginning of the +end; and some American politicians say, the United States can do nothing +for Europe's liberty, but Turkey can,--holding only the Bosphorus +against an inroad from Sebastopol!--Turkey, with its brave four hundred +thousand men--the natural ally of all those European nations who will, +who must, struggle against Russian preponderance. How wonderful! The +Bosphorus in the hands of the Sultan, saves the world from Russian +dominion; and yet I am asked, what can America do for Europe? How many +men-of-war have you in the Mediterranean? I would you had more. Would +you had some other anchorage in the Mediterranean for your glorious +flag! Turkey has many a fine harbour, and a great deal of good will. The +Turkish Aghas now would not be afraid to see cheered, for instance, by +the inhabitants of Mytilene, the American flag, should it ever happen +that that flag were cast in protection around my humble self; nay, I am +sure they would smilingly join in the harsh but cordial "_khôsh +guelden, sepa gueldin_," which is more than a thrice welcome in your +language. But the word welcome reminds me that I have to say to you +farewell--and that is a sad word in the place where I have met so warm a +welcome, but it must be done. Can I hope to have the consolation of +knowing that in bidding farewell to my namesake city, I leave +high-minded men, who, remembering that they have seen the Hungarian +exile on the Ides of March, will have faith in the future of freedom's +just cause, and make the central city of the great United Republic the +centre of numerous associations of the friends of Hungary in the Great +West, whence I confidently hope the sun of freedom will move towards the +East. + +Ladies and gentlemen, I bid you farewell, a heartfelt, affectionate +farewell. + +[From St. Louis, Kossuth proceeded farther south; but we do not find any +novelty in his speech at New Orleans, March 30th. The most notable thing +in that meeting, is the cordial pronouncement of the Hon. E. W. Moise, +in the name of the City Authorities and People of New Orleans, in favour +of Hungary and Governor Kossuth: thus distinctly showing that the +commercial metropolis of the South sympathizes with European liberty +equally as the North. But it is sufficient here to have indicated the +fact.] + + * * * * * + +XXXVII.--HISTORY OF KOSSUTH'S LIBERATION. + +[_Jackson, Mississippi--(Visit to Senator Foote) April 1st_.] + +Kossuth had felt it a duty of gratitude, on his return from New Orleans, +to visit Jackson, the chief city of Mississippi, in order to express his +thanks in person to Senator Foote, then Governor of the State, for +having moved a resolution in the Senate to send a steamer to +Constantinople for Kossuth, and afterwards, a resolution tendering to +him a cordial national welcome at Washington. On his proposing this +visit, he received an enthusiastic invitation from the citizens at +large, as was expounded to him by Governor Foote in a very cordial +speech, which ended with the words: + +In the name of the sovereign people of Mississippi, and by the special +request of those of our citizens whom you see before you and around you, +I now bid you welcome to our own Capital, and pray that a bounteous +Providence may vouchsafe to you and the sacred cause of which you are +the advocate, its most auspicious countenance and protection. + +Kossuth replied: + +Your Excellency has been pleased to bestow a word of approbation upon +the manner in which I have spoken and acted since I am here in the +United States, especially as to frankness: which frankness, on another +side, has occasioned much hostility toward me. Allow me, on the present +occasion, to exercise that same frankness. If I were less frank, I +should perhaps tell you I had a fond desire to see Mississippi, and +thank the citizens for sympathy to my country. But I claim not a merit +which I do not possess. I did not come to meet the people. My only +motive was one of gratitude toward YOU, sir. + +One anxiety has weighed upon my breast ever since I have been in the +United States, and that is, lest I lose the opportunity to say to you, +with a warm grasp of the hand, and in a few but heartfelt words, how +thankful I feel for the important part you have been pleased to take in +my liberation from captivity. I hope to God, you will never have reason +to regret what you have done for me. Allow me to state that there was +something Providential in the fact, and in the time of intercession in +my behalf. + +The Sultan is a generous man; I can bear testimony to that. When Russia +and Austria, proudly relying upon their armies and the flush of victory, +arrogantly demanded that we should be surrendered to the hangman of my +fatherland; and when the majority of the Divan (the great Council of +Turkey) taking a shortsighted view of the case, and influenced by the +impending danger, had already consented to the arrogant demand, and +when, in consequence thereof, the abandonment of our religion was +proposed as the only means to save our lives, then the Sultan, informed +of the matter, and following the noble impulse of his generous heart, +declared that he would prefer to perish rather than dishonour his +name--he would therefore accept the dangers of war rather than disregard +the great duty of humanity--thus if he be doomed to perish, he would at +least perish in an honourable way. By that noble resolution our lives +were saved. But European diplomacy stepped in, to convert the accorded +hospitality into a prison;[*] the Sultan being left alone, not +supported, not encouraged by any one soever, but assailed by +complications, ill advised by fear, and threatened by many, yielded at +last, but yielded with the intention to restore us to our natural +rights, as soon as he could be sure that he stood not forsaken and alone +in acknowledging the right of humanity. For a long while, no +encouragement came, and we lingered in our prison, forsaken and without +hope. You, sir, moved a resolution in the Senate of the United States. +In consequence thereof, the great Republic of the West, by its generous +offer, cast a ray of consolation into my prison, and gave encouragement +to the Sublime Porte. The English and the French governments, unwilling +to appear less liberal, both approved the course of the United States. +England made even a similar offer as America, and the Sultan, glad to +see that he was no longer alone in asserting what is right, agreed to +the offer, notwithstanding all the machinations of my enemies, and I and +my countrymen became free. + +[Footnote *: I am permitted to explain, that Kossuth had in view not the +action of one power only, but the total result of all the powers. While +the Sultan knew what the arms of Russia were meant for, and could not +learn whether the fleet of England was meant for anything but _a mere +show_ (for Sir Stratford Canning "had no orders" to _use_ it), +the practical advice of diplomacy was, not, to do what was just, but, to +make the least disgraceful and least dangerous compromise.] + +Now suppose, sir, you had not introduced that resolution then, and the +star-spangled flag had not been cast in protection around me--suppose +that the _coup d'état_ of Louis Napoleon had found me in prison +still--that _coup d'état_ which caused a change of the ministry in +England,--what would have been the consequence? England would probably +have remained indifferent, and France would have certainly opposed the +proposition of the United States--or rather, supported the cause of +Austria; and the Sultan abandoned by the constitutional powers of +Europe, would have been forced to make Kutaya what the arrogant despots +desired--a physical, or at least, a moral grave for me--and instead of +the new hope and fresh resolution which my liberation inspired into +nations groaning under the weight of a common oppression, there would be +now a gloom of despondency spread over all who united with me in spirit, +in resolution, and in sentiments. + +Therefore, in whatsoever I may yet be _useful through my regained +activity, it is due to you, sir_. Without the intercession of the +United States, there would have been no field of activity left me. + +Allow me now to speak on another matter connected with this. Among the +calumnies perpetually thrown out at me, is one which I cannot pass in +silence, because it charges me with ingratitude to the United States, +saying that I misuse the generosity of your country, which granted me +protection and an asylum, _upon my accepting the condition not to +meddle any more with politics_, but to abandon the cause to which I +have devoted my life--to retire from public life, and to lay down my +head to rest. + +Now, before God and man, this representation is entirely false. No such +condition was added to the generous offer of the United States; and I +declare, that however much I regard such an offer, had this condition +been attached, I would in no case, have accepted it. Life is of no value +to me, except inasmuch as I can do some service to my country's cause. + +Therefore, under the condition of forsaking my country, I would not +accept happiness--not liberty--not life. This I have said before. + +It is due from me to the honour of the Turkish Government to declare, +that the Sublime Porte not only attached no condition at all to my +liberation, but explicitly and officially intimated to me, that having +once decided to set us free, it was unwilling to do things by +halves;--we had therefore full and unrestricted liberty, on leaving +Turkey, to go and to stay where we pleased--to take such a course as we +chose, and that to that purpose, an American and an English vessel would +be ready at the Dardanelles, and it would depend on our choice, on board +of which we embarked. Indeed I have an official communication on the +part of the English Government in my hands, by which I was informed, +that the only reason why the appointed English vessel came not to the +Dardanelles was, that I and my associates had declared that we preferred +to embark on board the American ship. + +But again: in respect to that embarkation, I must state that, in the +resolution of the Congress, one word being contained which might have +been subject to different interpretation, I considered it my duty to +declare frankly to the legation of the United States at Constantinople, +that I neither was, nor would be, willing to assume the character of an +_emigrant_; but would only be considered an _exile_, driven +away by foreign violence from my native land, but not without the hope +to get home again to free and independent Hungary; therefore, that I not +only would not pledge my word to go directly to the United States, or to +remove thither permanently, but, upon regaining my liberty, intended to +devote it to win back for my country its sovereign independence, which +we had achieved and proclaimed, and which was wrested from us by the +most sacrilegious violation of the laws of nations. I got an answer +fully satisfactory on the part of your legation, assuring me that the +United States would never consent to give me a new prison, instead of +liberty; and that there was, and could be, no intention on the part of +the United States to restrain my freedom or my activity, beyond the +limits of your common laws, which are equally obligatory and equally +protective to every one, so long as he chooses to stay in the United +States. Upon this. I accepted thankfully the generous offer of the +United States. I wrote a letter of thanks to His Excellency the +President, and ordered my diplomatic agent in England to write a similar +one to the Honourable Secretary of State, expressing, that I considered +the struggle for our national independence not yet finished, and that I +would devote my regained liberty to the cause of my fatherland. + +_Nearly three months after these declarations_, the Mississippi +steam-ship arrived, and I embarked, having again, previously and on +board, constantly declared, that it was my fervent wish to visit the +United States, but not without previously visiting England, on board the +same frigate, if the favour should be granted to me; else on board +another ship from a Mediterranean port, if needs must be. This is the +true history of the case. + +I hope you will excuse me for having answered for once a +misrepresentation which charges me with bad faith and ingratitude, such +as neither have I merited, nor can I bear * * * + + * * * * * + +XXXVIII.--PRONOUNCEMENT OF THE SOUTH. + +[_Mobile, Alabama, April 3d_.] + +Ladies and gentlemen,--I did not expect to have either the honour of a +public welcome, or the opportunity of addressing such a distinguished +assembly at Mobile--not as if I had entertained the slightest doubt +about the generous sentiments of this enlightened community, but because +I am called by pressing duties to hasten back to the east of the United +States. Indeed only the accident of not finding a vessel ready to leave +when I arrived here, has enabled me to see the fair flower of your +generosity added to the garland of sympathy which the people of your +mighty Republic has given me, and which will shine from the banner of +resistance to all-encroaching despotism, that banner which the +expectations of millions call me to raise. + +But however unexpected my arrival, the congenial kindness of your warm +hearts left me not unnoticed and uncheered; and besides the joyful +consolation which I feel on this occasion, there is also important +benefit in the generous reception you honour me with. + +Firstly, because one of the United States Senators of Alabama, Mr. +Clemens, was pleased to pronounce himself not only opposed to my +principles, but hostile to my own humble self. I thank God for having +well deserved the hatred of Czars and Emperors; and so may God bless me, +as I will all my life try to deserve it still more; but I cannot equally +say, that I have deserved the inclemency of Mr. Clemens, though it be +not the least passionate of all. Well, ladies and gentlemen, after the +spontaneous sympathy which I here so unexpectedly meet, I may be +permitted to believe that it is not the State of Alabama, but Mr. +Clemens only whom I have to count amongst my persecutors and my enemies. + +Secondly, I must mention, that it is my good fortune not often to meet +arguments opposed to my arguments, but only personal attacks. Well, that +is the best acknowledgment which could have been paid to the justice of +my cause. For even if I were all that my enemies would like to make me +appear, would thereby the cause I plead and the principles I advocate be +less just, less righteous, and less true? Now amongst those personal +attacks there is one which says, that I am so impertinent as to dare +appeal from the government to the people: and that _I try to sow +dissension between the people and the government_. I declare in the +most solemn manner, this imputation to be entirely unfounded and +calumniatory. Who ever heard me say one single word of complaint or +dissatisfaction against your national government? When have I spoken +otherwise than in terms of gratitude, high esteem, and profound +veneration about the Congress and Government of the United States? and +how could I have spoken otherwise; being, as I am, indebted to Congress +and Government, for my liberation, for the most generous protection, and +for the highest honours a man was ever yet honoured with? And besides, +I have full reason to say that _it is entirely false to insinuate that +in political respects I had been disappointed with my visit to +Washington City_,--no, it is not respect alone, but the intensest +gratitude that I feel. The principles and sentiments of the Chief +Magistrate of your great republic, expressed to the Congress in his +official messages; the principles of your government so nobly +interpreted by the Hon. Secretary of State, at the congressional +banquet, confirming expressly the contents of his immortal letter to +Mons. Hulsemann; the further private declarations, in regard to the +practical applications of those governmental principles; all and +everything could but impress my mind with the most consoling +satisfaction and the warmest gratitude;--as may be seen in the letter of +thanks which on the eve of my departure I sent to His Excellency the +President and to both Houses of Congress. + +That being my condition, who can charge me with sowing dissension +between the people and the government, when I, accepting such +opportunities, as you also have been pleased kindly to offer to me, +plead the cause of my down-trodden country (for which both people and +government of the United States have manifested the liveliest sympathy;) +and advocate principles, entirely harmonizing with the official +declarations of your government? And what is it I say to the people in +my public addresses? I say, "the exigency of circumstances has raised +the question of foreign policy to the highest standard of +importance,--the question is introduced to the Congress, it must +therefore be brought to a decision, it cannot be passed in silence any +more. Your representatives in Congress take it for their noblest glory +to follow the sovereign will of the people; but to be able to follow it, +they must know it; yet they cannot know it without the people +manifesting its opinion in a constitutional way; since they have not +been elected upon the question of foreign policy, that question being +then not yet discussed. I therefore humbly entreat the sovereign people +of the United States to consider the matter, and to pronounce its +opinion, in such a way as it is consistent with law, and with their +constitutional duties and rights." May I not be tranquillized in my +conscience, that in speaking thus I commit no disloyal act, and do in no +way offend against the high veneration due from me to your constituted +authorities? + +If it be so, then the generous manifestation of your sympathy I am +honoured with in Mobile, is again a highly valuable benefit to my cause, +because it has such a character of spontaneity, that, here at least, no +misrepresentation can charge me with having even endeavoured to elicit +that high-minded manifestation from the metropolis of the State of +Alabama. + +So doubly returning my thanks for it, I beg leave to state what it is I +humbly entreat. + +Firstly, when the struggle which is to decide on the freedom of Europe +has once broken out, Hungary has resources to carry it on: but she wants +initial aid, because her finances are all grasped by our oppressors. You +would not refuse to me, a houseless exile, _alms_ and commiseration +if I begged for myself. Surely then you cannot refuse it for my bleeding +fatherland, when I beg of you, as individuals, trifling sums, such as +each can well spare, and the gift of which does not entangle your +country in any political obligation. + +Whatever may be my personal fate, millions would thank and coming +generations bless it as a source of happiness to them, as once the +nineteen million francs, 24,000 muskets, and thirty-eight vessels of war +which France gave to the cause of your own independence, have been a +source of happiness to you. I rely in that respect upon the republican +virtue which your immortal Washington has bequeathed to you in his +memorable address to M. Adet, the first French republican minister sent +to Washington. "_My anxious recollections and my best wishes are +irresistibly attracted whensoever in any country I see an oppressed +nation unfurl the banner of freedom_." + +So spoke Washington; and so much for _private_ material aid; to +which nothing is required but a little sympathy for an unfortunate +people, which even Mr. Clemens may feel, whatever his personal aversion +for the man who is pleading not his own, but his brave people's cause. + +As to the _political_ part of my mission, I humbly claim that the +United States may pronounce what is or should be the law of +nations--such as they can recognize consistently with the basis upon +which their own existence is established, and consistently with their +own republican principles. + +And what is the principle of such a law of nations, which you as +republicans can recognize? Your greatest man, your first President, +Washington himself, has declared in these words: "_Every nation has a +right to establish that form of government under which it conceives it +may live most happy, and no government ought to interfere with the +internal concerns of another._" + +And according to this everlasting principle, proclaimed by your first +President, your last President has again proclaimed in his last message +to the Congress, that "_the United States are forbidden to remain +indifferent to a case, in which the strong arm of a foreign power is +invoiced to repress the spirit of freedom in any country." + +It is this declaration that I humbly claim to be sanctioned by the +sovereign will of the people of the United States, in support of that +principle which Washington already has proclaimed. And in that respect, +I frankly confess I should feel highly astonished, if the Southern +States proved not amongst the first, and amongst the most unanimous to +join in such a declaration. Because, of all the great principles +guaranteed by your constitution, there is none to which the southern +states attach a greater importance,--there is none which they more +cherish,--than the principle of self-government; the principle that +their own affairs are to be managed by themselves, without any +interference from whatever quarter, neither from another state, though +they are all estates of the same galaxy, nor from the central +government, though it is an emanation of all the states, and represents +the south as well as the north, and the east and the west; nor from any +foreign power, though it be the mightiest on earth. + +Well, gentlemen, this great principle of self-government, is precisely +the ground upon which I stand. It is for the defence of this principle +that my nation rose against a world in arms; to maintain this principle +in the code of "nature and of nature's God," the people of Hungary spilt +their blood on the battlefield and on the scaffold. It is this principle +which was trodden down in Hungary by the centralization of Austria and +the interference of Russia. It is the principle which, if Hungary is not +restored to her sovereign independence, is blotted out for ever from the +great statute book of the nations, from the common law of mankind. + +Like a pestilential disease, the violation of the principle of +self-government will spread over all the earth until it is destroyed +everywhere, in order that despots may sleep in security, for they know +that this principle is the strongest stronghold of freedom, and +therefore it is hated by all despots and all ambitious men, and by all +those who have sold their souls to despotism and ambition. + +Gentlemen, you know well that the principle of self-government has two +great enemies--CENTRALIZATION and FOREIGN INTERFERENCE. Hungary is a +bleeding victim to both. + +You have probably perceived, gentlemen, that the great misfortune of +Europe is the spirit of centralization encroaching upon all municipal +institutions and destroying self-government, not only by open despotism, +but also under the disguise of liberty. Fascinated by this dangerous +tendency, even republican France went on to sweep away all the traces of +self-government, and this is the reason why all her revolutions could +not assert liberty for her people, and why she lies now prostrate under +the feet of a usurper, without glory, without merit, without virtue. + +Blind to their interests, the nations abandoned their real liberty, the +municipal institutions, for a nominal responsibility of ministers and +for parliamentary omnipotence. Instead of clinging to the principle of +self-government--the true breakwater against the encroachments of kings, +of ministers, of parliaments--they abandoned the principle which +enforces the real responsibility of ministers and raises the parliament +to the glorious position of the people's faithful servant; they +exchanged the real liberty of self-government for the fascinating +phantom of parliamentary omnipotence, making the elected of the people +the masters of the people, which, if it is really to be free, cannot +have any master but God. The old Anglo-Saxon municipal freedom has even +in England been weakened by this tendency; parliament has not only +fought against the prerogative of the crown, but has conquered the +municipal freedom of the country and of the borough. Green Erin sighs +painfully under this pressure, and English statesmen begin to be +alarmed. Hungary, my own dear fatherland, was the only country in Europe +which, amidst all adversaries, amidst all attacks of foreign +encroachment and all inducements of false new doctrines, remained +faithful to the great principle of self-government, at which the +perjurious dynasty of Austria has never ceased to aim deadly blows. To +get rid of these incessant attacks we availed ourselves of the condition +of Europe in 1848, and got our old national self-government guarantied +in a legal way, with the sanction of our then king, by substituting +_individual_ for collective responsibility of ministers; having +experienced that a board of ministers, though responsible by law and +composed of our own countrymen, was naturally and necessarily in +practice irresponsible. When the tyrants of Austria, whom our +forefathers had elected in an ill-fated hour to be our constitutional +kings, saw that their designs of centralization were obstructed, they +forsook their honour, they broke their oath, they tore asunder the +compact by which they had become kings; the diadem had lost its +brightness for them if it was not to be despotic. + +They stirred up robbers and rebels against us: and when this failed, +then with all the forces of the empire attacked Hungary unexpectedly, +not thinking to meet with a serious opposition, because we had no army, +no arms, no ammunition, no money, no friends. They therefore declared +our constitution and our self-government, which we have preserved +through the adversities of ten centuries, at once and for ever +abolished. + +But my heart could not bear this sacrilege. I and my political friends, +we called our people to arms to defend the palladium of our national +existence, the privilege of self-government, and that political, civil, +and religious liberty, and those democratic institutions, which, upon +the glorious basis of self-government, we had succeeded to assert for +all the people of Hungary. And the people nobly answered my call. We +struck down the centralizing tyrant to the dust; we drove him and his +double-faced eagle out from our country; our answer to his impious +treachery was the declaration of our independence and his forfeiture of +the crown. + +Were we right to do so, or not? + +We were; and _we had accomplished already our lawful enterprise +victoriously_; we had taken our competent seat amongst the +independent nations on earth. But the other independent powers, and +alas! even the United States, lingered to acknowledge our dearly but +gloriously bought independence; and beaten Austria had time to take her +refuge under the shelter of the other principle, hostile to +self-government, of the sacrilegious principle of FOREIGN ARMED +INTERFERENCE. + +The Czar of Russia declared that the example of Hungary is dangerous to +the interests of absolutism! He interfered, and aided by treason, he +succeeded to crush freedom and self-government in Hungary, and to +establish a centralized absolutism there, where, through all the ages of +the past, the rule of despotism never had been established, and the +United States let him silently accomplish this violation of the common +law of nations. + +Gentlemen, the law of nations, upon which you have raised the lofty hall +of your independence, does not exist any more. The despots are united +and leagued against national self-government. They declare it +inconsistent with their divine (rather Satanic) rights; and upon this +basis all the nations of the European Continent are held in fetters; the +government of France is become a vanguard to Russia, St. Petersburg is +transferred to Paris, and England is forced to arm and to prepare for +self-defence at home. + +These are the immediate consequences of the downfall of the principle of +self-government in Hungary, by the violence of foreign interference. But +if this great principle is not restored to its full weight by the +restoration of Hungary's sovereign independence, then you will see yet +other consequences in your own country. _Your_ freedom and +prosperity is hated as dangerous to the despots of Europe. If you do not +believe me, believe at least what the organs of your enemies openly avow +themselves. Pozzo di Borgo, the great Russian diplomatist, and +Hulsemann, the little Austrian diplomatist, repeatedly in 1817 and 1823, +published that despotism is in danger, unless yourselves become a +king-ridden people. If you study the history of the Hungarian struggle, +you can also see the way by which the despots will carry their design. +The secret power of foreign diplomacy will foster amongst you the +principle of centralization; and, as is always the case, many who are +absorbed in some special aims of your party politics will be caught by +this snare; and when you, gentlemen of the south, oppose with energy +this tendency, dangerous to your dear principle of self-government, the +despots of Europe will first foment and embitter the quarrel and kindle +the fire of domestic dissensions, and finally they will declare that +your example is dangerous to order. Then foreign armed interference +steps in for centralization here, as for monarchy in the rest of +America. + +Indeed, gentlemen, if there is any place on earth where this prospect +should be considered with attention, with peculiar care, it is here in +the southern states of this great union, because their very existence is +based on the great principle of self-government. + +But some say there is no danger for the United States, in whatever +condition be the rest of the world. I am astonished to hear that +objection in a country, which, by a thousand ties, is connected with and +interested in the condition of the foreign world. + +It is your own government which prophetically foretold in 1827, that +_the absolutism of Europe will not be appeased until every vestige of +human freedom has been obliterated even here_. + +And is it upon the ruins of Hungary that the absolutist powers are now +about to realize this prophecy? + +You are aware of the fact that every former revolution in Europe was +accompanied by some constitutional concessions, promised by the kings to +appease the storm, but treacherously nullified when the storm passed. +Out of this false play constantly new revolutions arose. It is therefore +that Russian interference in Hungary was preceded by a proclamation of +the Czar,--wherein he declares "that insurrection having spread in every +nation with an audacity which has gained new force in proportion to the +concessions of the governments," every concession must be withdrawn; not +the slightest freedom, no political rights, and no constitutional +aspirations must be left, but everything levelled by the equality of +passive obedience and absolute servitude; he therefore takes the lead of +the allied despots, to crush the spirit of liberty on earth. + +It is this impious work, which was begun by the interference in Hungary, +and goes on spreading in a frightful degree; it is this impious work +which my people, combined with the other oppressed nations, is resolved +to oppose. It is therefore no partial struggle which we are about to +fight; it is a struggle of principles, the issues of which, according as +we triumph or fall, must be felt everywhere, but nowhere more than here +in the United States, because no nation on earth has more to lose by the +all-overwhelming preponderance of the absolutist principle than the +United States. If we are triumphant, the progress and development of the +United States will go on peacefully, till your Republicanism becomes the +ruling principle on earth (God grant it may soon become); but if we +fail, the absolutist powers, triumphant over Europe, will and must fall +with all their weight upon you, precisely because else you would grow to +such a might as would decide the destinies of the world. And since the +absolutistical powers, with Russia at their head, desire themselves to +rule the world, it is natural for her to consider you as their most +dangerous enemy, which they must try to crush, or else be crushed sooner +or later themselves. The _Pozzo di Borgos_ tell you so: the +_Hulsemanns_ tell you so: and it were indeed strange if the people +of the United States, too proudly relying upon their power and their +good luck, should indifferently regard the gathering of danger over +their head, and hereby invite it to come home to them, forcing them to +the immense sacrifices of war, whereas we now afford to them an +opportunity to prevent that danger, without any entanglement, and +without claiming from you any moral and material aid, except such as is +not only consistent with, but necessary to your interests. + +Allow me to make yet some remarks about the commercial interests as +connected with the cause I plead. Nothing astonishes me more than to see +those whose only guiding star is commerce, considering its interests +only from the narrow view of a small momentary profit, and disregarding +the threatening combination of next coming events. + +Permit me to quote in this respect one part of the public letter which +Mr. Calhoun, the son of the late great leader of the South, the +inheritor of his fame, of his principles, and of his interests, has +recently published. I quote it because I hope nobody will charge him +with partiality in respect to Hungary. + +Mr. Calhoun says: + +"There is a universal consideration that should influence the government +of the United States. The palpable and practical agricultural, +manufacturing, commercial and navigating interests, the pecuniary +interests of this country, will be promoted by the independence of +Hungary more than by any other event that could occur in Europe. If +Hungary becomes independent it will be her interest to adopt a liberal +system of commercial policy. There are fifteen millions of people +inhabiting what is or what was Hungary, and the country between her and +the Adriatic. These people have not now, and never had, any commerce +with the United States. Hungarian trade and commerce has been stifled by +the 'fiscal barriers' of Austria that encircle her. She has used but few +of American products. Your annual shipments of cotton and cotton +manufactures to Trieste and all other Austrian ports, including the +amount sent to Hungary, as well as Austria, has never exceeded nine +hundred thousand dollars per annum. All other merchandize and produce +sent by you to Austria and Hungary do not exceed one hundred thousand +dollars a year. Hungary obtains all her foreign imports through Austrian +ports. The import and transit duties levied by Austria are exceedingly +onerous, and nearly prohibitory as to Hungary of your cotton and cotton +goods." Hungary independent, and a market is at once opened for your +cotton, rice, tobacco, and manufactures of immense value. That market +is now closed to you, and has always been, by Austrian restrictions. And +can it be doubted that besides supplying the fifteen millions of +_industrious and intelligent_ people of Hungary (_and they are, +as a people, perhaps, the most intelligent of any in Europe_), the +adjacent and neighbouring countries, will not also be tempted to +encourage trade with you? Hungary needs your cotton. She is rich in +resources--mineral, agricultural, manufacturing, and of every kind. She +is rich in products for which you can exchange your cotton, rice, &c. +Will it, I ask, injuriously affect you if the English should compete +with you and send their manufactures of cotton thither? Not, I presume, +as long as the raw material is purchased from America; but in fact, your +market will be extended through her. "If therefore those of our +statesmen (says Mr. Calhoun), who can only be influenced by the almighty +dollar, will cypher up the value of this trade--this new market for our +products, worth perhaps twenty millions of dollars yearly--they may find +an excuse for incurring even the tremendous and awful risk of a war with +Austria, but which there is less danger of than there is with Governor +Brigham Young, in Utah. They may find a substantial interest involved +that is worth taking care of. Governor Kossuth may be assured it is of +more consequence than sympathy. It is a wonderfully sensitive nerve in +this country: it controls most of the others.--Sympathy, in this case, +can take care of itself. It does not require any nursing. The interests +involved should be attended to. It seems to me that this position as to +our commerce with Hungary cannot be attacked in front, in rear, or on +either flank. It is by far more forcible and powerful than the _ex +post facto_ argument in favour of the Mexican war, that it got us +California and its gold. So far as the general welfare of the country is +concerned, free trade with independent Hungary, and its certain ultimate +results, would be more invaluable than all the cargoes of gold that may +be brought from the Pacific coast, if ten times the present amount." + +That is the opinion of a distinguished American citizen, identified +chiefly with the interests of the South. + +As to me, I beg permission to sketch in a few lines the reverse of the +picture. If we fail in our enterprize to check the encroaching progress +of absolutism, if the despots of Europe succeed to accomplish their +plot, the chief part of which for Russia is to get hold of +Constantinople, and thus to become the controlling power of the +Mediterranean sea, what will be the immediate result of it in respect to +your commerce? + +No man of sound judgment can entertain the least doubt that the first +step of Russia will and must be, to exclude America from the markets of +Europe by the renewal of what is called the continental system. Not a +single bushel of wheat or corn, not a single pound of tobacco, not a +single bale of cotton, will you be permitted to sell on the continent of +Europe. The leagued despots must exclude you, because you are +republicans, and commerce is the conveyer of principles; they must +exclude you, because by ruining your commerce they ruin your prosperity, +and by ruining this they ruin your development, which is dangerous to +them. Russia besides must exclude you, because you are the most +dangerous rival to her in the European markets where you have already +beaten her. And it will be the more the interest of Russia to exclude +you, because by taking Constantinople, she will also become the master +of Asiatic and African regions, where also cotton is raised. + +Well, you say, perhaps, though you be excluded from the European +continent, England still remains to your cotton commerce.--Who could +guarantee that the English aristocracy will not join in the absolutist +combination, if the people of the United States, by a timely +manifestation of its sentiments, does not encourage the public opinion +of England itself? But suppose England does remain a market to your +cotton, you must not forget that if English manufacture is excluded from +all the coasts of Europe and of the Mediterranean, she will not buy so +much cotton from you as now, because she will lose so large a market for +cotton goods. + +Well, you say neither England nor you will submit to such a ruin of your +prosperity. Of course not; but then you will have a war, connected with +immense sacrifices; whereas now, you can prevent all that ruin, all +those sacrifices, and all that war. Is it not more prudent to prevent a +fire, than to quench it when your own house is already in flames? + +Ladies and Gentlemen, let me draw to a close. I most heartily thank you +for the honours of this unlooked-for reception, and for your generous +sympathy. I feel happy that the interests, political as well as +commercial, of the United States, are in intimate connexion with the +success of the struggle of Hungary for independence and republican +principles; and I bid you a sincere and cordial farewell, recalling to +your memory, and humbly recommending to your sympathy that toast, which +the more clement Senator of Alabama, Colonel King, as President of the +United States Senate, gave me at the Congressional Banquet, on the 7th +of January, in these words:-- + +"Hungary having proved herself worthy to be free, by the virtue and +valour of her sons, the law of nations and the dictates of justice alike +demand that she shall have fair play in her struggle for independence." + +It was the honourable Senator of Alabama who gave me this toast, +expressing his conviction that to this toast every American will +cordially respond. His colleague has not responded to it, but Mobile has +responded to it, and I take, with cordial gratitude, my leave of Mobile. + + * * * * * + +XXXIX.--KOSSUTH'S DEFENCE AGAINST CERTAIN MEAN IMPUTATIONS. + +[_Jersey City_.] + +Kossuth was here welcomed with an address by the Hon. D. S. Gregory, +whose guest he became. Great efforts had been made to prejudice the +public against him; notwithstanding which he was received with +enthusiasm. In the evening, in his speech at the Presbyterian Church, he +alluded to the attacks of his opponents as follows: + +Mr. Mayor, and Ladies and Gentlemen,--There have been some who, to the +great satisfaction of despots, and their civil and religious +confederates, have moved Heaven and Hell to lower my sacred mission to +the level of a stage-play; and to ridicule the enthusiastic outburst of +popular sentiments, by defaming its object and its aim. + +That was a sorrowful sight indeed. To meet opposition we must be +prepared. There is no truth yet but has been opposed: the car which +leads truth to triumph must pass over martyrs; that is the doom of +humanity. Mankind, though advanced in intellectual skill, is pretty much +the same in heart as it was thousands of years ago--if not worse; for +wealth and prosperity do not always improve the heart. It is sorrowful +to see that not even such a cause as that which I plead, can escape from +being dragged down insultingly into the mud. With the ancient Greeks, +the head of an unfortunate was held sacred even to the gods. Now-a-days, +with some,--but let us be thankful! only with some few degenerate +persons,--even calamity like ours is but an occasion for a bad joke. +Jesus Christ felt thirsty on the cross, and received vinegar and +wormwood to quench the thirst of his agony. Oh ye spirits of my +country's departed martyrs, sadden not your melancholy look at mean +insult. The soil which you watered by your blood will yet be free, and +that is enough! Ye will hear glad tidings about it when I join your +ranks. + +But now, as for myself. When I was in private life, I despised to become +rich, and sacrificed thousands to the public, and often saw my own +family embarrassed by domestic cares. I refused indemnifications, and +lived poor. When raised to the highest place in my country, and provided +with an allowance four times as great as your President's, I still lived +in my old modest way. I had millions at my disposal, yet I went into +exile penniless. Who now are _ye_, or what like proof have +_ye_ given of not adoring the "Almighty Dollar," who dare to insult +my honour and call me a sturdy beggar, and ask in what brewery I will +invest the money I get from Americans? And why? because I ask a poor +alms to prepare the approaching struggle of my country; because I cannot +and may not tell the public (which is to tell my country's enemy), how I +dispose of the sums which I receive. And Americans, pretending to be +republicans, pretending to sympathize with liberty, and wield that light +artillery of Freedom,--the Press,--try to put on me mean stigmas, in +order to make it impossible for me to aid the contest of Hungary for its +own and mankind's liberty. + +Indeed, it is too sad. The consul of ancient Rome, Spurius Postumius, +was once caught in a snare by the Samnites, and was ordered to pass +under the yoke with all his legions. When he hesitated to submit, a +captain cried to him: "Stoop, and lead us to disgrace for our country's +sake." And so he did. The word of the captain was true: our country may +claim of us, to submit even to degradations for its benefit. But I am +sorry that it is in America I had to learn, there are in a patriot's +life trials still bitterer than even that of exile. + +Well: I can bear all this, if it be but fruitful of good for my beloved +fatherland. But I look up to Almighty God, and ask in humility, whether +unscrupulous and mean suspicion shall succeed in stopping the flow of +that public and private aid to me, from republican America and from +American republicans, without which I cannot organize and combine our +forces. + +Mr. Mayor and citizens of Jersey, I indeed apprehend you will have much +disappointed those who endeavoured by ridicule to drive our cause out of +fashion. You have shown them to-day that the cause of liberty can never +be out of fashion with Americans. I thank you most cordially for it; the +more because I know that long before yesterday sympathy with the cause +of liberty has been in fashion with you. I am here on the borders of a +state noted for its fidelity and sacrifices in the struggle for your +country's freedom and independence: to which the State of New Jersey +has, in proportion to its population, sacrificed a larger amount of +patriotic blood and of property, than any other of your sister states. +I myself have read the acknowledgment of this in Washington's own yet +unedited hand-writings. And I know also that your state has the +historical reputation of having been a glorious battle-field in the +struggle for the freedom you enjoy. + +There may be some in this assembly with whom the sufferings connected +with one's home being a battle-field, may be a family tradition yet. But +is there a country in the world where such traditions are more largely +recorded than my own native land is? Is there a country, on the soil of +which more battles have been fought--and battles not only for ourselves, +but for all the Christian, all the civilized world? Oh, home of my +fathers! thou art the Golgotha of Europe. + +I defy all the demoniac skill of tyranny to find out more +tortures,--moral, political, and material,--than those which now weigh +down my fatherland. It will not bear them, it cannot bear them, but will +make a revolution, though all the world forsake us. But I ask, is there +not private generosity enough in America, to give me those funds, +through which my injured country would have to meet fewer enemies, and +win its rights with far less bloodshed; or shall the venom of calumny +cause you to refuse that, which, without impairing your private fortunes +or risking your public interests, would mightily conduce to our success? + +Allow me to quote a beautiful but true word which ex-Governor Vroom +spoke in Trenton last night. He said: "Let us help the man; his +principles are those engrafted into our Declaration of Independence. We +cannot remain free, should all Europe become enslaved by absolutism. The +sun of freedom is but one, on mankind's sky, and when darkness spreads +it will spread over all alike." The instinct of the people of Hungary +understood, that to yield at all to unjust violence, was to yield +everything; and to my appeals they replied, Cursed be he who yields! +Though unprepared, they fought; our unnamed heroes fought and +conquered,--until Russia and treachery came. And though now I am an +exile, again they will follow me; I need only to get back to them and +bring them something sharper than our nails to fight with for fatherland +and humanity; then in the high face of heaven we will fight out the +battle of freedom once more. This is my cause, and this my plea. It is +there in your hearts, written in burning words by God himself, who made +you generous by bestowing on you freedom. + + * * * * * + +XL.--THE BROTHERHOOD OF NATIONS. + +[_Newark_.] + +The Rev. Dr. Eddy introduced Kossuth to the citizens of Newark, and made +an address to him in their name. After this, Kossuth replied: + +Gentlemen,--It was a minister of the Gospel who addressed me in your +name: Let me speak to you as a Christian who considers it to be my +heartfelt duty to act, not only in my private but also in my public +capacity, in conformity with the principles of Christianity, as I +understand it. + +I have seen the people of the United States almost in every climate of +your immense territory. I have marked the natural influence of geography +upon its character. I have seen the same principles, the same +institutions assuming in their application the modifying influences of +local circumstances; I have found the past casting its shadows on the +present, in one place darker, in the other less; I have seen man +everywhere to be man, partaking of all aspirations, which are the bliss +as well as the fragility of nature in man,--but in one place the bliss +prevailing more and in the other the fragility. I saw now and then small +interests of the passing hour, less or more encroaching upon the sacred +dominion of universal principles; but so much is true, that wherever I +found a people, I found a great and generous heart, ready to take that +ground which by your very national position is pointed out to you as a +mission. Your position is to be a great nation; therefore your +necessity is to act like a great nation; or, if you do not, you will not +be great. + +To be numerous, is not to be great. The Chinese are eight times more +numerous than you, and still China is not great, for she has isolated +herself from the world. Nor does the condition of a nation depend on +what she likes to call herself. China calls herself "Celestial," and +takes you and Europe for barbarians. Not what we call ourselves, but how +we act, proves what we are. Great is that nation which acts greatly. +And give me leave to say, what an American minister of the Gospel has +said to me: "_Nations_, by the great God of the Universe, are +individualized, as well as men. He has given each a mission to fulfil, +and He expects every one to bear its part in solving the great problem +of man's capacity for self-government, which is the problem of human +destiny; and if any nation fails in this, He will treat it as an +unprofitable servant, a barren fig-tree, whose own end is to be rooted +up and burnt." + +Jonah sat under the shadow of his gourd rejoicing, in isolated, selfish +indifference, caring nothing for the millions of the Ninevites at his +feet. What was the consequence? God prepared a worm to smite the gourd, +that it withered. God has privileged you, the people of the United +States, to repose, not under a gourd, but beneath the shadow of a +luxuriant vine and the outspreading branches of a delicious fig-tree. +Give him praise and thanks! But are you, Jonah-like, on this account to +wrap yourselves up in the mantle of insensibility, caring nothing for +the nations smarting under oppression? stretching forth no hand for +their deliverance, not even so much as to protest against a conspiracy +of evil doers, and give an alms to aid deliverance from them? Are you to +hide your national talent in a napkin, or lend it at usury? Read the +Saviour's maxim: + +"_Do unto others as ye would that others do unto you!_" This is the +Saviour's golden rule, applicable to nations as well as to individuals. +Suppose when the United States were struggling for their independence, +the Spanish Government had interfered to prevent its achievement +--sending an armament to bombard your cities and murder your +inhabitants. What would your forefathers have thought--how felt? +Precisely as Hungary thought and felt when the Russian bear put down his +overslaughtering paw upon her. They would have invoked high heaven to +avenge the interference--and had there been a people on the face of the +earth to protest against it, that people would have shown out, like an +eminent star in the hemisphere of nations--and to this day you would +call it blessed. What you would have others do unto you, do so likewise +unto them. + +And though you met no foreign interference, yet you met far more than a +protest in your favour; you met substantial aid: thirty-eight vessels of +war, nineteen millions of money, 24,000 muskets, 4,000 soldiers, and the +whole political weight of France engaged in your cause. I ask not so +much, by far not so much, for oppressed Europe from you. + +It is a gospel maxim "_Be not partaker of other men's sins._" It is +alike applicable to individuals and nations. If you of the United States +see the great law of humanity outraged by another nation, and see it +_silently_, raising no warning voice against it, you virtually +become a party to the offence; as you do not reprove it, you embolden +the offender to add iniquity unto iniquity. + +Let not one nation be partaker of another nation's sins. When you see +the great law of humanity, the law upon which your national existence +rests, the law enacted in the Declaration of your Independence, outraged +and profaned, will you sit quietly by? If so (excuse me for saying) part +of the guilt is upon you, and while individuals receive their reward in +the eternal world, nations are sure to receive it here. There is +connection of cause and effect in a nation's destiny. + +A nation should not be a mere _lake_, a glassy expanse, only +reflecting foreign, light around--but a _river_, carrying its rich +treasures from the fountain to distant regions of the earth. + +A nation should not be a mere _light-house_, a stationary beacon, +erected upon the coast to warn voyagers of their danger--but a moving +_life-boat_, carrying treasures of freedom to the doors of +thousands and millions in their lands. + +I confess, gentlemen, that I shared those expectations, which the +nations of Europe have conceived from America. Was I too sanguine in my +wishes to hope, that in these expectations I shall not fail? So much I +dare say, that I conceived these expectations not without encouragement +on your own part. + +With this let me draw to a close. One word often tells more than a +volume of skilful eloquence. When crossing the Alleghany mountains, in a +new country, scarcely yet settled, bearing at every step the mark of a +new creation, I happened to see a new house in ruins. I felt astonished +to see a ruin in America. There must have been misfortune in that +house--the hand of God may have stricken him, thought I, and inquired +from one of the neighbours, "What has become of the man?" "Nothing +particular," answered he: "he went to the West--he was too comfortable +here. American pioneers like to be uncomfortable." It was but one word, +yet worth a volume. It made me more correctly understand the character +of your people and the mystery of your inner prodigious growth, than a +big volume of treatises upon the spirit of America might have done. The +instinct of indomitable energy, all the boundless power hidden in the +word "_go ahead_," lay open before my eyes. I felt by a glance what +immense things might be accomplished by that energy, to the honour and +lasting welfare of all humanity, if only its direction be not +misled--and I pray to God that he may preserve your people from being +absorbed in materialism. The proud results of egotism vanish in the +following generation like the fancy of a dream; but the smallest real +benefit bestowed upon mankind is lasting like eternity. People of +America! thy energy is wonderful; but for thy own sake, for thy future's +sake, for all humanity's sake, beware! Oh! beware from measuring good +and evil by the arguments of materialists. + +I have seen too many sad and bitter hours in my stormy life, not to +remember every word of true consolation which happened to brighten my +way. + +It was nearly four months ago, and still I remember it, as if it had +happened but yesterday, that the delegation, which came in December last +to New York, to tender me a cordial welcome from and to invite me to +Newark, called _me a brother, a brother in the just and righteous +appreciation of human rights and human destiny; brother in all the +sacred and hallowed sentiments of the human heart_. These were your +words, and yesterday the people of Newark proved to me that they are +your sentiments; sentiments not like the sudden excitement of passion, +which cools, but sentiments of brotherhood and friendship, lasting, +faithful, and true. + +You have greeted me by the dear name of brother. When I came, you +entitled me to the right to bid you farewell in a brother's way. And +between brethren, a warm grasp of hand, a tender tear in the eye, and +the word "_remember_," tells more than all the skill of oratory +could do. And remember, oh remember, brethren! that the grasp of my hand +is my whole people's grasp, the tear which glistens in my eyes is their +tear. They are suffering as no other people--for the world, the +oppressed world. They are the emblem of struggling liberty, claiming a +brother's love and a brother's aid from America, who is, happily, the +emblem of prosperous liberty! + +Let this word "_brother_," with all the dear ties comprized in that +word, be the impression I leave upon your hearts. Let this word, +"_brethren, remember!_" be my farewell. + + * * * * * + +XLI.--THE HISTORY AND HEART OF MASSACHUSETTS. + +[_Worcester,[*] Massachusetts_.] + +[Footnote *: "Heart of the Commonwealth," is the American title of the +town of Worcester.] + +Gentlemen,--Just as the Holy Scriptures are the revelation of religious +truth, teaching men how to attain eternal bliss, so history is the +revelation of eternal wisdom, instructing nations how to be happy, and +immortal on earth. Unaccountable changes may alter on a sudden the +condition of individuals, but in the life of nations there is always a +close concatenation of cause and effect--therefore history is the book +of life, wherein the past assumes the shape of future events. + +The history of old Massachusetts is full of instruction to those who +know how to read unwritten philosophy in written facts. Besides, to me +it is of deep interest, because of the striking resemblances between +your country's history and that of mine. In fact, from the very time +that the "colonial system" was adopted by Great Britain, to secure the +monopoly of the American trade, down to Washington's final +victories;--from James Otis, pleading with words of flame the rights of +America before the Supreme Court of Massachusetts, breathing into the +nation that breath of life out of which American Independence was born; +down to the Declaration of Independence, first moved by a son of +Massachusetts;--I often believe I read of Hungary when I read of +Massachusetts. But next, when the kind cheers of your generous-hearted +people rouse me out of my contemplative reveries, and looking around me +I see your prosperity, a nameless woe comes over my mind, because that +very prosperity reminds me that I am not at home. The home of my +fathers--the home of my heart--the home of my affections and of my +cares, is in the most striking contrast with the prosperity I see here. +And whence this striking contrast in the results, when there exists such +a striking identity in the antecedents? Whence this afflicting +departure from logical coherence in history? + +It is, because your struggle for independence met the good luck, that +monarchical France stipulated to aid with its full force America +struggling for independence, whereas republican America delayed even a +recognition of Hungary's independence at the crisis when it had been +achieved. However! the equality of results may yet come. History will +not prove false to poor Hungary, while it proves true to all the world. +I certainly shall never meet the reputation of Franklin, but I may yet +meet his good luck in a patriotic mission. It is not yet too late. My +people, like the damsel in the Scriptures, is but sleeping, and not +dead. Sleep is silent, but restores to strength. There is apparent +silence also in nature before the storm. We are downtrodden, it is true: +but was not Washington in a dreary retreat with his few brave men, +scarcely to be called an army, when Franklin drew nigh to success in his +mission? + +My retreat is somewhat longer, to be sure, but then our struggle went on +from the first on a far greater scale; and again, the success of +Franklin was aided by the hatred of France against England; so I am +told, and it is true; but I trust that the love of liberty in republican +America will prove as copious a source of generous inspiration, as +hatred of Great Britain proved in monarchical France. Or, should it be +the doom of humanity that even republics like yours are more mightily +moved by hatred than by love, is there less reason for republican +America to hate the overwhelming progress of absolutism, than there was +reason for France to hate England's prosperity? In fact, that prosperity +has not been lessened, but rather increased by the rending away of the +United States from the dominion of England; but the absorption of Europe +into predominant absolutism, would cripple your prosperity, because you +are no China, no Japan. + +America cannot remain unaffected by the condition of Europe, with which +you have a thousand-fold intercourse. A passing accident in Liverpool, a +fire in Manchester, cannot fail to be felt in America--how could then +the fire of despotic oppression, which threatens to consume all Europe's +freedom, civilization, and property, fail to affect in its results +America? How can it be indifferent to you whether Europe be free or +enslaved?--whether there exists a "Law of Nations," or no such thing any +more exists, being replaced by the caprice of an arrogant mortal who is +called "Czar?" No! either all the instruction of history is vanity, and +its warnings but the pastime of a mocking-bird, or this indifference is +impossible; therefore I may yet meet with Franklin's good luck. + +Franklin wrote to his friend Charles Thompson, after having concluded +the treaty of peace--"If we ever become ungrateful to those who have +served and befriended us, our reputation, and all the strength it is +capable of procuring, will be lost, and new dangers ensue." + +Perhaps I could say, poor Hungary has well served Christendom, has well +served the cause of humanity; but indeed we are not so happy as to have +served your country in particular. But you are generous enough to +permit our unmerited misfortunes to recommend us to your affections in +place of good service. It is beautiful to repay a received benefit, but +to bestow a benefit is divine. It is your good fortune to be _able_ +to do good to humanity: let it be your glory that you are _willing_ +to do it. + +Then what will be the tidings I shall have to bear back to Europe, in +answer to the expectations with which I was charged from Turkey, Italy, +France, Portugal, and England? Let me hope the answer will be fit to be +reanswered by a mighty hallelujah, at the shout of which the thrones of +tyrants will quake; and when they are fallen, and buried beneath the +fallen pillars of tyranny, all the Christian world will unite in the +song of praise--"Glory to God in Heaven, and peace to right-willing men +on earth, and honour to America, the first-born son of Liberty. For no +nation has God done so much as for her; for she proved to be well +deserving of it, because she was obedient to his Divine Law--She has +loved her neighbour as herself, and did unto others as, in the hour of +her need, she desired others to do unto herself." + +Gentlemen,--I know what weight is due to Massachusetts in the councils +of the nation; the history, the character, the intelligence, the +consistent energy, and the considerate perseverance of your country, +give me the security that when the people of Massachusetts raises its +voice and pronounces its will--it will carry its aim. + +I have seen this people's will in the manifestation of him whom the +people's well-deserved confidence has raised to the helm of its +Executive Government; I have seen it in the sanction of its Senators; I +have seen it in the mighty outburst of popular sentiments, and in the +generous testimonials of its sympathy, as I moved over this hallowed +soil. I hope soon to see it in the Legislative Hall of your +Representatives, and in the Cradle of American Liberty. + +I hope to see it as I see it now here, throbbing with warm, sincere, +generous, and powerful pulsation, in the very heart of your +Commonwealth. I know that where the heart is sound the whole body is +sound--the blood is sound throughout all the veins. Never believe those +to be right who, bearing but a piece of metal in their chests, could +persuade you, that to be cold is to be wise. Warmth is the vivifying +influence of the universe, and the warm heart is the source of noble +deeds. To consider calmly what you have to do is well. You have done +so. But let me hope that the heart of Massachusetts will continue to +throb warmly for the cause of liberty, till that which you judge to be +right is done, with that persistent energy, which, inherited from the +puritan pilgrims of the Mayflower, is a principle with the people of +Massachusetts. Remember the afflicted,--farewell. + + * * * * * + +XLII.--PANEGYRIC OF MASSACHUSETTS. + +[_Speech at Faneuil Hall_.] + +Kossuth entered Boston on the 27th April, escorted by twenty-nine +companies of infantry and four of artillery, in the midst of flags and +other festive display. He was welcomed by Gov. Boutwell at the State +House. In the afternoon he reviewed the troops on the common, in the +midst of an immense multitude. The members of the legislature and of the +council came in procession from the State House, and joined him in the +field. In the evening he was entertained at the Revere House, as the +guest of the Legislative Committee. + +On April 28th he was escorted by the Independent Cadets to the State +House, where Governor Boutwell received him with a brief but emphatic +speech, avowing that Kossuth had "imparted important instruction" to the +people of the United States. The governor then conducted Kossuth to the +Senate, where he was warmly welcomed by the President, General Wilson; +and thence again to the House of Representatives, where the Speaker, Mr. +Banks, addressed him in words of high honour, in the name of the +representatives. To each of these addresses Kossuth replied; but the +substance of his speeches has scarcely sufficient novelty to present +here. + +On the evening of the 29th of April it was arranged that he should speak +in Faneuil Hall. The hall filled long before his arrival, and an +incident occurred which deserves record. The crowd amused itself by +calling on persons present for speeches: among others Senator Myron +Lawrence was called for, who, after first refusing, stept on the +platform and declared that _he had some sins to confess_. He had +been guilty of thinking Kossuth to be what is called "a humbug;" but he +had seen him now, and thought differently. He had seen the modest, +truthful bearing of the man,--that he had no tricks of the orator, but +spoke straightforward. Mr. Lawrence now believed him to be sincere and +honest, and prayed Almighty God to grant him a glorious success. This +frank and manly acknowledgment was received with unanimous and hearty +applause. + +At eight o'clock Governor Boutwell, his council, and the committee of +reception, as also the vice-presidents and secretaries, received Kossuth +in Faneuil Hall.[*] When applause had ceased, the Governor addressed +Kossuth as follows:-- + +[Footnote *: Faneuil Hall is entitled by the Americans "the cradle of +American Liberty."] + +Gentlemen,--We have come from the exciting and majestic scenes of the +reception which the people of Massachusetts have given to the exiled son +of an oppressed and distant land, that on this holy spot, associated in +our minds with the eloquence, the patriotism, the virtue of the +revolution, we may listen to his sad story of the past and contemplate +his plans and hopes for the future. And shall these associations which +belong to us, and this sad story which belongs to humanity, fail to +inspire our souls and instruct our minds in the cause of freedom? Europe +is not like a distant ocean, whose agitations and storms give no impulse +to the wave that gently touches our shore. The introduction of steam +power and the development of commercial energy are blending and +assimilating our civilities and institutions. Europe is nearer to us in +time than the extreme parts of this country are to each other. As all of +us are interested in the prevalence of the principles of justice among +our fellow men, _so_, as a nation, we are interested in the +prevalence of the principles of justice among the nations and states of +Europe. + +Never before was the American mind so intelligently directed to European +affairs. We have not sought, nor shall we seek, the control of those +affairs. But we may scan and judge their character and prepare ourselves +for the exigencies of national existence to which we may be called. _I +do not hesitate to pronounce the opinion that the policy of Europe will +have a visible effect upon the character, power, and destiny of the +American Republic_. That policy as indicated by Russia and Austria, +is the work of centralization, consolidation and absolutism. American +policy is the antagonist of this. + +We are pledged to liberty and the sovereignty of States. Shall a +contest between our own principles and those of our enemies awaken no +emotions in us? We believe that government should exist for the +advantage of the individual members of the body politic, and not for the +use of those who, by birth, fortune, or personal energy, may have risen +to positions of power. We recognize the right of each nation to +establish its own institutions and regulate its own affairs. Our +revolution rests upon this right, and otherwise is entirely +indefensible. The policy of this nation, as well foreign as domestic, +should be controlled by American principles, that the world may know we +have faith in the government we have established. While we cannot adopt +the cause of any other people, or make the quarrels of European nations +our own, it is our duty to guard the principles peculiar to America, as +well as those entertained by us in common with the civilized world. + +One principle, which should be universal in States as among individual +men is, that each should use his own in such a way as not to injure that +which belongs to another. _Russia violated this principle when she +interfered in the affairs of Hungary_, and thus weakened the +obligations of other States to respect the sovereignty of the Russian +Empire. + +The independent existence of the continental States of Europe, is of +twofold importance to America. Important politically, important +commercially. + +As independent States they deprive Russia, the central and absorbing +power of Europe, of the opportunity on the Mediterranean to interfere in +the politics and civilities of this Continent. Russia and the United +States are as unlike as any two nations which ever existed. If Russia +obtains control of Europe by the power of arms, and the United States +shall retain this Continent by the power of its principles, war will be +inevitable. As inevitable as it was in former days that war should arise +between Carthage and Rome,--Carthage, which sought to extend her power +by commerce, and Rome, which sought to govern the world by the sword. +The independence of the States of Europe is then the best security for +the peace of the world. If these States exist, it must be upon one +condition only--that each State is permitted to regulate its own +affairs. If the voice of the United States and Great Britain is silent, +will Russia allow these States to exist upon this principle?--Has she +not already partitioned Poland--menaced Turkey--divided with the Sultan +the sovereignty of Wallachia--infused new energy into the despotic +councils of Austria--and finally aided her in an unholy crusade against +the liberties of Hungary? Have we not then an interest in the affairs of +Europe? And if we have an interest, ought we not to use the rights of an +independent State for its protection? + +The second consideration is commercial. + +Centralization, absolutism, destroys commerce. The policy of Russia +diminishes production and limits markets. Whenever she adds a new State +to her dominions the commerce of the world is diminished. Great Britain +and the United States, which possess three-fourths of the commercial +marine of the globe, are interested to prevent it. Our commerce at this +moment with despotic States is of very little importance, and its +history shows that in every age it has flourished in proportion to the +freedom of the people. + +These, gentlemen, are poor words and barren thoughts upon the great +European question of the time. A question which America in her own name, +and for herself, must meet at some future day, if now she shall fail to +meet it firmly, upon well settled principles of national law, for the +protection and assistance of other States. + +I have done. The exiled patriot shall speak for himself. Not for +himself only, nor for the land and people of Hungary he loves so well, +but for Europe, and America even, he speaks. Before you he pleads your +own cause. It is to a just tribunal I present a noble advocate. And to +him it shall be a bright spot in the dreary waste of the exile's life, +that to-night he pleads the cause of Hungary and humanity, where once +Otis and Adams, and Hancock and Quincy, pleaded the cause of America and +liberty. + +I present to you Governor Kossuth of Hungary. + +In reply to Governor Boutwell, when the tumultuous applause had +subsided, Kossuth spoke, in substance as follows:-- + +He apologized for profaning Shakespeare's language in Faneuil Hall, the +cradle of American liberty. Yet he ventured to criticize that very +phrase; for liberty ought not to be _American_, but _human_; +else it is no longer a right, but a privilege; and privilege can nowhere +be permanent. The nature of a privilege (said he) is exclusiveness, that +of a principle is communicative. Liberty is a principle: its community +is its security; exclusiveness is its doom. + +What is aristocracy? It is exclusive liberty; it is privilege; and +aristocracy is doomed, because it is contrary to the destiny of men. As +aristocracy should vanish within each nation, so should no nation be an +aristocrat among nations. Until that ceases, liberty will nowhere be +lasting on earth. It is equally fatal to individuals as to nations, to +believe themselves beyond the reach of vicissitudes. By this proud +reliance, and the isolation resulting therefrom, more victims have +fallen than by immediate adversities. You have grown prodigiously by +your freedom of seventy-five years; but what is seventy-five years as a +charter of immortality? No, no, my humble tongue tells the records of +eternal truth. A _privilege_ never can be lasting. Liberty +restricted to one nation never can be sure. You may say, "We are the +prophets of God;" but you shall not say, "God is only our God." The Jews +said so, and their pride, old Jerusalem, lies in the dust. Our Saviour +taught all humanity to say, "Our Father in heaven," and his Jerusalem is +lasting to the end of days. + +"There is a community in mankind's destiny"--that was the greeting which +I read on the arch of welcome on the Capitol Hill of Massachusetts. I +pray to God, the Republic of America would weigh the eternal truth of +those words, and act accordingly; liberty in America would then be sure +to the end of time; but if you say, "American Liberty," and take that +grammar for your policy, I dare to say the time will yet come when +humanity will have to mourn a new proof of the ancient truth, that +without community national freedom is never sure. + +However, the cradle of American Liberty is not only famous from the +reputation of having been always on the lists of the most powerful +eloquence; it is still more conspicuous for having seen that eloquence +attended by practical success. To understand the mystery of this rare +circumstance one must see the people of New England, and especially the +people of Massachusetts. + +In what I have seen of New England there are two things, the evidence of +which strikes the observer at every step--prosperity and intelligence. I +have seen thousands assembled, following the noble impulses of a +generous heart: almost the entire population of every town, of every +village where I passed, gathered around me, throwing flowers of +consolation on my path. I have seen not a single man bearing that mark +of poverty upon himself which in old Europe strikes the eye sadly at +every step. I have seen no ragged poor--have seen not a single house +bearing the appearance of desolated poverty. The cheerfulness of a +comfortable condition, the result of industry, spreads over the land. +One sees at a glance that the people work assiduously, not with the +depressing thought just to get through the cares of a miserable life +from day to day by hard toil, but they work with the cheerful +consciousness of substantial happiness. And the second thing which I +could not fail to remark, is the stamp of intelligence impressed upon +the very eyes and outward appearance of the people at large. I and my +companions have seen them in the factories, in the workshops, in their +houses, and in the streets, and could not fail a thousand times to think +"how intelligent this people looks." It is to such a people that the +orators of Faneuil Hall had to speak, and therein is the mystery of +success. They were not wiser than the public spirit of their audience, +but they were the eloquent interpreters of the people's enlightened +instinct. + +No man can force the harp of his own individuality into the people's +heart, but every man may play upon the chords of his people's heart, who +draws his inspiration from the people's instinct. Well, I thank God for +having seen the public spirit of the people of Massachusetts, bestowing +its attention on the cause I plead, and pronouncing its verdict. In +respect to the question of national intervention, his Excellency the +high-minded Governor of Massachusetts wrote a memorable address to the +Legislature; the Joint Committee of the Legislative Assembly, after a +careful and candid consideration of the subject, not only concurred in +the views of the Executive government, but elucidated them in a report, +the irrefutable logic and elevated statesmanship of which will for ever +endear the name of Hazewell to oppressed nations; and the Senate of +Massachusetts adopted the resolutions proposed by the Legislative +Committee. After such remarkable and unsolicited manifestations of +conviction, there cannot be the slightest doubt that all these Executive +and Legislative proceedings not only met the full approbation of the +people of Massachusetts, but were the solemn interpretation of public +opinion. A spontaneous outburst of popular sentiment tells often more +in a single word than all the skill of elaborate eloquence could; as +when, amidst the thundering cheers of a countless multitude, a man in +Worcester greeted me with the shout: "_We worship not the man, but we +worship the principle_." It was a word, like those words of flame +spoken in Faneuil Hall, out of which liberty in America was born. That +word reveals the spirit, which, applying eternal truth to present +exigencies, moves through the people's heart--that word is teeming with +the destinies of America. + +Give me leave to mention, that having had an opportunity to converse +with leading men of the great parties, which are on the eve of an +animated contest for the Presidency--I availed myself of that +opportunity, to be informed of the principal issues, in case the one or +the other party carries the prize; and having got the information +thereof, I could not forbear to exclaim--"All these questions together +cannot outweigh the all-overruling importance of _foreign policy_." +It is there, in the question of foreign policy, that the heart of the +immediate future throbs. Security and danger, prosperity and stagnation, +peace and war, tranquillity and embarrassment--yes, life and death, will +be weighed in the scale of Foreign Policy. It is evident things are come +to the point where they were in ancient Rome, when old Cato never spoke +privately or publicly about whatever topic, without closing his speech +with these words: "_However, my opinion is that Carthage must be +destroyed_"--thus advertising his countrymen, that there was one +question outweighing in importance all other questions, from which +public attention should never for a moment be withdrawn. + +Such, in my opinion, is the condition of the world now. Carthage and +Rome had no place on earth together. Republican America and +all-overwhelming Russian absolutism cannot much longer subsist together +on earth. Russia active--America passive--there is an immense danger in +that fact; it is like the avalanche in the Alps, which the noise of a +bird's wing may move and thrust down with irresistible force, growing +every moment. I cannot but believe it were highly time to do as old Cato +did, and finish every speech with these words--"_However, the law of +nations should be maintained, and absolutism not permitted to become +omnipotent._" + +It is however a consolation to me to know, that the _chief_ +difficulty with which I have to contend,--viz. the overpowering +influence of domestic questions with you,--is neither lasting, nor in +any way an argument against the justice of our cause. + +Another difficulty which I encounter is rather curious. Many a man has +told me that if I had only not fallen into the hands of +_abolitionists_ and _free soilers_, they would have supported +me; and had I landed somewhere in the South, instead of at New York, I +should have met quite different things from that quarter; but being +supported by the free-soilers, of course I must be opposed by the South. +On the other side, I received a letter, from which I beg leave to quote +a few lines:-- + +"You are silent on the subject of slavery. Surrounded as you have been +by slaveholders ever since you put your foot on English soil, if not +during your whole voyage from Constantinople, and ever since you have +been in this country surrounded by them, whose threats, promises, and +flattery made the stoutest hearts succumb, your position has put me in +mind of a scene described by the apostle of Jesus Christ, when the devil +took him up into a high mountain," &c. + +Now, gentlemen, thus being charged from one side with being in the hands +of abolitionists, and from the other side with being in the hands of +slaveholders, I indeed am at a loss what course to take, if these very +contradictory charges were not giving me the satisfaction to feel that I +stand just where it is my duty to stand--on a truly American ground. + +And oh, have I not enough upon these poor shoulders, that I am desired +yet to take up additional cares? If the cause I plead be just, if it is +worthy of your sympathy, and at the same time consistent with the +impartial consideration of your own moral and material interests, (which +a patriot never should disregard, not even out of philanthropy,) then +why not weigh that cause in the scale of its own value, and not in a +foreign one? Have I not difficulties enough before me here, that I am +desired to increase them with my own hands?--Father Mathew goes on +preaching temperance, and he may be opposed or supported on his own +ground; but who ever thought of opposing him because he takes not into +his hands to preach fortitude or charity? And indeed, to oppose or to +abandon the cause I plead, only because I mix not with the agitation of +an interior question, is a greater injustice yet, because to discuss the +question of foreign policy I have a right,--my nation is an object of +that policy; we are interested in it;--but to mix with interior party +movements I have no right, not being a citizen of the United States. + +[After this Kossuth proceeded to urge, as in former speeches, that the +interests of American commerce were not opposed to, but were identified +with, the cause of Hungary and of European Liberty. He also adduced new +considerations, which are afterwards treated more fully in his speech at +Buffalo.] + + * * * * * + +XLIII.--SELF-GOVERNMENT OF HUNGARY. + +[_Banquet in Faneuil Hall_.] + +On April 30th, Kossuth was entertained at a Grand Banquet, by the +Governor and Council, and the Members of the two Houses. Eight hundred +and seventy tickets besides were issued, and were all taken up. The +Honourable Henry Wilson, President of the Senate, was President for the +evening. It is not possible here to print all the speeches, but it may +be noted that Governor Boutwell, in reply to a toast, elicited +affirmative replies from the guests to many questions directed to show +the necessity of American armed interference on the side of Hungary. +Also, the venerable Josiah Quincy, aged eighty, in reply to a toast, +declared that liberty remained only in the United States and Great +Britain, and that in Great Britain herself the spirit of freedom is +weakened. "Let Great Britain fail and be beaten down, and all the navies +of Europe will be bristling against the United States." Finally, +President Wilson, introducing the guest of the evening, said:-- + +"Gentlemen, allow me to present to you the illustrious guest of +Massachusetts, Governor Kossuth. He has won our admiration as a man by +the advocacy of the cause of his country, and he has won all our hearts +by the purity of his principles." + +Kossuth, in reply, noticed that the toast with which he had been +honoured was almost entirely personal; and while disclaiming merit, he +was nevertheless induced to advert to personal incidents, (now generally +known,) as,--how he published in MS. the Hungarian debates,--was +unlawfully imprisoned for it, and learned English in prison by means of +Shakespeare; how when he was necessarily released, the government +imposed an unlawful censorship on his journal, which journal +nevertheless became the basis of the great and extensive reforms which +received their completion in the laws of March and April, 1848. After +this he proceeded as follows:-- + +Gentlemen, allow me to say a few words on the ancient institutions of +Hungary. I have often heard it said that the people of Europe are +incapable of self-government. Let me speak of the people of Hungary, to +show whether they are capable of self-government or not. In thirty-six +years, with God's help, and through your generous aid, the free people +of Hungary will celebrate the 1000th anniversary of the establishment of +their home--the millennium of Hungary in Europe. Yes, gentlemen, may I +hope that celebration will take place under the blessings of liberty in +the year 1889? + +It is a long period--one thousand years--and Oh! how it has teemed with +adversities to my countrymen! and yet through this long time, amid all +adversities there was no period when the people of Hungary did not +resist despotism. Our boast is, that through the vicissitudes of a +thousand years there was not a moment when the popular will and the +legal authorities had sanctioned the rule of absolutism. And, gentlemen, +what other people, for 1000 years, has not consented to be ruled by +despotism? Even in the nineteenth century I am glad to look back to the +wisdom of our fathers through a thousand years--who laid down for +Hungarian institutions a basis which for all eternity must remain true. +This basis was upon that Latin proverb _nil de nobis, sine +nobis_--"nothing about us without us." That was, to claim that every +man should have a full share in the sovereignty of the people and a full +share in the rights belonging to his nation. In other times a theory was +got up to convince the people that they might have a share in +_legislation_ just so far as to control that legislation, but +denying the right of the people to control the _executive_ power. +The Hungarian people never adopted that theory. They ever claimed a full +share in the _executive_ as well as in the legislative and judicial +power. Out of this idea of government rose the municipal system of +Hungary. In respect to Hungarian aristocracy, you must not consider it +in the same light as the aristocracy of England. The word +_nobleman_ in Hungary originally was equivalent to _soldier_. +Every man who defended his country was a nobleman, and every man who had +a vote was called to defend his country. I believe the duty of +defending a man's country, and also political right, should be common. + +After our people had conquered a home, the leaders took the lion's +share, of course. But it should be considered that those who had the +largest share of the property, were compelled to furnish soldiers +according to the extent of their possessions. Therefore such men gave a +part of their land to people to cultivate, and desired aid of them +whenever the necessity for war came. So all who defended their country +were considered noblemen. Hungary was divided into fifty-two counties, +but not counties like yours--some of them were so populous as to be +comparable to your States, containing perhaps half a million or more of +people, and those who became the aristocracy in some of these counties +amounted to 35,000. In every county was a fortress, and whenever defence +became necessary, the rich men went into these fortresses under their +own banner, and the others went under the King's colours, and were +commanded by the sheriff of the county, who might be here Governor--at +least who was the chief of the Executive. Certain of the cities were +raised to constitutional rights. A smaller city, if surrounded by +fortifications, or if an important post, was represented in the Diet, +whilst larger places, if not posts of importance for national defence, +were represented only by the County Delegates. Every place that had the +elements of defence had political rights. So it came to pass that the +aristocracy were not a few men, but half a million. I had contended to +beat down this barrier of aristocracy. Before the Revolution, in +municipal governments only the nobility had a share--they only were the +men who could vote: but the change was easy. The frame of +self-government was ready. We had only to say, _the people_ instead +of _the nobility_ had the right to vote; and so, in one day, we +buried aristocracy, never to rise again. Each county elected its +Representatives to the Diet, and had the right of intercourse with other +counties by means of letters on all matters of importance to these +counties; and therefore our fifty-two primary councils were normal +schools of public spirit. We elected our Judicatory and Executive, and +the government had not a right to send instructions or orders to our +Executive; and if an order came which we considered to be inconsistent +with our constitutional rights, it was not sent to the Executive, but to +the Council; and therefore the arbitrary orders of the Government could +not be executed, because they came not into the hands of the Executive. +Thus were our Councils barriers against oppression. + +When the French took Saragossa, it was not enough to take the city--they +had to take every house. So also _we_ went on, and though some +counties might accept the arbitrary orders of the government, some +resisted; and, by discussing in their letters to the other counties the +points of right, enlightened them; and it was seen that when the last +house in Saragossa had been beaten down, the first stood erect again. In +consequence of the democratic nature of our institutions, our Councils +were our Grand Juries. But after having elected our Judges, we chose +several men in every county meeting, of no public office, but +conspicuous for their integrity and knowledge of the law, to assist the +Judges in their administration. + +Believe me, these institutions had a sound basis, fit to protect a +nation against an arbitrary government which was aiming at +centralization and oppression. Now, these counties having contended +against the Austrian Government, it did everything to destroy them. The +great field was opened in the Diet of 1847. Having been elected by the +county of Pest, I had the honour to lead the party devoted to national +rights and opposed to centralization and in defence of municipal +authority. It was my intention to make it impossible that the Government +should in future encroach upon the liberties of the people. We had the +misfortune in Hungary to be governed by a Constitutional King, who at +the same time was the absolute monarch of another realm--by birth and +interests attached to absolutism and opposed to constitutional +government. It was difficult to be an absolute monarch and behave as +King of Hungary. There is on record a speech of mine, spoken in the +Hungarian Diet, about the inconsistency of these two attributes in one +man--that either Austria must become constitutional, or Hungary +absolutistical. That speech virtually made the Revolution of 1848 at +Vienna. After this Revolution, I was sent to Vienna to ask that our +laws be established, releasing the people from feudal rights and +demanding a constitutional ministry. Then it was that a circumstance +occurred, to which I heard an allusion in the toast offered to me. I was +told the King would grant our request; only, there was agitation in +Vienna, and it would look as if the King were yielding to pressure. If +the people would be quiet, the King would sanction our laws. Then I +said, that if the King would give his sanction to our legislative +measures, peace would be made for the House of Austria in twenty-four +hours. But when that consent was given in one Chamber, in another +Chamber that wicked woman, Sophia, the mother of the present Emperor, +who calls himself King of Hungary--no, he does _not_ call himself +King of Hungary, for he thinks the national existence of Hungary is +blotted out--plotted how to ruin my people and destroy that sanction +which was nothing but a necessary means to secure a just cause. Next +came the Hungarian ministry--and, strange to say, I saw myself placed +close to the throne. + +When in Vienna, after the sanction was granted, steps were taken to +retract it; I went to the Arch-Duke Stephen, the Palatine of Hungary, +the first constitutional authority of Hungary,--the elective viceroy, +and told him he ought to return to Hungary if he wished to preserve his +influence. + +He answered that he could not return to Hungary, for if the King did not +sanction our laws--he (the Arch-Duke Stephen) might be proclaimed King +instead of the Emperor of Austria, and he would never dethrone his +cousin. + +I answered, that he spoke like an honest man, but perhaps the time would +come when he would find an empty seat on that throne, and he had better +take it, for I could assure him, if he did not, no other man ever would +with the consent of the people. When five months later, in Hungary, we +met for the last time, he called me to his house on a stormy night, and +desired of me to know what would be the issue of matters. I answered: I +can see no issue for you, but the crown or else the scaffold, and then +for the people a Republic. But even from this alternative I will relieve +you: for you the crown, for me the scaffold, if the Hungarian +independence is not achieved.--I make no hesitation here to confess that +such was the embarrassed state of Hungarian affairs that I should have +felt satisfied for him to have accepted the crown. Remember that your +fathers did not design at first to sever the ties which bound the +colonies to England, but circumstances forced the issue. So it was with +us. We asked at first only Democratic institutions, but when it was +possible we were glad to throw away our Kings. + +The Arch-Duke did not accept, but was rather a traitor to his country. +Such is the connection of tyrants with each other, they desire not to +prevent others from oppressing. He is now an exile like myself. If he +had accepted the proposal, no doubt the independence of Hungary would +have been recognized by even Russia, especially if he had formed a +family alliance with despotism, and then for centuries the establishment +of a Republic would have been impossible; whereas, now, as sure as there +is a God in Heaven, no King will ever rule Hungary; but it must be one +of those Republics, wherein Republicanism is not a mere romance but a +reality, founded upon the basis of municipal authorities, to which the +people are attached. We could never have such a movement as disgraced +France in December. + +Excuse me, gentlemen, if I abuse your kindness. I am anxious to make +known my ideas upon the future organization of my country. The +organization which alone we could propose, is one founded upon the +sovereignty of the people, not only in a _legislative_ capacity +--for it is not enough that we know that sovereignty by casting +a vote once in three or four years: we must feel it every day, +everywhere. The sovereignty of the people asserts, that men have certain +rights, not depending on any power, but natural rights. I mean such as +religious liberty--free thought--a free press, and the right of every +family to regulate its own affairs: but not only every family; also +every town, city, and county. Our sovereignty shall be such, that the +higher government will have no power to interfere in the domestic +concerns of any town, city, or county. These are the principles upon +which our government will be founded--not only sovereignty in +Legislation, but a particular share in the executive Government.--Judge +whether such a people is worthy to meet the sympathy of Republicans like +you, who have shown to the world that a nation may be powerful without +centralization. Believe me, there is harmony in our _ancient_ +principles and your _recent_ ones. Judge whether my people is +capable of self-government. + +The venerable gentleman (Josiah Quincy) spoke a word about England. I +believe the Anglo-Saxon race must have a high destiny in the history of +mankind. It is the only race, the younger brother of which is free while +the elder brother has also some freedom. You, gentlemen, acknowledge +that from the mother country you obtained certain of your principles of +liberty--free thought and speech, a free press, &c.--and I am sure, +gentlemen, the English people are proud of liberty. Called to pronounce +against the league of despots, if the Republican United States and +constitutional England were in concord, what would be the consequence? + +I answer, it would be exactly as when the South American Republic was +threatened--as when Russia forbade American vessels to approach within a +hundred miles of its American shores. I have often met in the United +States an objection against an alliance with England; but it is chiefly +the Irish who are opposed to being on good terms with England. In +respect to the Irish, if I could contribute to the future unity in +action of the United States and England, I should more aid the Irish +than by all exclamations against one or other. If the United States and +England were in union, the continent of Europe would be republican. +Then, though England remained monarchical, Ireland would be freer than +now. If I were an Irishman, I would not have raised the standard of +_Repeal_, which offended the people of England, but the standard of +municipal _self-government_ against parliamentary omnipotence--not +as an Irish question, but as a common question to all--and in this +movement the people of England and Scotland would have joined; and now +there would have been a Parliament in England, in Ireland, and Scotland. +Such is the geographical position of Great Britain, that its countries +should be, not one, but united; each with its own Parliament, but still +one Parliament for all. If I could contribute to get England to oppose +the encroachments of absolutism, I should be doing more to aid Ireland, +in aiding freedom, than if I so acted as to induce England to look +indifferently at the approach of absolutism. I was glad to hear the +words of that venerable gentleman (Josiah Quincy). They brought to my +mind the words of John Adams, first minister of the United States to +England. When he addressed the King, he said:--"_He would be happy +could he restore entire esteem, confidence, and affection between the +United States and England_," and King George III. replied: "_I was +the last to conform to the separation, and I am the first to meet the +friendship of the United States. Let the communities of language, +religion, and blood have their full and natural effect._" + +'Let this precedent, belonging to the intelligence not of to-day +only--let those words become now considered of particular interest to +both countries, and it would be of the greatest benefit to mankind. +There is nothing more necessary to secure the freedom of Europe than +consent to act together, on the part of the United States and England. + +It is not necessary to say how far they will go, but only necessary to +say they will do as much as their interests allow, and what may be +necessary that the law of nations should be protected and not abandoned. + +When I was in England nothing gave me more delight than to hear +delegations addressing me, mention your Washington, and confess +themselves sorry that he had to manifest his greatness in contending +against England; but they were more proud to see the greatness of such a +man, than not to have been opposed by him. They entrusted me to bring +word to the United States, that they wished to be united to you for the +benefit of all Humanity. + +I was charged particularly by one hundred men connected with commerce at +Manchester--the least wealthy of whom was _worth_, as they express +it in England, £10,000 a year--these gentlemen told me it would be a +great result of my mission in the United States, if I could convince +Americans that Englishmen thought all differences had vanished; and they +desired to go hand in hand with the people of the United States, as +regards foreign policy. Now, I have observed in New England less +objection to the policy of an alliance with England than in many other +parts of the United States, and I take it for an evidence of the +intelligence and liberality of the people. + +I know, gentlemen, you have been pleased to honour me, not for myself +(for the people of Massachusetts are not man-worshippers, but reverence +principles only)--therefore I cannot better express my thanks than to +pledge my word, relying, as on another occasion of deep interest I said, +_upon the justice of our cause, the blessing of God, iron wills, stout +arms, and good swords_--and upon your generous sympathy, to do all in +my power, with my people, for my country and for humanity; for which +indeed in my heart, though, it is somewhat old, there is yet warmth. + +After many other toasts, President Wilson called on Judge Hoar to speak. +The reply of the Judge had several striking sentences. He closed by +saying to Kossuth: + +"It is because you, Sir, have learned the truth that _Peace is the +first interest of no people,--that there are other things more sacred +than human life,--that without Justice and Freedom life is only a +mockery, and peace a delusion and a burden,_--it is _because_, +when tyranny had terminated every duty of a subject, you too[*] have +dared to become the MOST NOTORIOUS REBEL of our time, _therefore_ +does Massachusetts welcome you to the home of Hancock and of Adams, and +the majestic spirit of Washington sheds its benediction upon the scene." + +[Footnote *: The Judge alludes to Hancock and Adams, who were excepted +by name as "notorious rebels," from General Gage's proclamation of +amnesty.] + + * * * * * + +XLIV.--RUSSIA THE ANTAGONIST OF THE U.S. + +[_Salem, May 6_.] + +Ladies and gentlemen,--When four years ago, the tidings of our struggle +made the scarcely before known name of Hungary familiar to you, sympathy +for a nobly defended noble cause moved your hearts to rejoice at our +victories, to feel anxiety about our dangers. Yet, so long as our +struggle was but a domestic contest, a resistance against oppression by +a perjurious king, you had no reason to think that the sympathy you felt +for us, being a generous manifestation of the affections of free men, +was at the same time an instinctive presentiment of a policy, which you +in your national capacity will be called upon by circumstances, not only +to consider, but, as I firmly believe, also to adopt. + +You were far from anticipating that the issue of our struggle would +become an opportunity for your country to take that position which +Divine Providence has evidently assigned to you; I mean the position of +a power, not restricted in its influence to the Western Hemisphere, but +reaching across the earth. You had not thought that it is the struggle +of Hungary which will call on you to fulfil the prophecy of Canning; who +comprehended, that it is the destiny of the New World to redress the +balance of power in the Old. + +The universal importance of our contest has been but late revealed. It +has been revealed by the interference of Russia, by our fall, and by its +more threatening results. + +Now, it has become evident to all thinking men, that the balance of +power cannot be redressed unless Hungary is restored to national +independence. Consequently if it be your own necessity to weigh in the +scale of the powers on earth, if it be your destiny to redress the +balance of power, the cause of Hungary is the field where this destiny +will have to be fulfilled. + +And it is indeed your destiny. Russian diplomacy could never boast of a +greater and more fatal victory than it had a right to boast, should it +succeed to persuade the United States not to care about her--Russia +accomplishing her aim to become the ruling power in Europe; the ruling +power in Asia; the ruling power of the Mediterranean sea. That would be +indeed a great triumph to Russian diplomacy, greater than her triumph +over Hungary; a triumph dreadful to all humanity, but to nobody more +dreadful than to your own future. + +All sophistry is in vain, gentlemen; there can be no mistake about it. +Russian absolutism and Anglo-Saxon constitutionalism are not rival but +antagonist powers. They cannot long continue to subsist together. +Antagonists cannot hold equal position; every additional strength of the +one is a comparative weakening of the other. One or the other must +yield. One or the other must perish or become dependent on the other's +will. + +You may perhaps believe that that triumph of diplomacy is impossible in +America. But I am sorry to say, that it has a dangerous ally, in the +propensity to believe, that the field of American policy is limited +geographically; that there is a field for American, and there is a field +for European policy, and that these fields are distinct, and that it is +your interest to keep them distinct. + +There was a time in our struggle, when, if a man had come from America, +bringing us in official capacity the tidings of your brotherly greeting, +of your approbation and your sympathy, he would have been regarded like +a harbinger of heaven. The Hungarian nation, tired out by the hard task +of dearly but gloriously bought victories, was longing for a little +test, when the numerous hordes of Russia fell upon us in the hour of +momentary exhaustion. Indignation supplied the wanted rest, and we rose +to meet the intruding foe; but it was natural that the nation looked +around with anxiety, whether there be no power on earth raising its +protesting voice against that impious act of trampling down the law of +nations, the common property of all humanity? no power on earth to cheer +us by a word of approbation of our legitimate defence? Alas! no such +word was heard. We stood forsaken and alone! It was upon that ground of +forsakenness that treason spread its poison into our ranks. They told my +nation, "Your case is hopeless. Kossuth has assured you that if you +drive out the Austrians from your territory, and declare your +independence, it perhaps will be recognized by the French Republic, +probably by England, and certainly by America; but look! none has +recognized you; not even the United States, though with them it was from +the time of Washington always a constant principle to recognize every +government. You are not recognized. You are forsaken by the whole world. +Kossuth has assured you, that it is impossible the constitutional powers +of the world should permit without a word of protest Russia to interfere +with the domestic concerns of Hungary; and look! Russia has interfered, +the laws of nations are broken, the political balance of power is upset. +Russia has assumed the position of a despotic arbiter of the condition +of the world, and still nobody has raised a single word of protest in +favour of Hungary's just and holy cause." Such was the insinuation, +which Russian diplomacy, with its wonted subterraneous skill, instilled +drop by drop into my brave people's manly heart; and alas! I could not +say that the insinuation was false. _The French Republic_, instead +of protesting against the interference of Russia, _followed its +example and interfered itself at Rome_. _Great Britain_, instead +of protesting, _checked Turkey in her resolution to oppose that new +aggrandizement of Russia_; and _the United States of America_ +remained silent, instead of protesting against the violation of those +"laws of nature and of nature's God," in the maintenance of which nobody +can be more interested than the great Republic of America. + +In short, it was by our feeling forsaken, that the skill of our enemies +spread despondency through our ranks; and this despondency, not the arms +of Russia, caused us to fall. Self-confidence lost is more than half a +defeat. Had America sent a diplomatic agent to Hungary, greeting us +amongst the independent powers on earth, recognizing our independence, +and declaring Russian interference to be contrary to the laws of +nations, that despondency, that loss of self-confidence, had never +gained ground among us; without this, treason would have been +impossible, and without treason all the disposable power of Russia would +never have succeeded to overcome our arms;--never! I should rather have +brought the well-deserved punishment home to her, should have shaken her +at home. Poland--heroic, unfortunate Poland would now be free, Turkey +delivered from the nightmare now pressing her chest, and I, according to +all probability, should have seen Moscow in triumph, instead of seeing +Salem in exile! + +Well, there is a just God in heaven, and there will yet be justice on +earth;--the day of retribution will come! + +Such being the sad tale of my fatherland, which, by a timely token of +your brotherly sympathy might have been saved, and which now has lost +everything except its honour, its trust in God, its hope of +resurrection, its confidence in my patriotic exertions, and its steady +resolution to strike once more the inexorable blow of retribution at +tyrants and tyranny;--if the cause I plead were a particular cause, I +would place it upon the ground of well-deserved sympathy, and would try +to kindle into a flame of excitement the generous affections of your +hearts: and I should succeed. + +But since a great crisis, which is universally felt to be approaching, +enables me to claim for my cause a universality not restricted by the +geographical limits of a country or even of Europe itself, or by the +moral limits of nationalities, but possessing an interest common to all +the Christian world; it is calm, considerate conviction, and _not_ +the passing excitement of generous sentiments, which I seek. I hope +therefore to meet the approbation of this intelligent assembly, when +instead of pleasing you by an attempt at eloquence, for which, in my +sick condition, I indeed have not sufficient freshness of mind--I enter +into some dry but not unimportant considerations, which the citizens of +Salem, claiming the glory of high commercial reputation, will kindly +appreciate. + +Gentlemen, I have often heard the remark, that if the United States do +not care for the policy of the world, they will continue to grow +internally, and will soon become the mightiest realm on earth, a +Republic of a hundred millions of energetic freemen, strong enough to +defy all the rest of the world, and to control the destinies of mankind. +And surely this is your glorious lot; but _only under the +condition_, that no hostile combination, before you have in peace and +in tranquillity grown so strong, arrests by craft and violence your +giant-course; and this again is possible, only under the condition that +Europe become free, and the league of despots become not sufficiently +powerful to check the peaceful development of your strength. But Russia, +too, the embodiment of the principle of despotism, is working hard for +the development of _her_ power. Whilst you grow internally, her +able diplomacy has spread its nets all over the continent of Europe. +There is scarcely a Prince there but feels honoured to be an underling +of the great Czar; the despots are all leagued against the freedom of +the nations: and should the principle of absolutism consolidate its +power, and lastingly keep down the nations, then it must, even by the +instinct of self-preservation, try to check the further development of +your Republic. In vain they would have spilt the blood of millions, in +vain they would have doomed themselves to eternal curses, if they +allowed the United States to become the ruling power on earth. They +crushed poor Hungary, because her example was considered dangerous. How +could they permit you to become so mighty, as to be not only dangerous +by your example, but by your power a certain ruin to despotism? They +will, they must, do everything to check your glorious progress. Be +sure, as soon as they have crushed the spirit of freedom in Europe, as +soon as they command all the forces of the Continent, they will marshal +them against you. Of course they will not lead their fleets and armies +at once across the Ocean. They will first damage your prosperity by +crippling your commerce. They will exclude America from the markets of +Europe, not only because they fear the republican propagandism of your +commerce, but also because Russia requires those markets for her own +products. + +[He proceeded to argue, that Russian policy, like that of the Magyars in +their time of barbarism, is essentially encroaching and warlike; that to +be _feared_, is often more important to Russia than to enjoy a +particular market; that the Russian system of commerce is, and must be, +prohibitory to republican traffic; that England alone in Europe has +large commerce with America, and that the despots, if victorious on the +continent, would make it their great object to damage, cripple, and ruin +both these kindred constitutional nations. He continued:] + +The despots are scheming to muzzle the English lion. You see already how +they are preparing for this blow--that Russia may become mistress of +Constantinople, by Constantinople mistress of the Mediterranean, and by +the Mediterranean of three-quarters of the globe. Egypt, Macedonia, +Asia-Minor, the country and early home of the cotton plant, are then the +immediate provinces of Russia, a realm with twenty million serfs, +subject to its policy and depending on its arbitrary will. + +Here is a circumstance highly interesting to the United States. +Constantinople is the key to Russia. To be preponderant, she knows it is +necessary for her to be a maritime power. The Black Sea is only a lake, +like Lake Leman; the Baltic is frozen five months in a year. These are +all the seas she possesses. Constantinople is the key to the palace of +the Czars. Russia is already omnipotent on the Continent; once master of +the Mediterranean, it is not difficult to see that the power which +already controls three-quarters of the world, will soon have the fourth +quarter. + +Whilst the victory of the nations of Europe would open to you the +markets, till now closed to your products, the consolidation of +despotism destroys your commerce unavoidably. If your wheat, your +tobacco, your cotton, were excluded from Europe but for one year, there +is no farm, no plantation, no banking-house, which would not feel the +terrible shock of such a convulsion. + +And hand-in-hand with the commercial restrictions you will then see an +establishment of monarchies from Cape Horn to the Rio Grande del Norte. +Cuba becomes a battery against the mouth of the Mississippi; the +Sandwich Islands a barrier to your commerce on the Pacific; Russian +diplomacy will foster your domestic dissensions and rouse the South +against the North, and the North against the South, the sea-coast +against the inland States, and the inland States against the sea-coast, +the Pacific interests against the Atlantic interests; and when discord +paralyzes your forces, then comes at last the foreign interference, +preceded by the declaration, that the European powers having, with your +silent consent, inscribed into the code of international law, the +principle that every foreign power has the right to interfere in the +domestic affairs of any nation when these become a dangerous example, +and your example and your republican principles being dangerous to the +absolutist powers, and your domestic dissensions dangerous to the order +and tranquillity of Europe, and therefore they consider it their "duty +to interfere in America." And Europe being oppressed, you will have, +single-handed, to encounter the combined forces of the world! I say no +more about this subject. America will remember then the poor exile, if +it does not in time enter upon that course of policy, which the +intelligence of Massachusetts, together with the young instinct of Ohio, +are the foremost to understand and to advance. + +A man of your own State, a President of the United States, John Quincy +Adams, with enlarged sagacity, accepted the Panama Mission, to consider +the action of the Holy Alliance upon the interests of the South American +Republics. + +Now, I beg you to reflect, gentlemen, how South America is different +from Europe, as respects your own country. Look at the thousand ties +that bind you to Europe. In Washington, a Senator from California, a +generous friend of mine, told me he was _thirty_ days by steamer +from the Seat of Government. Well, you speak of distance--just give me +a good steamer and good sailors, and you will in _twenty_ days see +the flag of freedom raised in Hungary. + +I remember that when one of your glorious Stars (Florida, I think it +was) was about to be introduced, the question of discussion and +objection became, that the distance was great. It was argued that the +limits of the government would be extended so far, that its duties could +not be properly attended to. The President answered, that the distance +was not too great, if the seat of government could be reached in thirty +days. So far you have extended your territory; and I am almost inclined +to ask my poor Hungary to be accepted as a Star in your glorious galaxy. +She might become a star in this immortal constellation, since she is not +so far as thirty days off from you. + +What little English I know, I learned from your Shakespeare, and I +learned from him that "there are more things in heaven and earth than +are dreamed of in our philosophy." Who knows what the future may bring +forth? I trust in God that all nations will become free, and that they +will be united for the internal interests of humanity, and in that +galaxy of freedom I know what place the United States will have. + +One word more. When John Quincy Adams assumed for the United States the +place of a power on earth, he was objected to, because it was thought +possible that that step might give offence to the Holy Alliance. His +answer was in these memorable words: "The United States must take +counsel of their rights and duties, and not from their fears." + +The Anglo-Saxon race represents constitutional governments. If it be +united for these, we shall have what we want, Fair Play; and, relying +"upon our God, the justness of our cause, iron wills, honest hearts and +good swords," my people will strike once more for freedom, independence, +and for Fatherland. + + * * * * * + +XLV.--THE MARTYRS OF THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. + +[_Lexington, May 11th_.] + +Kossuth having been invited to visit the first battle fields of the +Revolution, was accompanied by several members of the State Committee, +on May 11th, to West Cambridge, Lexington, and Concord. He had already +visited Bunker Hill on the 3d of May, but we have not in these pages +found room for his speech there. At West Cambridge he was addressed by +the Rev. Thomas Hill, and replied: at Lexington also he received two +addresses, and the following was his reply:-- + +Gentlemen,--It has been often my lot to stand upon classical ground, +where the whispering breeze is fraught with wonderful tales of devoted +virtue, bright glory, and heroic deeds. And I have sat upon ruins of +ancient greatness, blackened by the age of centuries; and I have seen +the living ruins of those ancient times, called men, roaming about the +sacred ground, unconscious that the dust which clung to their boots, was +the relic of departed demigods--and I rose with a deep sigh. Those +demigods were but men, and the degenerate shapes that roamed around me, +on the hallowed ground, were also not less than men. The decline and +fall of nations impresses the mark of degradation on nature itself. It +is sad to think upon--it lops the soaring wings of the mind, and chills +the fiery arms of energy. But, however dark be the impression of such +ruins of vanished greatness upon the mind of men who themselves have +experienced the fragility of human fate, thanks to God, there are bright +spots yet on earth, where the recollections of the past, brightened by +present prosperity, strengthen the faith in the future of mankind's +destiny. Such a spot is this. + +Gentlemen, should the reverence which this spot commands allow a smile, +I might feel inclined to smile at the eager controversy whether it was +at Lexington or Concord that the fire of the British was first returned +by Americans. Let it be this way or that way,--it will neither increase +nor abate the merit of the martyrs who fell here. It is with their blood +that the preface of your nation's history is written. Their death was, +and always will be, the first bloody revelation of America's destiny; +and Lexington, the opening scene of a revolution, of which Governor +Boutwell was right to say, that it is destined to change the character +of human governments, and the condition of the human race. + +Should the Republic of America ever lose the consciousness of this +destiny, that moment would be just so surely the beginning of America's +decline, as the 19th of April, 1775, was the beginning of the Republic +of America. + +Prosperity is not always, gentlemen, a guarantee of the future, if it be +not accompanied with a constant resolution to obey the call of the +genius of the time. Nay, material prosperity is often the mark of real +decline, when it either results in, or is connected with, a moral +stagnation in the devoted attachment to principles. Rome was never +richer, never mightier, than under Trajan, and still it had already the +sting of death in its very heart. + +To me, whenever I stand upon such sacred ground as this, the spirits of +the departed appear like the prophets of future events. The language +they speak to my heart is the revelation of Providence. + +The struggle of America for independence was providential. It was a +necessity. Those circumstances which superficial consideration takes for +the motives of the glorious Revolution, were but accidental +opportunities for it. Had those circumstances not occurred, others would +have occurred, and might have presented perhaps a different opportunity; +but the Revolution would have come. It was a necessity, because the +colonies of America had attained that lawful age in the development of +all the elements of national existence, which claims the right to stand +by itself, and cannot any longer be led by a child's leading-strings, be +the hand which leads it a mother's or a step-mother's. Circumstances and +the connection of events were such, that this unavoidable emancipation +had to pass the violent concussion of severe trials. The immortal glory +of your forefathers was, that they did not shrink to accept the trial, +and were devoted and heroic to sacrifice themselves to their country's +destiny. And the monuments you erect to their memory, and the religious +reverence with which you cherish the memory, are indeed well deserved +tributes of gratitude. + +But allow me to say, there is a tribute which those blessed spirits are +still more eager to claim from you as the happy inheritance of the +fruits they have raised for you; it is, the tribute of always remaining +_true to their principle_; devoted to the destiny of your country, +which destiny is to become the corner-stone of LIBERTY on earth. Empires +can be only maintained by the same virtue by which they have been +founded. Oh! let me hope that, while the recollections connected with +this hallowed ground, inspire the heart of a wandering exile with +consolation, with hope, and with perseverance (from the very fact that I +have stood here, brought with the anxious prayers and expectations of +the Old World's oppressed millions), you will see the finger of God +pointing out the appropriate opportunity to act your part in America's +destiny, by maintaining the laws of _Nature and of Nature's God_, +for which your heroes fought and your martyrs died; and to regenerate +the world. + + "Proclaiming freedom in the name of God," + +till--to continue in the beautiful words of your Whittier-- + + ----"Its blessings fall + Common as dew and sunshine over all." + +[From Lexington Kossuth proceeded to Concord, and was there addressed by +the well-known author, Ralph Waldo Emerson. His reply was at greater +length, and on the same subject as at Lexington; yet a part of it may +here be printed.] + +Kossuth said:-- + +In my opinion, there is not a single event in history so distinctly +marked to be providential--and providential with reference to all +humanity--as the colonization, revolution, and republicanism of the now +United States of America. + +This immense continent being peopled with elements of European +civilization, could not remain a mere appendix to Europe. But when it is +connected with Europe by a thousand social, moral, and material ties, by +blood, religion, language, science, civilization, and commerce, to +believe that it can rest isolated in politics from Europe, would be just +such a fault as it was that England did not believe in time the +necessity of America's independence. Yes, gentlemen, this is so sure to +me, that I would pledge life, honour, and everything dear to man's heart +and honourable to man's memory, that either America must take her +becoming part in the political regeneration of Europe, or she herself +must yield to the pernicious influence of European politics. There was +never yet a more fatal mistake, than it would be to believe, that by not +caring about the political condition of Europe, America may remain +unaffected by the condition of Europe. I could perhaps understand such +an opinion, if you would or could be entirely isolated from Europe; but +as you are not isolated, as you cannot be, as you cannot even have the +will to be (for that very will would be a paradox, a logical absurdity, +impossible to be carried out, being contrary to the eternal laws of God, +which he for nobody's sake will change); therefore to believe that you +can go on to be connected with Europe in a thousand respects, and still +remain unaffected by its social and political condition, would be indeed +a fatal delusion. + +You stretch out your gigantic hands a thousandfold every day over the +waves; your relations with Europe are not only commercial as with Asia, +they are also social, moral, spiritual, intellectual; you take Europe +every day by the hand. How then could you believe, that if that hand of +Europe, which you grasp every day, remains dirty, you can escape from +soiling your own hands? The cleaner they are, all the more will the +filth of old Europe stick to them. There is no possible means to escape +from being soiled, than to help us, Europeans, to wash the hands of our +old world. + +You have heard of the ostrich, that when persecuted by an enemy, it is +wont to hide its head, leaving its body exposed; it believes that by not +regarding it, it will not be seen by the enemy. That curious aberration +is worthy of reflection. It is _typical_. + +Yes, gentlemen, either America will _re_generate the condition of +the old world, or it will be _de_generated by the condition of the +old world. + +Sir, I implore you (Mr. Emerson), give me the aid of your philosophical +_analysis_, to impress the conviction upon the public mind of your +nation that the Revolution, to which CONCORD was the preface, is full of +a higher destiny--of a destiny broad as the world, broad as humanity +itself. Let me entreat you to apply the analytic powers of your +penetrating intellect, to disclose the character of the American +Revolution, as you disclose the character of self-reliance, of spiritual +laws, of intellect, of nature, or of politics. Lend the authority of +your judgment to the truth, that the destiny of American revolution is +not yet fulfilled; that the task is not yet completed; that to stop half +way, is worse than would have been not to stir: repeat those words of +deep meaning which once you wrote about the monsters that looked +backward, and about the walking with reverted eye, while the voice of +the Almighty says, "_up and onward for ever more_," while moreover +the instinct of your people, which never fails to be right, answered the +call of destiny by taking for its motto the word _ahead_. + +Indeed, gentlemen, the monuments you raised to the heroic martyrs who +fertilized with their hearts' blood the soil of liberty--these monuments +are a fair tribute of well-deserved gratitude, gratifying to the spirits +who are hovering around us and honourable to you. Woe to the people +which neglect to honour its great and good men; but believe me, +gentlemen, those blessed spirits would look down with saddened brows to +this free and happy land, if ever they were doomed to see that the happy +inheritors of their martyrdom imagined that the destiny to which that +martyr blood was consecrated, is accomplished, and its price fully paid +in the already achieved results, because the living generation dwells +comfortably and makes TWO DOLLARS out of _one_. + +No, gentlemen, the stars in the sky have a higher aim than merely to +illumine the night-path of some lonely wanderer. The course your nation +is called to run, is not yet half performed. Mind the fable of +Atalanta: it was a golden apple thrown into her way which made her fall +short in her race. + +Two things I have met here in these free and mighty United States, which +I am at a loss how to make concord. The two things I cannot harmonize +are:--First, that all your historians, all your statesmen, all your +distinguished orators, who wrote or spoke, characterize it as AN ERA in +mankind's history, destined to change the condition of the world, upon +which it will rain an everflowing influence. And secondly, in +contradiction to this universally adopted creed, I have met in many +quarters a propensity to believe that it is conservative wisdom not to +take any active part in the regulation of the outward world. + +These two things do not agree. If that be the destiny of America, which +you all believe to be, then that destiny can never be fulfilled by +acting the part of passive spectators, and by this very passivity +granting a charter to ambitious Czars to dispose of the condition of the +world. + +I have met distinguished men trusting so much to the operative power of +your institutions and of your _example_, that they really believe +they will make their way throughout the world merely by their _moral +influence_. But there is one thing those gentlemen have disregarded +in their philanthropic reliance; and that is, that the ray of the sun +never yet made its way by itself through well-closed shutters and +doors--they must be drawn open, that the blessed rays of the sun may get +in. I have never yet heard of a despot who yielded to the moral +influence of liberty. The ground of Concord itself is an evidence of it; +the doors and shutters of oppression must be opened by bayonets, that +the blessed rays of your institutions may penetrate into the dark +dwelling-house of oppressed humanity. + +There are men who believe the position of a power on earth will come to +you by itself; but oh! do not trust to this fallacy; a position never +comes by itself; it must be taken, and taken it never will be by +passivity. + +The martyrs who have hallowed by their blood the ground of Concord, +trusted themselves and occupied the place Divine Providence assigned +them. Sir, the words are yours which I quote. You have told your people +that they are now men, and must accept in the highest mind the same +destiny, that they are not minors and invalids in a protected corner; +but guides, redeemers, and benefactors, advancing on chaos and on the +dark. + +I pray God to give to your people the sentiment of the truth you have +taught. + +Your people, fond of its prosperity, loves peace. Well, who would not +love peace; but allow me again, sir, to repeat with all possible +emphasis, the great word you spoke, "Nothing can bring you peace but the +triumph of principles." + + * * * * * + +XLVI.--CONDITION OF EUROPE. + +[_Last Speech in Boston_.] + +On May 14th, Kossuth, in obedience to a distinct invitation, delivered, +in Faneuil Hall, the following ample Speech or Lecture, on the present +condition of Europe. + +Ladies and gentlemen,--The gigantic struggle of the first French +Revolution associated the name of FRANCE so much with the cause of +freedom in Europe, that all the world got accustomed to see it take the +lead in the struggle for European liberty; and to look to it as a power +entrusted by Providence with the initiation of revolutions; as a power, +without the impulse of which, no liberal movement had any hope on the +European continent. + +I, from my earliest days, never shared that opinion. I felt always more +sympathy with the Anglo-Saxon character and Anglo-Saxon institutions, +which raised England, notwithstanding its monarchy and its aristocracy, +to a position prouder than Rome ever held in its most glorious days: and +which, free from monarchical and aristocratical elements here in +America, lie at the foundation of a political organization, upon which +the first true democratic Republic was consolidated and developed into +freedom, power, and prosperity, in such a short time, as to make it a +living wonder to the contemporary age, and a book full of instruction to +the coming generations. + +However, that opinion about the French initiative prevailed in Europe, +and it was a great misfortune; for you know that France has always as +yet forsaken the movement which it raised in Europe, and the other +nations acting not spontaneously, but only following the impulse which +the French had imparted to them, faltered and stopped at once, as soon +as the French failed them. With that opinion of the French supremacy, no +revolution in Europe could have a definite, happy issue. + +Freedom never yet was given to nations as a gift, but only as a reward, +bravely earned by one's own exertions, own sacrifices, and own toil; and +never will, never shall it be attained otherwise. + +I speak therefore out of profound conviction, when I say that, though +the heart of the philanthropist must feel pained at the new hard trials +to which the French nation is, and will yet be exposed, by the momentary +success of Louis Napoleon Bonaparte's inglorious usurpation, still that +very fact will prove advantageous to the ultimate success of liberty in +Europe. Louis Napoleon's _coup d'état_, much against his will, has +emancipated Europe from its reliance upon France. The combined +initiative of nations has succeeded to the initiative of France; +spontaneity and self-reliance have replaced the depending on foreign +impulse and reliance upon foreign aid. France is reduced to the level +amongst nations, obliged to join general combinations, instead of +regulating them; and this I take for a very great advantage. Many have +wondered at the momentary success of Louis Napoleon, and are inclined to +take it for an evidence that the French nation is either not capable or +not worthy to be free. But that is a great fallacy. The momentary +success of Louis Napoleon is rather an evidence that France is +_thoroughly democratic_. All the revolutions in France have +resulted in the preponderance of that class which bears the denomination +of _bourgeoisie_. Amongst all possible modifications of +oppression, none is more detested by the people than oppression by an +Assembly. The National Assembly of France was the most treacherous the +world has ever yet known. Issued from universal suffrage, it went so far +as to abolish universal suffrage, and every day of its existence was a +new blow stricken at democracy for the profit of the bourgeoisie. Louis +Napoleon has beaten asunder that Assembly, which the French democracy +had so many reasons to hate and to despise, and the people applauded him +as the people of England applauded Cromwell when he whipped out the Rump +Parliament. + +But by what means was Louis Napoleon permitted to do even what the +people liked to see done? By no other means, but by flattering the +principle of Democracy; he restored the universal suffrage; it is an +execrable trick, to be sure--it is a shadow given for reality; but still +it proves that the democratic spirit is so consolidated in France, that +even despotic ambition must flatter it. Well, depend upon it, this +democracy, which the victorious usurper feels himself constrained to +flatter in the brightest moments of his triumph--this democracy will +either make out of Louis Napoleon _a tool_, which in spite of +itself serves the democracy, or it will crush him. + +France is the country of sudden changes, and of unthought of accidents. +I therefore will not presume to tell the events of its next week, but +one alternative I dare to state: Louis Napoleon either falls or +maintains himself. The fall of Louis Napoleon, even if brought about by +the old monarchical parties, can have no other issue than a Republic--a +Republic more faithful to the community of freedom in Europe than all +the former Revolutions have been. Or if Louis Napoleon maintains +himself, he can do so only either by relying upon the army, or by +flattering the feelings and interests of the masses. If he relies upon +the army, he must give to it glory and profit, or, in other words, he +must give to it war. Well, a war of France, against whomsoever it be, or +for whatever purposes, is the best possible chance for the success of a +European Revolution. Or if Louis Napoleon relies upon the feelings of +the masses--as indeed he appears willing to do--in that case, in spite +of himself, he becomes a tool in the hands of democracy; and if, by +becoming such, he forsakes the allegiance of his masters--the league of +absolutistical powers--well, he will either be forced to attack them, or +be attacked by them. + +So much for France; now as to ITALY. + +Italy! the sunny garden of Europe, whose blossoms are blighted by the +icy north wind from St. Petersburg--Italy, that captured nightingale, +placed under a fragrant bush of roses, beneath an ever blue sky! Italy +was always the battlefield of the contending principles, since, hundreds +of years ago, the German emperors, the kings of Spain, and the kings of +France, fought their private feuds, their bloody battles on her much +coveted soil; and by their destructive influence, kept down all +progress, and fostered every jealousy. By the recollections of old, the +spirit of liberty was nowhere so dangerous for European absolutism as in +Italy. And this spirit of republican liberty, this warlike genius of +ancient Rome, was never extinguished between the Alps and the Faro. + +We are taught by the scribes of absolutism to speak of the Italians as +if they were a nation of cowards, and we forget that the most renowned +masters of the science of war, the greatest generals up to our day, were +Italians,--Piccolomini, Montecucculi, Farnese, Eugene of Savoy, Spinola, +and Bonaparte--a galaxy of names whose glory is dimmed only by the +reflection that none of them fought for his own country. As often as the +spirit of liberty awoke in Italy, the servile forces of Germany, of +Spain, and of France poured into the country, and extinguished the +glowing spark in the blood of the people, lest it should once more +illumine the dark night of Europe. Frederic Barbarossa destroyed Milan +to its foundations, when it attempted to resist his imperial +encroachments by the league of independent cities; and led the plough +over the smoking ruins. Charles the Fifth had to gather all his powers +around him to subdue Florence, when it declared itself a democratic +republic. Napoleon extinguished the last remnants of republican +self-government by crushing the republics of Venice, Genoa, Lucca, +Ragusa, and left only, to ridicule republicanism, the commonwealth of +San Marino untouched. The Holy Alliance parted the spoils of Napoleon, +riveted afresh the iron fetters which enslave Italy, and forged new +spiritual fetters; prevented the extension of education, and destroyed +the press, in order that the Italians should not remember their past. + +Every page, glorious in their history for twenty-five centuries, is +connected with the independence of Italy; every stain upon their honour +is connected with foreign rule. And the burning minds of the Italians, +though all spiritual food is denied to them, cannot be taught not to +remember their past glory and their present degradation. Every stone +speaks of the ancient glory; every Austrian policeman, every French +soldier, of the present degradation. The tyrants have no power to unmake +history, and to silence the feelings of the nation. And amongst all the +feelings powerful to stir up the activity of mankind, there is none more +penetrating than unmerited degradation, which impels us to redeem our +lost honour. What is it therefore that keeps those petty tyrants of +Italy, who are jealous of one another, on their tottering thrones, +divided as they are among themselves, whilst the revolutionizing spirit +of liberty unites the people? It is only the protection of Austria, +studding the peninsula with her bayonets and with her spies. And Austria +herself can dare this, only because she relies upon the assistance of +Russia. She can send her armies to Italy, because Russia guards her +eastern dominions. Let Russia stand off, and Austria is unable to keep +Italy in bondage; and the Italians, united in the spirit of +independence, will easily settle their account with their own weak +princes. Keep off the icy blast which blows from the Russian snows, and +the tree of freedom will grow up in the garden of Europe; though cut +down by the despots, it will spring anew from the roots in the soil, +which was always genial for the tree. Remember that no insurrection of +Italians has been crushed by their own domestic tyrants without foreign +aid; remember that one-third of the Austrian army which occupies Italy +are Hungarians who have fought against and triumphed over the +yellow-black flag of Austria--under the same tri-colour which, having +the same colours for both countries, show emblematically that Hungary +and Italy are but two wings of the same army, united against a common +enemy. Remember that even now neither the Pope nor the little Princes of +middle Italy can subsist without an Austrian and a French garrison; and +remember that Italy is a half isle, open from three sides to the +friendship of all who sympathize with civil and religious liberty on +earth; but from the sea not open to Russia and Austria, because they are +not maritime powers; and so long as England is conscious of the basis of +its power, and so soon as America gets conscious of the condition upon +which its future depends, Austria and Russia will never be allowed to +become maritime powers. + +And when you feel instinctively that the heart of the Roman must rage +with fury when he looks back into the mirror of his past,--that the +Venetian cannot help to weep tears of fire and of blood from the +Rialto;--when you feel all this, then look back how the Romans have +fought in 1849, with a heroism scarcely paralleled in the most glorious +day of ancient Rome. And let me tell, in addition, upon the certainty of +my own positive knowledge, that the world never yet has seen such +complete and extensive revolutionary organization as that of Italy +to-day--ready to burst out into an irresistible storm at the slightest +opportunity, and powerful enough to make that opportunity, if either +foreign interference is checked, or the interfering foreigners occupied +at home. The revolution of 1848 has revealed and developed the warlike +spirit of Italy. Except a few wealthy proprietors, already very +uninfluential, the most singular unanimity exists, both as to aim and to +means. There is no shade of difference of opinion, either to what is to +be done or how to do it. All are unanimous in their devotion to the +Union and Independence of Italy. With France or against France, by the +sword, at all sacrifices, without compromise, they are bent on renewing +the battle over and over again, with the confidence that, even without +aid, they will triumph in the long run. + +The difficulty in Italy is not how to make a revolution, but how to +prevent its untimely outbreak; and still even in that respect there is +such a complete discipline as the world never yet has seen. In Rome, +Romagna, Lombardy, Venice, Sicily, and all the middle Italy, there +exists an invisible government, whose influence is everywhere +discernible. It has eyes and hands in all departments of public service, +in all classes of society--it has its taxes voluntarily paid--its +organized force, its police, its newspapers regularly printed and +circulated, though the possession of a single copy would send the holder +to the galleys. The officers of the existing government convey the +missives of the invisible government, the diligences transport its +agents. One line from one of these agents opens to you the galleries of +art, on prohibited days--gives you the protection of uniformed +officials. + +That this is the condition of all Italy is shown on one side, in the +fact that there the King of Naples holds fettered in dungeons 25,000 +patriots, and Radetzky has sacrificed nearly 4,000 political martyrs on +the scaffold; still the scaffold continues to be watered with blood, and +still the dungeons receive new victims, evidently proving what spirit +exists in the people of Italy. + +And still Americans doubt that we are on the eve of a terrible +revolution; and they ask, What use can I make of any material aid? when +Italy is a barrel of powder, which the slightest spark may light. + +In respect to foreign rule, GERMANY is more fortunate than Italy. From +the times of the treaty of Verdun, when it separated from France and +Italy, through the long period of more than a thousand years, no foreign +power ever has succeeded to rule over Germany; such is the resistive +power of the German people to guard its national existence. The tyrants +who swayed over them were of their own blood. But to subdue German +liberty, those tyrants were always anxious to introduce foreign +institutions. First, they swept away the ancient Germanic right, the +common law so dear to the English and American, an eternal barrier +against the encroachments of despotism, and substituted for it the iron +rule of the imperial Roman law. The rule of papal Rome over the minds of +Germany crossed the mountains together with the Roman law, and a +spiritual dependency was to be established all over the world. The wings +of the German eagle were bound, that it should not soar up to the sun of +truth. But when the oppression became too severe, the people of Germany +rose against the power of Rome;--not the princes,--though they too were +oppressed: but the son of the miner of Eisenach, the poor friar, Martin +Luther, defied the Pope on his throne, and at his bidding the people of +Germany proved, that it is strong enough to shake off oppression; that +it is worthy, and that it knows how, to be free. And again, when the +French, under their Emperor, whose genius comprehended everything except +freedom, extended their moral sway over Germany, when the princes of +Germany thronged around the foreign despot, begging kingly crowns from +the son of the Corsican lawyer, with whom the Emperors were happy to +form matrimonial alliances--with the man who had no other ancestors than +his genius,--then it was again the people, which did not join in the +degradation of its rulers, but jealous to maintain their national +independence, turned the foreigner out though his name was Napoleon, and +broke the yoke asunder, which weighed as heavily upon their princes as +upon themselves. And still there are men in America who despair of the +vitality of the Germans, of their indomitable power to resist +oppression, of their love of freedom, and of their devotion to it, +proved by a glorious history of two thousand years. The German race is a +power, the vitality and influence of which you can trace through the +_world's_ history for two thousand years; you can trace it through +the history of science and heroism, of industry, and of bold +enterprizing spirit. Your own country, your own national character, bear +the mark of German vitality. Other nations, now and then, were great by +some great men--the German people was always great by itself. + +But the German princes cannot bear independence and liberty; they had +rather themselves become slaves, the underlings of the Czar, than allow +that their people should enjoy some liberty. An alliance was therefore +formed, which they blasphemously called the Holy Alliance,--with the +avowed purpose to keep the people down. The great powers guaranteed to +the smaller princes--whose name is Legion, for they are many,--the power +to fleece and torment their people, and promised every aid to them +against the insurrection of those, who would find that for liberty's +sake it is worth while to risk their lives and property. It was an +alliance for the oppression of the nations, not for the maintenance of +the princely prerogative. When the Grand-Duke of Baden, in a fit of +liberality, granted his people the liberty of the press, the Emperor of +Austria and the King of Prussia abolished the law, though it had been +carried unanimously by the Legislature of Baden and sanctioned by the +prince.--The Holy Alliance had guaranteed to the princes the power to +oppress, but not the power to benefit their people. + +But though the great powers interfered often in the principalities and +little kingdoms of Germany, indeed as often as the spirit of liberty +awoke, yet they themselves avoided every occasion which would have +forced them to request the aid of their allies, and especially of +Russia. They knew too well, that to accept foreign aid against their own +people, was nothing else than to lose independence, and was morally the +same as to kneel down before the Czar and to take the oath of +allegiance. A government which needs foreign aid against its own people, +avows that it cannot stand without foreign aid. Take that foreign +aid--interference!--away, and it falls. + +The dynasties of Austria and Prussia were aware of this. They therefore +yielded, as often as their encroachments met a firm resistance from the +people. When my nation so resolutely resisted in 1823 the attempt to +abolish the constitution, Prince Metternich himself advised the Emperor +Francis to yield, and even humbly to apologize to the Diet of 1825. The +King of Prussia granted even a kind of constitution rather than claim +the assistance of the Czar. Herein you may find the explanation of the +fact that the continent of Europe is not yet republican. The spirit of +freedom, when roused by oppression, was lulled into sleep by +constitutional concessions. The Czar of Russia was well aware, that this +system of compromise prevents his intruding into the domestic concerns +of Europe, which would lead him to the sovereign mastership over all; he +therefore did everything to push the sovereigns to extremities. But this +did not succeed, until by a palace-revolution in Vienna a weak and cruel +youth was placed on the throne of Austria, and a passionate woman got +the reins of government in her hand, and an unprincipled, reckless +adventurer was ready to carry out every imperial whim, regardless of the +honour of his country and the interests of his master. Russia at last +got her aim. Rather than acknowledge the rights of Hungary, they bowed +before the Czar, and gave up the independence of the Austrian throne; +they became the underlings of a foreign power, rather than allow that +one of the peoples of the European Continent should be really free. +Since the fall of Hungary, Russia is the real sovereign of all Germany; +for the first time Germany has a foreign master! and you believe that +Germany will bear that in the nineteenth century which it never yet has +borne? Bear that in fulness of age which it never bore in childhood? +Soon after, and through the fall of Hungary, the pride of Prussia was +humiliated. Austrian garrisons occupied Hamburg; Schleswig-Holstein was +abandoned, Hessia was chastised, and all that is dear to Germans +purposely affronted. Their dreams of greatness, their longing for unity, +their aspirations of liberty, were trampled down into the dust, and +ridicule was thrown upon all elevation of mind, upon all manifestation +of patriotism. Hassenburg, convicted of forgery by the Prussian courts, +became Minister in Hessia; the once outlawed Schwarzenbeg, and Bach, a +renegade republican, Ministers of Austria. The peace of the graveyard, +which tyrants, under the name of order, are trying to enforce upon the +world, has for its guardians outlawed reprobates, forgers, and +renegades. Could you believe that with such elements the spirit of +liberty can be crushed? Tyrants know that to habituate nations to +oppression, the moral feeling of the people has to be killed. But could +you really believe that the moral feeling of such a people as the +German, stamped in the civilization of which it was one of the +generating elements, can be killed, or that it can bear for a long while +such an outrage? Do you think that the people which met the insolent +bulls of the Pope in Rome by the Reformation and the thirty years' war, +and the numberless armies of Napoleon by a general rising--that this +people will tamely submit to the Russian influence, more arrogant than +the Papal pretensions, more disastrous than the exactions of the French +Empire? They broke the power of Rome and of Paris; will they agree to be +governed by St. Petersburg? Those who are accustomed to see in history +only the Princes, will say Aye, but they forget that since the +Reformation it is no longer the Princes who make the history, but the +People; they see the tops of the trees are bent by the powerful northern +hurricane, and they forget that the stem of the tree is unmoved. +Gentlemen, the German princes bow before the Czar, but the German people +will never bow before him. + +Let me sum up the philosophy of the present condition of Germany in +these few words: 1848 and 1849 have proved that the little tyrants of +Germany cannot stand by themselves, but only by their reliance upon +Austria and Prussia. These again cannot stand by themselves, but only by +their reliance upon Russia. Take this reliance away, by maintaining the +laws of nations against the principle of interference,--(for the joint +powers of America and England can maintain them)--and all the despotic +governments, reduced to stand by their own resources of power, must fall +before the never yet subdued spirit of the people of Germany, like +rotten fruit touched by a gale. + +Let me now speak about the condition of my own dear native land. I hope +not to meet any contradiction when I say that no condition can and will +endure, which is so bad, so insupportable, that, by trying to change it, +a people can lose nothing, and may gain everything. No condition can and +will endure, the maintenance of which is contrary to every interest of +every class. A revolution on the contrary is unavoidable, when every +interest of every class wishes and requires it. I will first speak of +the lower, and still the most powerful of all, of the material interest. + +There are some countries, where, however insupportable the condition of +the masses, still the government has an ally in the mighty and +influential class of bankers, who lend their money to support despotism, +and in those who have invested their fortunes in the shares of these +loans, negotiated by bankers, who speculate on and with the fortunes of +small capitalists. That class of men, partly tools of oppression, +partly the fools of the tools, exists not in Hungary. We have no such +bankers in Hungary, and but a very small inconsiderable number who have +invested their fortunes in such loan-shares. And even the few who had +been playing in the fatal loan-share game have withdrawn from it, at any +price, because they feared to lose all. From that quarter therefore the +House of Austria has no ally in Hungary. + +As to our former aristocracy, a class influential by its connections, +and by its large landed property: you remember that, when we succeeded +to abolish the feudal charges, and converted millions of our countrymen, +of different religion and different language, out of leaseholders into +free landed proprietors, we guaranteed an indemnification to the +landowners for what they lost. From a farm of about thirty-five to fifty +acres of land, the farmer had to work one hundred and two days a year +for the landowner; to give him the ninth part of all his crops, half a +dollar in ready money, besides particular fees for shopkeeping, brewery, +mill, &c. We freed the people from all the encumbrances, and, thanks to +God! that benefit never more can be torn from the people's hands. The +aristocracy consented to it, because we had guaranteed full +indemnification. The very material existence of this class of former +landowners is depending on that indemnification, to defray their debts, +(which they formerly had the habit wantonly to contract,) and to provide +for the cultivation of their own large allodial property, which they +formerly cultivated by the hands of their leaseholders, but now have to +invest capital into. + +Now this indemnification, amounting to one hundred millions of dollars, +the House of Austria never can realize. You know, with its centralized +government, which is always very expensive, with its standing army of +600,000 men, the only support of its precarious existence, with its army +of spies and secret police, with its system of corruption and robbery, +with its fourteen hundred millions of debt, with its eternal deficit in +its current expenditures, with its new loans to pay the interest of the +old, and an unavoidable bankruptcy impending,--this indemnification +Austria never can pay to the former aristocracy of Hungary. The only +means to get this indemnification is the restoration of Hungary to its +independence by a new revolution. Independent Hungary can pay it, +because it has no debts, will want no large standing armies, and will +have a cheap administration, because not centralized, but municipal, the +people governing itself in and through municipalities, the cheapest of +all governments. + +Hungary has already pointed out the fund, out of which that +indemnification can and will be paid, without any imposition upon the +people, or any loss to the commonwealth. Hungary has large State lands, +belonging to and administered by the commonwealth. I have mathematically +proved that the landed property of the State, sold in small parcels to +those who have yet no land, connected with a banking operation founded +upon that property itself, to facilitate the payment of the price, is +more than sufficient for that indemnification; besides, a small land tax +(which the new owners of that immense property, divided into small +farms, will have to pay, as other landed proprietors), will yield more +revenue to the Commonwealth than all the proceeds of domestic +administration. + +This my proposition, having been submitted to the National Assembly, was +accepted and approved, and has attached to the Revolution the numerous +class of farm-labourers who have not yet their own farms, but who +contemplated with the liveliest joy this benevolent provision, which +Austria can never execute; since, financially ruined as she is, she +cannot be contented either with the tax revenue or the banking +arrangement, to defray the indemnification; she sells the stock whenever +she can find a man to buy it. + +But here is a remarkable fact, proving how little is the future of +Austria contemplated as sure even by its votaries. When any one is +willing to sell landed property in Hungary, foreign bankers, Austrian +capitalists buy it readily at an enormous price, because they know that +private transactions will be respected by our revolution; but _from +the Government_, nobody buys a single acre of land, because every man +knows that such a transaction must be considered void. Nay more, not +even as a gift is an estate accepted by any one from the present +government. Haynau himself was offered in reward a large landed property +by the government; he did not accept it, but preferred a comparatively +small sum of money, not amounting to one-tenth of the value of the +offered land, and he bought from a private individual a landed property, +for the money, because that, being a private transaction, is sure to +stand: whereas in the future of the Austrian government in Hungary not +even its Haynaus have confidence. + +The manufacturing interests in Hungary anxiously wish, and must wish, a +revolution, because manufacturing industry is entirely ruined now by +Austria. All favour, encouragement, and aid, which the national +government imparted to industry, is not only withdrawn, but replaced by +the old system,--which is, neither to allow Hungary free trade, so as to +buy manufactured articles where they can be had in the best quality or +at the cheapest price, nor to permit manufacturing at home; but to +preserve Hungary in the position of a colonial market--a condition +always regarded as insupportable, and sufficient motive for a +revolution, as you yourselves from your own history know. + +The commercial interest anxiously desire a revolution, because there +exists, in fact, no active commerce in Hungary, the Hungarian commerce +being degraded into a mere broker-ship of Vienna. + +All those who have yet in their hands the Hungarian bank notes issued by +my government, must wish a revolution; because Austria, alike foolish as +criminal, has declared them to be without value--thus they cannot be +restored to value but by a revolution. The amount of those bank notes in +the hands of the people is yet about twenty millions of dollars. No +menaces, no cruelty can induce the people to give it up to the usurper; +they put it into bottles and bury it in the earth. They say: it is good +money when Kossuth comes home. But while no menaces of Austria can +induce the people to give up this treasure of our impending revolution, +a single line of mine, sent home, is obeyed, and the money is treasured +up where I have designated. + +Do you now understand, gentlemen, by what motive I say that once at home +in command--if once our struggle is commenced, I do not want your +material aid, and neither wish nor would accept all your millions--but +that I want your material aid to get home, and to get home _in such a +way_ as will inspire confidence in my people, by seeing me bring home +the only thing which it has not--ARMS! + +But I am asked, where will I land? That, of course, I will not +say--perhaps directly at Vienna, like a Montgolfier, in a balloon; but +one thing I may say, because that is no secret:--remember that all Italy +is a sea-coast, and that Italy has the same enemy as Hungary--that Italy +is the left wing of that army of which Hungary is the right wing, and +that in Italy 40,000 Hungarian soldiers exist, as also, in general, in +the Austrian army 140,000 Hungarians. More I can, and will not say on +the subject. + +But I will say that all the amount of taxation the people of Hungary +formerly had to pay was but four and a half million dollars, and now it +has to pay sixty-five million dollars; that landowners offer their land +to the government, to get rid of the land tax, which is larger than all +the revenue; that we have raised 600,000 hundredweight of tobacco--now, +the monopoly of tobacco being introduced, the people no longer smokes +and has burnt its tobacco seed. We have raised 120 million gallons of +wine. Gentlemen, I come not to interfere with the domestic concerns of +America. I have no opinion about the Maine liquor-law. For myself I am +very fond of water, but still may say it is my opinion, it will be many +years before the Maine liquor-law will pass through all Europe. Well, +gentlemen, I was about to say, one half of the vineyards are cut +down;--hundreds of thousands live upon horticulture and fruit +cultivation; yet the trees are cut down to escape the heavy taxation +laid upon them. The stamp tax is introduced, the most insupportable to +freemen--village is divided from village, town from town, city from +city, by custom-lines--the poor peasant woman, bringing a dozen of eggs +to the market, has to pay the consumption-tax, before she is permitted +to enter; and when she brings medicine home for her sick child she has +again to pay before permitted to enter her home. + +And besides this material oppression, and the daily and nightly +vexations connected with it,--the Protestants deprived of the +self-government of their church and school, for which they have thrice +taken up arms victoriously in three centuries,--the Roman Catholics +deprived of the security of their church property,--the people of every +race deprived of its nationality, because there exists no public life +wherein to exert it, no national existence, no constitution, no +municipalities, no native law, no native officials, no security of +person and of property, but arbitrary power, martial law, and the +hangman and the jail,--and on the other side Hungarian patriotism, +Hungarian honour, Hungarian heroism, Hungarian vitality, stamped in the +vicissitudes of one thousand years, and _the consciousness that we +have beaten Austria_, when we had no army, no money, no friends, and +the knowledge that now we have an army, and for home purposes have money +in the safe-guarded bank notes, and have America for a friend; and in +addition to all this, the confidence of my people in my exertions, and +the knowledge of these exertions; of which my people is quite as well +informed as yourselves, nay, more, because it sees and knows what I do +at home, whereas you see only what I do here--well, if with all this you +still doubt about the struggle in Europe being nigh, and still despair +of its chance of success, then God be merciful to my poor brains, I know +not what to think. + +Some here take me for a visionary. Curious, indeed, if that man who, a +poor son of the people, took the lead in abolishing feudal injustices a +thousand years old, created a currency of millions in a moneyless +nation, and suddenly organized armies out of untrained masses of +civilians; directed a revolution so as to fix the attention of the whole +world upon Hungary, beat the old, well-provided power of Austria, and +crushed its future by his very fall, and forsaken, abandoned, in his +very exile is feared by Czars and Emperors, and trusted by foreign +nations as well as his own--if that man be a visionary, then for so much +pride I may be excused that I would like to look face to face into the +eyes of a practical man on earth. + +Gentlemen, I had many things yet to say. The condition, change, and +prospects of Europe are not spoken of so easily, as you have seen, when +only the condition of my own country is touched. I don't know that I +shall succeed, but I will try to say something about TURKEY. + +Turkey! which deserves your sympathy because it is the country of +municipal institutions, the country of religious toleration. Turkey, +when she extended her sway over Transylvania and half of Hungary, never +interfered with the way in which the inhabitants chose to govern +themselves; she even allowed those who lived within her dominions to +collect there the taxes voted by independent Hungary, with the aim to +make war against the Porte. Whilst in the other parts of Hungary, +Protestantism was oppressed by the Austrian policy, and the Protestants +several times compelled to take up arms for the defence of religious +liberty in Transylvania, under the sovereignty of the Porte the +Unitarians got political rights, and Protestantism grew up under the +protecting wings of the Ottoman power. + +The respect for municipal institutions is so deeply rooted in the minds +of the Turks, that at the time when they became masters of the Danubian +provinces of Moldavia and Wallachia, they voluntarily excluded +themselves from all political rights in the newly acquired provinces; +and up to the present day, they do not allow that a mosque should be +built, or that a Turk should dwell and own landed property across the +Danube. They do not interfere with the taxation or with the internal +administration of these provinces; and the last organic law of the +Empire, the Tanzimat, is nothing but the re-declaration of the rights of +municipalities, guaranteeing them against the centralizing encroachment +of the Pashas. Whilst Czar Nicholas is about to convert the Protestant +population of Livonia and Estland to the Greek church by force and by +alluring promises, the liberal Sultan Abdul Medjid grants full religious +liberty to all sects of Protestantism. But we are accustomed to look +upon Turkey as upon a third-rate power, only because in 1828 it was +defeated by Russia. Let us now see how the balance stood at that time, +and how it stands now. + +In 1828 the Turkish population was full of hatred on account of the +extermination of the Janissaries. The Christian population were ready to +rise against the government, on account of the events of the Greek war. +Albania was in revolt, because it was opposed to the system of +conscriptions for regular military service. Anatolia was discontented on +the same ground. Mehemet Ali possessed Egypt, and paralyzed the action +of the government in Arabia and Syria. Servia had just laid down arms, +but had not yet concluded peace. The Danubian principalities, though +unfavourable to Russia, were not hearty in support of the Porte, and +remained apathetic under the occupation of Russia. The revenue did not +exceed 400,000,000 piastres (20,000,000 dollars), and was insufficient +for a second campaign. The new army was not yet organized, and amounted +only to 32,000 men, without tried generals. The fleet had been destroyed +at Navarino. The foreign diplomatists had left the empire, and the +capital was exposed to an attack of the enemy. In such a position no +European government could have risked a war. + +Russia had just defeated Persia, and by this victory got access to the +Asiatic provinces of the Turkish empire; it had therefore to defend the +frontiers on both sides. Russia had not yet entered into Circassia, and +could therefore rally all her forces; she had not yet abolished the +Poland of 1815, and could leave it without garrisons; she had not yet +roused the hatred or the jealousies of Europe. She had engaged all the +natural allies of the Porte into a combination for rousing the +populations of her enemy, and by her diplomacy she gained the power of +bringing her fleet into the Mediterranean, for blockading the ports of +Turkey; and Navarino opened for her the Black Sea, where she had +thirteen men-of-war. Not disturbed by the Porte, by Circassia, by +Poland, by France, or by England, she had prepared two years for this +war, whilst her enemy, passing through a terrible crisis, was without +money, without an organized army, without a fleet, without other +resources than the feeble Mussulman population on the seat of war. + +Twenty-four years have altered the balance.--Turkey has now the +enthusiastic support of her Mussulman population. The Christian +population, with the only exception of Bulgaria, partakes of this +enthusiasm. All the warlike tribes, from Albania to Kurdistan, are now +supporting the authority of the Sultan. Mehemet Ali is gone; Arabia and +Syria are again under the dominion of the Sultan. Servia has made peace, +and has become the support of Turkey, offering her, in case of a Russian +war, 80,000 men. The Principalities have become the enemies of Russia; +they had too long to suffer from her oppression. The public revenue has +doubled. Turkey has organized a regular army of 200,000 men, equal to +any other, and besides, the militia, She has distinguished +generals--Omer Pasha, Gruyon. Her fleet is equal to the Russian fleet in +the Black Sea, and her steam-fleet superior to the Russian. She has for +allies all the people from the Caucasus to the Carpathians. The +Circassians, the Tartars under Emir Mirza, the Cossacks of the Dobroja, +by whom the electric shock is transmitted to Poland and Hungary, form an +unbroken chain, by which the spark is carried into the heart of Europe, +where all the combustible elements wait for the moment of explosion. +Twenty-four years ago Turkey was believed to be in a decaying state; it +is now stronger than it has been for the last hundred years. + +Russia, during this time, has been unable to overcome the resistance of +Circassia; and, cut off from her south-eastern provinces, she cannot +attack Turkey in the rear. The Caucasian lines furnished her, in 1828, +with 30,000 men; Poland with 100,000; the two countries require now an +army of observation and occupation of 200,000 men; the Danubian +principalities absorb again 50,000. + +The Russian fleet remains as it was in 1828--thirteen men-of-war then, +thirteen now: and whilst, in 1828, she had scarcely an enemy in Europe, +she has now scarcely one friend, except the kings. All her enemies, whom +she has defeated one by one, have combined against her--Poland, Hungary, +the Danubian principalities, Turkey, Circassia. + +Where is now the force of Russia! Does she not remind us of the golden +image of Nebuchadnezzar, standing on feet of clay? + +And yet, gentlemen, this Russia can make doubtful the struggle in +Europe--not because powerful in arms, but because it stands ready to +support tyrants, when nations are tired out in a struggle, or before +they have time to make preparations for resistance: then only is Russia +a power to be feared. Well, gentlemen, shall not America stand up, and +with powerful voice forbid Russia to interfere when nations have shaken +off their domestic tyrants? Gentlemen, remember that Peter the Czar left +a last will and testament to the people, that Russia must take +Constantinople. Why? that Russia might be a great power: and that it may +be so Constantinople is necessary, because no nation can be a great +power which is not a maritime power. Now see how Turkey has grown in +twenty-four years. The more Russia delays, the stronger Turkey becomes, +and therefore is Russia in haste to fulfil the destiny of being a +maritime power. + +You can now see why is my fear, that this week, or this month, or this +year, Russia will attack Turkey, and we shall not be entirely prepared: +but though you do not give us "material aid," still we must rise when +Turkey is attacked, because we must not lose its 400,000 soldiers. The +time draws nigh when you will see more the reason I have to hasten these +preparations, that they may be complete, whenever through the death of +Nicholas or Louis Napoleon or a thousand other things,--most probably a +war between Russia and Turkey,--we want to take time by the forelock. + +But, gentlemen, let me close. I am often told, let only the time come +when the Republican banner is unfurled in the Old World, then we shall +see what America will do. Well, gentlemen, your aid may come too late to +be rendered beneficial. Remember 1848 and 1849. Had the nations of +Europe not your sympathy? Were your hearts less generous than now? It +was not in time--it came after, not before. Was your government not +inclined to recognize nations? It sent Mr. Mann to Hungary to +_inquire_--would that when he inquired he had been authorized to +_recognize_ our achieved independence! + +Gentlemen, let me end. Before all, let me thank you for your generous +patience. This is my last meeting. Whatever may be my fate, so much I +can say, that the name of Boston and Massachusetts will remain a dear +word and a dear name, not only to me but to my people for all time. And +whatever my fate, I will, with the last breath of my life, raise the +prayer to God that he may bless you, and bless your city and bless your +country, and bless all your land, for all the coming time and to the end +of time; that your freedom and prosperity may still grow and increase +from day to day; and that one glory should be added to the glory which +you already have: the glory that America, Republican America, may unite +with her other principles the principle of Christian brotherly love +among the family of nations; and so may she become the corner stone of +Liberty on earth! That is my farewell word to you. + + * * * * * + +XLVII.--PRONOUNCEMENT OF ALL THE STATES. + +[_Albany, May 20th_.] + +On May 20th, Kossuth was received in Albany, the chief city of New York +State, by Governor Hunt, in the name of the citizens. In reply to his +address, Kossuth then addressed the audience substantially as follows:-- + +Gentlemen,--More than five months have passed since my landing in New +York. The novelty has long since subsided, and emotion has died away. +The spell is broken which distance and misfortune cast around my name. +The freshness of my very ideas is worn out. Incessant toils spread a +languor upon me, unpleasant to look upon. The skill of intrigues, +aspersing me with calumny; wilful misrepresentations, pouring cold water +upon generous sympathy; Louis Napoleon's momentary success, shaking the +faith of cold politicians in the near impendency of a European struggle +for liberty; and in addition to all this, the Presidential election, +absorbing public attention, and lowering every high aspiration into the +narrow scope of party spirit, busy for party triumph; all these +circumstances, and many besides too numerous to record, joined to make +it _probable_ that the last days of my wanderings on American soil +would be entirely different from those in which the hundred thousands of +the "Empire City,"[*] thundered up to the high heaven the cheers of +their hurrahs, till they sounded like a defiance of a free people to the +proud despots of the world. And yet, notwithstanding all these +disadvantageous concurrencies, NO change has taken place in the public +spirit of America. I may have lost in your kind estimation of my humble +self, but my cause has not lost. It is standing higher than ever it +stood, and the future in your country's policy is ensured to it. + +[Footnote *: New York.] + +Gentlemen, present bounty will never weaken in my mind the thankful +appreciation of former benefits. The generous manifestation of sympathy +I met on my arrival, will always remain recorded with unfading gratitude +in my heart; but no just man can feel offended when I say, that it is +the manner of the "_farewell_" which decides upon the value of the +"_welcome_." The result of my endeavours in America will not be +measured by how I was received when I came, but by how I am treated when +I leave. You know, "All's well that ends well," and to be well, things +must end well. And being about to close my task in America, I cannot +help to say, that the generous reception you have honoured me with, is +doubly gratifying to my countrymen, who have watched with intense +interest my progress in America--and doubly dear to my heart, because it +is an evidence that the "_farewell_" given to the wandering +exile's, course, confirms the expectations which the _"welcome"_ +had roused. + +The warm reception Albany has given me is like the point upon the letter +_"i"_--it decides its meaning. The metropolis of the Empire State +gave abundantly the first flowers to the garland of America's sympathy +for the condition of the Old World. Many a flower was added to it from +many a place. Wherever there is a people there was a new garden of +sympathy: and wherever be the obligations I owe--and gladly own--to many +a quarter of the United States, it is but a tribute due to justice +publicly to avow, that _Ohio_, with the bold resolution of its +youthful strength, and _Massachusetts_, with its consistent +traditional energy, stood pre-eminent in the decided comprehension of +America's destiny--and now the Capitol of the Empire State winds up the +garland of America. _New York_ achieves what New York has begun, +and thus, in leaving America, I have an answer to bring to Europe's +oppressed millions; and the answer is satisfactory, because I know what +position America will take in the approaching crisis of the world. + +There are moments in the national life of a people, when to adopt a +certain course becomes a natural necessity: and in such moments the +people always gets instinctively conscious of the necessity, and answers +it by adopting a direction spontaneously. That direction is decisive. It +must be followed: and it is followed. Pre-eminent patriots, joining in +the people's instinct, may become either the interpreters or the +executors of it; but they can neither impart their own direction to the +people, nor alter that which public opinion has fixed. There are no +other means to become a great man and a great patriot but by becoming +the impersonification of the public sentiment, conscious of a surpassing +public necessity. Those who would endeavour to measure great things by +a small individual scale, would always fall short in their calculations, +and be left behind. + +There have been already several such moments in your country's brief but +glorious history. I will only mention your glorious Revolution of 1775. +Who made that Revolution? The People; the unarmed heroes; the Public +Opinion. If the question had been left to the decision of some few, +though the best and the wisest of all, _they never would have advised +a struggle_; but would have arranged matters diplomatically. You +remember what anxious endeavours were made to prove that it was not the +Americans who fired the first shot, and how exculpations were sent to +England with protestations of allegiance. All those little steps were +vain. The people felt that it was time to become an independent nation; +and feeling the necessity of the moment, it took a direction by itself, +and made the Revolution by itself. + +Now-a-days it is of an equally pregnant necessity to the United States, +to take the position of a power on earth. Nobody can hereafter make the +people believe that it is possible for America to remain unaffected by +the condition of the Old World,--to advise that the United States shall +still abstain from mixing up their concerns with those of Europe. The +question to be decided is not whether America shall mix its concerns +with those of the Old World; because that is done. But the question is, +whether the United States shall take a seat in the great Amphictyonic +Council of the nations or not? And whether it shall be permitted to some +crowned mortals to substitute the whims of their ambition in the place +of international law;--to set up and to upset the balance of power as +they please; and to regulate the common concerns of the world? And shall +the United States accept whatever the Czar may be pleased to decide +about those common concerns? And shall the United States silently look +on, however the Czar may grow upon the ruins of common international +law, to an all-overwhelming preponderance? + +That is the question. And that being the question, the people has +answered it, and has pronounced about it in a manner too positive and +too evident to be mistaken. It is already more than a year ago, that a +distinguished American diplomatist publicly advertised his +fellow-statesmen, "that it is the popular voice which will henceforth +decide, without appeal, the great coming questions in your foreign +policy, before the Executive or Congress can consider them." Some have +reproached me for unprecedented arrogance in trying to change the +hereditary policy of the United States. But it is not so. I did but +engage public attention to consider the exigencies of time and +circumstances. The _finger of the clock_ only shows the hour, but +makes not the time. And so did I. And allow me to say, that the coming +of such a time was already anticipated by many of your own +fellow-citizens, long before my humble name, or even the name of my +country, was known in America. Please to read the works of your own +distinguished countryman WAYLAND, who for more than thirty years was +engaged at one of your high schools in the noble task of instilling +sound political principles and enlightened patriotism into the heart and +mind of your rising generation. You will find that already in 1825, +after having spoken of the effects which this country might produce upon +the politics of Europe simply by her example, he thus proceeds:-- + +"It is not impossible, however, that this country may be called to exert +an influence still more direct on the destinies of men. Should the +rulers of Europe make war upon the principles of our Constitution, +because its existence '_may operate as an example_,' or should a +universal appeal be made to arms on the question of civil and religious +liberty, it is manifest that we must take no secondary part in the +controversy. The contest will involve the civilized world, and the blow +will be struck which must decide the fate of men for centuries to come. +Then will the hour have arrived, when, uniting with herself the friends +of Freedom throughout the world, this country must breast herself to the +shock of congregated nations. Then will she need the wealth of her +merchants, the powers of her warriors, and the sagacity of her +statesmen. Then on the altar of our God, let each one devote himself to +the cause of the human race, and in the name of the Lord of Hosts go +forth unto the battle! If need be, let our choicest blood flow freely, +for life itself is valueless when such interests are at stake. Then, +when a world in arms is assembling to the conflict, may this country be +found fighting in the vanguard for the liberties of man! God himself has +summoned her to the contest, and she may not shrink back. For this hour +may He by His grace prepare her!" + +Thus wrote a learned American Patriot as early as 1825; and he stands +high even to-day in the estimation of his fellow-citizens; and no man +ever charged him with being presumptuously arrogant for having shown +such a perspective of coming necessities to America. His profound +sagacity, pondering the logical issue of America's position, has +penetrated into the hidden mystery of future events; and he has seen his +country summoned, by God himself, to fight in the vanguard for mankind's +civil and religious liberty. + + * * * * * + +XLVIII.--SOUND AND UNSOUND COMMERCE. + +_Speech at Buffalo.]_ + +On the 27th of May thirty thousand persons assembled in the Park at +Buffalo, where Kossuth had a magnificently enthusiastic reception. In +the evening he was escorted to American Hall by the mayor and others. +For a portion only of his Speech, in reply to the address of the Hon. +Thomas Love, can we here find room. + +The Austrian minister (said he) has left the United States. Proud +Austria has no longer a representative here, but down-trodden Hungary +has. The Chevalier Hulsemann has at last taken his departure, without +even a chivalrous farewell; the Secretary of State let him depart, +without either alarm or regret. + +"All right!" gentlemen. Two years ago there was much alarm in certain +quarters, when the idea of such a rupture was first suggested. Five +months ago, when in one of my public addresses I wished a good journey +to Mr. Hulsemann, some thought it rather presumptuous. But now that he +has left, no man cares about it, scarcely any man takes notice of it. +The time may yet come, when Mr. Hulsemann's masters will be fully aware, +that what he is pleased to call _the Kossuth episode_ is a serious +drama--a drama in which, I trust, America will so act its part, that in +the catastrophe justice and freedom shall triumph, violence and +oppression shall fall. + +In my many speeches I have dwelt largely on the necessity that there is +for America to act this part. I have not concealed that I am informed +that many gentlemen of commerce are timid concerning it, and I have +ventured to warn this young but great republic against _materialism_. +But commerce involves this danger only when it is bent on +instant profit at any price, and cares nothing for the future, +nothing about that solidity of commercial relations on which permanent +prosperity depends. Adventurous _money-hunting_ is not commerce. +Commerce, republican commerce, raised single cities to the position of +mighty powers on earth, and maintained them there for centuries. It is +merchants whose names shine with immortal lustre from the glorious book +of Venice and Genoa. Commerce, as I understand it, does indeed apply its +finger to the pulsations of present conjunctures, but not the less fixes +its eye steadily on the future. Its heart warms with noble patriotism +and philanthropy, connecting individual profit with the development of +natural resources and of national welfare; so that it spreads over the +multitudes like a dew of Heaven upon the earth, which blossoms through +it with the flower of prosperity. _Such_ a commercial spirit is a +rich source of national happiness;--a guarantee of a country's future, a +pillar of its power, a vehicle of civilization and convoyer of its +principles. + +Let me exemplify the difference between that noble beneficent spirit of +commerce and the merely material money hunting, which falsely usurps the +name of commerce. + +Since the fatal arithmetical skill of Rothschilds has found out how to +gain millions by negotiating, out of the pockets of the public, loan +after loan for the despots, to oppress the blind-folded nations, a sort +of speculation has gained ground in the Old World, worthy of the +execration of humanity--I mean the speculation in _loan +shares_;--the paper commerce called stock-jobbing. It is the +shame-brand upon our century's brow, that such a commerce is become a +political power on earth; and unscrupulous gamesters, speculating upon +the ruin of their neighbours, hold the political thermometer of peace +and war in their criminal hands. But it is not commerce--it deserves not +the name of commerce--it does not contribute to public welfare--it does +not augment the elements of public prosperity--it is but immoral +GAMBLING, which transfers an unproductive imaginary wealth from one hand +into another, without augmenting the stock of national property:--that +is not commerce: and _it is a degradation of the character of a +nation, when the interests of that speculation have the slightest +influence, or are made of the slightest consideration in the regulation +of a country's policy_. Such an example has its full weight with +every other kind of mere money-hunting. It would be the greatest fault +to regulate a country's policy according to the momentary interests of +worshippers of the almighty dollar, who look but for a momentary profit, +not caring for their fatherland and humanity--nothing for the +principles--nothing about the tears and execration of millions, if only +that condition remains intact which gives them individual profit--though +that condition be the misfortune of a world. Wherever that class of +money-hunters is influential, there is a disease in the constitution of +the community. It is vain to complain against the dangerous doctrines of +socialism, so long as such money-hunters have any influence upon +politics. The genus of Rothschilds has done more for the spread of +socialism than its most passionate sectarians. + +Take on the other side the contrasting fact of the Erie Canal. I +remember well that some were terrified, when in the councils of the +Empire State first was started the idea of that gigantic enterprise. And +now when we hear that its nett proceeds amount to about three millions +of dollars a year--when we see the almost unbroken line of boats on +it--when we see Buffalo becoming the heart of the West, the pulsation of +which conveys the warm tide of life to the East; and by the +communication of that artery, bringing the wonderful combination of the +great western lakes into immediate connection with the Atlantic, and +through the Atlantic with the Old World--when we see Buffalo, though at +four hundred miles distance from the ocean, without a navigable river, +living, acting, and operating like a seaport; and New York, situated on +the shores of the Atlantic, acting as if it were the metropolis of the +West--when we consider how commerce becomes a magic wand, and transforms +a world of wilderness into a garden of prosperity, and spreads the +blessing of civilization where some years ago only the wild beasts and +the Indian roamed--then indeed we bow with reverential awe before the +creating power of that commerce. We feel that the spirit of it is not a +mere money-hunting, but a mighty instrumentality of Providence for the +moral and social benefit of the world; and we at once feel that the +interests of such a commerce underlie so much the foundation of your +country's future, that not only are they entitled to enter into the +regulating considerations of your country's policy, but they must +enter--they must have a decisive weight--and they will have it, whatever +be the declamations of learned politicians who have so much looked to +the authority of past times that they have found no time to see the +imperious necessity of present exigencies. + +There are still some who advise you to follow the policy of separation +from Europe, which Washington wisely advised in his days--wisely, +because it was a necessity of those times. I have on many occasions +adduced arguments against this, which to me are quite convincing. Yet to +some minds custom is of so much more power than argument, that I could +not forbear to feel some uneasiness. But to-day, gentlemen, I no longer +feel such uneasiness. I am entirely tranquillized. I want no more +arguments, because I have the knowledge of facts, and to those who still +advocate the policy of separatism I will say, "Have you seen the city of +Buffalo? Go! and look at it; when you have seen what Buffalo is, +consider what are the interests which created that city, and are +personified by that city; then trace those interests back to New York, +and from New York across the Atlantic to the Old World; and again, the +returning interests of intercourse from the Old World to New York and +hence to Buffalo, and from Buffalo to the West, and then speak of the +wisdom of separatism!"--What exists, exists. The facts will laugh at your +reflections; they will tell you that, they cannot be undone. They will +tell you that you are like Endymion, whom Diana made sleep until the +twig on which he leaned his head had become a tree. They, will tell you +that you could as well reduce Buffalo to the log-house of MIDDEAU and +LANE; the mighty democrat the steam-engine to the horse on the back of +which EZRA METCALF brought the first public mail to the sixteen +dwelling-houses, which some forty years ago composed all Buffalo; you +could as well reduce the Erie Canal to where it was when GOVERNOR MORRIS +first mentioned the idea of tapping Lake Erie, or reduce the West to a +desert, and western New York to the condition in which Washington saw it +when journeying towards the Far West. + +All this you could as easily do as adhere any longer to the policy of +separatism, or persuade the people of the United States not to take any +part in the great political transactions of the Old World. + +In that respect, gentlemen, I am entirely tranquillized; and +tranquillized also I am in this respect, that it is impossible the +active sympathies of your people should not side with freedom and right +against oppression and violence. That will be done. I want no assurance +about it,--being an imperative corollary of existing facts. Public +opinion is aroused to the appreciation of these facts and of their +necessary exigencies. The only thing which I in that respect have yet to +desire, is, to see the people of the United States persuaded that _it +is time_ to prepare _already_ to meet those exigencies; and that +it is wise not to let themselves be overtaken by impending events. + +[Kossuth then proceeded to speak of subjects elsewhere very fully +treated, and continued:] + +Once more, I repeat, a _timely_ pronouncement of the United States +would avert and prevent a second interference of Russia. She must +sharpen the fangs of her Bear, and get a host of other beasts into her +menagerie, before she will provoke the Eagle of America. But beware, +beware of loneliness. If your protest be delayed too long, you will +have to fight alone against the world: while now, you will only have to +watch, and others will fight. + +Allow me to ask, are the United States interested in the laws of +nations? can they permit any interpolation in the code of these laws +without their consent? I am told by some that America had best not +intermeddle with European politics, and that you have always avoided to +meddle with them. But it is not so. Those who make this assertion forget +history--they forget that the United States have always claimed and +asserted the right to have their competent weight and authority about +the maritime law of nations--it was one of your Presidents who held this +emphatic language to the Potentates of Europe: + +"_We cannot consent to interpolations in the maritime code of nations +at the mere will and pleasure of other Governments--we deny the right of +any such interpolation, to any one or all the nations of the earth +without our consent--we claim to have a voice in all alterations of that +code_." + +Thus spoke the United States, at a time when they were not yet so +powerful as they are now. And they thus spoke not for themselves only, +but for all the nations on earth. And to what purpose did they speak +these words so full of dignity and full of effect? For the maintenance +of the laws of nations, or one part of them, the maritime code. +Dauntless and full of resolution, _they_ alone vindicated natural +rights for every nation on earth, while Europe sacrificed them. +_They_ vindicated for every nation the proud motto they have +emblazoned on their banner--"_Free Trade and Sailors' Rights_," and +_free ships and free goods_: + +Now who can any longer charge me that I advance a new policy, with that +precedent before your eyes? Would you be willing to resign, now that you +are powerful, in respect to other parts of the laws of nations, that +which you have boldly taken in respect to one part of them, when you +were yet comparatively weak? Or would you do less for the end than you +have done for the means? + +The maritime part of the international code is no end, but only a means +to an end. No ship takes sail for the purpose merely of sailing on the +ocean, but for the purpose of arriving somewhere. The ocean is but the +highway, and not the intended terminus. Russian intervention in Hungary +has blocked up your terminus: and the maritime code would be of no +avail, if the other provisions of international law are to be still +blotted out from the code of nations by Russian ambition. Let the +slightest eruption of the political volcano in Europe take place, and +you will see. You might have seen already during our past struggle, that +your proud principle of "_free ships, free goods_" is a mere +mockery unless the other parts of the laws of nations are also +maintained. + +That is what I claim from the young and dauntless nation of America. I +claim that she shall not abandon that position in the proud days of her +power, which she so boldly took in the days of her feebleness. Or are +you already declining? Has your prodigious prosperity weakened instead +of strengthening your nation's nerves? So young! and a Republic! and +already declining! when its opposing principle, Russia, rises so boldly +and so high! Oh, no! God forbid! That would be a sorrowful sight, +fraught with the grief of centuries for all humanity! + + * * * * * + +XLIX.--RUSSIA AND THE BALANCE OF POWER. + +[_Syracuse_.] + +At Syracuse, in New York State, Kossuth was received with an address of +the usual cordiality by the ex-Mayor, Harvey Baldwin. Of his ample reply +a portion may here be presented to the reader. After alluding to +Dionysius and Timoleon, he came back to the subject of Russian +interference in Hungary, and declared that he would not appeal to their +passions, but to their calm reason, although he approved of excitement +in a good cause, and at any rate trusted that Truth and Hope would never +be out of fashion at Syracuse. He continued:-- + +Gentlemen, as the destination of laws in a well-regulated community is +to uphold right, justice, and security of every individual, rich or +poor, powerful or weak, and to protect his life against violence and his +property against the encroachments of fraud and crime--so the +destination of the laws of _nations_ is to secure the independence +even of the smallest States, from the encroachments of the most powerful +ones. Force will prevail instead of right, so long as _all_ +independent nations do not unite for the maintenance of those laws upon +which the security of all nations rests. + +I say _all_ nations, because weakness is always comparative, not +absolute. A combination of several leagued powers can reduce to the +condition of comparative weakness even the strongest power on earth. +Without the law of nations there is therefore no security for nations. +But the European powers have long ago substituted for the rule of +justice the so-called _balancing system_--that is to say, the +political balance of power among nations. That system is iniquitous, for +it is founded, not upon the national _right_ even of the smallest +nation to be maintained in its independence, but upon the natural +jealousy of the great powers. With this system the independence of the +smallest States is not sure by right and by law, but only depends on the +consideration that the absorption of such smaller States might +aggrandize one of the great powers too much. In this system humanity is +taken for nothing--the mutual jealousy of the powerful is all, and the +implicit guarantee for the security of the weaker ceases, wherever the +powerful can devise a plan of spoliation which leaves the relative +forces of the spoliators the same as before. It is thus the world has +seen the partition of Poland--that most iniquitous--most guilty +spoliation ever witnessed. + +The balancing system would have protected Poland from absorption by +_one_ power, but it has not protected it from partition between +these rival powers. Formerly, separate leagues between several States +have been as a protecting barrier against the ambition of a single +powerful oppressor. In the case of Poland, the world saw with +consternation a confederacy of great powers formed to perpetrate those +very acts of spoliation which hitherto had been prevented by similar +means. I therefore am certainly no advocate of this false system of +political balance of power, and I believe the time will come when that +idol will be thrown down from the place which it usurps, and law and +right will be restored to their sovereign sway. But still I may say, it +is an imperious necessity for all the world in general, as also for the +United States, that something should be done to prevent the measureless +territorial aggrandizement of one single power, chiefly when that power +is the mighty antagonist of your own Republic, as indeed Russia is. + +I have on many occasions spoken of the necessary antagonism between +despotic Russia and republican America. Allow me here to recapitulate +some facts concerning Russia. + +No man familiar with the history of the last hundred years is ignorant +that the Czars of Russia take it for their destiny to rule the world. It +is their hereditary policy, in which they are brought up from generation +to generation, till that infatuation becomes a point of their character. +To come to that aim--Russian preponderance steps forth alike with +protocols, with emissaries, and with war--in two directions westward and +eastward, against Europe and against Asia. + +As to Europe, after having completed her arrondisement on the +Baltic--her earnest aim is partly direct conquest, and partly sovereign +preponderance. Direct conquest, so far as the Sclave race is spread; +which the Czars desire to unite under their despotic sceptre. To attain +that end, the house of Romanoff has started the idea of Pansclavism, the +idea of union of the Sclavish nationality under Russian +protectorate.--Protectorate is always the first step which Russia takes +when desiring to conquer. + +She has styled that ambitious design the regeneration of the Sclave +nationality; and to blindfold those deluded nations that they may not +see that without independence and freedom no nationality exists, she has +flattered their ambition with the prospect of dominion over the world. +The Latin race had its turn, and the German race had, and now it is the +Sclave race which is called to rule and master the world. Such was the +Satanic temptation of pride, by which Russia advanced in that ambitious +scheme. I will not now speak of the mischief she has succeeded to do in +that respect: I will only mark the fact that the ambition of Russia aims +at the direct dominion of Europe, so far as it is inhabited by the +Sclave race. The slightest knowledge of geography is sufficient to make +it understood that this would be such an accession to the power of +Russia, that, were they united under one man's despotic will, the +independence of the rest of Europe, should even Russia prudently decline +a direct conquest of it, would be but a mockery. The Czar would be +omnipotent over it, as indeed he is near to be already, at least on the +Continent. + +Yet, without the conquest of Constantinople, Russia could never carry +the idea of Pansclavism: for in European Turkey a vast stock of the +Sclavonic race dwells, from Bulgaria over Servia and Bosnia down to +Montenegro, and across through Rumelia. Moreover, the conquest of +Constantinople is the hereditary leading idea of Russian policy. Peter, +called the Great, the founder of the Russian Empire, in making it from a +half-Asiatic a European State, bequeathed this policy as a sacred legacy +to all his posterity, in his political testament, which is the Magna +Charta of Russian power and despotism. All his successors have +energetically followed that inherited direction. Alexander movingly +avowed that Constantinople _is the key to his own house_, and his +brother did and does more than all his predecessors to get that key. + +When the Empress Catharine visited the recently conquered Krimea, +Potemkin raised to her honour a triumphal arch, with the motto--"Hereby +is the road to Constantinople." Czar Nicholas has since learned that it +is by Vienna, rather. Russia therefore decided to get rid of this +obstacle, and to convert it out of an obstacle into a TOOL. A direct +conquest would have been dangerous, because it would have met the +opposition of all Europe. Russia therefore tried it first by monetary +influence, and had pretty well advanced in it. Metternich himself was a +pensioner to Russia. But the watchful, independent spirit of +constitutional Hungary still hindered the practical result of that +bribery. + +And, mark well, gentlemen, in consequence of the geographical situation +of her dominions, and being also sovereigns of Hungary, it was chiefly +the house of Austria which was considered to be and cherished as the +great bulwark against Russia--charged especially with a jealous +guardianship of Turkish rights. And indeed had the house of Austria +comprehended the conditions of her existence, attached Hungary to +herself by respecting her independence and her constitutional rights, +and developed the power of her hereditary dominions, and placed herself +upon a constitutional basis, she could have maintained her respectable +position of guardianship for centuries. Russia was aware of that fact. + +It is the intrigue of Russia, which by money and emissaries for years +before infused the notion of Pansclavism among the Bohemians, Poles, +Croats, Serbs, under the crown of Austria, equally as among the Sclave +population of Turkey; which encouraged Austria to attack Hungary, by +promising her aid in case of need. If Austria succeeded, the +constitutional life of Hungary, in many ways so offensive to Russia, was +overthrown: if Austria failed, she became a dependency of Russia. And +by the unwarrantable carelessness of some powers, the complicity of +others, the latter alternative is achieved. Austria, who was to have +_balanced_ Russia, is thrown into her scale: instead of being a +barrier, she is her vanguard, and her tool--her high road to +Constantinople, her auxiliary army to flank it. + +It would be not without interest to sketch the history of Russia step by +step, advancing towards that aim by war and by emissaries, and by +diplomatic corruption and corrupted diplomacy, from the time of Mahomet +Baltadji, of cursed memory, through all subsequent wars--at the treaties +of Kutsuk Kaynardje, Balta Liman, Jassy, Bucharest, Ackierman, +Adrianople, Unkhiar Iskelessi, down to the treaty as to the Dardanelles +and the Bosphorus, and to the treaty of commerce which made two-thirds +of Constantinople itself in their daily bread dependent upon Russian +wheat, to the amount of thirty-five millions of piastres a year, while +Turkish wheat was rotting in the stores of Asia Minor. By each of these +treaties Russia advanced its frontiers, and pressed Constantinople more +closely within its iron grasp; with such perseverant consistency +pursuing her aim, that even in other political transactions, apparently +unconnected with Turkey, it was constantly this which she kept in view. + +As for instance, at the conference of Tilsit, when she surrendered +continental Europe to the momentary domains of Napoleon, provided Turkey +were consigned to her. And still she did not succeed--and still +Stamboul stands a barrier to her dominion over the world. And why did +she not succeed? Because the European powers, conscious of the fact +that the conquest of Constantinople involves their own submission to +Russia, have in the last instant always prevented it, by uniting to +treat the Eastern question as one of life and death for their own +independence. + +The whole Anglo-Saxon race are bound by every consideration of policy to +check the ambitious encroachments of Russia. It is not in Europe only, +but in Asia, that you meet her. She knows that her dominion over the +world must be short, while the Anglo-Saxon race bold a mighty empire in +India. Moreover, you yourselves, by the extension of your territory to +the Pacific Ocean, are drawn by a thousand natural ties of activity to +Asia. Your expedition to Japan has a world of meaning in it. Great +powers _must_ have broad views in their policy: you cannot contain +your activity, nor therefore your policy, within a domestic circle of +your own. You are for the world what Germany is for Europe. As without +the freedom of Hungary, Europe cannot _become_ free, so without the +freedom of Germany, Europe cannot _remain_ free; for Germany is the +heart of Europe. You, by having extended your dominion to the Pacific, +become the heart of the world. You are brought into the compass of +Russian hatred and Russian ambition. Either you or Russia must fall. + +The balance of power, and thereby the independence of the world, has +been overthrown by the connivance of the great powers at the overthrow +of Hungary; and it can only be restored by the restoration of Hungary. +As for Austria, she never more can be restored--she is not only doomed, +she is dead. No skill, no tending can revive her. Having previously +broken every tie of affection and of allegiance, she cannot maintain +even a vegetable life, but by Russian aid. Let the reliance upon that +aid relax, and there is no power on earth which could prevent the +nations who groan under her oppressive and degrading tyranny from +shattering to pieces the rotten building of her criminal existence. And +as to my nation, I declare solemnly, that should we be left forsaken and +alone to fight once more the battle of deliverance for the world, and +should we in consequence of it fail in that honourable strife, we will +rather choose to be Russians than subject to the house of +Austria--rather submit to open, manly force of the Czar, than to the +heart-revolting perjury of the Hapsburg--rather be ruled directly by the +master, than submit to the shame of being ruled by his underlings. The +fetters of force may be broken once, but the affection of a morally +offended people to a perjurious dynasty can never be restored. Russia +we hate with inconceivable hatred, but the House of Hapsburg we hate and +we despise. + +I have been often asked, what may be, amidst the present conjunctures, +an opportunity to renew our struggle for liberty? and I have answered +that the very oppression of our country, the heroism of my people, our +resolute will, and the intolerable condition of the European Continent, +is an opportunity in itself; but if too cautious men, having too little +faith in the destiny of mankind, desire yet another opportunity, there +is the prospect of a war between Turkey and Russia. This is a fatality, +pointed out by the situation of Russia, and by the pressing motives, +heaped up since the time of Peter the Great: and Russia will hasten to +try the decisive blow, since she knows that Turkey becomes more powerful +every day. Now, gentlemen, that will be an imperious opportunity to +raise once more the standard of freedom in Hungary; and, so may God +bless us, we are prepared for it. We cannot allow that our natural ally, +Turkey, be flanked from the frontiers of Hungary at the order of the +Czar. Turkey, by curious change of circumstances, having become +necessary to European freedom and civilization, will find the kindred +race of the Magyars to aid her, and by aiding her, to save the world. + +The only question is, will the United States remain indifferent at the +overthrow of the balance of power on earth? No, they will not, they +cannot remain indifferent. Their position on the coast of the Pacific +answers "No." Their Republican principle answers "No." The voice of the +people, clustering in thundering manifestations around my own humble +self, answer "No." You yourself, Sir, in the name of the people of +Syracuse, which is but one tone in the mighty harmony of all the +people's voice, have told me "No." + +Before these assurances, and upon the conditions of your destiny, I +rely; and I venture humbly to advise you to strengthen your fleet in the +Mediterranean. Sir, look for a port of your own, not depending upon the +smiles of petty Italian despots, but one where the stripes and stars of +America will be able to protect the principles of FREE SHIPS, FREE +GOODS. Determine the character of your country's future administration +from a broad American view, and not from any petty considerations of +small party follies. With these humble suggestions I cordially thank you +for your sympathy, and bid you an affectionate farewell! + + * * * * * + +L.--RETROSPECT AND PROSPECT. + +[_Utica._] + +At Utica, in New York State, the elegant Saloon of the Museum was +arranged for Kossuth's reception: and the Hon. W. Bacon made a powerful +address to him. Kossuth in the course of his reply, said:-- + +Ladies and gentlemen,--The history and the institutions of the United +States were not only the favourite study of my life, from my early +youth, strengthening my conviction that with centralization and with +parliamentary omnipotence, which absorb all independence of municipal +life, there is no practical freedom possible:--but the history and +institutions of the United States exerted also a real influence upon the +resolution of my people to resist oppression, and not to shrink before +the dangers and sacrifices of a terrible conflict. + +Never yet was there a people against which all the arts of hell had been +combined worse than against the people of Hungary in 1848. Neither +dreaming to attack any, nor suspecting to be attacked, never yet was a +people less prepared for a war of defence, or more surprised by the +danger than my country was. + +In those frightful days, when many of the stoutest hearts prepared +mourningly to submit to the imperious necessity, I called Hungary to +arms; and while on the one side I pronounced a curse against those who +would forsake the fatherland, and were willing to bow cowardlike before +a sacrilegious violence, and accept the degradation of servitude,--on +the other side, in order to cheer up the manly resolution of my +countrymen, I pointed to the heart-raising example of your history. And +that history became the guiding star to us, from the lustre of which we +have drawn self-reliance and resolution to bear up against all danger +and all adversities. + +But while we on our part readily yielded to the heart-ennobling +influence of your history, we were disappointed in some expectations +which we derived from it. We saw that you were not forsaken in the hour +of need; yet your grievances were by far less heart-stirring than ours, +and should _you_ have failed in the noble enterprize of +independence, such a failure, at that time, would by no means have +teemed with such immediate results of positive mischiefs to the world +outside of you, as every considerate mind might have foreseen from +_our_ fall. + +I therefore confess that I trusted to that instruction also of your +history, and hoped that should we prove worthy of the attention of the +world, that attention would not be restricted to a mere looking at our +contest with barren sympathies. But allow me to mention that it was not +from America alone that I hoped our struggle would not be regarded with +indifference: the example of former political transactions in Europe +entitled me to just expectations from other quarters also in that +respect. + +When Greece heroically rose to assert its independence, Great Britain, +France, and even Russia herself, interposed together to pacify the two +contending parties, on the basis of the establishment of an independent +Greece. And so very anxious were those great powers to stop the effusion +of blood, that they solemnly declared they would insist upon the +pacification, should even the conflicting parties decline to consent to +the proposed arrangements. And thus Greece took its seat among the +independent States, though that was possible only by reducing the +territory of the Ottoman Empire, the integrity of which was considered +essential to the equilibrium of political power on earth. + +Besides, what were those powers which interposed their mediation in +favour of bleeding Greece? It was Russia, despotical as she is: it was +legitimist France, then scarcely to be called constitutional; for it was +before the revolution of 1830: and it was the ministry of Great Britain, +then, if I am not mistaken, a Tory one. + +Now was I not entitled with this precedent before my eyes, to hope that +the bloody struggle in Hungary would not be regarded with indifference? +We had not risen from any reckless excitement to assert new rights, or +to experiment on new theories; we should have been contented to keep +what we lawfully possessed. It was not we who broke the peace; we were +assailed with a perjury more sacrilegious than the world has ever +seen:--we merely took up arms to defend ourselves against national +extermination, against the nameless cruelties inflicted upon our +people,--men, women, children,--by fire, murder, war, and royal perjury. +And besides, when we took up arms in legitimate defence, it so happened +that in France there was a republic established which proclaimed the +principle of universal fraternity; and there was in England a ministry +claiming to be liberal, which on a former occasion had solemnly vouched +its word to the British parliament, that _constitutional independence +of any country, great or small, would never be a matter of indifference +to the English government;_ adding emphatically, that _whoever +might be in office, conducting the affairs of Great Britain, he would +not perform his duty if he were inattentive to the interests of such +States._ Am I to blame for having thought that there is and should be +morality in politics? + +And besides, there was republican America, quite in another shape than +she was twenty years before, at the time of the war of independence in +Greece. Then she had not yet extended her sway to the Pacific, and was +not yet exposed to be so much affected by the political issues of Europe +and Asia as she now is: then she had not yet a population of more than +twenty millions, who now are in the necessity to claim the position of a +power on earth: then she was indeed a new world teeming with the +mysteries of the future, but yet was far from being what she is to-day; +nay, even the Erie Canal, the great artery which now acts as a +miraculous link between Europe and the interior of your republic, was +only about to be completed at the time. And still what mighty sympathy! +a sympathy warm in expression, and not barren in facts, thrilled through +all America, much like that which I now meet, and pervaded even your +_national_ councils:--would I were entitled to say, much like as +now! Although the question of Greece was of course worthy of all +interest (as the cause of liberty always and everywhere is), yet it was +only an isolated cause, and by no means of such surpassing influence +upon the condition of the world as the cause of Hungary was, and is. + +And yet I was disappointed in the expectation which I derived from your +own history, that a just cause will find supporters and never will be +forsaken by all. Oh, we were forsaken, gentlemen! We were forsaken even +at the crisis, when, single-handed, we had defeated our cruel enemy. And +Russia, that personification of despotism, stepped in with its iron +weight, tearing to pieces the law of nations, and overthrowing upon our +ruins the balance of power on earth. + +That Russia, if invited, would snatch at the opportunity to gain +preponderance amongst the powers on earth--of this I entertained not the +slightest doubt; but I must confess, I did not believe either that +Austria would claim, or that the other powers of the earth, and chiefly +Great Britain and America, would permit the intervention of Russia. I +could not believe that Austria would resort to this desperate remedy, +because (and it is a remarkable circumstance which I mention now for the +first time) it was Austria which but a few years before, when, in the +transactions with Turkey, the question of foreign interference for the +maintenance of the integrity of the Turkish empire was agitated in the +councils of the world (and from which you of course were excluded, as to +the present day you always yet have been, as if you were nothing but a +patch of earth); yes, it was Austria, which objecting that the guarantee +of interference should be even claimed, pronounced in a solemn +diplomatic note these memorable words:-- + +_"A State ought never to accept, and still less request, of another +State, a service for which it is unable to offer in return a strict +reciprocity; else by accepting such favour she loses the flower of her +own independence--a State accepting such a favour becomes a mediatized +State: it makes an act of submission to the will of the State which +takes the charge of its defence; this State becomes a protector, and to +be dependent upon a protector is insupportable."_ + +Thus spoke Austria. How then could I imagine that the same Austria which +thus spoke would accept the degradation of Russian interference? And +should even the house of Austria, ruled by a guilty woman, under the +name of a witless, cruel child, be willing thus to ruin itself; how +could I imagine that England, that America, that the World, would allow +such a preponderance to Russia as makes her almost the mistress over the +world; at least opens the way to become such? No, that indeed I could +not imagine. + +And still it was done. We fell, not "unwept, unhonoured, and unsung," +but still we fell. Well: sad though be our fate, it is but a trial, and +no death. Perhaps it was necessary that the destinies of mankind should +be fulfilled. I have an unbroken faith in Him, the Heavenly Father of +all; the heart of mortal men may break, but what he does, that is well +done. + +The ways of Providence are mysterious. The car of destiny goes on +unrestrained, and the weight of its wheels often crushes the happiness +of generations; floods of tears and of blood often mark its track. +Mankind looks up to heaven, and while measuring eternity with the rule +of the passing moment, sometimes despairs of the future, and believes +the sun of Freedom sunk for ever! It is a delusion: it is the folly of +anxiety! Night is the darkest before dawn, and the misfortune of the +moment often leads to the happiness of eternity. + +Yes, gentlemen! the ways of Providence are miraculous. Let me cast a +look backwards into the last struggles for freedom in Europe, that their +history may become the book of future, and that, when we perceive the +salutary action of Providence even in our misfortunes, we may be +strengthened in our faith in the future freedom, and that you may see +that for us, down-trodden but not broken, there is full reason to pursue +our way, not only with the resoluteness of duty, but also with the +cheerfulness of a sure success, courageous as strength, untired as +perseverance, unshaken as religious faith, self-sacrificing as maternal +love, cautious as wisdom, but resolute as desperation itself. + +But where is the action of Providence visible in the failure of 1848? is +your question. Gentlemen, I will tell you. The continent of Europe was +afflicted with three diseases in 1848--monarchical inclination, +centralization, and the antagonism of nationalities. With such elements +and in such direction, deception was unavoidable, lasting liberty was +not to be achieved. + +It was the lot of the peoples to be freed from these diseases, because +God had designed the peoples to freedom and not to deception; therefore +the revolution of 1848 had to fail, but it was still not a mere accident +in history; it was a necessary step in the development of mankind's +destiny, and it will shine for ever in history as a glorious preparation +for the ultimate triumph of liberty, to carry which a positive, +practical direction is necessary. And that now exists. + +France, Germany, and Italy are no more to fight for the deception of +monarchical principles, not for the triumph of dynasties, but for +republics. Hungary took this direction already in 1849, by dethroning +the Hapsburgs. France, Germany, and Italy will not follow in the track +of centralization. Hungary never followed it. And the governments may +ally themselves for the oppression of the world's liberty;--they have +already allied themselves--but nations will no more rise in arms against +one another. They will rise, not to dominate, but to be independent and +free. Instead of the antagonism of nationalities, it is now the idea of +the solidarity and fraternity of nations, which is become the character +of our times. And this is to be the source of our success in future; +this explains the fear of the tyrants which manifests itself in such +blind rage. This is the direction which I pursue; this is the secret of +the sympathy of the people, unparalleled yet in history, which I met in +both hemispheres, and of the coalition of despots, aristocrats, and +ambitious intriguers, to persecute me. + +I hope, gentlemen, with these considerations before your eyes, you will +not share in the opinions of those who despair of the cause of freedom +in Europe, because the revolution of 1848 has failed. + + * * * * * + +LI.--THE TRIPLE BOND. + +[_Address before the German Citizens of New York_.] + +At the Broadway Tabernacle, on Wednesday evening, Kossuth delivered a +farewell address, before the German citizens of New York. It was spoken +in the German language, and was received with the hearty plaudits of an +immense assemblage. A small portion only of it can here find place. + +Dear friends,--Allow me to address you with this sweet name of brotherly +love, hallowed by deep feeling, by the power of principles, and by the +combination of circumstances,--but likewise weighty in regard to the +determination linked to it in my grateful heart, in life as in death, to +serve the cause faithfully which you honour by such generously noble +sympathy. + +To me this moment is one of solemn importance. I stand at the close of +my wanderings in America. My words are those of farewell. + +In these six months I have been enriched by many an experience. I had +much to unlearn, but I have likewise learnt much. + +Whatever be the result of my exertions, so much is sure, that they have +linked more closely the hearts of the Germans and Hungarians, and have +matured the instinct of solidarity into self-conscious conviction. This +result alone is worth a warm utterance of thanks; it will heavily weigh +in the future of the world. + +And this result, dear friends, is it not achieved? The hearts of the +German and the Hungarian are linked more closely; they throb like the +hearts of twins which have rested under the same mother's breast; they +throb like the hearts of brothers, who, hand in hand, attain the baptism +of blood; they throb like the hearts of two comrades, on the eve of the +battle, decided to hold together like the blade and the handle. + +The echo of this harmony of German song fills yet the air of this hall; +it thrills yet through the soul of the ladies and through the bosom of +the resolute men. Let the word harmony between the Germans and +Hungarians be the consecration of the present moment, which melts +together our feelings, in order that, self-conscious of the sublime aim, +which unites our nations and us all in brotherhood, we may unite in +intention, unite in resolution, unite in endurance, unite in activity +for the aim which fills your souls and mine. + +And what is this aim which thrills through our bosoms like a magnetic +current? The aim is the solidarity and independence of nations;--the +freedom of our people--their liberation from the yoke of tyranny. + +With this aim before my eyes and decided resolution in my heart, I feel +here amidst you as Werner Stauffacher felt, when, in the hour of the +night, on the Rüttli, God above him and the sword in his hand, he made +the covenant with his two friends against tyrannical Austria. + +Let this meeting here become the symbol of a similar covenant; three[*] +were the men who made it, and Switzerland became free. Let us three +nations make a similar covenant, and the world becomes free. Germany, +Hungary, and Italy! hurrah for the new Rüttli-covenant! God increase the +number of them, as he increased the number of those on the Rüttli, and +our triune band, strong in itself, will readily greet every one, and +meet him as a brother, having the same rights in the great council of +the Amphictyons, where the nations will give their verdict against +tyrants and tyranny, on the battle-field, with the thunder of the +cannons and the clashing of swords; and will put the independence of +every nation under the common guarantee of all, in order that every one +of them may regulate her own domestic affairs, without foreign +interference, and every people may govern itself, not acknowledging any +master but the Almighty. They, will increase the members of this +covenant, but Germany, Hungary, and Italy, they are neighbours, and have +the same enemy. Hurrah! for the new covenant of Stauffacher! + +[Footnote *: Werner Stauffacher, Walter Fürst, and Arnold of the Melchthal; +November 11th, 1307.] + +Now, by the God who led my people from the prairies of far Asia to the +banks of the Danube--of the Danube, whose waves have brought religion, +science, and civilization from Germany to us, and in whose waves the +tears of Germany and Hungary are mingled; by the God who led us, when on +the soil watered by our blood we were the bulwark of Christendom; by the +God who gave strength to our arm in the struggle for freedom, until our +oppressor, this godless House, which weighed so heavily on the liberties +of Germany for centuries, was humbled, and sunk down to be the underling +of the Muscovite Czar; by the ties of common oppression which tortures +our nation--by the ties of the same love of liberty, and of the same +hatred of tyranny which boils in the veins of our people--by the +remembrance of the day[*] when the Germans of Vienna rose to bar the way +toward Hungary against the hirelings of despotism--and by the blood +which flowed on the plain of Schwechat[**] from Hungarian hearts for the +deliverance of Vienna; by the Almighty Eye which watches the fate of +mankind--by all these, I pledge myself, I pledge that the people of +Hungary will keep this covenant honestly, faithfully, and truly, in life +and death. + +[Footnote *: October 5th, 1848] +[Footnote **: October 30th, 1848] + +I tender the brother-hand of Hungary to the German people, because I am +convinced that it is essentially necessary for the freedom and +independence of my country. Destined as we are to be the vanguard of +freedom, I know well that as long as Germany remains enslaved, even the +victory of our liberty would remain insecure; as long as Germany remains +an army, whose power is wielded by the criminal hand of the house of +Hapsburg; as long as Russia has nothing to fear from Germany, because +the two masters of Germany are but underlings of Russia--obeying the +command of their master, because he maintains them on their tottering +thrones against their own people; so long Russia will always have the +arrogance to throw her despotic sword into the scale against the freedom +of the world. + +I am not the first who say it, that the freedom of Germany is the +condition of the liberty of the world; history tells it with a thousand +tongues, every statesman acknowledges it, and all the despots know it. + +Twenty years past, when the German Princes recovered from the stunning +blow of the July Revolution, by finding out that LOUIS PHILIPPE was not +in earnest with his phrases of liberty, when, in the year 1832, they +united to enslave the German people, and to retract the concessions +which they had given in the fright of their hearts; when they curtailed +all the Constitutional guarantees, then HENRY LYTTON BULWER, the same +who was Ambassador in Washington during the last year, rose in the +English Parliament, and claimed that England should not permit the +liberty and independence of the German people to be crushed. He claimed +the attention of the world to the great truths that _the peace of +Europe cannot be secured without a strong Germany, and that Germany +cannot be strong without freedom._ A free Germany is a bulwark +against the encroachments of France and the arrogance of Russia. +Germany enslaved, is either the prey of the former or the tool of the +other. His prophecy is fulfilled; Germany is become half the prey and +wholly the tool of Russia. Who then can calculate on security and peace +and freedom, as long as Germany is thus enslaved. + +You see, dear friends, that the brotherly union with Germany must be of +sacred importance to me, and that my heart must beat as fervently for +Germany's freedom, as for that of my own people. Therefore, I +necessarily wished to bequeath the care of the seed which I have sown, +to men urged to this task of love, not only by enlightened American +patriotism--not only by the conscience of right and duty and prudence, +but likewise especially by love for their old German fatherland. And do +I not express only the sentiments of your own hearts, when I say, "The +German may wander from his father's house, and may build for himself a +new home in a distant country, yet he ever loves truly and faithfully +his own old German fatherland"? + +I request you to exert your influence, that the idea of the solidarity +of the struggle for European liberty may be well understood, and that +preparations be made to support the revolution, whenever it breaks out. +There is nothing more dangerous than to say: "The Hungarian, the +Italian, or the German fights; let us see whether he succeeds; if he +succeeds, we too will try the same." By the isolation of the nations the +combined despots become victorious. Let everybody support Liberty, +wherever she struggles. But, on the other side, the forces of the +revolution cannot so pledge and tie themselves, as to be thrown into the +abyss by every ill-combined premature outbreak. _Not an_ "EMEUTE," +_but a_ REVOLUTION _is our aim_; and therefore the leaders of +the movement of the different nations must combine either in a +simultaneous outbreak, or to mutual support; and in this combination +there must be absolute freedom and equality. + +There are persons in this country who did me the honour to mention that +I would lead the German movement. No! gentlemen; that would be a +presumptuous arrogance, even if it were practical, which it is not. This +idea itself is the most antagonistical to my principles. No!--No! No +foreign interference with the domestic affairs of a nation. I will not +bear it in Hungary, nor obtrude it abroad. Full independence is my +watchword. + +But you will ask who are, or who were, the leaders of Germany, with whom +I still combine? The question is easily answered; you will acknowledge +them from their works. Whoever comes to tender me his hand as a +confederate, I do not ask who he is, where he comes from?--but I ask, +"What do you weigh? what power do you command? what forces have you +organized? or what are your prospects or means of organization?" and +then I inquire into the truth myself. I judge the vitality of the +intention, and accept or decline the proffered brotherly alliance of +mutual support. + +This is my way. I do not think that Germany will ever combine under the +leadership of one man; but there are many Germans in the different parts +of Germany who enjoy the confidence of their countrymen, and have a +leading influence. Every one of these can act in his sphere. I, my +friends, will be always ready to combine with every one who does, and +who has some forces to tender to the league. I do not care for names, +for petty party disputes, or for those which belong to the domestic +questions. + +[Kossuth proceeded, in assent to a special request, to give his advice +as to the method of proceeding suitable to the German voters in America; +and closed by saying:] + +Those are the principles, my dear friends, which should lead you, +according to my humble opinion, in the present crisis. And if you take +into kind consideration my bequest, and exert your influence and active +aid on behalf of the movement for freedom in Europe, I can but assure +you, for my grateful farewell, that there are hundreds of thousands in +Europe who take those words for their device, which the other day, the +German singers sang, as if from the depth of my heart. + + "And never shall rest the shield and the spear, + Till destroyed we see, and laid in the dust, + The enemies all." + +May God help me! This is my oath, and this oath my farewell! + + * * * * * + +LII.--THE FUTURE OF NATIONS. + +[_A Lecture in New York_.] + +The following Lecture was delivered at the Broadway Tabernacle by +request of a large number of ladies and gentlemen of New York, for the +purpose of obtaining the means necessary to secure to the exiled family +of Kossuth, consisting of his aged mother, his sisters and their +children, an establishment by which they might earn an independent +livelihood. + +The New York 'Evening Post' says of the Lecture:-- + +"Kossuth appears nowhere greater than in this able discourse. His +comprehensive politics, his beautiful sympathies, his power over +language, his poetic imagination, his magnetic and melting earnestness +of purpose, are blended with that depth of religious feeling which gives +to his character as a patriot the sanctity and unction of the prophet. +His moral and intellectual faculties are shown in harmony, working out +the great and beneficent purposes of his commanding will. + +"It would be difficult to select any portion of this speech as better +than another, and we therefore commend the whole to the reader's careful +examination." + +Ladies and gentlemen,--During six months I appeared many times before +the tribunal of public opinion in America. This evening I appear before +you in the capacity of a working man. My aged mother, tried by more +sufferings than any living being on earth, and my three sisters, one of +them a widow with two fatherless orphans, together a homeless family of +fourteen unfortunate souls, have been driven by the Austrian tyrant from +their home, that Golgotha of murdered right, that land of the oppressed, +but also of undesponding braves, and the land of approaching revenge. +When Russian violence, aided by domestic treason, succeeded to +accomplish what Austrian perjury could not achieve, and I with bleeding +heart went into exile, my mother and all my sisters were imprisoned by +Austria; but it having been my constant maxim not to allow to whatever +member of my family any influence in public affairs, except that I +intrusted to the charitable superintending of my youngest sister the +hospitals of the wounded heroes, as also to my wife the cares of +providing for the furniture of these hospitals, not even the foulest +intrigues could contrive any pretext for the continuation of their +imprisonment. And thus when diplomacy succeeded to fetter my patriotic +activity by the internation to far Asia, after some months of unjust +imprisonment, my mother and sisters and their family have been released; +and though surrounded by a thousand spies, tortured by continual +interference with their private life, and harassed by insulting police +measures, they had at least the consolation to breathe the native air, +to see their tears falling upon native soil, and to rejoice at the +majestic spirit of our people, which no adversities could bend and no +tyranny could break. + +But at last by the humanity of the Sultan, backed by American +generosity, seconded by England, I once more was restored to personal +freedom, and by freedom to activity. Having succeeded to escape the +different snares and traps which I unexpectedly met, I considered it my +duty publicly to declare that the war between Austrian tyranny and the +freedom of Hungary is not ended yet, and swore eternal resistance to the +oppressors of my country, and declared that, faithful to the oath sworn +solemnly to my people, I will devote my life to the liberation of my +fatherland. Scarcely reached the tidings of this my after resolution the +bloody Court of Vienna, than two of my sisters were again imprisoned; my +poor old mother escaping the same cruelty only on account that bristling +bayonets of the bloodhounds of despotism, breaking in the dead of night +upon the tranquil house, and the persecution of my sisters, hurried away +out of Hungary to the prisons of Vienna, threw her in a half-dying +condition upon a sick bed. Again no charge could be brought against the +poor prisoners, because, knowing them in the tiger's den, and surrounded +by spies, I not only did not communicate any thing to them about my +foreign preparations and my dispositions at home, but have expressly +forbidden them to mix in any way with the doings of patriotism. + +But tyrants are suspicious. You know the tale about Marcius. He dreamt +that he cut the throat of Dionysius the tyrant, and Dionysius condemned +him to death, saying that he would not have dreamt such things in the +night if he had not thought of it by day. Thus the Austrian tyrant +imprisoned my sisters, because he suspected that, being my sisters, they +must be initiated in my plans. At last, after five months of +imprisonment, they were released, but upon the condition that they, as +well as my mother and all my family, shall leave our native land. Thus +they became exiles, homeless, helpless, poor. I advised them to come to +your free country--the asylum of the oppressed, where labour is +honoured, and where they must try to live by their honest work. + +They followed my advice, and are on their way; but my poor aged mother +and my youngest sister, the widow with the two orphans, being stopped by +dangerous sickness at Brussels, another sister stopped with them to +nurse them. The rest of the family is already on the way--in a sailing +ship of course, I believe, and not in a steamer. We are poor. My mother +and sisters will follow so soon as their health permits. + +I felt the duty to help them in their first establishment here. For this +I had to work, having no means of my own. + +Some generous friends advised me to try a lecture for this purpose, and +I did it. I will not act the part of crying complainants about our +misfortunes; we will bear them. Let me at once go to my task. + + * * * * * + +There is a stirring vitality of busy life about this your city of New +York, striking with astonishment the stranger's mind. How great is the +progress of Humanity! Its steps are counted by centuries, and yet while +countless millions stand almost at the same point where they stood, and +some even have declined since America first emerged out of an unexplored +darkness which had covered her for thousands of years, like the gem in +the sea; while it is but yesterday a few pilgrims landed on the wild +coast of Plymouth, flying from causeless oppression, seeking but for a +place of refuge and of rest, and for a free spot in the wilderness to +adore the Almighty in their own way; still, in such a brief time, +shorter than the recorded genealogy of the noble horse of the wandering +Arab; yes, almost within the turn of the hand, out of the unknown +wilderness a mighty empire arose, broad as an ocean, solid as a +mountain-rock, and upon the scarcely rotted roots of the primitive +forest, proud cities stand, teeming with boundless life, growing like +the prairie's grass in spring, advancing like the steam-engine, baffling +time and distance like the telegraph, and spreading the pulsation of +their life-tide to the remotest parts of the world; and in those cities +and on that broad land a nation, free as the mountain air, independent +as the soaring eagle, active as nature, and powerful as the giant +strength of millions of freemen. + +How wonderful! What a present--and what a future yet! + +Future?--then let me stop at this mysterious word--the veil of +unrevealed eternity! + +The shadow of that dark word passed across my mind, and amid the bustle +of this gigantic bee-hive, there I stood with meditation alone. + +And the spirit of the immovable Past rose before my eyes, unfolding the +misty picture-rolls of vanished greatness, and of the fragility of human +things. + +And among their dissolving views, there I saw the scorched soil of +Africa, and upon that soil Thebes with its hundred gates, more splendid +than the most splendid of all the existing cities of the world; Thebes, +the pride of old Egypt, the first metropolis of arts and sciences, and +the mysterious cradle of so many doctrines which still rule mankind in +different shapes, though it has long forgotten their source. There I saw +Syria with its hundred cities, every city a nation, and every nation +with an empire's might. Baalbec, with its gigantic temples, the very +ruins of which baffle the imagination of man, as they stand like +mountains of carved rocks in the desert where for hundreds of miles not +a stone is to be found, and no river flows, offering its tolerant back +to carry a mountain's weight upon, and yet there they stand, those +gigantic ruins; and as we glance at them with astonishment, though we +have mastered the mysterious elements of nature, and know the +combination of levers, and how to catch the lightning, and to command +the power of steam and of compressed air, and how to write with the +burning fluid out of which the thunderbolt is forged, and how to drive +the current of streams up the mountain's top, and how to make the air +shine in the night like the light of the sun, and how to dive to the +bottom of the deep ocean, and how to rise up to the sky--though we know +all this, and many things else, still, looking at the temples of +Baalbec, we cannot forbear to ask what people of giants was that, which +could do what neither the efforts of our skill nor the ravaging hand of +unrelenting time can undo, through thousands of years. And then I saw +the dissolving picture of Nineveh, with its ramparts now covered with +mountains of sand, where Layard is digging up colossal winged bulls, +huge as a mountain, and yet carved with the nicety of a cameo; and then +Babylon, with its wonderful walls; and Jerusalem, with its unequalled +temple; Tyrus, with its countless fleets; Arad, with its wharves; and +Sidon, with its labyrinth of work-shops and factories; and Ascalon, and +Gaza, and Beyrout, and farther off Persepolis, with its world of +palaces. + +All these passed before my eyes as they have been, and again they passed +as they now are, with no trace of their ancient greatness, but here and +there a ruin, and everywhere the desolation of tombs. With all their +splendour, power, and might, they vanished like a bubble, or like the +dream of a child, leaving but for a moment a drop of cold sweat upon the +sleeper's brow, or a quivering smile upon his lips; then, this wiped +away, dream, sweat, smile--all is nothingness. + +So the powerful cities of the ancient greatness of a giant age; their +very memory but a sad monument of the fragility of human things. + +And yet, proud of the passing hour's bliss, men speak of the future, and +believe themselves insured against its vicissitudes! + +And the spirit of history rolled on the misty shapes of the past before +the eyes of my soul. After those cities of old came the nations of old. +The Assyrians, the Chaldeans, the war-like Philistines, the commercial +republics of Phoenicia and the Persians, ruling from the Indus to the +Mediterranean, and Egypt becoming the centre of the universe, after +having been thousands of years ago the cradle of its civilization. + +Where is the power, the splendour, and the glory of all those mighty +nations? All has vanished without other trace than such as the foot of +the wanderer leaves upon the dust. + +And still men speak of the future with proud security! + +And yet they know that Carthage is no more, though it ruled Spain, and +ruled Africa beyond the pillars of Hercules down to Cerne, an immense +territory, blessed with all the blessings of nature, which Hannon filled +with flourishing cities, of which now no trace remains. + +And men speak of the future, though they know that such things as heroic +Greece once did exist, glorious in its very ruins, and a source of +everlasting inspiration in its immortal memory. + +Men speak of the future, and still they can rehearse the powerful +colonies issued from Greece, and the empires their heroic sons have +founded. And they can mark out with a finger on the map, the +unparalleled conquests of Alexander; how he crossed victoriously that +desert whence Semiramis, out of a countless host, brought home but +twenty men; and Cyrus, out of a still larger number, only seven men. But +he (Alexander) went on in triumph, and conquered India up to the +Hydaspes as he conquered before Tyrus and Egypt, and secured with +prudence what he had conquered with indomitable energy. + +And men speak of the future, though they know that such a thing did +exist as Rome, the Mistress of the World--Rome rising from atomic +smallness to immortal greatness, and to a grandeur absorbing the +world--Rome, now having all her citizens without, and now again having +all the world within her walls; and passing through all the vicissitudes +of gigantic rise, wavering decline, and mournful fall. And men speak of +the future still with these awful monuments of fragility before their +eyes! + +But it is the sad fate of Humanity that, encompassing its hopes, fears, +contentment, and wishes, within the narrow scope of momentary +satisfaction, the great lesson of history is taught almost in vain. +Whatever be its warnings, we rely on our good fortune; and we are +ingenious in finding out some soothing pretext to lull down the dreadful +admonitions of history. Man, in his private capacity, consoles the +instinctive apprehension of his heart with the idea that his condition +is different from what warningly strikes his mind. The patriot feels +well, that not only the present, but also the future of his beloved +country, has a claim to his cares; but he lulls himself into +carelessness by the ingenious consolation that the condition of his +country is different--that it is not obnoxious to those faults which +made other countries decline and fall; that the time is different; the +character and spirit of the nation are different, its power not so +precarious, and its prosperity more solid; and that, therefore, it will +not share the same fate of those which vanished like a dream. And the +philanthropist, also, whose heart throbs for the lasting welfare of all +humanity, cheers his mind with the idea that, after all, mankind at +large is happier than it was of yore, and that this happiness ensures +the future against the reverses of olden times. + +That fallacy, natural as it may be, is a curse which weighs heavily on +us. Let us see in what respect our age is different from those olden +times. Is mankind more virtuous than it has been of yore? Why, in this +enlightened age, are we not looking for virtuous inspirations to the +god-like characters of these olden times? If we take virtue to be love +of the laws, and of the Fatherland, dare we say that our age is more +virtuous? If that man is to be called virtuous, who, in all his acts, +is but animated by a regard to the common good, and who, in every case, +feels ready to subordinate his own selfish interest to public +exigencies--if that be virtue (as indeed it is), I may well appeal to +the conscience of mankind to give an impartial verdict upon the +question, if our age be more virtuous than the age of Codrus or of +Regulus, of Decius and of Scaevola. Look to the school of Zeno, the +stoics of immortal memory; and when you see them contemning alike the +vanity of riches and the ambition of personal glory, impenetrable to the +considerations of pleasure and of pain, occupied only to promote public +welfare and to fulfil their duties toward the community; when you see +them inspired in all their acts by the doctrine that, born in a society, +it is their duty to live for the benefit of society; and when you see +them placing their own happiness only upon the happiness of their +fellow-men--then say if our too selfish, too material age can stand a +comparison with that olden period. When you remember the politicians of +ancient Greece, acknowledging no other basis for the security of the +commonwealth than virtue, and see the political system of our days +turning only upon manufactures, commerce, and finances, will you say +that our age is more virtuous? When, looking to your own country--the +best and happiest, because the freest of all--you will not dissimulate +in your own mind what considerations influence the platforms of your +political parties; and then in contra-position will reflect upon those +times when Timon of Athens, chosen to take part in his country's +government, assembled his friends and renounced their friendship, in +order that he might not be tempted by party considerations or by +affections of amity, in his important duties toward the commonwealth. +Then, having thus reflected, say, "Take you our own age to be more +virtuous, and therefore more ensured against the reverses of fortune, +than those older times?" + +But perhaps there is a greater amount of private happiness, and by the +broad diffusion of private welfare, the security of the commonwealth is +more lasting and more sure? + +Caraccioli, having been ambassador in England, when returned to Italy, +said, "that England is the most detestable country in the world, because +there are to be found twenty different sorts of religion, but only two +kinds of sauces with which to season meat." + +There is a point in that questionable jest. Materialism! curse of our +age! Who can seriously speak about the broad diffusion of happiness in a +country where contentment is measured according to how many kinds of +sauces we can taste? My people is by far not the most material. We are +not much given to the cupidity of becoming rich. We know the word +"enough." The simplicity of our manners makes us easily contented in our +material relations; we like rather to be free than to be rich; we look +for an honourable profit, that we may have upon what to live; but we +don't like to live for the sake of profit; augmentation of property and +of wealth with us is not the aim of our life--we prefer tranquil, +independent mediocrity to the incessant excitement and incessant toil of +cupidity and gain. Such is the character of my nation; and yet I have +known a countryman of mine who blew out his brains because he had no +means more to eat daily _patés de foi gras_ and drink champagne. +Well, that was no Hungarian character, but, though somewhat +eccentrically, he characterized the leading feature of our century. + +Indeed, are your richest money-kings happier than Fabricius was, when he +preferred his seven acres of land, worked by his own hands, to the +treasures of an empire? Are the ladies of to-day, adorned with all the +gorgeous splendour of wealth, of jewels, and of art, happier than those +ladies of ancient Rome have been, to whom it was forbidden to wear silk +and jewelry, or drive in a carriage through the streets of Rome? Are the +ladies of to-day happier in their splendid parlours, than the Portias +and the Cornelias have been in the homely retirement of their modest +nurseries? Nay; all that boundless thirst of wealth, which is the ruling +spirit of our age, and the moving power of enterprising energy, all this +hunting after treasures, and all its happiest results, have they made +men nobler, better, and happier? Have they improved their soul, or even +their body and their health, at least so much that the richest of men +could eat and digest two dinners instead of one? Or has the insatiable +thirst of material gain originated a purer patriotism? has it made +mankind more devoted to their country, more ready to sacrifice for +public interest? If that were the case, then I would gladly confess the +error of my doubts, and take the pretended larger amount of happiness +for a guarantee of the future of the commonwealth. But, ladies and +gentlemen! a single word--the manner in which we use it, distorting its +original meaning, often characterizes a whole century. You all know the +word "_idiot_;" almost every living language has adopted it, and +all languages attach to it the idea that an "idiot" is a poor, ignorant, +useless wretch, nearly insane. Well, "idiot" is a word of Greek +extraction, and meant with the Greek a man who cared nothing for the +public interest, but was all devoted to the selfish pursuit of private +profit, whatever might have been its results to the community. Oh! what +an immense, what a deplorable change must have occurred in the character +of Humanity, till unconsciously we came to the point, that by what name +the ancient Greeks would have styled those European money-kings, who, +for a miserable profit, administer to the unrelenting despots their +eternal loans, to oppress nations with, we now apply that very name to +the wretched creatures incapable to do any thing for themselves. We bear +compassion for the idiots of to-day, but the modern editions of Greek +idiotism, though loaded with the bloody scars of a hundred thousand +orphans, and with the curse of millions, stand high in honour, and go +on, proudly glorying in their criminal idiotism, heaping up the gold of +the world. + +But I may be answered, after all, though our age be not so virtuous, and +though the large accumulation in wealth has in reality not made mankind +happier; still, it cannot be denied, you are in a prosperous condition, +and prosperity is a solid basis of your country's future. Industry, +navigation, commerce, have so much developed, they have formed so many +ties by which every citizen is linked to his country's fate, that your +own material interest is a security to your country's future. + +In loving your own selves you love your country, and in loving your +country you love your own selves. This community of public and private +interest will make you avoid the stumbling-block over which others fell. +Prosperity is, of course, a great benefit; it is one of the aims of +human society; but when prosperity becomes too material, it does not +always guarantee the future. Paradoxical as it may appear, too much +prosperity is often dangerous, and some national misfortune is now and +then a good preservative of prosperity. For great prosperity makes +nations careless of their future; seeing no immediate danger, they +believe no danger possible; and then when a danger comes, either by +sudden chance or by the slow accumulation of noxious elements, then, +frightened by the idea that in meeting the danger their private property +might be injured or lost, selfishness often prevails over patriotism, +and men become ready to submit to arrogant pretensions, and compromise +with exigencies at the price of principles, and republics flatter +despots, and freemen covet the friendship and indulgence of tyrants, +only that things may go on just as they go, though millions weep and +nations groan; but still, things should go on just as they go, because +every change may claim a sacrifice, or affect our thriving private +interest. Such is often the effect of too great, of too secure +prosperity. Therefore, prosperity alone affords yet no security. + +You remember the tale of Polycrates. He was the happiest of men; good +luck attended every one of his steps; success crowned all he undertook, +and a friend thus spoke to him: "Thou art too happy for thy happiness to +last. Appease the anger of the Eumenides by a voluntary sacrifice, or +deprive thyself of what thou most valuest among all that thou +possessest." Polycrates obeyed, and drew from his finger a precious +jewel, of immense value, dear to his heart, and threw it into the sea. +Soon after a fish was brought to his house, and his cook found the +precious ring in the belly of the fish; but the friend who advised him +hastened to flee from the house, and shook the dust of its threshold +from his shoes, because he feared a great mischief must fall upon that +too prosperous house. There is a deep meaning in that tale of +Polycrates. + +Machiavel says, that it is now and then necessary to recall the +constituting essential principles to the memory of nations. And who is +charged by Providence with this task? Misfortune! It was the battles of +Cannaê and of Thrasymene which recalled the Romans to the love of their +fatherland; nations had till now, about such things, no other teacher +than misfortune. They should choose to have a less afflicting one. They +can have it. To point this out will be the final object of my remarks, +but so much is certain, that prosperity alone is yet no security for the +future, even of the happiest commonwealth. Those ancient nations have +been also prosperous. They were industrious, as your nation is; their +land has been covered with cities and villages, well-cultivated fields, +blessed with the richest crops, and crowded with countless herds spread +over immense territories, furrowed with artificial roads; their +flourishing cities swarmed with artists, and merchants, and workmen, and +pilots, and sailors, like as New York does. Their busy labourers built +gigantic water-works, digged endless canals, and carried distant waters +through the sands of the desert; their mighty, energetic spirit built +large and secure harbours, dried the marshy lakes, covered the sea with +vessels, the land with living beings, and spread a creation of life and +movement along the earth. Their commerce was broad as the known world. +Tyre exchanged its purple for the silk of Serica; Cashmere's soft +shawls, to-day yet a luxury of the wealthiest, the diamonds of Golconda, +the gorgeous carpets of Lydia, the gold of Ophir and Saba, the aromatic +spices and jewels of Ceylon, and the pearls and perfumes of Arabia, the +myrrh, silver, gold dust, and ivory of Africa, as well as the amber of +the Baltic and the tin of Thulé, appeared alike in their commerce, +raising them in turn to the dominion of the world, and undoing them by +too careless prosperity. The manner and the shape of one or the other +art, of one or other industry, has changed; the steam-engine has +replaced the rowing-bench, and cannon replaced the catapult; but, as a +whole, even your country, which you are proud to hear styled "the living +wonder of the world"--yes, even your country in the New World, and +England in the Old--England, that gigantic workshop of industry, +surrounded with a beautiful evergreen garden; yes, all the dominions of +the Anglo-Saxon race, can claim no higher praise of its prosperity, than +when we say, that you have reproduced the grandeur of those ancient +nations, and nearly equal their prosperity. And what has become of them? +A sad skeleton. What remains of their riches, of their splendour, and +of their vast dominions? An obscure recollection; a vain memory. Thus +fall empires; thus vanish nations, which have no better guardians than +their prosperity. But "we have," will you say, "we have a better +guardian--our freedom, our republican institutions; our confederation +uniting so many glorious stars into one mighty galaxy--these are the +ramparts of our present, these our future security." + +Well, it would ill become me to investigate if there be nothing "rotten +in the state of Denmark," and certainly I am not the man who could feel +inclined to undervalue the divine power of liberty; to underrate the +value of your democratic institutions, and the vitality of your glorious +Union. It is to them I look in the solitary hours of meditation, and +when, overwhelmed with the cares of the patriot, my soul is groaning +under nameless woes, it is your freedom's sunny light which dispels the +gloomy darkness of despondency; here is the source whence the +inspiration of hope is flowing to the mourning world, that down-trodden +millions at the bottom of their desolation still retain a melancholy +smile upon their lips, and still retain a voice in their bleeding chest, +to thank the Almighty God that the golden thread of freedom is not yet +lost on earth. Yes, ladies and gentlemen, all this I feel, and all this +I know, reflecting upon your freedom, your institutions, and your Union; +but casting back my look into the mirror of the past, there I see upon +mouldering ground, written with warning letters, the dreadful truth, +that all this has nothing new; all this has been; and all this has never +yet been proved sufficient security. Freedom is the fairest gift of +Heaven; but it is not the security of itself. Democracy is the +embodiment of freedom, which in itself is but a principle. But what is +the security of democracy? And if you answer, "The Union is;" then I +ask, "And where is the security of the Union?" Yes, ladies and +gentlemen, Freedom is no new word. It is as old as the world. Despotism +is new, but Freedom not. And yet it has never yet proved a charter to +the security of nations. Republic is no new word. It is as old as the +word "Society." Before Rome itself, republics absorbed the world. There +were in all Europe, Africa and Asia Minor, but republics to be found, +and many among them democratic. Men had to wander to far Persia if they +would have desired to know what sort of thing a monarch is. And all they +have perished; the small ones by foreign power, the large ones by +domestic vice. And union, and confederacy, the association of +societies--a confederate republic of republics, is also no new +invention. Greece has known it and flourished by it, for a while. Rome +has known it; by such associations she attacked the world. The world has +known them; with them it defended itself against Rome. The so-called +Barbarians of Europe, beyond the Danube and the Rhine, have known it; it +was by a confederacy of union that they resisted the ambitious mistress +of the world. Your own country, America, has known it; the traditionary +history of the Romans of the West, of those six Indian Nations, bears +the records of it, out of an older time than your ancestors settled in +this land; the wise man of the Onondaga Nation has exercised it long +before your country's legislators built upon that basis your independent +home. And still it proved in itself alone no security to all those +nations who have known it before you. Your own fathers have seen the +last of the Mohawks burying his bloody tomahawk in the namesake flood, +and have listened to the majestic words of Logan, spoken with the +dignity of an Aemilius, that there exists no living being on earth in +the veins of whom one drop of the blood of his race did flow. Well, had +history nothing else to teach us, than that all what the wisdom of man +did conceive, and all that his energy has executed through the +innumerable days of the past, and all that we take to be glorious in +nations and happy to men, cannot so much do as to ensure a future even +to such a flourishing commonwealth as yours; then weaker hearts may well +ask, What good is it to warn us of a fatality which we cannot escape; +what good is it to hold up the mournful monuments of a national +mortality to sadden our heart, if all that is human must share that +common doom? Let us do as we can, and so far as we can, and let the +future bring what it may. But that would be the speech of one having no +faith in the all-watching Eye, and regarding the eternal laws of the +universe not as an emanation of a bountiful Providence, but of a blind +fatality, which plays at hazard with the destinies of men. I never will +share such blasphemy. Misfortune came over me, and came over my house, +and came over my guiltless nation; still I never have lost my trust in +the Father of all. I have lived the days when the people of my oppressed +country went along weeping over the immense misfortune that they cannot +pray, seeing the downfall of the most just cause and the outrageous +triumph of the most criminal of all crimes on earth; and they went along +not able to pray, and weeping that they are not able to pray. I +shuddered at the terrible tidings in the desolation of my exile; but I +could pray, and sent the consolation home, that I do not despair; that I +believe in God, and trust to His bountiful providence, and ask them who +of them dares despair when I do not? I was in exile, as I am now, but +arrogant despots were debating about my blood, my infant children in +prison, my wife, the faithful companion of my sorrows and my cares, +hunted like a noble deer, and my sisters in the tyrant's fangs, red with +the blood of my nation, and the heart of my aged mother breaking, about +the shattered fortunes of her house, and all of them at last homeless +wanderers, cast to the winds, like the yellow leaves of a fallen tree; +and my fatherland, my dear, beloved fatherland, half murdered, half in +chains, and humanity nearly all oppressed, and those who are not yet +oppressed looking with compassion at our sad fate, but taking it for +wise policy not to help, and the sky of freedom dark on our horizon, and +darkening fast over all, and nowhere a ray of hope; a lustre of +consolation nowhere; and still I did not despair; and my faith to God, +my trust to Providence has spread over my down-trodden land. + +I therefore, who do not despair of my own country's future, though it be +overwhelmed with misfortunes, I certainly have an unwavering faith in +the destinies of Humanity; and though the mournful example of so many +fallen nations instructs us, that neither the diffusion of knowledge, +nor the progress of industry, neither prosperity, nor power, nay, not +even freedom itself, can secure a future to nations, still I say there +is one thing which can secure it; there is one law, the obedience to +which would prove a rock upon which the freedom and happiness of nations +may rest sure to the end of their days. And that law, ladies and +gentlemen, is the law proclaimed by our Saviour; that rock is the +unperverted religion of Christ. But while the consolation of this +sublime truth falls meekly upon my soul like as the moonlight falls upon +the smooth sea, I humbly claim your forbearance, ladies and gentlemen; I +claim it in the name of the Almighty Lord, to hear from my lips a +mournful truth. It may displease you; it may offend; but still truth is +truth. Offended vanity may blame me; power may frown at me, and pride +may call my boldness arrogant, but still truth is truth, and I, bold in +my unpretending humility, will proclaim that truth; I will proclaim it +from land to land and from sea to sea; I will proclaim it with the faith +of the martyrs of old, till the seed of my word falls upon the +consciences of men. Let come what come may, I say with Luther: God help +me, I cannot otherwise. Yes, ladies and gentlemen, the law of our +Saviour, the religion of Christ, can secure a happy future to nations. +But, alas! there is yet no Christian people on earth--not a single one +among all. I have spoken the word. It is harsh, but true. Nearly two +thousand years have passed since Christ has proclaimed the eternal +decree of God, to which the happiness of mankind is bound, and has +sanctified it with His own blood, and still there is not one single +nation on earth which would have enacted into its law-book that eternal +decree. Men believe in the mysteries of religion, according to the creed +of their church; they go to church, and they pray and give alms to the +poor, and drop the balm of consolation into the wounds of the afflicted, +and believe they do all that the Lord commanded to do, and believe they +are Christians. No! Some few may be, but their nation is not--their +country is not; the era of Christianity has yet to come, and when it +comes, then, only then, will be the future of nations sure. Far be it +from me to misapprehend the immense benefit which Christian religion, +such as it already is, has operated in mankind's history. It has +influenced the private character of men, and the social condition of +millions; it was the nurse of a new civilization, and softening the +manners and morals of men, its influence has been felt even in the worst +quarter of history--in war. The continual massacres of the Greek and +Roman kings and chiefs, and the extermination of nations by them--the +all-devastating warfare of the Timurs and Gengis Khans--are in general +not more to be met with; only my own dear fatherland was doomed to +experience once more the cruelties of the Timurs and Gengis Khans out of +the sacrilegious hands of the dynasty of Austria, which calumniates +Christianity by calling itself Christian. But though that beneficial +influence of Christianity we have cheerfully to acknowledge, yet it is +still not to be disputed that the law of Christ does yet nowhere rule +the Christian world. + +Montesquieu himself, whom nobody could charge to be partial for +republics, avows that despotism is incompatible with the Christian +religion, because the Christian religion commands meekness, and +despotism claims arbitrary power to the whims and passions of a frail +mortal; and still it is more than 1,500 years since the Christian +religion became dominant, and through that long period despotism has +been pre-eminently dominant; you can scarcely show one single truly +democratic republic of any power which had subsisted but for a hundred +years, exercising any influence upon the condition of the world. +Constantine, raising the Christian religion to Rome's imperial throne, +did not restore the Romans to their primitive virtues. Constantinople +became the sewer of vice; Christian worship did not change the despotic +habits of Kings. The Tituses, the Trajans, the Antonines, appeared +seldom on Christian thrones; on the contrary, mankind has seen, in the +name of religion, lighted the piles of persecution, and the blazing +torches of intolerance; the earth overspread with corpses of the million +victims of fanaticism; the fields watered with blood; the cities wrapped +in flames, and empires ravaged with unrelenting rage. Why? Is it +Christian religion which caused these deplorable facts, branding the +brow of partly degraded, partly outraged Humanity? No. It was precisely +the contrary; the fact that the religion of Christ never yet was +practically taken for an all-overruling law, the obedience to which, +outweighing every other consideration, would have directed the policy of +nations--that fact is the source of evil, whence the oppression of +millions has overflowed the earth, and which makes the future of the +proudest, of the freest nation, to be like a house built upon sand. + +Every religion has two parts. One is the dogmatical, the part of +worship; the other is the moral part. + +The first, the dogmatic part, belonging to those mysterious regions +which the arm of human understanding cannot reach, because they belong +to the dominion of belief, and that begins where the dominion of +knowledge ends--that part of religion, therefore, the dogmatic one, +should be left to every man to settle between God and his own +conscience. It is a sacred field, whereon worldly power never should +dare to trespass, because there it has no power to enforce its will. +Force can murder; it can make liars and hypocrites, but no violence on +earth can force a man to believe what he does not believe. Yet the +other part of religion, the moral part, is quite different. That +teaches duties toward ourselves and toward our fellow-men. It can be, +therefore, not indifferent to the human family: it can be not +indifferent to whatever community, if those duties be fulfilled or not, +and no nation can, with full right, claim the title of a Christian +nation, no government the title of a Christian government, which is not +founded upon the basis of Christian morality, and which takes it not for +an all-overruling law to fulfil the moral duties ordered by the religion +of Christ toward men and nations, who are but the community of men, and +toward mankind, which is the community of nations. Now, look to those +dread pages of history, stained with the blood of millions, spilt under +the blasphemous pretext of religion; was it the intent to vindicate the +rights, and enforce the duties of Christian morality, which raised the +hand of nation against nation, of government against government? No: it +was the fanaticism of creed, and the fury of dogmatism. Nations and +governments rose to propagate their manner to worship God, and their own +mode to believe the inscrutable mysteries of eternity; but nobody has +yet raised a finger to punish the sacrilegious violation of the moral +laws of Christ, nobody ever stirred to claim the fulfilment of the +duties of Christian morality toward nations. There is much speaking +about the separation of Church and State, and yet, on close examination, +we shall see that there was, and there is, scarcely one single +government entirely free from the direct or indirect influence of one or +other religious denominations; scarcely one which would not at least +bear a predilection, if not countenance with favour, one or another +creed--but creed, and always creed. The mysteries of dogmatism, and the +manner of worship, enter into these considerations; they enter even into +the politics, and turn the scales of hatred and affection; but certainly +there is not one single nation, not one single government, the policy of +which would ever have been regulated by that law of morality which our +Saviour has promulgated as the eternal law of God, which shall be obeyed +in all the relations of men to men. But you say, of the direct or +indirect amalgamation of Church and State, proved to be dangerous to +nations in Christian and for Christian times, because it affected the +individual rights of men, and among them, the dearest of all, the +liberty of conscience and the freedom of thought. Well, of this danger, +at least, the future of your country is free; because here, at least, in +this, your happy land, religious liberty exists. Your institutions left +no power to your government to interfere with the religion of your +citizens. Here every man is free to worship God as he chooses to do. + +And that is true, and it is a great glory of your country that it is +true. It is a fact which entitles to the hope that your nation will +revive the law of Christ, even on earth. However, the guarantee which +your Constitution affords to religious liberty is but a negative part of +a Christian government. There are, besides that, positive duties to be +fulfilled. He who does no violence to the conscience of man, has but the +negative merit of a man doing no wrong; but as he who does not murder, +does not steal, and does not covet what his neighbour's is, but by not +stealing, not murdering, not coveting what our neighbour's is, we did +yet no positive good; a man who does not murder has not yet occasion to +the title of virtuous man. And here is precisely the infinite merit of +the Christian religion. While Moses, in the name of the Almighty God, +ordered but negative degrees toward fellow-men, the Christian religion +commands positive virtue. Its divine injunctions are not performed by +not doing wrong; it desires us to do good. The doctrine of Jesus Christ +is sublime in its majestic simplicity. "Thou shalt love God above all, +and love thy neighbour as thou lovest thyself." + +This sublime doctrine is the religion of love. It is the religion of +charity. "Though I speak with the tongues of angels, and have not +charity, I am become as sounding brass and tinkling cymbals. Though I +have the gift of prophecy, and understand all mysteries and all +knowledge, and have all faith, so that I could remove mountains, and +have not charity, I am nothing. And though I bestow all my goods to +feed the poor, and give my body to be burned, and have not charity, it +profiteth me nothing." Thus speaks the Lord, and thus speaking He gives +the law, "Do unto others as thou desirest others to do unto thee." Now, +in the name of Him who gave this law to humanity, to build up the +eternal bliss and temporal happiness of mankind, in the name of that +Eternal Legislator, I ask, is in that _charity_, in that +fundamental law of Christianity, any limit of distinction drawn in man +in his personal, and man in his national capacity? Is it but a law for a +man where he is alone, and can do but little good? Is it no law more +where two are together, and can do more good? No law more when millions +are together? Am I in my personal adversities; is my aged mother in her +helpless desolation; are my homeless sisters whom you feed to-day, that +they may work to-morrow; are we your neighbours, unto whom you do as you +would others in a similar position do unto yourself? And is every one of +my down-trodden people a neighbour to every one of you? but all my +people collectively, is it _not_ a neighbour to you? And is my +nation not a neighbour to your nation? Is my down-trodden land not a +neighbour to your down-trodden land? Oh! my God, men speak of the +Christian religion and style themselves Christians, and yet make a +distinction between virtue in private life and virtue in public life; as +if the divine law of Charity would have been given only for certain +small relations, and not for all the relations between men and men. + +"There he is again, with his eternal complaints about his country's +wrongs;" may perhaps somebody remark: "This is an assembly of charity, +assembled to ease his private woes of family; and there he is again +speaking of his country's wrongs, and alluding to our foreign policy, +about which he knows our views to be divided." Thus I may be charged. + +My "private family woes!" But all my woes and all the woes of my family, +are concentrated in the unwarrantable oppression of my fatherland. You +are an assembly of charity, it is true, and the Almighty may requite you +for it; but being a charitable assembly, can you blame me that the +filial and fraternal devotion of my heart, in taking with gratitude the +balm of consolation which your charity pours into the bleeding wounds of +my family, looks around to heal those wounds, the torturing pains of +which you ease, but which cannot be cured but by justice and charity +done to my fatherland. Shall this sad heart of mine be contented by +leaving to my homeless mother and sisters the means to have their bread +by honest labour, their daily bread salted with the bitter tears of +exile; and shall I not care to leave them the hope that their misfortune +will have an end; that they will see again their beloved home; that they +will see it independent and free, and live where their fathers lived, +and sleep the tranquil sleep of death in that soil with which the ashes +of their fathers mingle? Shall I not care to give the consolation to my +aged mother, that when her soon departing soul, crowned with the garland +of martyrdom, looks down from the home of the blessed, the united joy of +the heavens will thrill through her immortal spirit, seeing her dear, +dear Hungary free? Your views are divided on the subject, it may be; +but can your views be divided upon the subject that it is the command of +God to love your neighbours as you love yourselves? That it is the duty +of Christians, that it is the fundamental principle of the Christian +religion, to do unto others as you desire others to do unto you? And if +there is, if there can be no difference of opinion in regard to the +principle; if no one in this vast assembly--whatever be the platform of +his party--ever would disclaim this principle, will any one blame me +that in the name of Christ I am bold to claim the application of that +principle? I should not speak of politics! Well, I have spoken of +Christianity. Your politics either agree with the Law of Christ, or they +do not agree with it. If they don't agree, then your politics are not +Christian; and if they agree, then I cause no division among you. + +And I shall not speak of my people's wrongs! Oh! my people--thou heart +of my heart, thou life of my life--to thee are bent the thoughts of my +mind, and they will remain bent to thee, though all the world may frown. +To thee are pledged all the affections of my heart, and they will be +pledged to thee as long as one drop of blood throbs within this heart. +Thine are the cares of my waking hours; thine are the dreams of my +restless sleep. Shall I forget thee, but for a moment! Never! Never! +Cursed be the moment, and cursed be I in that moment, in which thou +wouldst be forgotten by me! + +Thou art oppressed, O my fatherland! because the principles of +Christianity have not been executed in practice; because the duties of +Christianity have not been fulfilled; because the precepts of +Christianity have not been obeyed; because the law of Christianity did +not control the policy of nations; because there are many impious +governments to offend the law of Christ, but there was none to do the +duties commanded by Christ. + +Thou art fallen, O my country, because Christianity has yet to come; but +it is not yet come--nowhere! Nowhere on earth! And with the sharp eye of +misfortune piercing the dark veil of the future, and with the tongue of +Cassandria relating what I see, I cry it out to high Heaven, and shout +it out to the Earth--"Nations, proud of your momentary power; proud of +your freedom; proud of your prosperity--your power is vain, your freedom +is vain, your industry, your wealth, your prosperity are vain; all these +will not save you from sharing the mournful fate of those old nations, +not less powerful than you, not less free, not less prosperous than +you--and still fallen, as you yourself will fall--all vanished as you +will vanish, like a bubble thrown up from the deep! There is only the +law of Christ, there are only the duties of Christianity, which can +secure your future, by securing at the same time humanity." + +Duties must be fulfilled, else they are an idle word. And who would +dispute that there is a positive duty in that law, "Love thy neighbour +as thou lovest thyself. Do unto others as thou wouldst that others do +unto thee." Now, if there are duties in that law comprised, who shall +execute them, if free and powerful nations do not execute them? No +government can meddle with the private relations of its millions of +citizens so much as to enforce the positive virtue of Christian charity, +in the thousand-fold complications of private life. That will be +impossible; and our Saviour did not teach impossibilities. By +commanding charity toward fellow-men in human relations, He commanded it +also to governments. It is in their laws toward their own citizens; it +is in their policy toward other nations, that governments and nations +can fulfil those duties of Christianity; and what they can, that they +should. How could governments hope to see their own citizens and other +nations observing toward them the positive duties of Christian morality, +when they themselves do not observe them against others; when oppressed +nations, the victims, not of their own faults, but of the grossest +violation of the law of Christ, look in vain around to find out a nation +among Christian nations, and a government among Christian governments, +doing unto them, in the hour of their supreme need, as the Saviour said +that it is duty to do unto others in every case? + +Yes, gentlemen, as long as the principles of Christian morality are not +carried up into the international relations--as long as the fragile +wisdom of political exigencies overrules the doctrines of Christ, there +is no freedom on earth firm, and the future of no nation sure. But let a +powerful nation like yours raise Christian morality into its public +conduct, that nation will have a future against which the very gates of +hell itself will never prevail. The morality of its policy will react +upon the morality of its individuals, and preserve it from domestic +vice, which, without that prop, ever yet has attended too much +prosperity, and ever yet was followed by a dreadful fall. The morality +of its policy will support justice and freedom on earth, and thus +augmenting the number of free nations, all acting upon the same +principle, its very future will be placed under the guarantee of them +all, and preserve it from foreign danger--which is better to prevent +than to repel. And its future will be placed under the guarantee of the +Almighty himself, who, true to His eternal decrees, proved through the +downfall of so many mighty nations, that He always punished the fathers +in the coming generations; but alike bountiful as just, will not and +cannot forsake those to whom He gave power to carry out His laws on +earth, and who willingly answered His divine call. Power in itself never +yet was sure. It is right which makes power firm; and it is community +which makes right secure. The task of PETER'S apostolate is +accomplished--the Churches are founded in the Christian world. The task +of PAUL'S apostolate is accomplished--the abuses of fanaticism and +intolerance are redressed. But the task of him whom the Saviour most +loved, is not yet accomplished. The gospel of charity rules not yet the +Christian world; and without charity, Christianity, you know, is "but +sounding brass and a tinkling cymbal." + +Oh! Charity, thou fairest gift of Heaven! thou family link between +nations; thou rock of their security; thou deliverer of the oppressed; +when comes thy realm? Where is the man whom the Lord has chosen to +establish thy realm? Who is the man whom the Lord has chosen to realize +the religion, the tenets of which the most beloved disciple of the +Saviour has recorded from his divine lips? who is the man to reform, not +Christian creeds, but Christian morality? Man! No; that is no task for +a man, but for a nation. Man may teach a doctrine; but that doctrine of +Charity is taught, and taught with such sublime simplicity, that no +sectarist yet has disputed its truth. Historians have been quarrelling +about mysteries, and lost empires through their disputes. The Greeks +were controversially disputing whether the Holy Ghost proceeds from the +Father alone, or from the Father and Son; and Mahomet battered the walls +of Byzantium, they heard it not; he wrested the cross from Santa Sophia; +they saw it not, till the cimeter of the Turk stopped the rage of +quarrel with the blow of death. In other quarters they went on disputing +and deciding with mutual anathemas the question of transfiguration and +many other mysteries, which, being mysteries, constitute the private +dominion of belief; but the doctrine of charity none of them disputes; +there they all agree; nay, in the idle times of scholastical subtility, +they have been quarrelling about the most extravagant fancies of a +scorched imagination. Mighty folios have been written about the problem, +how many angels could dance upon the top of a needle without touching +each other? The folly of subtility went so far as to profane the sacred +name of God, by disputing if He, being omnipotent, has the power to sin? +If, in the holy wafer, He be present dressed or undressed? If the +Saviour would have chosen the incarnation in the shape of a gourd, +instead of a man, how would he have preached, how acted miracles, and +how had been crucified? And when they went to the theme of investigating +if it was a whip or a lash with which the angels have whipped St. Jerome +for trying to imitate in his writings the pagan Cicero, it was but after +centuries that Abbot Cartaut dared to write that if St. Jerome was +whipped at all, he was whipped for having _badly_ imitated Cicero. +Still, the doctrine of Christian charity is so sublime in its +simplicity, that not even the subtility of scholasticism dared ever to +profane it by any controversy, and still that sublime doctrine is not +executed, and the religion of charity not realized yet. The task of this +glorious progress is only to be done by a free and powerful nation, +because it is a task of action, and not of teaching. Individual man can +but execute it in the narrow compass of the small relations of private +life; it is only the power of a nation which can raise it to become a +ruling law on earth; and before this is done, the triumph of +Christianity is not arrived--and without that triumph, the freedom and +prosperity even of the mightiest nation is not for a moment safe from +internal decay, or from foreign violence. + +Which is the nation to achieve that triumph of Christianity by +protecting justice out of charity? Which shall do it, if not yours? Whom +the Lord has blessed above all, from whom He much expects, because He +has given her much. + +Ye Ministers of the Gospel, who devote your lives to expound the eternal +truths of the book of life, remember my humble words, and remind those +who, with pious hearts, listen to your sacred words, that half virtue is +no virtue at all, and that there is no difference in the duties of +charity between public and private life. + +Ye Missionaries, who devote your lives to the propagation of +Christianity, before you embark for the dangers of far, inhospitable +shores, remind those whom you leave, that the example of a nation +exercising right and justice on earth by charity, would be the mightiest +propagandism of Christian religion. + +Ye Patriots, loving your country's future, and anxious about her +security, remember the admonitions of history--remember that the +freedom, the power, and the prosperity in which your country glories, is +no new apparition on earth; others also had it, and yet they are gone. +The prudence with which your forefathers have founded this commonwealth, +the courage with which you develop it, other nations also have shown, +and still they are gone. + +And ye ladies; ye fairest incarnation of the spirit of love, which +vivifies the universe, remember my words. The heart of man is given into +your tender hands. You mould it in its infancy. You imprint the lasting +mark of character upon man's brow, You ennoble his youth; you soften the +harshness of his manhood; you are the guardian angels of his hoary age. +All your vocation is love, and your life is charity. The religion of +charity wants your apostolate, and requires your aid. It is to you I +appeal, and leave the sublime topic of my humble reflections to the +meditations of your Christian hearts. + +And thus, my task of to-day is done. Man shall earn the means of life by +the sweat of his brow. Thus shall my family. Your charity of to-day has +opened the way to it. The school which my mother, if God spares her +life, will superintend, and in which two of my sisters will teach, and +the humble farm which my third sister and her family shall work, will be +the gift of your charity to-day. + +A stony weight of cares is removed from my breast. Oh! be blessed for +it, be thanked for it, in the name of them all who have lost every +thing, but not their trust to God, and not the benefit of being able to +work. My country will forgive me that I have taken from her the time of +one day's work--to give bread to my aged mother and to my homeless +sisters, the poor victims of unrelenting tyranny. Returning to Europe, I +may find my own little children in a condition that again the father +will have to take the spade or the pen into his hand to give them bread. + +And my fatherland will again forgive me, that that time is taken from +her. That is all what I take from her; nothing else of what is given, or +what belongs to her. And the day's work which I take from my country, I +will restore it by a night's labour. To-day, the son and the brother has +done his task; you have requited his labour by a generous charity; the +son and brother thanks you for it, and the patriot, to resume his task, +bids you a hearty, warm farewell. + + + +APPENDICES TO KOSSUTH'S SPEECHES. + + +Appendix I.--_Extracts from a Letter to the 'Daily News,' dated +January 17th, 1852_, by Sabbas Vucovics, _late Minister of Justice +in Hungary, in answer to_ Count Casimir Bathyanyi. + +So early as the commencement of the Serbian insurrection, the popular +suspicion gained ground that the insurrection had been stirred up by the +secret intrigues of the court, and confidence in the truth and good +faith of the King disappeared accordingly. The nation, however, still +indulged the hope that a weak King, though betrayed into ambiguous +proceeding, would not permit himself to be carried away into a flagrant +breach of the constitution. This was the time when the King, in the +opinion of the people, was kept distinct from the Camarilla. But when +the Austrian ministry openly attempted to deprive Hungary of its +ministries of war and finance, when the base game of the degradation and +restoration of Jellachich was played, and when the Hungarian army, +fighting in the name of the King against the insurrections of the +Serbians and Croats, became aware that the balls of that same King +thinned their ranks from the hostile camp, the nation arrived at the +universal conviction that the Hapsburg dynasty were only pursuing their +old absolute tendencies, and that they wanted to force Hungary into +self-defence, in order, under the pretext of rebellion, to deprive it of +all its constitutional rights and guarantees. It needs no proof that a +loud indignation, and even hatred of the dynasty, spread far and wide in +the country, in consequence of these intrigues and proceedings. In spite +of this natural excitement, and of the war itself, carried on by the +nation with an increasing enthusiasm of hatred of the House of Austria, +no party in the country urged a declaration of _déchéance_ or +forfeiture against the dynasty. Even all the faithless acts recorded in +the letter of Count Casimir Bathyanyi, and the cruelties committed in +the name of that court in Lower Hungary and Transylvania, did not turn +the scales in this direction. The Pragmatic Sanction was still +considered as good in law; and the many precedents of our history, when +the nation and its kings went to war with each other, and ultimately +settled their disputes by solemn pacts confirming the constitution of +the land, conveyed the notion that a reconciliation was even then not +impossible. + +Without these precedents and reminiscences of history, and only guided +by the universal feeling of the country against the dynasty, the +Hungarian parliament would have pronounced the forfeiture of the House +of Austria so far back as October, 1848, when Jellachich was appointed +absolute plenipotentiary of the King in Hungary, with discretionary +power of life and death; or in December, 1848, when in Olmütz the +succession of the Hungarian throne was changed and determined, without +the concurrence of the nation through the Diet. To force the nation and +its parliament to the last step in this momentous crisis, the court +itself broke the dynastic tie. + +This was done by the imposition of the constitution of the 4th of March, +1849, by which the House of Austria itself annihilated the Pragmatic +Sanction, treating free and independent Hungary with the arrogance of a +conqueror. The nation, more irritated by this act than by any preceding +event, saw that the hour was come, beyond which further to defer the +dethronement of the dynasty would be alike incompatible with the laws +and the honour of Hungary. _All the channels of public opinion, the +public press, the popular meetings, and even the head quarters of the +army, resounded with emphatic declarations of the impossibility of +reconciliation with the dynasty. The garrison of Komorn_--the most +important fortress of the country--_petitioned the government for the +declaration of forfeiture_. Most assuredly no party manoeuvres were +wanted in this universal excitement, caused by the constitution of the +4th of March, to carry a parliamentary resolution of forfeiture. + +When the proposition of forfeiture was made on the 14th of April, 1849, +in the House of Representatives, only eight members voted against it, in +a house never attended by less than from 220 to 240 members. The House +of Magnates adopted this resolution without opposition. The press of all +shades of opinion, though enjoying the most unlimited freedom, also +declared for the resolution of the Diet. It was moreover received +throughout the whole country with patriotic assent and determination. If +there was a party opposed to the forfeiture, how came it that it did not +hold it to be a duty to declare its opposition in the Diet or through +the press? + +When the intelligence of the unfortunate battle of Temeswar reached the +Governor Kossuth, who was then in the fortress of Arad, he immediately +summoned a council of the ministry to deliberate on measures of public +safety still possible. At this council, in which all the ministers took +part, it was resolved to invest Görgei, who stood alone at the head of +an unconquered army, with full powers for negotiating a peace. It was, +moreover, resolved to dissolve the government, which could not be +carried on in any fixed place of safety under the existing +circumstances. We did not, however, insert in the instrument investing +Görgei with full power (and despatched to him immediately) the +abdication of the government. On the same day--it was the 11th of +August, 1849--Görgei declared in the presence of some of the ministers +who had assembled at Csányi's (who was one of them), that he could not +accept the commission because the resignation of the government was not +contained in it, while he was sure that the enemy would enter into no +negotiations with him, so long as Kossuth and his ministry were thought +to be behind him. The ministers who were present, after a short +deliberation, considering it to be their duty not to stand in the way of +the negotiation which had been resolved on as necessary, accordingly +sent their resignation to the governor, _whom they requested to resign +as well_. The governor soon after sent his abdication for +countersignature by these members of the ministry, and accordingly the +government formally dissolved itself, after having done so _de +facto_ in the previous council of ministers. I must mention the +circumstance that _in the governor's instrument of abdication +conditions were proscribed to Görgei, which were not inserted in the +original instrument of authorization, issued by the full council_. +These conditions were, the preservation of the nationality and the +autonomy of Hungary. Four ministers took part in this resignation of the +governor, as above stated, Aulich, Csányi, Horvath, and I. Two of the +ministers, Szemere and [Casimir] Bathyanyi, were absent when the formal +declaration of the abdication was discussed at Csányi's residence. I +have not mentioned among the ministers our late colleague, the finance +minister Dushek, because his treachery, which was afterwards brought to +light, excludes him from our ranks. From all these circumstances, it +will be manifest how unjust the reproaches of Count Casimir Bathyanyi +are, that no new cabinet council was held. + +It is notorious that Görgei abused the full powers with which he was +entrusted, instead of procuring the preservation of Hungary by a +negotiation for peace, by an ignominious treachery to his native +country. From that very moment the power conferred on him by the +above-mentioned instrument, and the conditional abdication of the +government, consequently and legally reverted to him who had invested +him with it. To deny this, would be to recognize in the foreign rule +which crushed Hungary, in consequence of that treachery, legitimate +right and lawful power. + +I, however, perfectly agree with the noble count, that the nation, once +more restored to its constitutional existence, and free from foreign +yoke, will have the unlimited right to dispose of all the affairs of the +country, and consequently of the executive power. To assert a contrary +opinion would be a crime against the nation. Not over a liberated nation +(which, of course, would have the right to choose whom it will), but +over a nation crushed by an usurping power, the claims of Kossuth, as +elected Governor of Hungary, are, I submit, lawful. + +Republican principles have not been proclaimed at Kossuth's dictation as +the aim of our national exertions. They were, during our struggle, the +well-ascertained and deep-rooted sentiment of the country, and Kossuth +could only faithfully represent the proclaimed will and feeling of the +nation, by inscribing them on his banner. Immediately after the +declaration of independence, all the manifestations of the national will +were unanimous in the desire for a republic. The ministry, which was +nominated by the Governor as a consequence of that legislative act, +declared in both houses of the Diet, that its efforts would be directed +to the establishment of a republic. Both houses joined in this +declaration, and in the government no opposition whatever was manifested +against it. One of the first acts of the new government was to remove +the crown from all national scutcheons, and from the great seal of +Hungary. The press in all its shades developed republican principles. +The new semi-official paper bore the name of _The Republic_. It is +true that the government was only provisional, for the war continued, +and the definite decision of this question depended on unforeseen +circumstances. We should have preferred almost any settlement to the +necessity of a subjection to the Austrian dynasty; and at the price of +emancipation from that detested power, the nation would even have been +prepared, for the sake of aid, to choose a king from another race; but +certainly if it had been the unaided victor in the struggle, never. +Monarchical government would have been for us the resort of expediency. +The government of our wishes and principles was "The Republic." + +I do not feel at all convinced, as the noble count asserts, that the +institutions and habits of Hungary are incompatible with a democratic +republic. I find, on the contrary, traits in them which lead me to an +opposite conclusion. The aggregate character of the numerous nobility +which resigned its privileges in the Diet of 1847-48 of its own accord, +and which was in its nature more a democratic than an aristocratic body, +because neither territorial wealth nor rank interfered with or disturbed +the equality of its rights,--the national antipathy to the system of an +upper house, which was considered as a foreign institution, because it +had been introduced under the Austrian dynasty,--the immemorial custom +of periodically electing all officials, and even the judges,--the +detestation in which bureaucracy and all the instruments of +centralization were held in all ages, while the attachment to the +municipal self-government was ineradicable,--the fact that, in +consequence of the laws which had been sanctioned in April, 1848, the +county authorities, formerly only elected from the "nobility," were +democratically reconstituted, and exercised their functions in this form +till the catastrophe of Világos, without the slightest collision between +the different classes of society,--the peaceful election of the +representatives of the last Diet conducted almost on the principle of +universal suffrage,--all these facts unmistakeably prove that the germ +of democracy lay in our institutions, and that these could receive a +democratic development without any concussion. Those characteristic +_traits_ of our nation, which have been so often misrepresented as +signs of an aversion to a republic, and which may be more properly +called civic virtues; as, for example, our respect for law, our +antipathy to untried political theories, our attachment to traditional +customs, and our pride in the history of our country, are no obstacles +to, but rather guarantees, and even conditions of a republic, which is +to be national and enduring. It would indeed be an unprecedented event +in history, if staunch royalism could be the characteristic of a country +which, like Hungary, has found in its kings for three hundred years the +inexorable foes of its liberties, and which in that time, for its +defence, had to wage six bloody wars against the dynasty. + +As to the criticisms by the noble count of the personal character of +Kossuth, I take leave to assert that a great majority of the Hungarian +nation do not share his opinion. It is not my task to appear as a +personal advocate, and I wish, therefore, to advert only to one point of +his attack, which may seem to be based on facts. The noble count +asserts that Kossuth has attained to power _by doubtful means_. I +am amazed at this assertion, knowing, as I do, that Kossuth was proposed +by Count Louis Bathyanyi, and nominated by the King, with the universal +applause of the nation, to the Ministry of Finance. After the +resignation of the first Hungarian ministry, he was freely and +unanimously elected by the Diet to the Presidency of the Committee of +Defence, and after the declared forfeiture of the dynasty to the +Governorship of the country. I know no more honourable means by which a +man can be raised to power. + +S. VUKOVICS, + +Late Minister of Justice of Hungary. + +_London, January 17, 1852_. + + * * * * * + +Appendix II.--_Extracts from a Letter to the 'Times,' dated December +9th, 1851, by_ Bartholomew Szemere, _late Minister of the Interior +in Hungary; in answer to_ Prince Esterhazy. + +I shall now proceed to give a succinct account of what took place from +April 14, when the new acts received the Royal sanction, to December, +1848. You may be assured that I shall conceal nothing that tended to +change the relations between Hungary and Austria. + +The Prime Minister was already nominated when Jellachich was raised to +the dignity of Ban of Croatia by a Royal decree which the Premier was +not even asked to countersign. The Hungarian ministers, nevertheless, +for the sake of peace, overlooked this irregular proceeding. + +By a decree, dated June 10, 1848, the King made known to all whom it +might concern, that all the troops stationed within the kingdom of +Hungary, whether Hungarians or Austrians, were placed under the orders +of the Hungarian Minister of War, and that all the Hungarian fortresses +were under the jurisdiction of the said Minister. Yet at this very time +officers of the Imperial and Royal army were taking an active part in +the rebellion of the Serbs and Valachs, while General Mayerhofer was +enlisting recruits in the principality of Servia, and sending them to +assist the rebels. The people thus beheld with astonishment civil war +break out, and saw with still greater astonishment that Imperial +officers were fighting on both sides. + +Jellachich, as a functionary of the Hungarian Crown, refused to obey the +Hungarian ministry, and illegally summoned a Croatian Diet to meet at +Agram on June 5. In consequence of these proceedings, Ferdinand V., by a +decree dated June 10, 1848, deprived him, as a rebel, of all his civil +and military offices and dignities, but at the same time sent him, +through his Minister of War, Latour, field officers, artillery and +ammunition. + +The troubles increased daily. The Hungarian ministry requested the +Archduke John to act us mediator. He accepted the office, but did +nothing. + +The Diet met on July 2. The Palatine, as the representative of the +Sovereign in the speech from the Throne, said that, as several districts +were in a state of open rebellion, the principal objects to which, in +the name of His Majesty, he should direct the attention of the Diet were +the finances and the defences of the country, and that bills relating to +these objects would be brought in by the Ministers. He then proceeded as +follows:--"His Majesty has learned with painful feelings, that although +he only followed the dictates of his own gracious inclination, when, at +the request of the faithful Hungarian people, he gave his sovereign +sanction to the laws enacted by the last Diet--laws which the common +weal, according to the exigencies of the present age, rendered +imperatively necessary--there are, nevertheless, a number of seditious +agitators, especially in the annexed territories and the Hungarian +districts of the Lower Danube, who, by false reports and terrorism, have +excited the different religious sects and races speaking different +languages against each other, and, by mendaciously affirming that the +above-mentioned laws are not the free expressions of His Majesty's Royal +will, have stirred up the people to offer an armed opposition to the +execution of the law, and to the legally constituted authorities. And, +moreover, that some of these agitators have even proceeded so far in +their iniquitous course as to spread the report that this armed +opposition has been made in the interests of the dynasty, and with the +knowledge, and connivance of His Majesty or of the members of His +Majesty's Royal house. I therefore, in order that all the inhabitants of +the kingdom, without distinction as to creed or language, may have their +minds set at rest, hereby declare, in conformity with the sovereign +behest of His Majesty our most gracious King, and in his sovereign name +and person, that it is His Majesty's firm and steadfast determination to +defend with all his Royal power and authority the unity and integrity of +His Royal Hungarian crown against every attack from without, and every +attempt at disruption and separation that may be made within the +kingdom, and at the same time inviolably to maintain the laws which have +received the Royal sanction. And while His Majesty will not suffer any +one to curtail the liberties assured to all classes by the law, His +Majesty, as well as all the members of His Royal dynasty, strongly +condemns the audacity of those who venture to affirm that any illegal +act whatsoever or any disrespect of the constituted authorities can be +reconcileable with His Majesty's sovereign will, or at all compatible +with the interests of the Royal dynasty." + +It thus clearly appears that the King acknowledged the validity and the +inviolability of the acts passed by the Diet of 1847-8 three months +after they had been sanctioned. + +Relying on the sincerity of the Royal asseverations, the Diet humbly +requested that His Majesty would be graciously pleased to render the +country happy by his presence. It was, in fact, the general wish that +the King should come to Hungary; even the most radical journals loudly +declared that if he came he would be received with enthusiasm bordering +on madness. + +Meanwhile the rebellion of the Croats, Serbs, and Valachs, was spreading +daily, and that, too, _in the name of the Sovereign_. Generals, +colonels, and other field officers of the Imperial army were at the head +of it, without any one of them being summoned by the King to answer for +his conduct. The eyes of the too credulous natives were now opened, and +still more when the King refused to sanction the acts for the levying of +troops and raising of funds for the suppression of the rebellion, +although the Diet had been convened chiefly for this purpose. + +I must here observe that at this period nothing whatever had occurred +that could serve as a pretext for the dynasty to support the rebellion. +The Diet, it is true, would not consent that the troops that were to be +levied should be draughted into the old regiments; but it was obviously +impossible for the Diet to consent to any such measures at a period when +the rebels were everywhere led by Imperial officers, when the Austrian +troops stationed in Hungary, although they had been placed under the +orders of the Hungarian Ministry, refused to fight against those rebels, +and the commanders of fortresses to receive orders from the Hungarian +War-office. + +On the 8th of September a deputation from the Hungarian Diet earnestly +entreated His Majesty to sanction two acts relating to the levying of +troops and taxes. The King refused; but in his answer to the address of +the deputation said, "I trust that no one will hereby suppose that I +have the intention to set aside or infringe the existing laws. This, I +repeat, is far from my intention. On the contrary, it is my firm and +determined will to maintain, in conformity with my coronation oath, the +laws, the integrity, and the rights of the kingdom, under my Hungarian +crown." + +The King made this solemn declaration on the 8th of September, and on +the 9th of September Jellachich crossed the Drave with 48,000 men to +wage war in the King's name on the Hungarian Diet and Ministry. The King +had, moreover, on _the 4th of September_, affixed his sign manual +to a letter or Royal mandate addressed to Jellachich, and revoking the +decree by which he had been deprived of his civil and military offices +and dignities. His Majesty, in this letter, also expressed his high +approbation of the Ban's conduct. By a Royal decree, dated October 3, +the constitution was suspended, martial law proclaimed, and Jellachich, +the rebel, appointed His Majesty's Plenipotentiary Commissary for the +kingdom of Hungary, and invested with unlimited authority to act, in the +name of His Majesty, within the said kingdom. + +Hungary, so far from commencing the revolution, was not even prepared to +meet the invasion of the Croatian Ban. He was defeated near +Stuhlweissenburg by the Landsturm. The Hungarian Government only began +to organize regular troops in October. + +That the Diet did not recognize a decree that suspended the constitution +and invested Jellachich with the dictatorship, will be found quite +natural, if not by you, at least by every Englishman who cherishes +constitutional freedom, the more so as its proceedings on this occasion +were founded on legal right, viz., on act 4, sect. 6, of 1847-8, which +expressly ordains that "the annual session of the Diet shall not be +closed, nor the Diet itself dissolved, before the budget for the ensuing +year has been voted." + +From this short but faithful account of what actually occurred, it +clearly appears that the Hungarian nation had not recourse to arms until +the Ban of Croatia entered the Hungarian territory with an +Austrian-Croatian army. It is also an undeniable fact that until the +promulgation of the Austrian Charter in March, 1849--by which, with a +stroke of the pen, the independence of Hungary was destroyed, its +constitution abolished, and its territories dismembered--the Hungarian +nation never demanded anything else than the maintenance of the laws and +institutions which its Sovereign had sanctioned and sworn to maintain +inviolate. It was however precisely for the purpose of destroying these +laws and institutions that the dynasty began the war. This, of course, +they did not venture to avow. It was necessary to conceal the real +motives of their perfidious conduct from the civilized world. Hence in +their public proclamations they always alleged some pretext or +other--all of them equally groundless. At the commencement they said +that it was only an insignificant faction they had to deal with; but +when they saw that the whole nation was arrayed in arms against them, +they declared it was for the suppression of demagogueism, propagated by +foreigners, chiefly Poles, that their armies had entered Hungary; and to +give a colour to this pretext they industriously spread the report that +there were 20,000 Poles in the ranks of the Hungarians. When however it +became notorious that no more than 1,000 Poles were fighting under our +national standard, the Austrian dynasty appeared as the +_soi-disant_ champion and judge of the various nationalities or +races. This answered well enough until the system of centralization +showed too clearly that an attempt would be made to Germanize these +nationalities; when the dynasty again veered about, and, leaving +"nationalities" in the lurch, took up the peasantry. We consequently +find the Austrian Government assuring the Washington Cabinet (in the +note of July 4, 1851) that they had waged war on Hungary in order to +crush a turbulent aristocracy that "preach democracy with their tongues, +while their whole lives consist in the daily exercise over their +fellow-men of arbitrary power in the most repugnant form." This last +pretext, so ostentatiously put forth, loses, however, even its +plausibility when contrasted with the policy of the dynasty in 1848, for +it is an undoubted fact that, although the reforms effected in our +_political_ institutions at that period were consented to by the +dynasty without much hesitation, it required the most energetic +remonstrances on the part of the Diet to obtain the Royal sanction to +the act for the liberation of the peasants from feudal bondage. + +It is precisely to the fact of all classes, without distinction, being +equally aware of the cabals of the dynasty, that may be ascribed the +success of the Hungarian insurrection. It was not _one_ man, nor a +party, nor a conspiracy, nor terrorism, that awakened that spontaneous +enthusiasm with which the people rushed to arms. Kossuth may have been +the rallying cry; but he was not the cause of the war. For several +months the people had witnessed the equivocal conduct of the dynasty; +had seen that its words were belied by its deeds; had seen that the +rebels were everywhere led by Imperial officers; and finally beheld +Jellachich, a high functionary of the Hungarian Crown, invade the +country at the head of an Austro-Croatian army. It was then, and not +till then, that the nation cried, as with one voice--_the King is a +traitor_. From that day began the Hungarian revolution. On that day +the monarchical feeling was extinguished. What no one had thought it +possible to accomplish was accomplished by the dynasty itself. + + * * * * * + +APPENDIX III.--_Extracts from a Letter to the 'Daily News,' in +February, 1852, by a_, "HUNGARIAN EXILE," _in reply to a Letter +from_ SZEMERE, _to the 'London Examiner_.' + +[I am personally acquainted with the accomplished and intelligent +"Exile;" but as he is absent from England, I cannot obtain permission to +publish his name.] + +It was more than two months after the civil war had been raging in the +Banat and Transylvania that the question of giving fresh troops for the +suppression of the Italian war was brought before the Assembly at Pesth, +July 22, 1846. Now, what are the accusations M. Szemere brings forth +against Kossuth in reference to the Italian question? The pith of M. +Szemere's reasoning is, that the ministry agreed, in the protocol of +July 5, upon construing the Pragmatic Sanction as binding Hungary to +protect the integrity of Austria; "yet that Kossuth, as the organ of the +ministry, spoke in a way as if he did not approve of the policy, and +sought to make the public believe that the protocol was merely a moral +demonstration:" further, that when the opposition denied the obligation +of Hungary to defend Austria, the ministry refused to enter into any +discussion on an acknowledged principle of constitutional law. + +In order to show the utter hollowness of this attack, it may be +sufficient to look at the date and circumstances M. Szemere talks of. +The protocol in question was agreed upon on July 5th, the day when the +parliament met to provide for the defence of the country. The members, +inexperienced in foreign politics and ignorant of the cabals of courts, +although presuming that the civil war was kindled in Vienna, were at +first blinded by the royal convocation of the Diet to provide for the +safety of the country; putting, moreover, implicit confidence in the +sagacity and goodwill of the ministry. When however Kossuth opened the +debate on the Italian question, July 22, affairs looked quite different +from what they appeared to be when the protocol was drawn up. The +treachery of the dynasty broke upon the mind of the most careless, and +its connexions with the leaders of the rebellious tribes had become +undeniable facts. It was during that short time, from July 5 to July 22, +that our national forces met in the Serbian entrenchments of St. Thomas, +Földvar, and Turia, regular Austrian soldiers: Meyerhofe, the Austrian +consul at Belgrade, was openly recruiting bands of Servians to reinforce +the insurgents; nay, it became even evident that General Bechtold, +appointed by His Majesty to lead the faithful Hungarians against the +rebellious Serbs, led them on in order to get them the sooner decimated +and broken. Some members of the opposition, headed by General Perczel, +declaimed loudly against the cowardly and fallacious policy of the +ministry, resolving to compel ministers to resign or to induce them to +take some more efficacious measures. In short, during this space of +time, the government and people found themselves in quite a new +position. Kossuth, in concert with the ministry, moved a levy of 200,000 +men (July 11), which motion the Assembly hailed with unparalleled +enthusiasm, and which the people witnessed with approval, as affording a +guarantee of their liberties. It was in the midst of these moments of +excitement and temporary distress that Kossuth, as the most popular +member of the cabinet, was pointed out as the person most fitted to +undertake the very difficult task of speaking on the Italian question +alluded to by M. Szemere. Public opinion, aided by the opposition of the +house, was convinced that Austria, after having subjugated the +Lombard-Venetians with Hungarian troops, would then turn to Hungary, the +enslavement of which might more easily be executed by the country's +being bereft of a number of stout arms indispensable to her own defence. +Kossuth therefore, as a man of true liberal principles, while +acknowledging the ground to be right upon which the opposition moved, +professed in the speech alluded to that he had agreed then with his +colleagues in respect to the Italian question, on the ground that the +moral power of the protocol would suffice, although as a private +individual he could not help rejoicing at the victories of the Italian +people. Now, I submit it to every enlightened Englishman to decide +whether Kossuth evinced a want of civic virtue in declaring that, as a +man who wished freedom for himself, he could not rejoice in the sending +of troops to subjugate another people struggling against the same +tyrant? + +Referring to the policy of the ministry, M. Szemere says "that Count +Louis Bathyanyi declared, on the 31st March, that the obligation +enjoined by the Pragmatic Sanction was such that Hungary was bound +thereby to defend the territorial integrity of the Austrian monarchy, +but that they (the ministers) would carefully avoid interfering in the +internal affairs of the states that constituted this monarchy." +Irrespective of this--that Count Bathyanyi explained the policy in +March, when Hungary enjoyed perfect peace, whereas the debate on the +Italian question happened in the midst of most threatening civil wars +carried on directly by Austria--it must be remembered that if by the 1st +article of the Pragmatic Sanction Hungary was bound to afford aid to +Austria _etiam contra vim externam_, that same article provided +that the States composing the realm of Hungary were to be preserved by +the monarch _aeque indivisibiliter_ as his hereditary estates; and +that by the 3d article of that celebrated law the Sovereign promised, +for himself and his successors, to compel his subjects of every state +and degree to observe the laws and rights of Hungary. It is therefore +evident that the infraction of this law, by the countenance and aid +furnished to the Serbs (as also to Jellachich), fully exonerated the +Hungarians from sending troops to Italy before they had provided for the +safety of their country, and fully justified them and their responsible +minister for drawing the attention of their Sovereign to it in the +address to the Crown. M. Szemere talks of protecting the integrity of +the Austrian empire, and carefully avoiding to interfere with the +internal affairs of other states. The Czar may indeed exclaim, with M. +Szemere, that in sending his Cossacks into Hungary he never intended to +interfere in our internal affairs. + +The second charge, as to Kossuth's striving to concentrate in his person +all power and authority, is, I fear, indicative of the animus which +prompted M. Szemere to write these letters, namely, jealousy of his +great countryman. The charge, however, is entirely without foundation: +and the only question is, as to how Kossuth acquired such unbounded +influence over his countrymen of every rank and station. The means by +which Kossuth gained such an ascendancy over his colleagues, M. Szemere +himself must own, were, the implicit confidence the country placed in +his patriotism, and the conviction it had acquired of his genius and +indefatigable activity. In moments of extreme danger no name was heard +but that of Kossuth. I am far from asserting that all Kossuth has done +is exempt from censure; but it must, on the other hand, be admitted that +all that was grand in our revolution happened by his instrumentality. +His mere appearance, as, for instance, in Debreczin, January, 1849, when +the second danger seemed to overwhelm the country, roused the frightened +people of the Thesis, who crowded under the national standard and +shattered to pieces the Austrian forces. + +The fall of Hungary can only be traced to the following three +circumstances:--1st. That it was not believed that European diplomacy +would allow Russian intervention. 2d. That our plan of warfare, directed +by the council of war, and not by Kossuth, wanted that concentration +which could alone have ensured success. 3d. That the character of +Görgei, whom our generals never accused of treacherous designs, was a +mystery: nay, the patriotic General Perczel, who proclaimed loudly +Görgei's treachery from the very beginning, had the satisfaction to be +laughed at and hooted down. To impute these disastrous circumstances to +Kossuth alone, is to render one's self guilty of the greatest perversion +of generally acknowledged and incontrovertible facts. + +A HUNGARIAN EXILE. + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Select Speeches of Kossuth, by Kossuth + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK SELECT SPEECHES OF KOSSUTH *** + +***** This file should be named 10691-8.txt or 10691-8.zip ***** +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: + https://www.gutenberg.org/1/0/6/9/10691/ + +Produced by Keren Vergon, Rich Magahiz and PG Distributed Proofreaders + +Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions +will be renamed. + +Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no +one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation +(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without +permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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For +example an eBook of filename 10234 would be found at: + + https://www.gutenberg.org/1/0/2/3/10234 + +or filename 24689 would be found at: + https://www.gutenberg.org/2/4/6/8/24689 + +An alternative method of locating eBooks: + https://www.gutenberg.org/GUTINDEX.ALL + + diff --git a/old/10691-8.zip b/old/10691-8.zip Binary files differnew file mode 100644 index 0000000..54b22f9 --- /dev/null +++ b/old/10691-8.zip diff --git a/old/10691.txt b/old/10691.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..429fc8e --- /dev/null +++ b/old/10691.txt @@ -0,0 +1,15603 @@ +The Project Gutenberg EBook of Select Speeches of Kossuth, by Kossuth + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: Select Speeches of Kossuth + +Author: Kossuth + +Release Date: January 12, 2004 [EBook #10691] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ASCII + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK SELECT SPEECHES OF KOSSUTH *** + + + + +Produced by Keren Vergon, Rich Magahiz and PG Distributed Proofreaders + + + + +SELECT SPEECHES +OF +KOSSUTH. + + +Condensed and abridged, +_with Kossuth's express sanction_, + +by +Francis W. Newman. + + + + +PREFACE TO KOSSUTH'S SPEECHES. + +Nothing appears in history similar to the enthusiasm roused by Kossuth +in nations foreign to him, except perhaps the kindling for the First +Crusade by the voice of Peter the Hermit. Then bishops, princes, and +people alike understood the danger which overshadowed Europe from the +Mohammedan powers; and by soundly directed, though fanatical instinct, +all Christendom rushed eastward, till the chivalry of the Seljuk Turks +was crippled on the fields of Palestine. Now also the multitudes of +Europe, uncorrupted by ambition, envy, or filthy lucre, forebode the +deadly struggle impending over us all from the conspiracy of crowned +heads. Seeing the apathy of their own rulers, and knowing, perhaps by +dim report, the deeds of Kossuth, they look to him as the Great Prophet +and Leader, by whom Policy is at length to be moulded into Justice; and +are ready to catch his inspiration before he has uttered a word. Kossuth +undoubtedly is a mighty Orator; but no one is better aware than he, that +the cogency of his arguments is due to the atrocity of our common +enemies, and the enthusiasm which he kindles to the preparations of the +people's heart. + +His orations are a tropical forest, full of strength and majesty, +tangled in luxuriance, a wilderness of self-repetition. Utterly +unsuited to form a book without immense abridgment, they contain +materials adapted equally for immediate political service and for +permanence as a work of wisdom and of genius. To prepare them for the +press is an arduous and responsible duty: the best excuse which I can +give for having assumed it, is, that it has been to me a labour of love. +My task I have felt to be that of a judicious reporter, who cuts short +what is of temporary interest, condenses what is too amplified for his +limits and for written style, severely prunes down the repetitions which +are inevitable where numerous[*] audiences are addressed by the same man +on the same subject, yet amid all these necessary liberties retains not +only the true sentiments and arguments of the speaker, but his forms of +thought and all that is characteristic of his genius. Such an operation, +rightly performed, may, like a diminishing mirror, concentrate the +brilliancy of diffuse orations, and assist their efficacy on minds which +would faint under the effort of grasping the original. + +[Footnote *: The number of speeches, great and small, spoken in his +American half-year, is reckoned to be above 500.] + +It is true, the exuberance of Kossuth is often too Asiatic for English +taste, and that excision of words, which needful abridgment suggests, +will often seem to us a gain. Moreover, remembering that he is a +foreigner, and though marvellous in his mastery of our language, still +naturally often unable to seize the word, or select the construction +which he desired, I have not thought I should show honour to him by +retaining anything verbally unskilful. To a certain cautious extent, I +account myself to be a _translator_, as well as a _reporter_, +and in undertaking so delicate a duty, I am happy to announce that I +have received Kossuth's written approval and thanks. Mere quaintness of +expression I have by no means desired entirely to remove, where it +involved nothing grotesque, obscure, or monotonous. In several passages +where I imperfectly understood the thought, I have had the advantage of +Kossuth's personal explanations, which have enabled me to clear up the +defective report, or real obscurities of his words. + +Nevertheless I have to confess my conviction, that nothing can wholly +compensate for the want of systematic revision by the author himself; +which his great occupations have made impossible. The mistakes in the +reports of the speeches are sometimes rather subtle, and have not roused +my suspicion. Of this I have been, made disagreeably sensible, by +several errata communicated to me by Kossuth in the first great speech +at New York, here marked as No. VII. (which have been corrected in this +edition.) + +Nearly all the points on which attempts have been made to misrepresent +in England the cause of Hungary are cleared up in these speeches. On two +subjects only does it seem needful here to make any remark: +_first_, on the Republicanism of Kossuth; _secondly_, on the +Hungarian levies against Italy in the year 1848. + +1. Kossuth is attacked by his countrymen on opposite grounds: Szemere +despises him for not becoming a republican early enough, Count Casimir +Bathyanyi reproves him for becoming a republican at all. The facts are +these. Kossuth, like all English statesmen, was a historical royalist, +not a doctrinaire. When the existing reign had become treacherous and +lawless, he was willing to change the line of succession, and make the +Archduke Stephen king. When the dynasty had become universally detested +and actually expelled, he approved most heartily[*] the deposition of +the Hapsburgs; but still held himself in suspense as to the future of +the constitution. By his influence instructions were sent to his +representative in England, which were equivalent to soliciting a dynasty +from the British government. Meanwhile Szemere, his Home Secretary, took +on himself to avow in the Diet that the government was REPUBLICAN, and +no voice of protest was raised in either house. Indeed, Mr. Vucovics, +who was Minister of Justice under Kossuth, states (see Appendix I.) that +the government and both houses responded unanimously to the republican +avowal, and that the government removed the symbol of the Crown from the +public arms and seal. The press of all shades assented. After this, it +was clear (I presume) to Kossuth, or at least it soon became so, that +all sympathy with royal power was gone out of the nation's heart. +Hungarians may settle that amongst themselves: but as for +Englishmen,--when for seven or eight months together the English +ministry and English peerage would not stir, or speak, or whisper, to +save constitutional royalty and ancient peerage for Hungary and for +Europe while it was yet possible; with what face, with what decency, can +Englishmen censure Kossuth for despairing of a cause, which was +abandoned to ruin by ourselves, the greatest power interested to +maintain it,--which the monarchs have waded through blood and perjury to +destroy,-and which the millions of Hungary will not (in his belief) +peril life and fortune to restore? + +[Footnote *: How unanimous was the whole country, is clear by the facts +stated. How spontaneous was the movement, and free from all government +intrigue, see in Appendix I. This is entirely confirmed by our envoy, +Mr. Blackwell: Blue Book, March--Ap. 1848.] + +2. The ministry of Louis Bathyanyi and Kossuth have been attacked on +opposite grounds,--because they _did_, and because they did +_not_, attempt to subdue the Italians by force of arms. The facts +are rather complicated, but deserve here to be stated concisely. + +When the ministry was appointed, there were _already_ Hungarians in +Italy with Radetzki, and Austrian soldiers in Hungary. The Viennese +ministry promised to exchange them, as fast as could be done without +encountering great expense or dislocating the regiments and making them +inefficient. With this promise the Hungarian ministry was forced to +content itself at the time. At a later period, when it discovered that +the Austrian commanders in Hungary had secret orders not to fight +against the Serbian marauders, and that the Austrian troops could not be +trusted, the Hungarian ministry _desired_ to get back their men +from Italy for their own defence; which desire proved ineffectual, yet +has been severely blamed by some of our monarchists. But meanwhile the +Viennese ministry, as early as June, 1848, endeavoured to buy of the +Hungarian ministry an increased grant of troops against Italy, by +conceding a most energetic "King's Speech" against the Serbs, with which +the Archduke Palatine was to open, and did open, the Diet on July 2d. A +part of this speech is quoted in Appendix II., and indeed it is a +loathsome exhibition of Austrian treachery. The Hungarian ministry were +pressed by the arguments, that since Austria was attacked in Italy by +the King of Sardinia, the war was not merely against the Lombards; and +that the Pragmatic Sanction bound Hungary to defend the empire if +assailed from without. This led them to acknowledge the +_principle_, that they were bound to assist, if able; but they +replied that Hungary itself must first be secured against marauders, and +no troops could be spared until the Serbs were subdued. At the same +time orders were sent to Radetzki from Vienna to offer independence to +the Lombards, and constitutional nationality under the Austrian crown to +the Venetians: hence the Hungarian ministry for a time fancied that they +would not be fighting against the Italians, as they expected the terms +to be accepted by them. When it was farther represented that the +Italians had rejected them,--(for Radetzki, acting probably by secret +orders, suppressed the despatches, and never offered independence to +Lombardy, though the Austrian ministers made diplomatic capital of their +liberality,)--then the Hungarian ministry began to think the Italians +unreasonable; yet they did not go beyond their abstract principle, that +Hungary ought to grant troops for Austrian defence in Italy, provided, +1st, that rebellion in Hungary itself were repressed; 2d, that the +troops should not act against the Italians, unless the Italians had +rejected the offer of national liberties and a constitution coordinate +to those of Hungary, under the Austrian crown. + +The protocol on this subject was drawn on July 5th; the public speech of +Kossuth concerning it was not until July 22d; and in this short interval +the treachery of the dynasty had been so displayed, that Kossuth could +no longer speak in the same tone as a few weeks earlier. For a fuller +development of this, I refer the reader to Appendix III. The real object +of the Austrian ministry, was, to ruin the popularity of Bathyanyi and +Kossuth, if they could induce them to sacrifice Italian freedom; or +else, to accuse them to all the European diplomatists as conspirators +against the integrity of the Austrian empire, if they refused to oppress +the liberties of Italy. + +Finally, the reader has even here proof enough how false is the +statement which has been current in English newspapers, that Kossuth's +visit to America was "a failure." This was an attempt to practise on our +prevalent disgraceful tendency to judge of a cause by its success. +However, the end is not yet seen: America has still to act decisively, +if she would win the lasting glory which we have despised, of rescuing +Law and Right from lawless force, and establishing the future of Europe. + +CONTENTS. + +1. Secrecy of Diplomacy + London, Oct. 30th, 1851. + +2. Monarchy and Republicanism + Copenhagen House, London, Nov. 3d. + +3. Communism and the Sibylline Books + Manchester, Nov. 12th. + +4. Legitimacy of Hungarian Independence + Staten Island, Dec. 5th, 1851. + Declaration of Independence by the Hungarian Nation + +5. Statement of Principles and Aims + New York, Dec. 6th. + +6. Reply to the Baltimore Address + Dec. 10th. + +7. Hereditary Policy of America + New York, to the Corporation, Dec. 11th. + +8. On Nationalities + New York, to the Press. + +9. On Military Institutions + New York, to the Militia, Dec. 16th. + +10. Conditions essential for Democracy and Peace + New York, Tammany Hall, Dec. 17th. + +11. Hungary and Austria in Religious Contrast + In a Brooklyn Church, New York, Dec. 18th. + +12. Public Piracy of Russia + New York, to the Bar, Dec. 19th. + +13. Claims of Hungary on the Female Sex + New York, to the Ladies, Dec. 21st. + +14. Results of the Overthrow of the French Republic + Philadelphia, Dec. 26th. + +15. Interest of America in Hungarian liberty + Baltimore, Dec. 27th. + +16. Novelties in American Republicanism + Washington, Legislative Banquet, Jan. 15th, 1852. + +17. On the Merits of Turkey + +18. Aspects of America toward England + Washington, Jan. 8th, day of battle of New Orleans. + +19. Meaning of Recognizing Hungarian Independence + Washington, last speech. + +20. Contrast of the American to the Hungarian Crisis + Annapolis, Maryland, Jan. 13th, to the Senate. + +21. Thanks for his great Success + Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, Jan. 14th, to the Legislature. + +22. On the present Weakness of Despotism + Harrisburg, Legislative Banquet. + +23. Agencies of Russian Ascendancy and Supremacy + Pittsburg, Pennsylvania, Jan. 26th. + +24. Reply to the Pittsburg Clergy + Jan. 26th. + +25. Hungarian Loan + Cleveland, Ohio, Feb. 3d. + Address to Kossuth from the State Committee of Ohio + +26. Panegyric of Ohio + Columbus, Ohio, Feb. 5th. + +27. Democracy the Spirit of the Age + Columbus, Feb. 6th, to the Legislature. + +28. The Miseries and the Strength of Hungary + Columbus, Feb. 7th. + +29. Ohio and France Contrasted as Republics + Cincinnati, Ohio. + +30. War a Providential Necessity against Oppression + Cincinnati. + +31. On Washington's Policy + Cincinnati, Washington's Birthday, Feb. 24th. + +32. Kossuth's Credentials + Cincinnati, Feb. 25th. + +33. Harmony of the Executive and of the People in America + Indianapolis, at the State House, Feb 27th. + +34. Importance of Foreign Policy and of strengthening England + Louisville, March 6th, at the Court House. + +35. Catholicism _versus_ Jesuitism + St. Louis, Missouri. + +36. The Ides of March + St. Louis, March 15th. + +37. History of Kossuth's Liberation + Jackson, Mississippi, April 1st, address to the Governor. + +38. Pronouncement of the South + Mobile, Alabama, April 3d. + +39. Kossuth's Defence against certain Mean Imputations + Jersey City, April 20th. + +40. The Brotherhood of Nations + Newark, New Jersey, April 22d. + +41. The History and Heart of Massachusetts + Worcester, Massachusetts, April 25th. + +42. Panegyric of Massachusetts + Faneuil Hall, Boston, April 29th. + +43. Self-Government of Hungary + Faneuil Hall, Legislative Banquet. April 30th. + +44. Russia the Antagonist of the U. S. + Salem, May 6th. + +45. The Martyrs of the American Revolution + Lexington, May 11th. + +46. Condition of Europe + Faneuil Hall, Boston, May 14th. + +47. Pronouncement of all the States + Albany, May 20th. + +48. Sound and Unsound Commerce + Buffalo, May 27th. + +49. Russia and the Balance of Power + Syracuse, June 4th. + +50. Retrospect and Prospect + Utica, June 9th. + +51. The Triple Bond + New York, June 22d. + +52. The Future of Nations + New York. + +APPENDICES + +KOSSUTH'S SPEECHES. + +[The speeches of Kossuth in England, though masterly in themselves, are +in great measure superseded by those which he delivered in America, +where the same subjects were treated at far greater length, and viewed +from many different aspects. From the speeches in England I here present +only three topics, in a rather fragmentary form.] + +I.--SECRECY OF DIPLOMACY. + +[_First Extract: from Kossuth's Speech at the Guildhall, London, Oct. +30th_, 1851.] + +The time draws near, when a radical change must take place for the whole +world in the management of diplomacy. Its basis has been secrecy: +therein is the triumph of absolutism, and the misfortune of a free +people. This has won its way not in England only, but throughout the +whole world, even where not a penny of the national property can be +disposed of without public consent. It surely is dangerous to the +interests of the country and to constitutional liberty, to allow such a +secrecy, that the people not only should not know how its interests are +being dealt with, but that after the crisis is passed, the minister +should inform them: "The dinner has been prepared,--and eaten; and the +people has nothing to do, but digest the consequences." What is the +principle of all evil in Europe? The encroaching spirit of Russia.--And +by what power has Russia become so mighty? By its arms?--No: the arms +of Russia are below those of many Powers. It has become almost +omnipotent,--at least very dangerous to liberty,--by diplomatic +intrigues. Now against the secret intrigues of diplomacy there is no +surer safeguard, or more powerful counteraction, than public discussion. +This must be opposed to intrigues, and intrigues are then of no weight +in the destinies of humanity. + + * * * * * + +[_Second Extract from a Short Speech in London, May 25th, 1858_.] + +I must ask leave to make a remark on the system pursued by your +Government in their Foreign relations. You consider yourselves a +constitutional nation: I fear that in some respects you are not so. +There is a Latin proverb [current in Hungary], _Nil de nobis sine +nobis_,--"nothing that concerns us, without us." This in many things +you make your maxim. You say that none of your money shall be spent +without your knowledge and approval; and in your internal affairs you +carry this out; but I think that the secrecy in which the transactions +of your diplomacy are involved is hardly constitutional. Of that most +important portion of your affairs which concerns your country in its +relations with the rest of Europe, what knowledge have you? If any +interpellation is made about any affair not yet concluded, my Lord the +Secretary of the Foreign Office will reply that _he cannot give any +answer, for the negotiations are still pending_. A little later he +will be able to answer, that _as all is now concluded, all comment +will be superfluous_. + +One little fact I will just mention. By the last treaty with Denmark, to +which you became a party, the crown of that kingdom was so settled that +only three lives stand between it and the Czar of Russia. Three lives! +but a fragile barrier, when high political aims are concerned. It is +therefore an allowed fact, that the country which commands entrance to +the Baltic, and which, in the hands of an unfriendly power, would +effectually exclude your commerce from that sea, may pass into the hands +of Russia, whose pretensions in the south of Europe you take so much +pains to check. This your government have done quietly. How many are +there of your people that know and approve it? I hope you will not be +offended, if I say, that I cannot understand how yours can be called in +this respect a constitutional country. + + * * * * * + +II.--MONARCHY AND REPUBLICANISM. + +[_From Kossuth's Speech at Copenhagen House, Nov. 3d, 1851_.] + +In my opinion, the form of Government may be different in different +countries, according to their circumstances, their wishes, their wants. +England loves her Queen, and has full motive to do so. England feels +great, glorious and free, and has full reason to feel so. But the fact +of England being a monarchy cannot be sufficient reason for her to hate +and discredit republican forms of government in other countries +differing in circumstances, in wishes, and in wants. On the other side, +to the United States of America, which under republican government are +likewise great, glorious, and free, their republicanism gives no +sufficient reason to hate and discredit monarchical government in +England. It entirely belongs to the right of every nation to dispose of +its domestic concerns. Therefore I claim for my own country also, that +England, seeing from our past that our cause is just, should profess the +sovereign right of every nation to dispose of itself, and should allow +no power whatever to interfere with our domestic matters. Since I thus +regard the internal affairs of every nation to be its own separate +concern, I did not think it became me here in England to speak about the +future organization of our country. + +But my behavior has not been everywhere appreciated as I hoped. I have +met in certain quarters the remark that I "am slippery, and evade the +question." Now on the point of sincerity I am particularly susceptible. +I have the sentiment of being a straightforward man, and I would not be +charged with having stolen into the sympathies of England without +displaying my true colours. Therefore I must clearly state, that in our +past struggle it was NOT _we_ who made a revolution. We began +peacefully and legislatively to transform the monarchico-aristocratical +constitution of Hungary into a monarchico-democratical constitution. We +preserved our municipal institutions, as our most valuable treasure; but +to them, as well as to the legislative power, we gave, as basis, the +common liberty of the people, instead of the class-privileges of old. +Moreover, in place of the old Board of Council,--which, being a +corporate body, was of course a mockery in regard to that responsibility +of the Executive, which was our chartered right on paper,--we +established the real and personal responsibility of ministers. In this, +we merely[*] upheld what was due to us by constitution, by treaties, by +the coronation-oath of every king,--the right to be "governed as a +self-consistent, independent country, by our native institutions, +according to our own laws." This and all our other reforms we effected +peacefully by careful legislation, which the King sanctioned and swore +to maintain. + +[Footnote *: Many Englishmen have unjustly accused the Hungarians as +having by the laws of March, 1848, effected a SEPARATION of Hungary from +Austria. _Even if this were true_, it could not justify the cause +of the Hapsburgs. The dynasty yielded, under the pressure of +circumstances (as alone will dynasties ever yield), while Hungary did +but petition legally, and was in fact unarmed. The dynasty swore to the +new laws; and then conspired with Croatians, Serbians, and Russians to +overthrow the laws by marauding and force of arms. In fact, if in +January, 1849, Austria would have negotiated, instead of arresting all +Hungarian ambassadors, Hungary would have consented to modify the laws +of March: but the Austrians had already in October ordered the overthrow +of the whole Hungarian constitution, and had no wish to do anything by +legal methods. + +At the same time, the original objection is fundamentally _false_. +No separation of the two countries was effected by the laws of March, +1848; for no legal union ever existed. Only the crowns were united, not +the countries. Kossuth rightly compares the union to that which was +between England and Hanover. At any time in the past, Hungary might have +made _peace_ with a power with which Austria was at _war_, if +the Kings had not falsified their oath by not assembling the Diet: for +the Diet always had the lawful right of War and Peace. Any mode +whatsoever of enforcing the Coronation oath, might, according to this +logic, be condemned as a "separating" of Austria and Hungary.] + +Nevertheless, this very dynasty, in the most perjurious manner, attacked +these laws, this freedom, this constitution, by arms. We defended +ourselves by arms victoriously. When upon this the perjurious dynasty +called in the Russian armies to beat us down, we of course declared the +Hapsburgs to be no longer our sovereigns. We avowed ourselves to be a +free and independent nation, but fixed as yet no definite form of +government,--neither monarchical nor republican. These are plain facts. +Hungary is not now under lawful government, but is being trampled down +by a foreign intruder who is _not_ King of Hungary, being +_neither acknowledged by the nation, nor sanctioned by law_. +Hungary is, in a word, in a state of WAR against the Hapsburg dynasty, a +war of legitimate defence, by which alone it can ever regain +independence and freedom. By such war alone has any nation ever won its +freedom from oppressors; as you see in Switzerland, Belgium, Spain, +Portugal, France, Sweden, Norway, Greece, the United States, and England +itself. + +I can state it, as known to me, with the certainty of matter of fact, +that Hungary will never accept the Hapsburgs as legitimate sovereigns in +the future, nor ever enter into any new moral relations with that +perjurious family. Nor only so; but their perjury has so entirely +plucked out of my nation's heart all faith in monarchy and all +attachment to it, that there is no power on earth to knit the broken tie +again: and therefore Hungary wishes and wills to be a free and +independent republic,--a republic founded on the rule of law, securing +social order, guaranteeing person, property, the moral development as +well as material welfare of the people,--in a word, a republic like that +of the United States, founded on institutions inherited from England +itself. This is the conviction of my people, which I share in the very +heart of my heart. + + * * * * * + +III.--COMMUNISM AND THE SIBYLLINE BOOKS. + +[_From Kossuth's Second Speech at Manchester, Nov. 12th_, 1851.] + +I can understand Communism, but not Socialism. I have read many books on +the subject, I have consulted many doctors; but they differ so much that +I never could understand what they really mean. However, the only sense +which I can see in socialism, is inconsistent with social order and the +security of property. + +Now since France has three times in sixty years failed to obtain +practical results from Political revolutions, all Europe is apt to press +forward into new Social doctrine to regulate the future. Believing then, +that,--not from my merit, but from the state of my country,--I may be +able somewhat to influence the course of the next European revolution, I +think it right plainly to declare beforehand my allegiance to the great +principle of security for personal property. Nevertheless, to give +success to my endeavours in this direction, the rational expectations of +the nations of Europe must speedily be fulfilled; else neither I, nor +more important men, can avail to stay revolutionary movement. The danger +of the case may be illustrated by the ancient story of the Sibylline +books. + +Take Hungary as an instance. Three years ago we should have been +extremely well contented with the laws as made by our parliament in +1848, _which laws did not break the tie between us and the house of +Hapsburg_. But then Austria assailed us with arms, and it became +impossible for us to go on with that constitution; indeed she herself +proclaimed it to be dissolved. We defeated her, and next she called in +the Russian armies. Hungary was then under the necessity of _casting +off the Hapsburg monarchy_; and only the third Sibylline book +remained. Yet Hungary did not even then renounce monarchy, but gave +instructions to her representative in England to say to the Government +of this country, that _if they wished to see monarchy established in +Hungary, we would accept any dynasty they proposed_: but it was +not-listened to. Then came the horrors of Arad,[*] and destroyed all our +faith in monarchy. So the last of the three books was burned. + +[Footnote *: In Arad the Hungarian Generals, who surrendered by Goergy's +persuasion, were hanged or shot; and simultaneously Bathyanyi, who had +been arrested when he came as an ambassador of peace, was judged anew +and murdered by a second court-martial.] + +And so, wherever men's reasonable expectations are not fulfilled, it +cannot be known where their fluctuations will end. Every man who is +anxious for the preservation of person and property should help the +world in obtaining rational freedom: if it be not obtained, mankind will +search after other forms of action, totally subversive of all existing +social order; and where the excitement will subside, I do not know. Men +like me, who merely wish to establish political freedom, will in such +circumstances lose all their influence, and others will get influence +who may become dangerous to all established interests whatsoever. + + * * * * * + + +IV.--LEGITIMACY OF HUNGARIAN INDEPENDENCE. + +[When Kossuth had landed at Staten Island, thus for the first time +setting his foot on American soil, he was met by a deputation, which +made an address to him. He replied as follows (Dec. 5th, 1851)]:-- + +Ladies and gentlemen: The twelve hours that I have had the happiness to +stand on your shores, give me augury that, during my stay in the United +States, I shall have a pleasant duty to perform, in answering the +generous spirit of your people. I hope, however, that you will consider +that I am in the first moments of a hard task,--to address your +intelligent people in a tongue foreign to me. You will not expect from +me an elaborate speech, but will be contented with a few warmly-felt +words. Citizens, accept my fervent thanks for your generous welcome, and +my blessing upon your sanction of my hopes. You have most truly stated +what they are, when you announce the destiny of your glorious country, +and tell me that from it the spirit of liberty will go forth and achieve +the freedom of the world. + +Yes, citizens, these are the hopes which have induced me, in a most +eventful period, to cross the Atlantic. I confidently hope, that as you +have anticipated my wishes by the expression of your generous +sentiments, so you will agree with me, that the spirit of liberty has to +go forth, not only spiritually, but materially, from your glorious +country. That spirit is a power for deeds, but is yet no _deed_ in +itself. Despotism and oppression never yet were beaten except by heroic +resistance. That is a sad necessity,--but it is a necessity +nevertheless. I have so learned it out of the great book of history. I +hope the people of the United States will remember, that in the hour of +_their_ nation's struggle, it received from Europe _more_ than +kind wishes. It received material aid from others in times past, and it +will, doubtless, now impart its mighty agency to achieve the liberty of +other lands. + +Citizens, I thank you for having addressed me, not in the language of +party, but in the language of liberty, which is that of the United +States. I come hither, in the name of Hungary, to entreat, not from any +_party_ among you, but from your _whole nation_, a generous +protection for my country. And for that very reason, neither will I +intermeddle with any of your party questions. In England I often avowed +this principle; inasmuch as the very mission on which I come, is to ask +that the right of every nation to arrange its domestic concerns may be +respected. Notwithstanding this, I am sorry to see, that, before my +arrival, I have been charged with intermeddling with your presidential +election, because in one of my addresses in England I mentioned the name +of your fellow-citizen, Mr. Walker, as one of the candidates for the +Presidency. I confess with warm gratitude, that Mr. Walker uttered such +sentiments in England, as, if happily they are also those of the United +States, will enable me to declare, that Hungary and Europe are free. +Therefore I feel deeply indebted to him. But in no respect did I mix +myself up with your elections. I consider no man honest who does not +observe towards other nations the principles which he desires to be +observed towards his own: and therefore I will not interfere in your +domestic questions. + +Allow me, citizens, to advert to one expression of your kind address, +personal to myself. You named me "Kossuth, Governor of Hungary." + +My nomination to be Governor was not to gratify ambition. Never, +perhaps, did I feel sadder, than at the moment when that title was +conferred upon me; for I compared my feeble faculties and its high +responsibilities. It is therefore not from ambition that I thank you for +the title, but because the title rests upon our Declaration of +Independence; and by acknowledging it as mine, you recognize the +rightfulness and validity of that Declaration. And, gentlemen I frankly +declare that your whole people are bound in honour and duty to recognize +it. At this moment there is no other legitimate existing law in Hungary. +It was not the proclamation of a man or of a party. It was the solemn +declaration of the whole nation in _Congress_ assembled. It was +sanctioned by _every village_, and by _every municipality_. No +counter-proclamation has gone forth from Hungary. It has been overturned +solely by the invasion of an ambitious _foreign_ power, the Czar of +Russia; who can no more legitimately make or unmake a governor of +Hungary, than General Santa Anna, if in your late war he had forced his +way to Washington, could have unmade President Taylor. None of you will +admit that violence can destroy righteousness: it can but establish +unlawful, unrightful _fact_. If so,--if your own people, and not +foreign invaders, are the source of rightful law to _you_,--you +must in consistency recognize _our_ Independence as legitimate, and +its declaration as our still rightful law. + +As to the praises which you were so kind as to bestow upon me, it is no +affectation in me when I declare that I am not conscious of having any +other merit than that of being a plain, straightforward man, a faithful +friend of freedom, a good patriot. And these qualities, gentlemen, are +so natural to _every_ honest man, that it is scarcely worth while +to speak of them; for I cannot conceive how a man with understanding and +with a sound heart, can be anything else than a good patriot and a lover +of freedom. + +Yet my humble capacity has not preserved me from calumnies. Scarcely had +I arrived here, when I learned that I had been charged in the United +States with being an _irreligious man_. So long as despots exist, +and have the means to pay, they will find men to calumniate those who +are opposed to tyranny. But, suppose I were the most dishonest creature +in the world; in the name of all that is sacred, _what would that +matter in respect to the cause of Hungary?_ Would that cause become +less just, less righteous, less worthy of your sympathy, because I, for +instance, am a bad man? No! I believe you. It is not a question in +regard to any individual here. It is a question with regard to a just +cause, the cause of a country worthy to take its place in the great +family of the free nations of the world. Until I learn that you refuse +to recognize nations, whenever their governors fall short of religious +perfection, I need not care much about attacks on my mere personality. +But one thing I can scarcely comprehend,--that the PRESS--that mighty +vehicle of justice and champion of human rights--could have found an +organ, and that, in the United States, which (to say nothing of personal +calumnies) should degrade itself to assert that it was not the people of +Hungary, it was not myself and my coadjutors, that contended for +liberty; but it was the Emperor of Austria who was the champion of +liberty. Do not give it groans, gentlemen, but rather thank it; for +there can be no better service to any cause, than for its opponents to +manifest that they have nothing to say but what is ridiculous. That +_must_ have been a sacred and just cause, whose detractors need to +assert that the Emperor of Austria is the champion of freedom throughout +his own dominions and throughout the European continent. + +I thank you that you have given me full proof that all these calumnies +have affected neither your judgment nor your heart. As this will be the +place whence I shall start back for Europe, I shall once more have the +happiness of addressing you publicly and bidding you an affectionate +adieu:--hoping then to be able to thank you for _acts_, as I now +thank you for _sentiments_. + + * * * * * + +DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE BY THE HUNGARIAN NATION. + +[The reader may be glad to possess the most important portions of this +celebrated document. The opponents of Kossuth have of late pretended, +that the deposition of the Hapsburgs _caused_ the overthrow of +Hungary. But the deposition was not carried until Austria was thoroughly +beaten, and Russia _had engaged_ to give her utmost aid. This +finally united all Hungary. At no earlier period would Hungary have +acted with full unanimity in so decisive a step. To have delayed it +longer would not have averted Russian invasion, and would have caused +deep discontent in Hungary. Nothing but the wilful disobedience of +Goergey, who wasted a month at Buda at this very crisis, saved the +Hapsburgs from being conquered in Vienna, before the Russian armies +could possibly come up.] + +We, the legally-constituted representatives of the Hungarian nation +assembled in Diet, do by these presents solemnly proclaim, in +maintenance of the inalienable natural rights of Hungary, with all its +appurtenances and dependencies, to occupy the position of an Independent +European state; that the house of Lorraine-Hapsburg, as perjured in the +sight of God and man, has forfeited its right to the Hungarian throne. +At the same time, we feel ourselves bound in duty to make known the +motives and reasons which have impelled us to this decision, that the +civilized world may learn we have not taken this step out of overweening +confidence in our own wisdom, or out of revolutionary excitement, but +that it is an act of the last necessity, adopted to preserve from utter +destruction a nation persecuted to the limit of the most enduring +patience. + +Three hundred years have passed since the Hungarian nation, by free +election, placed the house of Austria upon its throne, in accordance +with stipulations made on both sides, and ratified by treaty. These +three hundred years have been, for the country, a period of +uninterrupted suffering. + +The Creator has blessed this country with all the elements of wealth and +happiness. Its area of one hundred and ten thousand square miles +presents, in varied profusion, innumerable sources of prosperity. Its +population, numbering nearly fifteen millions, feels the glow of +youthful strength within its veins, and has shown temper and docility +which warrant its proving at once the main organ of civilization in +Eastern Europe, and the guardian of that civilization when attacked. +Never was a more grateful task appointed to a reigning dynasty by the +dispensation of Providence than that which devolved upon the house of +Lorraine-Hapsburg. It would have sufficed, to do nothing to impede the +development of the country. Had this been the rule observed, Hungary +would now rank among the most prosperous nations. It was only necessary +that it should not envy the Hungarians the moderate share of +constitutional liberty which they timidly maintained during the +difficulties of a thousand years with rare fidelity to their sovereigns, +and the house of Hapsburg might long have counted this nation among the +most faithful adherents of the throne. + +This dynasty, however, which can at no epoch point to a ruler who based +his power on the freedom of the people, adopted a course towards this +nation, from father to son, which deserves the appellation of perjury. + +The house of Austria has publicly used every effort to deprive the +country of its legitimate Independence and Constitution, designing to +reduce it to a level with the other provinces long since deprived of all +freedom, and to unite all in a common sink of slavery. Foiled in this +effort by the untiring vigilance of the nation, it directed its +endeavour to lame the power, to check the progress of Hungary, causing +it to minister to the gain of the provinces of Austria, but only to the +extent which enabled those provinces to bear the load of taxation with +which the prodigality of the imperial house weighed them down; having +first deprived those provinces of all constitutional means of +remonstrating against a policy which was not based upon the welfare of +the subject, but solely tended to maintain despotism and crush liberty +in every country of Europe. + +It has frequently happened that the Hungarian nation, in despite of this +systematized tyranny, has been obliged to take up arms in self-defence. +Although constantly victorious in these constitutional struggles, yet so +moderate has the nation ever been in its use of the victory, so strongly +has it confided in the king's plighted word, that it has ever laid down +arms as soon as the king, by new compacts and fresh oaths, has +guaranteed the duration of its rights and liberty. But every new +compact was as futile as those which preceded it; each oath which fell +from the royal lips was but a renewal of previous perjuries. The policy +of the house of Austria, which aimed at destroying the independence of +Hungary as a state, has been pursued unaltered for three hundred years. + +It was in vain that the Hungarian nation shed its blood for the +deliverance of Austria whenever it was in danger; vain were all the +sacrifices which it made to serve the interests of the reigning house; +in vain did it, on the renewal of the royal promises, forget the wounds +which the past had inflicted; vain was the fidelity cherished by the +Hungarians for their king, and which, in moments of danger, assumed a +character of devotion; they were in vain, since the history of the +government of that dynasty in Hungary presents but an unbroken series of +perjured deeds from generation to generation. + +In spite of such treatment, the Hungarian nation has all along respected +the tie by which it was united to this dynasty; and in now decreeing its +expulsion from the throne, it acts under the natural law of +self-preservation, being driven to pronounce this sentence by the full +conviction that the house of Lorraine-Hapsburg is compassing the +destruction of Hungary as an independent State: so that this dynasty has +been the first to tear the bands by which it was united to the Hungarian +nation, and to confess that it had torn them in the face of Europe. For +many causes a nation is justified, before God and man, in expelling a +reigning dynasty. Among such are the following: + +1. When the dynasty forms alliances with the enemies of the country, +with robbers, or partizan chieftains to oppress the nation: 2. When it +attempts to annihilate the Independence of the country and its +Constitution, supported on oaths, by attacking with an armed force the +people who have committed no act of revolt: 3. When the integrity of a +country, which the sovereign has sworn to maintain, is violated, and its +resources cut away: 4. When foreign armies are employed to murder the +people, and to oppress their liberties. + +Each of the grounds here enumerated would justify the exclusion of a +dynasty from the throne. But the House of Lorraine-Hapsburg is +unexampled in the compass of its perjuries, and has committed every one +of these crimes against the nation.*** + +In former times, a governing COUNCIL, under the name of the Royal +Hungarian Stadtholdership, the president of which was the Palatine, held +its seat at Buda, whose sacred duty it was to watch over the integrity +of the state, the inviolability of the Constitution, and the sanctity of +the laws; but this _collegiate_ authority not presenting any +element of _personal_ responsibility, the Vienna cabinet gradually +degraded this council to the position of an administrative organ of +court absolutism. In this manner, while Hungary had ostensibly an +independent government, the despotic Vienna cabinet disposed at will of +the money and blood of the people for foreign purposes, postponing our +commercial interests to the success of courtly cabals, injurious to the +welfare of the people, so that we were excluded from all connection with +the other countries of the world, and were degraded to the position of a +colony. The mode of governing by a MINISTRY was intended to put a stop +to these proceedings, which caused the rights of the country to moulder +uselessly in its parchments; by the change,[*] these rights and the +royal oath were both to become a reality. It was the apprehension of +this, and especially the fear of losing its control over the money and +blood of the country, which caused the house of Austria to resolve on +involving Hungary, by the foulest intrigues, in the horrors of fire and +slaughter, that, having plunged the country in a civil war, it might +seize the opportunity to dismember the kingdom, and to blot out the name +of Hungary from the list of independent nations, and unite its plundered +and bleeding limbs with the Austrian monarchy. + +[Footnote *: The change was solemnly enacted in the Parliamentary Laws of +March, 1848, which King Ferdinand V. sanctioned by his public oath in +April, 1848.] + +The beginning of this course was, (after a Ministry had been called into +existence), by ordering an Austrian general [Jellachich] to rise in +rebellion against the laws of the country and nominating him Ban of +Croatia, a kingdom belonging to the kingdom of Hungary.*** + +The Ban revolted therefore in the name of the emperor, and rebelled +openly against the king of Hungary, who is however one and the same +person; and he went so far as to decree the separation of Croatia and +Slavonia from _Hungary_, with which they had been united for eight +hundred years, as well as to incorporate them with the _Austrian_ +empire. Public opinion and undoubted facts threw the blame of these +proceedings on the Archduke Louis, uncle to the emperor, on his brother, +the Archduke Francis Charles, and especially on the consort of the +last-named prince, the Archduchess Sophia; and since the Ban, in this +act of rebellion, openly alleged that he acted as a faithful subject of +the emperor, the ministry of Hungary requested their sovereign, by a +public declaration, to wipe off the stigma which these proceedings threw +upon the family. At that moment affairs were not prosperous for Austria +in Italy; the emperor therefore did proclaim that the Ban and his +associates were guilty of high treason, and of exciting to rebellion. +But while publishing this edict, the Ban and his accomplices were +covered with favours at court, and supplied for their enterprise with +money, arms, and ammunition. The Hungarians, confiding in the royal +proclamation, and not wishing to provoke a civil conflict, did not hunt +out those proscribed traitors in their lair, and only adopted measures +for checking any extension of the rebellion. But soon afterward the +inhabitants of South Hungary, of Servian race, were excited to rebellion +by precisely the same means. + +These were also declared by the king to be rebels, but were +nevertheless, like the others, supplied with money, arms, and +ammunition. The king's commissioned officers and civil servants enlisted +bands of robbers in the principality of Servia to strengthen the rebels, +and aid them in massacring the peaceable Hungarian and German +inhabitants of the Banat. The command of these rebellious bodies was +further entrusted to the rebel leaders of the Croatians. + +During this rebellion of the Hungarian Servians, scenes of cruelty were +witnessed at which the heart shudders; the peaceable inhabitants were +tortured with a cruelty which makes the hair stand on end. Whole towns +and villages, once flourishing, were laid waste. Hungarians fleeing +before these murderers were reduced to the condition of vagrants and +beggars in their own country; the most lovely districts were converted +into a wilderness.*** + +The greater part of the Hungarian regiments were, according to the old +system of government, scattered through the other provinces of the +empire. In Hungary itself, the troops quartered were mostly Austrian; +and they afforded more protection to the rebels than to the laws, or to +the internal peace of the country. The withdrawal of these troops, and +the return of the national militia, was demanded of the government, but +was either refused, or its fulfilment delayed; and when our brave +comrades, on hearing the distress of the country, returned in masses, +they were persecuted, and such as were obliged to yield to superior +force were disarmed, and sentenced to death for having defended their +country against rebels. + +The Hungarian ministry begged the king earnestly to issue orders to all +troops and commanders of fortresses in Hungary, enjoining fidelity to +the Constitution, and obedience to the ministers of Hungary. Such a +proclamation was sent to the Palatine, the viceroy of Hungary, Archduke +Stephen, at Buda. The necessary letters were written and sent to the +post-office. But this nephew of the king, the Archduke Palatine, +shamelessly caused these letters to be smuggled back from the +post-office, although they had been countersigned by the responsible +ministers; and they were afterward found among his papers when he +treacherously departed from the country. + +The rebel Ban menaced the Hungarian coast with an attack, and the +government, with the king's consent, ordered an armed corps to march +into Styria for the defence of Fiume; but this whole force received +orders to march into Italy.*** + +The rebel force occupied Fiume, and disunited it from the kingdom of +Hungary, and this hateful deception was disavowed by the Vienna cabinet +as having been a _misunderstanding_; the furnishing of arms, +ammunition, and money to the rebels of Croatia was also declared to have +been a misunderstanding. Finally, instructions were issued to the +effect that, until special orders were given, the army and the +commanders of fortresses were not to follow the orders of the Hungarian +ministers, but were to execute those of the Austrian cabinet.*** + +The king from that moment began to address the man whom he himself had +branded as a rebel, as "dear and loyal" (Lieber Getreuer); he praised +him for having revolted, and encouraged him to proceed in the path he +had entered upon. + +He expressed a like sympathy for the Servian rebels, whose hands yet +reeked from the massacres they had perpetrated. It was under this +command that the Ban of Croatia, after being proclaimed as a rebel, +assembled an army, and announced his commission from the king to carry +fire and sword into Hungary, upon which the Austrian troops stationed in +the country united with him.*** + +Even then the Diet did not give up all confidence in the power of the +royal oath, and the king was once more requested to order the rebels to +quit the country. The answer given was a reference to a manifesto of the +Austrian ministry, declaring it to be their determination to deprive the +Hungarian nation of the independent management of their financial, +commercial, and war affairs. The king at the same time refused his +assent to the bills submitted for approval respecting troops and the +subsidy for covering the expenditure. + +Upon this the Hungarian ministers resigned, but the names submitted by +the president of the council, at the demand of the king, were not +approved of for successors. The Diet then, bound by its duty to secure +the safety of the country, voted the supplies, and ordered the troops to +be levied. The nation obeyed the summons with readiness. + +The representatives of the people then summoned the nephew of the +emperor to join the camp, and as Palatine[*] to lead the troops against +the rebels. He not only obeyed the summons, but made public professions +of his devotion to the cause. As soon, however, as an engagement +threatened, he fled secretly from the camp and the country, like a +coward traitor. Among his papers a plan, formed by him some time +previously, was found, according to which Hungary was to be +simultaneously attacked on nine sides at once--from Styria, Austria, +Moravia, Silesia, Galicia, and Transylvania. + +[Footnote *: The Palatine was a high officer elected by the Diet, as its +organ, and the defender of its Constitution. In fact, they always +elected a prince of the blood royal. He was virtually a Viceroy.] + +From a correspondence with the Minister of War, seized at the same time, +it was discovered that the commanding generals in the military frontier +and the Austrian provinces adjoining Hungary had received orders to +enter Hungary, and support the rebels with their united forces. + +This attack from nine points at once really began. The most painful +aggression took place in Transylvania; for the traitorous commander in +that district did not content himself with the practices considered +lawful in war by disciplined troops. He stirred up the Wallachian +peasants to take up arms against their own constitutional rights, and, +aided by the rebellious Servian hordes, commenced a course of Vandalism +and extinction, sparing neither women, children, nor aged men; murdering +and torturing the defenceless Hungarian inhabitants; burning the most +flourishing villages and towns, among which, Nagy-Igmand, the seat of +learning for Transylvania, was reduced to a heap of ruins. + +But the Hungarian nation, although taken by surprise, unarmed and +unprepared, did not abandon its future prospects in any agony of +despair. + +Measures were immediately taken to increase the small standing army by +volunteers and the levy of the people. These troops, supplying the want +of experience by the enthusiasm arising from the feeling that they had +right on their side, defeated the Croatian armaments, and drove them out +of the country.*** + +The defeated army fled in the direction of Vienna, where the emperor +continued his demoralizing policy, and nominated the beaten and flying +rebel as his plenipotentiary and substitute in Hungary, suspending by +this act the constitution and institutions of the country, all its +authorities, courts of justice, and tribunals, laying the kingdom under +martial law, and placing in the hand of, and under the unlimited +authority of, a rebel, the honour, the property and the lives of the +people; in the hand of a man who, with armed bands, had braved the laws, +and attacked the Constitution of the country. + +But the house of Austria was not contented with the unjustifiable +violation of oaths taken by its head. + +The rebellious Ban was taken under the protection of the troops +stationed near Vienna, and commanded by Prince Windischgraetz. These +troops, after taking Vienna by storm, were led as an imperial Austrian +army to conquer Hungary. But the Hungarian nation, persisting in its +loyalty, sent an envoy to the advancing enemy. This envoy, coming under +a flag of truce, was treated as a prisoner, and thrown into prison. No +heed was paid to the remonstrances and the demands of the Hungarian +nation for justice. The threat of the gallows was, on the contrary, +thundered against all who had taken arms in defence of a wretched and +oppressed country. But before the army had time to enter Hungary, a +family revolution in the tyrannical reigning house was perpetrated at +Olmuetz. Ferdinand V. was forced to resign a throne which had been +polluted with so much blood and perjury, and the son of Francis Charles, +(who also abdicated his claim to the inheritance,) the youthful Archduke +Francis Joseph, caused himself to be proclaimed Emperor of Austria and +King of Hungary. But no one can by any family compact dispose of the +constitutional throne without the Hungarian nation. + +At this critical moment the Hungarian nation demanded nothing more than +the maintenance of its laws and institutions, and peace guaranteed by +their integrity. Had the assent of the nation to this change in the +occupant of the throne been asked in a legal manner, and the young +prince offered to take the customary oath that he would preserve the +Constitution, the Hungarian nation would not have refused to elect him +king in accordance with the treaties extant, and to crown him with St. +Stephen's crown, before he had dipped his hand in the blood of the +people. + +He, however, refusing to perform an act so sacred in the eyes of God and +man, and in strange contrast to the innocence natural to youthful +breasts, declared in his first words his intention of conquering +Hungary, (which he dared to call a rebellious country, whereas it was he +himself that raised rebellion there,) and of depriving it of that +independence which it had maintained for a thousand years, to +incorporate it into the Austrian monarchy.*** + +But even then an attempt was made to bring about a peaceful arrangement, +and a deputation was sent to the generals of the perjured dynasty. This +house in its blind self-confidence, refused to enter into any +negotiation, and dared to demand an unconditional submission from the +nation. The deputation was further detained, and one of the number, the +former President[*] of the Ministry, was even thrown into prison. Our +deserted capital was occupied, and was turned into a place of execution; +a part of the prisoners of war were there consigned to the axe, another +part were thrown into dungeons, while the remainder were exposed to +fearful sufferings from hunger, and were thus forced to enter the ranks +of the army in Italy. + +[Footnote *: Louis Bathyanyi. See Note to p. 6.] + +[**]Finally, to reap the fruit of so much perfidy, the Emperor Francis +Joseph dared to call himself King of Hungary, in the manifesto of the +9th of March [1849], wherein he openly declares that he erases the +Hungarian nation from the list of the independent nations of Europe, and +that he divides its territory into five parts, cutting off Transylvania, +Croatia, Slavonia, and Fiume from Hungary, creating at the same time a +principality (vayvodeschaft) for the Servian rebels, and, having +paralyzed the political existence of the country, declares it +incorporated into the Austrian monarchy. + +[Footnote **: This paragraph, omitted above, is inserted here, where the +reader will better understand it.] + +The measure of the crimes of the Austrian house was, however, filled up, +when, after[*] its defeat, it applied for help to the Emperor of Russia; +and, in spite of the remonstrances and protestations of the Porte, and +of the consuls of the European powers at Bucharest, in defiance of +international rights, and to the endangering of the balance of power in +Europe, caused the Russian troops, stationed at Wallachia, to be led +into Transylvania, for the destruction of the Hungarian nation. + +[Footnote *: The Russian army entered Transylvania on January 3d, 1849; +this is the army which was driven out again. But the main Russian armies +were only on the move in April, and took two months longer to enter +Hungary. These were applied for late in March.] + +Three months ago we were driven back upon the Theiss; our just arms have +already recovered all Transylvania; Klausenburg, Hermanstadt, and +Kronstadt are taken; one portion of the troops of Austria is driven into +Bukowina; another, together with the Russian force sent to aid them, is +totally defeated, and to the last man obliged to evacuate Transylvania, +and to flee into Wallachia. Upper Hungary is cleared of foes. + +The Servian rebellion is further suppressed; the forts of St. Thomas and +the Roman intrenchment have been taken by storm, and the whole country +between the Danube and the Theiss, including the country of Bacs, has +been recovered for the nation. + +The commander-in-chief of the perjured house of Austria has himself been +defeated in five consecutive battles, and has with his whole army been +driven back upon and even over the Danube. + +Founding a line of conduct upon all these occurrences, and confiding in +the justice of an eternal God, we in the face of the civilized world, in +reliance upon the natural rights of the Hungarian nation, and upon the +power it has developed to maintain them, further impelled by that sense +of duty which urges every nation to defend its existence, do hereby +declare and proclaim in the name of the nation regally represented by +us, the following:-- + +1st. Hungary, with Transylvania, as legally united with it, and the +possessions and dependencies, are hereby declared to constitute a free, +independent, sovereign state. The territorial unity of this state is +declared to be inviolable, and its territory to be indivisible. + +2d. The house of Hapsburg-Lorraine--having by treachery, perjury, and +levying of war against the Hungarian nation, as well as by its +outrageous violation of all compacts, in breaking up the integral +territory of the kingdom, in the separation of Transylvania, Croatia, +Slavonia, Fiume, and its districts, from Hungary--further, by compassing +the destruction of the independence of the country by arms, and by +calling in the disciplined army of a foreign power, for the purpose of +annihilating its nationality, by violation both of the Pragmatic +Sanction and of treaties concluded between Austria and Hungary, on which +the alliance between the two countries depended--is, as treacherous and +perjured, for ever excluded from the throne of the united states of +Hungary and Transylvania, and all their possessions and dependencies, +and are hereby deprived of the style and title, as well as of the +armorial bearings belonging to the crown of Hungary, and declared to be +banished for ever from the united countries and their dependencies and +possessions. They are therefore declared to be deposed, degraded, and +banished for ever from the Hungarian territory. + +3d. The Hungarian nation, in the exercise of its rights and sovereign +will, being determined to assume the position of a free and independent +state among the nations of Europe, declares it to be its intention to +establish and maintain friendly and neighbourly relations with those +states with which it was formerly united under the same sovereign, as +well as to contract alliances with all other nations. + +4th. The form of government to be adopted for the future will be fixed +by the Diet of the nation. + +But until this point shall be decided, on the basis of the foregoing and +received principles which have been recognized for ages, the government +of the united countries, their possessions and dependencies, shall be +conducted on personal responsibility, and under the obligation to render +an account of all acts, by Louis Kossuth, who has by acclamation, and +with the unanimous approbation of the Diet of the nation, been named +Governing President (Gubernator), and the ministers whom he shall +appoint. + +And this resolution of ours we proclaim for the knowledge of all nations +of the civilized world, with the conviction that the Hungarian nation +will be received by them among the free and independent nations of the +world, with the same friendship and free acknowledgment of its rights +which the Hungarians proffer to other countries. + +We also hereby proclaim and make known to all the inhabitants of the +united states of Hungary and Transylvania, their possessions and +dependencies, that all authorities, communes, towns, and the civil +officers, both in the counties and cities, are completely set free and +released from all the obligations under which they stood, by oath or +otherwise, to the said house of Hapsburg; and that any individual daring +to contravene this decree, and by word or deed in any way to aid or abet +any one violating it, shall be treated and punished as guilty of high +treason. And by the publication of this decree, we hereby bind and +oblige all the inhabitants of these countries to obedience to the +government, now instituted formally, and endowed with all necessary +legal powers. + +_Debreczin, April_ 14, 1849. + + * * * * * + +V.--STATEMENT OF PRINCIPLES AND AIMS. + +[_Castle Garden, New York, Dec. 6th_.] + +After apologies for his weakness through the effects of the sea, Kossuth +continued:-- + +Citizens! much as I want some hours of rest, much as I need to become +acquainted with my ground, before I enter publicly on matters of +business, I yet took it for a duty of honour to respond at once to your +generous welcome. I have to thank the People, the Congress, and the +Government of the United States for my liberation. I must not try to +express what I felt, when I,--a wanderer,--but not the less the +legitimate official chief of Hungary,--first saw the glorious flag of +the stripes and stars fluttering over my head--when I saw around me the +gallant officers and the crew of the _Mississippi_ frigate--most of +them worthy representatives of true American principles, American +greatness, American generosity. It was not a mere chance which cast the +star-spangled banner around me; it was your protecting will. The United +States of America, conscious of their glorious calling as well as of +their power, declared by this unparalleled act their resolve to become +the protectors of human rights. To see a powerful vessel of America, +coming to far Asia, in order to break the chains by which the mightiest +despots of Europe fettered the activity of an exiled Magyar, whose name +disturbed their sleep--to be restored by such a protection to freedom +and activity--you may well conceive, was intensely felt by me; as indeed +I still feel it. Others _spoke_--you _acted_; and I was free! +You acted; and at this act of yours tyrants trembled; humanity shouted +out with joy; the Magyar nation, crushed, but not broken, raised its +head with resolution and with hope; and the brilliancy of your stars was +greeted by Europe's oppressed millions as the morning star of liberty. +Now, gentlemen, you must be aware how great my gratitude must be. You +have restored me to life--in restoring me to activity; and should my +life, by the blessing of the Almighty, still prove useful to my +fatherland and to humanity, it will be your merit--it will be your work. +May you and your country be blessed for it! + +Your generous part in my liberation is taken by the world for the +revelation of the fact, that the United States are resolved not to allow +the despots of the world to trample on oppressed humanity. That is why +my liberation was cheered from Sweden to Portugal as a ray of hope. Even +those nations which most desire my presence in Europe now, have said to +me, "Hasten on, hasten on, to the great, free, rich, and powerful people +of the United States, and bring over its brotherly aid to the cause of +your country, so intimately connected with European liberty;" and here I +stand to plead the cause of common human rights before your great +Republic. Humble as I am, God the Almighty has selected me to represent +the cause of humanity before you. My warrant hereto is written in the +sympathy and confidence of all who are oppressed, and of all who, as +your elder sister the British nation, sympathize with the oppressed. It +is written in the hopes and expectations you have entitled the world to +entertain, by liberating me out of my prison. But it has pleased the +Almighty to make out of my humble self yet another opportunity for a +thing which may prove a happy turning-point in the destinies of the +world. I bring you a brotherly greeting from the people of Great +Britain. I speak not in an official character, imparted by diplomacy +whose secrecy is the curse of the world, but I am the harbinger of the +public spirit of the people, which I witnessed pronouncing itself in the +most decided manner, openly--that the people of England, united to you +with enlightened brotherly love, as it is united in blood--conscious of +your strength as it is conscious of its own, has for ever abandoned +every sentiment of irritation and rivalry, and desires the brotherly +alliance of the United States to secure to every nation the sovereign +right to dispose of itself, and to protect that right against +encroaching arrogance. It desires to league with you against the league +of despots, and with you to stand sponsor at the approaching baptism of +European liberty. + +Now, gentlemen, I have stated my position. I am a straightforward man. I +am a republican. I have avowed it openly in monarchical but free +England; and am happy to state that I have lost nothing by this avowal +there. I hope I shall not lose here, in republican America, by that +frankness, which must be one of the chief qualities of every republican. +So I beg leave openly to state the following points: FIRST that I take +it to be duty of honour and principle not to meddle with any +party-question of your own domestic affairs. SECONDLY, I profess my +admiration for the glorious principle of union, on which stands the +mighty pyramid of your greatness. Taking my ground on this +constitutional fact, it is not to a party, but to your united people +that I will confidently address my humble requests. Within the limits +of your laws I will use every honest exertion to gain your effectual +sympathy, and your financial material and political aid for my country's +freedom and independence, and entreat the realization of the hopes which +your generosity has raised. And, therefore, THIRDLY, I frankly state +that my aim is to restore my fatherland to the full enjoyment of her own +independence, which has been legitimately declared, and cannot have lost +its rightfulness by the violent invasion of foreign Russian arms. What +can be opposed to it? The frown of Mr. Hulsemann--the anger of that +satellite of the Czar, called Francis-Joseph of Austria! and the +immense danger (with which some European and American papers threaten +you), lest your minister at Vienna receive his passports, and Mr. +Hulsemann leave Washington, should I be received in my official +capacity? Now, as to your Minister at Vienna, how you can reconcile the +letting him stay there with your opinion of the cause of Hungary, I do +not know; for the present absolutist atmosphere of Europe is not very +propitious to American principles. But as to Mr. Hulsemann, do not +believe that he would be so ready to leave Washington. He has extremely +well digested the caustic words which Mr. Webster has administered to +him so gloriously. I know that your public spirit would never allow any +responsible depository of the executive power to be regulated in its +policy by all the Hulsemanns or all the Francis-Josephs in the world. +But it is also my agreeable conviction that the highminded Government of +the United States shares warmly the sentiments of the people. It has +proved it by executing in a ready and dignified manner the resolution of +Congress on behalf of my liberation. It has proved it by calling on the +Congress to consider how I shall be received, and even this morning I +was honoured by the express order of the Government with an official +salute from the batteries of the United States, in a manner in which, +according to the military rules, only a high official personage can be +greeted. + +I came not to your glorious shores to enjoy a happy rest--I came not to +gather triumphs of personal distinction, but as a humble petitioner, in +my country's name, as its freely chosen constitutional leader, to +entreat your generous aid. I have no other claims than those which the +oppressed principle of freedom has to the aid of victorious liberty. If +you consider these claims not sufficient for your active and effectual +sympathy, then let me know at once that the hopes have failed, with +which Europe has looked to your great, mighty, and glorious +Republic--let me know it at once that I may hasten back and say to the +oppressed nations, "Let us fight, forsaken and single-handed, the battle +of Leonidas; let us trust to God, to our right, and to our good sword; +for we have no other help on earth." But if your generous Republican +hearts are animated by the high principle of freedom and of the +community in human destinies,--if you have the will, as undoubtedly you +have the power, to support the cause of freedom against the sacrilegious +league of despotism, then give me some days of calm reflection, to +become acquainted with the ground upon which I stand--let me take kind +advice as to my course--let me learn whether any steps have been already +taken in favour of that cause which I have the honour to represent; and +then let me have a new opportunity to expound before you my humble +request in a practical way. + +I confidently hope, Mr. Mayor, the Corporation and Citizens of THE +EMPIRE CITY will grant me a second opportunity. If this be your generous +will, then let me take this for a boon of happier days; and let me add, +with a sigh of thanksgiving to the Almighty God, that Providence has +selected your glorious country to be the pillar of freedom, as it is +already the asylum to oppressed humanity. + +I am told that I shall have the high honour to review your patriotic +militia. My heart throbs at the idea of seeing this gallant army +enlisted on the side of freedom against despotism. The world would then +soon be free, and you the saviours of humanity. Citizens of New York, it +is under your protection that I place the sacred cause of freedom and +the independence of Hungary. + + * * * * * + +VI.--REPLY TO THE BALTIMORE ADDRESS. + +[_Dec. 10th_, 1851.] + +Mr. Henry P. Brooks, Chairman of the Committee of the Baltimore City +Council, came forward, and after congratulating Kossuth upon his release +from peril, and arrival in America, he presented the following +resolutions of the Council written on parchment:-- + +IN CITY COUNCIL. + +Whereas it is understood that Louis Kossuth, the illustrious Hungarian +patriot and exile, is about seeking an asylum upon our shores; and +whereas it is believed that the city of Baltimore, in common with the +whole people of the United States, feel a deep and abiding interest in +the cause of freedom wherever it is assailed, and entertain the most +sincere regret for the unfortunate condition of Hungary; and whereas, in +the reception of Kossuth, an opportunity is offered of expressing our +sympathy for the cause of Hungarian independence--of recording our +detestation of the unholy coalition by which that gallant people have +been crushed, and of evincing our admiration of the noble conduct of the +Turkish Sultan in refusing to deliver to the despots of Europe that +illustrious exile and patriot whom it is about to be our privilege and +pride to receive, as it befits the chosen people of liberty to receive +one who has so nobly battled and suffered in that sacred cause; +therefore-- + +_Resolved_, By the Mayor and City Council of Baltimore, that we +look to the arrival of Kossuth upon our shores with mingled feelings of +satisfaction and regret--satisfaction that we are enabled to afford a +safe asylum to an illustrious patriot--regret that the cause of liberty +should give birth to such necessity. + +_Resolved_, That we sympathize fully with the Hungarians in their +important struggles for Independence, but mindful of that Providence +which crowned our own efforts for liberty with success, trust yet to +behold that glorious future which their noble leader so eloquently +predicts for his beloved country. + +_Resolved_, That we regard the alliance with Russia and Austria for +the purpose of crushing the spirit of liberty in Hungary as a fit +accompaniment in the annals of time for the infamous partition of +unfortunate Poland by the same tyrannical powers, each alike worthy of +the execration of the civilized world. + +_Resolved_, That we cordially welcome Kossuth and his exiled +companions to the full enjoyment of American liberty and an asylum +beyond the reach of European despotism. + +_Resolved_, further, That a Joint Committee of five from each +branch of the City Council be appointed, whose duty it shall be, in +conjunction with the Mayor, in the event of their arrival in our city, +to tender to them appropriate public tokens of our esteem and admiration +for their gallant conduct, as well as of our sympathy for their +sufferings and their cause. + +Committee under the last resolution--First Branch: Henry P. Brooke, John +Dukehart, J. Hanson Thomas, David Blanford, John Thomas Morris. + +Second Branch: Jacob J. Cohen, W. B. Morris, Hugh A. Cooper, James C. +Ninde, Geo. A. Lovering. + +JOHN H. J. JEROME, Mayor. +JOHN S. BROWN, President of First Branch. +HUGH BOLTON, President of Second Branch. +City of Baltimore, State of Maryland, United States of America, Oct. 28, +A.D. 1851. + +[After hearing several other--complimentary addresses, Kossuth in a few +minutes replied. He began with apologies, and then proceeded]:-- + +Permit me to say, that in my opinion the word "glory" should be blotted +out from the Dictionary in respect to individuals, and only left for use +in respect to nations. Whatever a man can do for his country, even +though he should live a long life, and have the strongest faculties, +would not be too much: for he ought to use his utmost exertions, and his +utmost powers, in return for the gifts he receives. Whatever a man can +do on behalf of his country and of humanity, would never be so much as +his duty calls upon him to do, still less so much as to merit the use of +the word "glory" in regard to himself. Once more, I say, that duty +belongs to the man and glory to the nation. When an honest man does his +duty to his own country, and becomes a patriot, he acts for all +humanity, and does his duty to mankind. + +You have bestowed great attention upon the cause of Hungary, and the +subject is here well understood generally, which is a benefit to me. I +declare to you all, that I find more exact knowledge of the Hungarian +cause here, than in any other place I have been. Yet I am astonished to +see in a report of the proceedings of the United States Senate, that a +member rose and said that we were not struggling for the principle of +Freedom and of Liberty, but rather for the support of our ancient +Charter. This, gentlemen, is a misrepresentation of our cause. There is +a truth in the assertion that we were struggling for our _ancient +rights_, for the right of self-government is an ancient right. The +right of self-government was ours a thousand years ago, and has been +guaranteed to us by the coronation oaths of more than thirty of our +kings. I say that this right was guaranteed to us, yet it had become a +dead letter in the course of time. Before the Revolution of 1848 we were +long struggling to enforce our notorious but often invaded rights; but +the whole people were not interested in them: for although they were +constitutional rights, they were restricted in ancient times, not to a +particular _race_, but to a particular _class_, called Nobles. +These did not belong to the Magyars alone, but to all the races that +settled in the country, to the Sclaves, to the Wallachians, the Serbs, +and to others, whatever their race or their extraction. Yet none but the +_Nobles_ were privileged. We saw that for one class only to be +interested in these rights was not enough, and we wished to make them a +benefit to every man in the country, and to replace the old Constitution +by one which should give a common and universal right to all men to +vote, without regard to the tongue they speak or the Church at which +they pray. I need not enter further into the subject than to say, that +we established a system of practically universal suffrage, of equality +in representation, a just share in taxation for the support of the +State, and equality in the benefits of public education, and in all +those blessings which are derived from the freedom of a free people. + +It has been asked by some, why I allowed a treacherous general to ruin +our cause. I have always been anxious not to assume any duty for which I +might be unsuited. If I had undertaken the practical direction of +military operations, and anything went amiss, I feared that my +conscience would torture me, as guilty of the fall of my country, as I +had not been familiar with military tactics. I therefore entrusted my +country's cause, thus far, into other hands; and I weep for the result. +In exile, I have tried to profit by the past and prepare for the future. +I believe that the confidence of Hungary in me is not shaken by +misfortune nor broken by my calumniators. I have had all in my own hands +once; and if ever I am in the same position again, I will act. I will +not become a Napoleon nor an Alexander, and labour for my own ambition; +but I will labour for freedom and for the moral well-being of man. I do +but ask you to enforce your own great constitutional principles, and not +permit Russia to interfere. + + * * * * * + +VII.--HEREDITARY POLICY OF AMERICA. + +[_Speech at the Corporation Dinner, New York, Dec. 11th_, +1851.] + +The Mayor having made an address to Kossuth, closed by proposing the +following toast:-- + +"Hungary--Betrayed but not subdued. Her call for help is but the echo of +our appeal against the tread of the oppressor." + +Kossuth rose to reply. The enthusiasm with which he was greeted was +unparalleled. It shook the building, and the chandeliers and candelabras +trembled before it. Every one present rose to his feet, and appeared +excited to frenzy. The ladies participated in honouring the Hungarian +hero. At length the storm of applause subsided, and then ensued a +silence most intense. Every eye was fixed on Kossuth, and when he +commenced his speech, the noise caused by the dropping of a pin could be +heard throughout the large and capacious room. + +KOSSUTH'S SPEECH. + +Sir,--In returning you my most humble thanks for the honour you did me +by your toast, and by coupling my name with that cause which is the +sacred aim of my life, I am so overwhelmed with emotion by all it has +been my strange lot to experience since I am on your glorious shores, +that I am unable to find words; and knowing that all the honour I meet +with has the higher meaning of principles, I beg leave at once to fall +back on my duties, which are the lasting topics of my reflections, my +sorrows, and my hopes. I take the present for a highly important +opportunity, which may decide the success or failure of my visit. I must +therefore implore your indulgence for a pretty long and plain +development of my views concerning that cause which the citizens of New +York, and you particularly, gentlemen, honour with generous interest. + +When I perceive that the sympathy of your people with Hungary is almost +universal, and that they pronounce their feelings in its favour with a +resolution such as denotes noble and great deeds about to follow; I +might feel inclined to take for granted, at least _in principle_, +that we shall have your generous aid for restoring to our land its +sovereign independence. Nothing but _details_ of negotiation would +seem to be left for me, were not my confidence checked, by being told, +that, according to many of your most distinguished Statesmen, it is a +ruling principle of your public policy never to interfere in European +affairs. + +I highly respect the source of this conviction, gentlemen. This source +is your religious attachment to the doctrines of those who bequeathed to +you the immortal constitution which, aided by the unparalleled benefits +of nature, has raised you, in seventy-five years, from an infant people +to a mighty nation. The wisdom of the founders of your great republic +you see in its happy results. What would be the consequences of +departing from that wisdom, you are not sure. You therefore +instinctively fear to touch, even with improving hands, the dear legacy +of those great men. And as to your glorious constitution, all humanity +can only wish that you and your posterity may long preserve this +religious attachment to its fundamental principles, which by no means +exclude development and progress: and that every citizen of your great +union, thankfully acknowledging its immense benefits, may never forget +to love it more than momentary passion or selfish and immediate +interest. May every citizen of your glorious country for ever remember +that a partial discomfort of a corner in a large, sure, and comfortable +house, may be well amended without breaking the foundation; and that +amongst all possible means of getting rid of that partial discomfort, +the worst would be to burn down the house with his own hands. + +But while I acknowledge the wisdom of your attachment to fundamental +doctrines, I beg leave with equal frankness to state, that, in my +opinion, there can be scarcely anything more dangerous to the +progressive development of a nation, than to mistake for a basis that +which is none; to mistake for a principle that which is but a transitory +convenience; to take for substantial that which is but accidental; or to +take for a constitutional doctrine that which is but a momentary +exigency of administrative policy. Such a course of action would be like +to a healthy man refusing substantial food, because when he was once +weak in stomach his physician ordered him a severe diet. Let me suppose, +gentlemen, that that doctrine of non-interference was really bequeathed +to you by your Washingtons (and that it was not, I will essay to prove +afterwards), and let me even suppose that your Washingtons imparted to +it such an interpretation, as were equivalent to the words of Cain, "Am +I my brother's keeper?" (which supposition would be, of course, a +sacrilege; but I am forced to such suppositions:) I may be entitled to +ask, is the dress which suited the child, still suitable to the full +grown man? Would it not be ridiculous to lay the man into the child's +cradle, and to sing him to sleep by a lullaby? In the origin of the +United States you were an infant people, and you had, of course, nothing +to do but to grow, to grow, and to grow. But now you are so far grown +that there is no foreign power on earth from which you have anything to +fear for your existence or security. In fact, your growth is that of a +giant. Of old, your infant frame was composed of thirteen states, and +was restricted to the borders of the Atlantic: now, your massive bulk is +spread to the gulf of Mexico and the Pacific, and your territory is a +continent. Your right hand touches Europe over the waves; your left +reaches across the Pacific to eastern Asia; and there, between two +quarters of the world, there you stand, in proud immensity, a world +yourselves. Then you were a small people of three millions and a half; +now you are a mighty nation of twenty-four millions. Thus you have fully +entered into the second stadium of national life, in which a nation +lives at length not for itself separately, but as a member of the great +family of human nations; having a right to whatever is due from that +family _towards_ every one of its full-grown members, but also +engaged to every duty which that great family may claim _from_ +every one of its full-grown members. + +A nation may, either from comparative weakness, or by choice and policy, +as Japan and China, or by both these motives, as Paraguay under Dr. +Francia,--be induced to live a life secluded from the world, indifferent +to the destinies of mankind, in which it cannot or will not have any +share. But then it must be willing to be also excluded from the benefits +of progress, civilization and national intercourse, while disavowing all +care about all other nations in the world. No citizen of the United +States has, or ever will have, the wish to see this country degraded to +the rotting vegetation of a Paraguay, or the mummy existence of a Japan +and China. The feeling of self-dignity, and the expansiveness of that +enterprizing spirit which is congenial to freemen, would revolt against +the very idea of such a degrading national captivity. But if there were +even a will to live such a mummy life, there is no possibility to do so. +The very existence of your great country, the principles upon which it +is founded, its geographical position, its present scale of +civilization, and all its moral and material interests, would lead on +your people not only to maintain, but necessarily more and more to +develop your foreign intercourse. Then, being in so many respects linked +to mankind at large, you cannot have the will, nor yet the power, to +remain indifferent to the outward world. And if you cannot remain +indifferent, you must resolve to throw your weight into that balance in +which the fate and condition of man is weighed. You are a power on +earth. You must be a power on earth, and must therefore accept all the +consequences of this position. You cannot allow that any power in the +world should dispose of the fate of that great family of mankind, of +which you are so pre-eminent a member: else you would resign your proud +place and your still prouder future, and be a power on earth no more. + +I hope I have sufficiently shown, that should even that doctrine of +non-interference have been established by the founders of your republic, +that which might have been very proper to your infancy would not now be +suitable to your manhood. It is a beautiful word of Montesquieu, that +republics are to be founded on virtue. And you know that virtue between +man and man, as sanctioned by our Christian religion, is but an exercise +of that great principle--"Thou shalt do to others as thou desirest +others to do to thee." Thus I might rely simply upon your generous +republican hearts, and upon the consistency of your principles; but I +beg to add some essential differences in material respects, between your +present condition and that of yore. Of your twenty-four millions, more +than nineteen are spread over yonder immense territory, the richest of +the world, employed in the cultivation of the soil, that honourable +occupation, which in every time has proved to be the most inexhaustible +and most unfailing source of public welfare and private happiness, as +also the most unwavering ally of freedom, and the most faithful fosterer +of all those upright, noble, generous sentiments which the constant +intercourse with ever young, ever great, ever beautiful virtue, imparts +to man. Now this immense agricultural interest, desiring large markets, +at the same time affords a solid basis to your manufacturing industry, +and in consequence to your immensely developed commerce. All this places +such a difference between the republic of Washington and your present +grandeur, that though you may well be attached to your original +principles (for the principles of liberty are everlastingly the same), +yet not so in respect to the exigencies of your policy. For if it is to +be regulated by _interest_, your country has other interests to-day +than it had then; and if ever it is to be regulated by the higher +consideration of _principles_, you are strong enough to feel that +the time is already come. And I, standing here before you to plead the +cause of oppressed humanity, am bold to declare that there may never +again come a crisis, at which such an elevation of your policy would +prove either more glorious to you, or more beneficial to man: for we in +Europe are apparently on the eye of that day, when either the hopes or +the fears of oppressed nations will be crushed for a long time. + +Having stated so far the difference of the situation, I beg leave now to +assert that it is an error to suppose that non-interference in foreign +matters has been bequeathed to the people of the United States by your +great Washington as a doctrine and as a constitutional principle. +Firstly, Washington never even recommended to you non-interference in +the sense of _indifference_ to the fate of other nations. He only +recommended _neutrality_. And there is a mighty diversity between +these two ideas. Neutrality has reference to a state of war between two +belligerent powers, and it is this case which Washington contemplated, +when he, in his Farewell Address, advised the people of the United +States not to enter into entangling alliances. Let quarrelling powers, +let quarrelling nations go to war--but do you consider your own +concerns; leave foreign powers to quarrel about ambitious topics, or +narrow partial interests. Neutrality is a matter of convenience--not of +principle. But while neutrality has reference to a state of war between +belligerent powers, the principle of non-interference, on the contrary, +lays down the sovereign right of nations to arrange their own domestic +concerns. Therefore these two ideas of neutrality and non-interference +are entirely different, having reference to two entirely different +matters. The sovereign right of every nation to rule over itself, to +alter its own institutions, to change the form of its own government, is +a common public law of nations, common to all, and, _therefore, put +under the common guarantee of all_. This sovereign right of every +nation to dispose of itself, you, the people of the United States must +recognize; for it is the common law of mankind, in which, because it is +such, every nation is equally interested. You must recognize it, +secondly, because the very existence of your great republic, as also the +independence of every nation, rests upon this ground. If that sovereign +right of nations were no common public law of mankind, then your own +independence would be no matter of right, but only a matter of fact, +which might be subject, for all future time, to all sorts of chances +from foreign conspiracy and violence. And where is the citizen of the +United States who would not revolt at the idea that this great republic +is not a righteous nor a lawful existence, but only a mere accident--a +mere matter of fact? If it were so, you were not entitled to invoke the +protection of God for your great country; for the protection of God +cannot, without sacrilege, be invoked but in behalf of justice and +right. You would have no right to look to the sympathy of mankind for +yourselves; for you would profess an abrogation of the laws of humanity +upon which is founded your own independence, your own nationality. + +Now, gentlemen, if these be principles of common law, of that law which +God has given to every nation of humanity--if to organize itself is the +common lawful right of every nation; then the interference with this +common law of all humanity, the violent act of hindering, by armed +forces, a nation from exercising that sovereign right, must be +considered as a violation of that common public law upon which your very +existence rests, and which, being a common law of all humanity, is, by +God himself, placed under the safeguard of all humanity; for it is God +himself who commands us to love our neighbours as we love ourselves, and +to do towards others as we desire others to do towards us. Upon this +point you cannot remain indifferent. You may well remain neutral to war +between two belligerent nations, but you cannot remain indifferent to +the violation of the common law of humanity. That indifference +Washington has never taught you. I defy any man to show me, out of the +eleven volumes of Washington's writings, a single word to that effect. +He could not have recommended this indifference without ceasing to be +wise as he was; for without justice there is no wisdom on earth. He +could not have recommended it without becoming inconsistent; for it was +this common law of mankind which your fathers invoked before God and man +when they proclaimed your independence. It was he himself, your great +Washington, who not only accepted, but again and again asked, foreign +aid--foreign help for the support of that common law of mankind in +respect to your own independence. Knowledge and instruction are so +universally spread amongst the enlightened people of the United States, +the history of your country is such a household science at the most +lonely hearths of your remotest settlements, that it may be sufficient +for me to refer, in that respect, to the instructions and correspondence +between Washington and the Minister at Paris--the equally immortal +Franklin--the modest man with the proud epitaph, which tells the world +that he wrested the lightning from heaven, and the sceptre from the +tyrant's hands. + +I will go further. Even that doctrine of neutrality which Washington +taught and bequeathed to you, he taught not as a constitutional +_principle_--a lasting regulation for all future time, but only as +a matter of temporary _policy_. I refer in that respect to the very +words of his Farewell Address. There he states explicitly that "it is +your _policy_ to steer clear of _permanent_ alliances with any +portion of the foreign world." These are his very words. Policy is the +word, and you know that policy is not the science of principle, but of +exigencies; and that principles are, of course, by a free and powerful +nation, never to be sacrificed to exigencies. The exigencies pass away +like the bubbles of a shower, but the nation is immortal: it must +consider the future also, and not only the egotistical dominion of the +passing hour: it must be aware that to an immortal nation nothing can be +of higher importance than immortal principles. Again, in the same +address Washington explicitly says, in reference to his policy of +neutrality, that "with him a predominant motive has been to _gain +time_ to your country to settle and mature its institutions, and to +progress without interruption to that degree of strength and consistency +which is necessary to give it the command of its own fortunes." These +are highly memorable words, gentlemen. Here I take my ground; and +casting a glance of admiration over your glorious land, I confidently +ask you, gentlemen, are your institutions settled and matured or are +they not? Are you, or are you not, come to such a degree of strength and +consistency as to be the masters of your own fortunes? Oh! how do I +thank God for having given me the glorious view of this country's +greatness, which answers this question for me! Yes! you _have_ +attained that degree of strength and consistency in which your less +fortunate brethren may well claim your protecting hand. + +One word more on Washington's doctrines. In one of his letters, written +to Lafayette, he says:--"Let us only have twenty years of peace, and our +country will come to such a degree of power and wealth that we shall be +able, in a just cause, to defy any power on earth whatsoever." "In a +just cause!" Now, in the name of eternal truth, and by all that is dear +and sacred to man, since the history of mankind is recorded, there has +been no cause more just than the cause of Hungary. Never was there a +people, without the slightest reason, more sacrilegiously, more +treacherously attacked, or by fouler means than Hungary. Never has +crime, cursed ambition, despotism, and violence, united more wickedly to +crush freedom, and the very life, than against Hungary. Never was a +country more mortally aggrieved than Hungary is. All _your_ +sufferings--all _your_ complaints, which, with so much right, drove +your forefathers to take up arms, are but slight grievances in +comparison with those immense deep wounds, out of which the heart of +Hungary bleeds! If the cause of our people is not sufficiently just to +insure the protection of God, and the support of right-willing men--then +there is no just cause, and no justice on earth. Then the blood of no +new Abel will moan towards Heaven. The genius of charity, Christian +love, and justice will mourningly fly the earth; a heavy curse will fall +upon morality--oppressed men will despair, and only the Cains of mankind +walk proudly with impious brow about the ruins of liberty on earth. + +Now, allow me briefly to consider how your Foreign Policy has grown and +enlarged itself. I will only recall to your memory the message of +President Monroe, when he clearly stated that the United States would +take up arms to protect the American Colonies of Spain, now free +republics, should the Holy (or rather unholy) Alliance make an attempt +either to aid Spain to reduce the new American republics to their +ancient colonial state, or to compel them to adopt political systems +more conformable to the policy and views of that alliance. I entreat you +to mark this well, gentlemen. Not only the forced introduction of +monarchy, but in general the interference of foreign powers in the +contest, was declared sufficient motive for the United States to protect +the colonies. Let me remind you that this declaration of President +Monroe was not only approved and confirmed by the people of the United +States, but that Great Britain itself joined the United States, in the +declaration of this decision and this policy. I further recall to your +memory the instructions given in 1826 to your Envoys to the Congress of +Panama, Richard Anderson and John Sergeant, where it was clearly stated +that the United States would have opposed, with their whole force, the +interference of the continental powers in that struggle for +independence. It is true, that this declaration to go even to war, to +protect the independence of foreign States against foreign interference, +was restricted to the continent of America; for President Monroe +declares in his message that the United States can have no concern in +European straggles, being distant and separated from Europe by the great +Atlantic Ocean. But I would remark that this indifference to European +concerns is again a matter, not of principle but of temporary +exigency--the motives of which have, by the lapse of time, entirely +disappeared--so much that the balance is even turned to the opposite +side. + +President Monroe mentions _distance_ as a motive of the +above-stated distinction. Well, since the prodigious development of your +Fulton's glorious invention, distance is no longer calculated by miles, +but by hours; and, being so, Europe is of course less distant from you +than the greater part of the American continent. But, let even the word +distance be taken in a nominal sense. Europe is nearer to you than the +greatest part of the American continent--yea! even nearer than perhaps +some parts of your own territory. President Monroe's second motive is, +that you are separated from Europe _by the Atlantic_. Now, at the +present time, and in the present condition of navigation, the Atlantic +is no separation, but rather a link; as the means of that commercial +intercourse which brings the interest of Europe home to you, connecting +you with it by every tie of moral as well as material interest. + +There is immense truth in that which the French Legation in the United +States expressed to your government in an able note of 27th October +past:--"America is closely connected with Europe, being only separated +from the latter by a distance scarcely exceeding eight days' journey, by +one of the most important of general interests--the interest of +commerce. The nations of America and Europe are at this day so +dependent upon one another, that the effects of any event, prosperous or +otherwise, happening on one side of the Atlantic, are immediately felt +on the other side. The result of this community of interests, +commercial, political, and moral, between Europe and America--of this +frequency and rapidity of intercourse between them, is, that it becomes +as difficult to point out the geographical degree where American policy +shall terminate, and European policy begin, as it is to trace out the +line where American commerce begins and European commerce terminates. +Where may be said to begin or terminate the ideas which are in the +ascendant in Europe and in America?" + +It is chiefly in New York that I feel induced to urge this, because New +York is, by innumerable ties, connected with Europe--more connected than +several parts of Europe itself. It is the agricultural interest of this +great country which chiefly wants an outlet and a market. Now, it is far +more to Europe than to the American continent that you have to look in +that respect. On this account you cannot remain indifferent to the fate +of freedom on the European continent: for be sure, gentlemen--and I +would say this chiefly to the gentlemen of trade--should absolutism gain +ground in Europe, it will, it must, put every possible obstacle in the +way of commercial intercourse with republican America: for commercial +intercourse is the most powerful convoyer of principles, and be sure the +victory of absolutism on the European continent will in no quarter have +more injurious national consequences than against your vast agricultural +and commercial interests. Then why not prevent it, while it is still +possible to do so with comparatively small sacrifices, rather than abide +that fatal catastrophe, and have to mourn the immense sacrifices it +would then cost? + +Even in political considerations, now-a-days, you have stronger motives +to feel interested in the fate of Europe than in the fate of the Central +or Southern parts of America. Whatever may happen in the institutions +of these parts, you are too powerful to see your own institutions +affected by it. But let Europe become absolutistical (as, unless +Hungary be restored to its independence, and Italy become free, be sure +it will)--and your children will see those words, which your national +government spoke in 1827, fulfilled on a larger scale than they were +meant, that "the absolutism of Europe will not be appeased, until every +vestige of human freedom has been obliterated even here." And oh! do not +rely too fondly upon your power. It is great, assuredly. You have not to +fear any single power on earth. But look to history. Mighty empires +have vanished. Let not the enemies of freedom grow too strong. +Victorious over Europe, and then united, they would be too strong even +for you! And be sure they hate you most cordially. They consider you as +their most dangerous opponent. Absolutism cannot sleep tranquilly, while +the republican principle has such a mighty representative as your +country is. Yes, gentlemen, it was the fear of driving the absolutists +to fanatical effort, which induced your great Statesmen not to extend to +Europe the principle on which they acted towards the New World, and by +no means the publicly avowed feeble motives. Every manifestation of your +public life in those times shows that I am right to say so. The European +nations were, about 1823, in such a degraded situation, that indeed you +must have felt anxious not to come into any political contact with that +pestilential atmosphere, when, as Mr. Clay said in 1818, in his speech +about the emancipation of South America, "Paris was transferred to St. +Petersburg." But scarcely a year later, the Greek nation came in its +contest to an important crisis, which gave you hope that the spirit of +freedom was waking again, and at once you abandoned the principle of +political indifference for Europe. You know, your Clays and your +Websters spoke, as if really they were speaking for my very cause. You +know how your citizens acted in behalf of that struggle for liberty in a +part of Europe which is more distant than Hungary: and again when Poland +fell, you know what spirit pervaded the United States. + +I have shown you how Washington's policy has been gradually changed: but +one mighty difference I must still commemorate. Your population has, +since Monroe's time, nearly doubled, I believe; or at least has +increased by millions. And what sort of men are these millions? Are they +only native-born Americans? No European emigrants? Many are men, who +though citizens of the United States are, by the most sacred ties of +relationship, attached to the fate of Europe. That is a consideration +worthy of reflection with your wisest men, who will, ere long agree with +me, that in your present condition you are at least as much interested +in the state of Europe, as twenty-eight years ago your fathers were in +the fate of Central and Southern America. And really so it is. The +unexampled sympathy for the cause of my country which I have met with in +the United States proves that it is so. Your generous interference with +the Turkish captivity of the Governor of Hungary, proves that is so. And +this progressive development in your foreign policy, is, in fact, no +longer a mere instinctive ebullition of public opinion, which is about +hereafter to direct your governmental policy; the opinion of the people +is _already_ avowed as the policy of the government. I have a most +decisive authority to rely upon in saying so. It is the message of the +President of the United States. His Excellency, Millard Fillmore, made a +communication to Congress, a few days ago, and there I read the +paragraph:--"The deep interest which we feel in the spread of liberal +principles, and the establishment of free governments, and the sympathy +with which we witness every struggle against oppression, _forbid that +we should be indifferent_ to a case in which the strong arm of a +foreign power is invoked to stifle public sentiment and repress the +spirit of freedom in any country." + +Now, gentlemen, here is the ground which I take for my earnest +endeavours to benefit the cause of Hungary. I have only respectfully to +ask: Is a principle which the public opinion of the United States so +resolutely professes, and which the government of the United States, +with the full sentiment of its responsibility, declares to your Congress +to be a ruling principle of your national government--is that principle +meant to be serious? Indeed, it would be a most impertinent outrage +towards your great people and your national government, to entertain the +insulting opinion, that what the people of the United States and its +national government profess in such a solemn diplomatic manner could be +meant as a mere sporting with the most sacred interests of humanity. God +forbid that I should think so. Therefore, I take the principle of your +policy as I find it established--and I come in the name of oppressed +humanity to claim the unavoidable, practical, consequences of your own +freely chosen policy, which you have avowed to the whole world; to claim +the realization of those expectations which you, the sovereign people of +the United States, have chosen, of your own accord, to raise in the +bosom of my countrymen and of all the oppressed. + +You will excuse me, gentlemen, for having dwelt so long upon that +principle of non-interference with European measures: but I have found +it to be the stone of stumbling thrown in my way when I spoke of what I +humbly request from the United States. I have been charged as arrogantly +attempting to change your existing policy, and since I cannot in one +speech exhaust the complex and mighty whole of my mission, I choose on +the present opportunity to develop my views about that fundamental +principle: and having shown, not theoretically, but practically, that it +is a mistake to think that you had, at any time, such a principle, and +having shown that if you ever entertained such a policy, you have been +forced to abandon it--so much, at least, I hope I have achieved. My +humble requests to your active sympathy may be still opposed by--I know +not what other motives; but the objection, that you must not interfere +with European concerns--this objection is disposed of, once and for +ever, I hope. It remains now to inquire, whether, since you have +professed not to be indifferent to the cause of European freedom--the +cause of Hungary is such as to have just claims to your active and +effectual assistance and support. It is, gentlemen. + +To prove this I do not now intend to enter into an explanation of the +particulars of our struggle, which I had the honour to conduct, as the +chosen Chief Magistrate of my native land. It is highly gratifying to me +to find that the cause of Hungary is--excepting some ridiculous +misrepresentations of ill-will--correctly understood here. I will only +state now one fact, and that is, that our endeavours for independence +were crushed by the armed interference of a foreign despotic power--the +principle of all evil on earth--Russia. And stating this fact, I will +not again intrude upon you with my own views, but recall to your memory +the doctrines established by your own statesmen. Firstly--I return to +your great Washington. He says, in one of his letters to Lafayette, "My +policies are plain and simple; I think every nation has a right to +establish that form of government under which it conceives it can live +most happy; and that no government ought to interfere with the internal +concerns of another." Here I take my ground:--upon a principle of +Washington--a _principle_, not a mere temporary policy calculated +for the first twenty years of your infancy. Russia _has_ interfered +with the internal concerns of Hungary, and by doing so has violated the +policy of the United States, established as a lasting principle by +Washington himself. It is a lasting principle. I could appeal in my +support to the opinion of every statesman of the United States, of every +party, of every time; but to save time, I pass at once from the first +President of the United States to the last, and recall to your memory +this word of the present annual message of his Excellency President +Fillmore:--"Let every people choose for itself, and make and alter its +political institutions to suit its own condition and convenience." I beg +leave also to quote the statement of your present Secretary of State, +Mr. Webster, who, in his speech on the Greek question, speaks +thus:--"The law of nations maintains that in extreme cases resistance is +lawful, and that one nation has no right to interfere in the affairs of +another." Well, that precisely is the ground upon which we Hungarians +stand. + +But I may perhaps meet the objection (I am sorry to say I have met it +already)--"Well, we own that it has been violated by Russia in the case +of Hungary, but after all what is Hungary to us? Let every people take +care of itself, what is that to us?" So some speak: it is the old +doctrine of private egotism, "Every one for himself, and God for us +all." I will answer the objection again by the words of Mr. Webster, +who, in his speech on the Greek question, having professed that the +internal sovereignty of every nation is a law of nations--thus goes on, +"But it may be asked 'what is all that to us?' The question is easily +answered. _We are one of the nations_, and we as a nation have +precisely the same interest in international law as a private individual +has in the laws of his country." The principle which your honourable +Secretary of State professes, is a principle of eternal truth. No man +can disavow it, no political party can disavow it. Thus happily I am +able to address my prayers, not to a party, but to the whole people of +the United States, and will go on to do so as long as I have no reason +to regard one party as opposed or indifferent to my country's cause. + +But from certain quarters it may be avowed, "Well, we acknowledge every +nation's sovereign right; we acknowledge it to be a law of nations that +no foreign power interfere in the affairs of another, and we are +determined to respect this common law of mankind; but if others do not +respect that law it is not ours to meddle with them." Let me answer by +an analysis:--_Every nation has the same interest in international, +law as a private individual has in the laws of his country_. That is +an acknowledged principle with your statesmen. What then is the latter +relation? Does it suffice that an individual do not himself violate the +law? Must he not so far as is in his power also prevent others from +violating the law? Suppose you see that a wicked man is about to rob--to +murder your neighbour, or to burn his house, will you wrap yourself in +your own virtuous lawfulness, and say, "I myself neither rob, nor +murder, nor burn; but what others do is not my concern. I am not my +brother's keeper. _I sympathize with him_; but I am not called on to +save him from being robbed, murdered, or burnt." What honest man of the +world would answer so? None of you. None of the people of the United +States, I am sure. That would be the damned maxim of the Pharisees of +old, who thanked God that they were not as others were. Our Saviour was +not content himself to avoid trading in the hall of the temple, but he +drove out those who were trading there. + +The duty of enforcing observance to the common law of nations has no +other _limit_ than the power to fulfil it. Of course the republic +of St. Marino, or the Prince of Monaco, cannot stop the Czar of Russia +in his ambitious annoyance. It was ridiculous when the Prince of Modena +refused to recognize the government of Louis Philippe--"but to whom much +is given, from him will much be expected," says the Lord. Every +condition has not only its rights, but also its own duties; and whatever +exists as a power on earth, is in duty a part of the executive +government of mankind, called to maintain the law of nations. Woe, a +thousandfold woe to humanity, should there be no force on earth to +maintain the laws of humanity. Woe to humanity, should those who are as +mighty as they are free, not feel interested to maintain the laws of +mankind, because they are rightful laws,--but only in so far as some +partial money-interests would desire it. Woe to mankind if every despot +of the world may dare to trample down the laws of humanity, and no free +nation make these laws respected. People of the United States, humanity +expects that your glorious republic will prove to the world, that +_republics are founded on virtue_--it expects to see you the +guardians of the laws of humanity. + +I will come to the last possible objection. I may be told, "You are +right in your principles, your cause is just, and you have our sympathy, +but, after all, we _cannot_ go to war for your country; we cannot +furnish you armies and fleets; we cannot fight your battle for you." +There is the rub! Who can exactly tell what would have been the issue of +your own struggle for independence (though your country was in a far +happier geographical position than we, poor Hungarians), had France +given such an answer to your forefathers in 1778 and 1781, instead of +sending to your aid a fleet of thirty-eight men-of-war, and auxiliary +troops, and 24,000 muskets, and a loan of nineteen millions? And what +was far more than all this, did it not show that France resolved with +all its power to espouse the cause of your independence? But, perhaps, I +shall be told that France did this, not out of love of freedom, but out +of hatred against England. Well, let it be; but let me then ask, shall +the curse of olden times--hatred--be more efficient in the destinies of +mankind than love of freedom, principles of justice, and the laws of +humanity? And is America in the days of steam navigation more distant +from Europe to-day, than France was from America seventy-three years +ago? However, I most solemnly declare that it is not my intention to +rely literally upon this example. It is not my wish to entangle the +United States in war, or to engage your great people to send out armies +and fleets to raise up and restore Hungary. Not at all, gentlemen; I +most solemnly declare that I have never entertained such expectations or +such hopes; and here I come to the practical point. + +The principle of evil in Europe is the enervating spirit of Russian +absolutism. Upon this rests the daring boldness of every petty tyrant to +trample upon oppressed nations, and to crush liberty. To this Moloch of +ambition has my native land fallen a victim. It is with this that +Montalembert threatens the French republicans. It was Russian +intervention in Hungary which governed French intervention in Rome, and +gave German tyrants hardihood to crush all the endeavours for freedom +and unity in Germany. The despots of the European continent are leagued +against the freedom of the world. That is A MATTER OF FACT. The second +matter of fact is that the European continent is on the eve of a new +revolution. It is not necessary to be initiated in the secret +preparations of the European democracy to be aware of that approaching +contingency. It is pointed out by the French constitution itself, +prescribing a new Presidential election for the next spring. Now, +suppose that the ambition of Louis Napoleon, encouraged by Russian +secret aid, awaits this time (_which I scarcely believe_), and +suppose that there should be a Republic in France; of course the first +act of the new French President must be, at least, to recall the French +troops from Rome. Nobody can doubt that a revolution in Italy will +follow. Or if there is no peaceful solution in France, but a revolution, +then every man knows that whenever the heart of France boils up, the +pulsation is felt throughout Europe, and oppressed nations once more +rise, and Russia again interferes. + +Now I humbly ask, with the view of these circumstances before your eyes, +can it be convenient to such a great power as this glorious Republic, to +await the very outbreak, and not until then to discuss and decide on +your foreign policy? There may come, as under the last President, at a +late hour, agents to see how matters stand in Hungary. Russian +interference and treason achieved what the sacrilegious Hapsburg dynasty +failed to achieve. You know the old words, "While Rome debated, Saguntum +fell." So I respectfully press upon you my FIRST entreaty: it is, that +your people will in good time express to your central government what +course of foreign policy it wishes to be pursued in the case of the +approaching events I have mentioned. And I most confidently hope that +there is only one course possible, consistently with the above recorded +principles. If you acknowledge that the right of every nation to alter +its institutions and government is a law of nations--if you acknowledge +the interference of foreign powers in that sovereign right to be a +violation of the law of nations, as you really do--if you are +_forbidden to remain indifferent_ to this violation of international +law (as your President openly professes that you are)--then there +is no other course possible than neither to interfere in that +sovereign right of nations, nor to allow any other powers +whatever to interfere. + +But you will perhaps object to me, "That amounts to going to war." I +answer: no--that amounts to preventing war. What is wanted to that +effect? It is wanted, that, being aware of the precarious condition of +Europe, your national government should, as soon as possible, send +instructions to your Minister at London, to declare to the English +government that the United States, acknowledging the sovereign right of +every nation to dispose of its own domestic concerns, have resolved not +to interfere, but also not to let any foreign power whatever interfere +with this sovereign right in order to repress the spirit of freedom in +any country. Consequently, to invite the Cabinet of St. James's into +this policy, and declare that the United States are resolved to act +conjointly with England in that decision, in the approaching crisis of +the European continent. Such is my FIRST humble request. If the citizens +of the United States, instead of honouring me with the offers of their +hospitality, would be pleased to pass convenient resolutions, and to +ratify them to their national government--if the press would hasten to +give its aid, and in consequence the national government instructed its +Minister in England accordingly, and by communication to the Congress, +as it is wont, give publicity to this step, I am entirely sure that you +would find the people of Great Britain heartily joining this direction +of policy. No power could feel peculiarly offended by it; no existing +relation would be broken or injured: and still any future interference +of Russia against the restoration of Hungary to that independence which +was formally declared in 1849 would be prevented, Russian arrogance and +preponderance would be checked, and the oppressed nations of Europe soon +become free. + +There may be some over-anxious men, who perhaps would say, "But if such +a declaration of your government were not respected, and Russia still +did interfere, then you would be obliged by this previous declaration, +to go to war; and you don't desire to have a war." That objection seems +to me as if somebody were to say, "If the vault of heaven breaks down, +what shall we do?" My answer is, "But it will not break down." Even so I +answer. But your declaration _will_ be respected--Russia will not +interfere--you will have no occasion for war--you will have prevented +war. Be sure Russia would twice, thrice consider, before provoking +against itself, besides the roused judgment of nations--(to say nothing +of the legions of republican France)--the English "Lion" and the +star-surrounded "Eagle" of America. Remember that you, in conjunction +with England, once before declared that you would not permit European +absolutism to interfere with the formerly Spanish colonies of America. +Did this declaration bring you to a war? quite the contrary; it +prevented war. So it would be in our case also. Let me therefore most +humbly entreat you, people of the United States, to give such practical +direction to your generous sympathy for Hungary, as to arrange meetings +and pass such resolutions, in every possible place of this Union, as I +took the liberty to mention above. + +The SECOND measure which I beg leave to mention, has reference to +commercial interest. In later times a doctrine has stolen into the code +of international law, which is as contrary to the commercial interests +of nations as to their independence. The pettiest despot of the world is +permitted to exclude your commerce from whatever port he pleases. He +has only to arrange the blockade, and your commerce is shut out; or, if +captured Venice, bleeding Lombardy, or my prostrate but resolute +Hungary, rises to shake off the Austrian tyrant's yoke (as surely they +will), that tyrant believes he has the right, from that very moment, to +exclude your commerce from the uprisen nation. Now, this is an +absurdity--a tyrannical invention of tyrants violating your +interest--your independence. The United States have not always regarded +things from the despotic point of view. I find, in a note of Mr. +Everett, Minister of the United States in Spain, dated "Madrid, Jan. 20, +1826," these words:--"In the war between Spain and the Spanish American +colonies, the United States have freely granted to _both_ parties +the hospitality of their ports and territory, and have allowed the +agents of _both_ to procure within their jurisdiction, in the way +of lawful trade, _any_ supplies which suited their convenience." +Now, gentlemen, this is the principle which humanity expects, for your +own and for mankind's benefit, to see maintained by you, and not yonder +fatal course, which permits tyrants to draw from your country every +facility for the oppression of their nations, but forbids nations to buy +the means of defence. That was not the principle of your Washington. +When he speaks of harmony, of friendly intercourse, and of peace, he +always takes care to apply his ideas to _nations_, and not to +_governments_--still less to tyrants who subdue nations by foreign +arms. The sacred word Nation, with all its natural rights, should not be +blotted out, at least from _your_ political dictionary: and yet I +am sorry to see that the word nation is often replaced by the word +Government. Gentlemen, I humbly wish that the public opinion of the +people of the United States, conscious of its own rights, should loudly +and resolutely declare that the people of the United States will +continue its commercial intercourse with any or every nation, be it in +revolution against its oppressors or be it not; and that the people of +the United States expect confidently, that its government will provide +for the protection of your trade. I feel assured, that your national +government, seeing public opinion so pronounced, will judge it +convenient to augment your naval forces in the Mediterranean: and to +look for some such station for it as would not force the navy of +republican America to make disavowals inconsistent with republican +principles or republican dignity, only because King So-and-So, be he +even the cursed King of Naples, grants the favour of an anchoring place +for the naval forces of your republic. I believe your illustrious +country should everywhere freely unfurl the star-spangled banner of +liberty, with all its congenial principles, and not make itself in any +respect dependent on the glorious smiles of the Kings Bomba et Compagne. + +The THIRD object of my wishes, gentlemen, is the recognition of the +independence of Hungary when the critical moment arrives. Your own +declaration of independence proclaims the right of every nation to +assume among the powers of the earth the separate and equal station to +which "the laws of nature and nature's God" entitle them. The political +existence of your glorious republic is founded upon this principle, upon +this right. Our nation stands upon the same ground: there is a striking +resemblance between your cause and that of my country. On the 4th July, +1776, John Adams spoke thus in your Congress, "Sink or swim, live or +die, survive or perish, I am for this declaration. In the beginning we +did not go so far as separation from the Crown, but 'there is a divinity +which shapes our ends.'" These noble words were present to my mind on +the 14th April, 1849, when I moved the forfeiture of the Crown by the +Hapsburgs in the National Assembly of Hungary. Our condition was the +same; and if there be any difference, I venture to say it is in favour +of us. Your country, before this declaration, was not a +_self-consisting independent_ State. Hungary was. Through the +lapse of a thousand years, through every vicissitude of this long +period, while nations vanished and empires fell, _the self-consisting +independence of Hungary was never disputed_, but was recognized by +all powers of the earth, sanctioned by treaties made with the Hapsburg +dynasty, at the era when this dynasty, by the freewill of my nation, +which acted as one of two contracting parties, was invested with the +kingly crown of Hungary. Even more, this independence of the kingdom was +acknowledged to make a part of the international law of Europe, and was +guaranteed not only by foreign European governments, such as Great +Britain, but also by several of those once constitutional states which +belonged formerly to the German, and after its dissolution, to the +Austrian empire. + +This independent condition of Hungary is clearly defined in one of our +fundamental laws of 1791, in these words:--"Hungary is a free and +independent kingdom, having its own self-consistent existence and +constitution, and not subject[*] to any other nation or country in the +world." This therefore was our ancient right. _We were not dependent +on, nor a part of, the Austrian empire, as your country was dependent on +England._ It was clearly defined that we owed to Austria nothing but +good neighbourhood, and the only tie between us and Austria was, that we +elected to be our kings the same dynasty which were also the sovereigns +of Austria, and occupied the same line of hereditary succession as our +kings; but by accepting this; our forefathers, with the consent of the +King, again declared, that though Hungary accepts the dynasty as our +hereditary kings, all the other franchises, rights, and laws of the +nation shall remain in full power and intact; and our country shall not +be governed like the other dominions of that dynasty, but according to +our constitutionally established authorities. We could not belong to +"the Austrian Empire," for that empire did not then as yet exist, while +Hungary had already existed as a substantive kingdom for many centuries, +and for some two hundred and eighty years under the government of that +Hapsburgian dynasty. The Austrian Empire, as you know, was established +only in 1806, when the Rhenish confederacy of Napoleon struck the +deathblow of the German empire, of which Francis II. of Austria, was not +_hereditary_ but _elected_ Emperor. That Hungary had belonged +to the _German_ empire is a thing which no man in the world ever +imagined yet. It is only now that the Hapsburgian tyrant professes an +intention to melt Hungary into the German Confederation; but you know +this intention to be in so striking opposition to the European public +law, that England and France solemnly protested against it, so that it +is not carried out even to-day. The German Empire having died, its late +Emperor Francis, also King of Hungary, chose to entitle himself Austrian +Emperor, in 1806; but even in that fundamental charter he solemnly +declared that Hungary and its annexed provinces _are not intended to +make, and will not make, a part of the Austrian Empire_. Subsequently +he entered with this empire into the German Confederation, but Hungary, +as well as Lombardy and Venice, not making part of the Austrian empire, +still remained separated, and were not received into the confederacy. + +[Footnote *: In the original Latin, _obnoxium_, "not entangled, or +compromised, with any other."] + +The laws which we succeeded to carry in 1848, of course altered nothing +in that old chartered condition of Hungary. We transformed the +peasantry into freeholders, and abolished feudal incumbrances. We +replaced the political privileges of aristocracy by the common liberty +of the whole people; gave to the people at large representation in the +legislature; transformed our municipalities into democratic +corporations; introduced equality before the law for the whole people in +rights and duties, and abolished the immunity of taxation which had been +enjoyed by the class called _Noble_; secured equal religious +liberty to all, secured liberty of the press and of association, +provided for public gratuitous instruction of the whole people of every +confession and of whatever tongue. In all this we did no wrong. All +these were, as you see, internal reforms which did not at all interfere +with our allegiance to the king and were carried lawfully in peaceful +legislation _with the king's own sanction_. Besides this there was +one other thing which was carried. We were formerly governed by a Board +of Council, which had the express duty to govern according to our laws, +and be responsible for doing so; but we found by long experience that a +Corporation cannot really be responsible; and that this was the reason +why the absolutist tendency of the dynasty succeeded in encroaching upon +our liberty. So we replaced the Board of Council by Ministers; the empty +responsibility of a Board by the individual responsibility of men--and +_the king consented to it_. I myself was named by him Minister of +the Treasury. That is all. But precisely here was the rub. The dynasty +could not bear the idea that we would not give to its ambition the life +sweat of our people; it was not contented with the 1,500,000 dollars +which were generously appropriated to it yearly. It dreaded that it +would be disabled in future from using our brave army, against our will, +to crush the spirit of freedom in the world. Therefore it resorted to +the most outrageous conspiracy, and attacked us by arms, and upon +receiving a false report of a great victory this young usurper issued a +proclamation declaring that Hungary shall no more exist--that its +independence, its constitution, its very existence is abolished, and it +shall be absorbed, like a farm or fold, into the Austrian Empire. To all +this Hungary answered, "Thou shalt not exist, tyrant, but we will;" and +we banished him, and issued the declaration of the deposition of his +dynasty, and of our separate independence. + +So you see, gentlemen, that there is a very great difference between +your declaration and ours--it is in our favour. There is another +difference; you declared your independence of the English crown when it +was yet very doubtful whether you would be successful. We declared our +independence of the Austrian crown only after we, in legitimate defence, +were already victorious; when we had actually beaten the pretender, and +had thus already proved that we had strength to become an independent +power. One thing more: our declaration of independence was not only +overwhelmingly voted in our Congress, but every county, every +municipality, solemnly declared its consent and adherence to it; so it +became sanctioned, not by mere representatives, but by the whole nation +positively, and by the fundamental institutions of Hungary. And so it +still remains. Nothing has since happened on the part of the nation +contrary to this declaration. One thing only happened,--a foreign +power, Russia, came with its armed bondsmen, and, aided by treason, has +overthrown us for a while. Now, I put the question before God and +humanity to you, free sovereign people of America, can this violation of +international law abolish the legitimate character of our declaration of +independence? If not, then here I take my ground, because I am in this +very manifesto entrusted with the charge of Governor of my fatherland. I +have sworn, before God and my nation, to endeavour to maintain and +secure this act of independence. And so may God the Almighty help me as +I will--I will, until my nation is again in the condition to dispose of +its government, which I confidently trust,--yea, more, I know,--will be +republican. And then I retire to the humble condition of my former +private life, equalling, in one thing at least, your Washington, not in +merits, but in honesty. That is the only ambition of my life. Amen. +Here, then, is my THIRD humble wish: that the people of the United +States would, by all constitutional means of its wonted public life, +declare that, acknowledging the legitimacy of our independence, it is +anxious to greet Hungary amongst the independent powers of the earth, +and invites the government of the United States to recognize this +independence _at the earliest convenient time_. That is all. Let +me see the principle announced: the rest may well be left to the wisdom +of your government, with some confidence in my own respectful discretion +also. + +So much for the people of the United States, in its public and political +capacity. But if that sympathy which I have the honour to meet with is +really intended to become beneficial, there is one humble wish more +which I entertain: it is a respectful appeal to generous feeling. +Gentlemen, I would rather starve than rely, for myself and family, on +foreign aid; but for my country's Freedom, I would not be ashamed to go +begging from door to door. I have taken the advice of some kind friends +whether it be lawful to express such a humble request, for I feel it an +honourable duty neither to offend nor to evade your laws. I am told it +is lawful. There are two means to see this my humble wish accomplished. +The first is, by spontaneous subscription; the second is, by a loan. The +latter may require private consultation in a narrower circle. As to +subscriptions, the idea was brought home to my mind by a plain but very +generous letter, which I had the honour to receive, and which I beg to +read. It is as follows:-- + +CINCINNATI, O., Nov. 14, 1851. + +M. LOUIS KOSSUTH, Governor of Hungary:--Sir--I have authorized the +office of the Ohio Life Insurance and Trust Company, in New York, to +honour your draft on me for one thousand dollars. Respectfully yours, W. +SMEAD. + +I beg leave here publicly to return my most humble thanks to the +gentleman, for his ample aid, and the delicate manner in which he +offered it; and it came to my mind, that where one individual is ready +to make such sacrifices to my country's cause, there may perhaps be many +who would give their small share to it, if they were only apprised that +it will be thankfully accepted, however small it may be. And it came to +my mind, that millions of drops make an ocean, and the United States +number many millions of inhabitants, all warmly attached to liberty. A +million dollars, paid singly, would be to me far _more_ precious +than paid in one single draft; for it would practically show the +sympathy of the people at large. Would I were so happy as your +Washington was, when he also, for your glorious country's sake, in the +hours of your need, called to France for money. + +Sir, I have done. I came to your shores an exile: you have poured upon +me the triumph of a welcome such as the world has never yet seen. And +why? Because you took me for the representative of that principle of +liberty which God has destined to become the common benefit of all +humanity. It is glorious to see a free and mighty people so greet the +principle of freedom, in the person of one who is persecuted and +helpless. Be blessed for it! Your generous deed will be recorded; and as +millions of Europe's oppressed nations will, even now, raise their +thanksgiving to God for this ray of hope, which by this act you have +thrown on the dark night of their fate; even so, through all posterity, +oppressed men will look to your memory as to a token of God that there +is a hope for freedom on earth, since there is a people like you to feel +its worth and to support its cause. + + * * * * * + +VIII.--ON NATIONALITIES. + +[_Speech at the Banquet of the Press, New York_.] + +At this Banquet, Mr. Bryant, the poet, presided, and numerous speeches +were delivered, among which was one by the well-known author, Mr. +Bancroft, lately ambassador in England. This gentleman closed by saying, +that when the illustrious Governor of Hungary uttered the solemn truth, +that Europe had no hope but in republican institutions--that was a +renunciation to the world that the Austrian monarchy was sick and dying, +and that vitality remained in the people alone. And as he uttered that +truth, not his own race only--not the Magyars only, but every +nationality of Hungary, all the fifteen or twenty millions within its +limits--all cried out that he was the representative of their +convictions--that he was the man of their affections, that he was the +utterer of truths on which they relied. + +Our guest crosses the Atlantic, and he is received; and what is the +great fact that constitutes his reception? He finds there the military +arranged to do him honour. And among those who, on that day, bore arms, +were men of every tongue that is spoken between the steppes of Tartary, +eastward, towards the Pacific ocean. The great truth that was pronounced +on that occasion--I do not fear to utter it--was, let who will cavil, +_la solidarite des peuples_--the sublime truth that all men are +brothers--that all nations, too, are brethren, and are responsible for +one another. + +The chairman also spoke eloquently in introducing the third toast, which +was briefly, LOUIS KOSSUTH. As Mr. Bryant pronounced his name, Kossuth +rose, and was received with multifarious demonstrations of enthusiasm. +At last he proceeded as follows:-- + +Gentlemen.--I know that in your hands the Independent Republican Press +is a weapon to defend truth and justice, a torch lit at the fire of +immortality, a spark of which glisters in every man's soul and proves +its divine origin: and as the cause of my country is just and true, and +wants nothing but light to secure support from every friend of freedom, +every noble-minded man,--for this reason I address you with joy, +gentlemen. + +Though it is sorrowful to see how Austrian intrigues, distorting plain +open history into a tissue of falsehood, find their way even into the +American press, I am proud and happy that the immense majority of you, +conscious of your noble vocation and instinct with the generosity of +freedom, protect our sacred rights against the dark plots of tyranny. +Your Independent Press has likewise proved that its freedom is the most +efficient protection even against calumny; a far better one than +restrictive prevention, which condemns the human intellect to eternal +minority. + +I address you, gentlemen, with the greater joy, because through you I +have the invaluable benefit of reaching the whole of your great, +glorious, and free people. + +Eighty years ago the immortal Franklin's own press was almost the only +one in the colonies: now you have above three thousand newspapers, with +a circulation of five millions of copies. I am told that the journals of +New York State alone exceed in number those of all the rest of the world +outside of your great Union, and that the circulation of the newspapers +of this city alone nearly reaches that of the whole empire of Great +Britain! But, what is more,--I boldly declare that, except in the United +States, there is scarcely anywhere a practical freedom of the press. +Indeed, concerning Norway I am not quite aware. But throughout the +European continent you know how the press is fettered. In France, under +nominally republican government, all the fruits of victorious +revolutions are nipt by the blasting grip of _centralized_ +power,--legislative and administrative omnipotence. The independence of +the French press is crushed; the government cannot bear the free word of +public opinion; and in a republic, the shout "Vive la republique" is +become almost a crime. This is a mournful sight, but is an efficient +warning against centralization. It is chiefly Great Britain which boasts +of a free press; and assuredly in one sense the freedom is almost +unlimited: for I saw placards with the printer's name stating that Queen +Victoria is no lawful queen, and all those who rule ought to be hanged; +but men only laughed at the foolish extravagance. Nevertheless, I hope +the generous people of Great Britain will not be offended when I say +that their press is not practically free. Its freedom is not real, for +it is not a _common benefit_ to all: it is but a particular +benefit, that is, a _privilege_. Taxation there forbids the use of +newspapers to the poor. Absence of taxation enables your journals to be +published at one tenth, or even one twentieth, of the English price: +hence several of your daily papers reach from thirty to sixty thousand +readers, while in England one paper alone is on this scale,--the London +'Times,' which circulates thirty thousand, perhaps. Such being the +condition of your press, in addressing you I address a whole people; nor +only so, but a whole intelligent people. + +The wide diffusion of intelligence among you is in fact proved by the +immense circulation of your journals. It is not solely the cheap price +which renders your press a common benefit, and not a mere privilege to +the richer; but it is the universality of public instruction. It is +glorious to know that in this flourishing young city alone nearly a +hundred thousand children receive public education annually. Do you +know, gentlemen, what I consider to be your most glorious monument? if +it be, as I have read, that, when your engineers draw geometrical lines +to guide your wandering squatters in the solitudes where virgin Nature +adores her Lord, they place on every thirty-sixth square of the district +marked out to be a township, a modest wooden pole with the glorious +mark, POPULAR EDUCATION. This is your proudest monument. In my opinion, +not your geographical situation, not your material power, not the bold +enterprizing spirit of your people, is the chief guarantee of their +future; but the universality of education: for a whole people, once +become intelligent, never can consent not to be free. You will always be +willing to be free, and you are great and powerful enough to be as good +as your will. + +My humble prayers in my country's cause I address to your entire nation: +but you, gentlemen, are the engineers through whom my cause must reach +them. It is therefore highly gratifying to me to see, not isolated men, +but the powerful complex of the great word PRESS, granting me this +important manifestation of generous sentiment. I beg you to consider, +that whatever and wherever I speak, is _always_ spoken to the +press; and for all the imperfections of my language let me plead for +your indulgence, as one of your professional colleagues: for indeed such +I have been. + +Yes, gentlemen; I commenced my public career as a journalist. You, under +your happy institutions, know not the torment of writing with hands +fettered by an Austrian censor. To sit at the desk, with a heart full of +the necessity of the moment, a conscience stirred with righteous +feeling, a mind animated with convictions and principles, and a whole +soul warmed by a patriot's fire;--to see before your eyes the scissors +of the censor ready to lop your ideas, maim your arguments, murder your +thoughts, render vain your laborious days and sleepless nights;--to know +that the people will judge you, not by what you have felt, thought, +written, but by what the censor will let you say;--to perceive that the +prohibition has no rule or limit but the arbitrary pleasure of a man who +is doomed by profession to be a coward and a fool;--oh! his little +scissors suspended over one are a worse misery than the sword of +Damocles. Oh! to go on, day by day, in such a work of Sisyphus, believe +me, is no small sacrifice of any intelligent man to fatherland and +humanity. And this is the present condition of the press, not in Hungary +only, but in all countries cursed by Austrian rule. Indeed, our recent +reforms gave freedom of the press, not to my fatherland only, but +indirectly to Vienna, Prague, Lemberg; in a word, to the whole empire of +Austria and this must ensure your sympathy to us. Contrariwise, the +interference of Russia has crushed the press on the whole European +continent. Freedom of the press is incompatible with the preponderance +of Russia, and with the very existence of the Austrian dynasty, the +sworn enemy of every liberal thought. This must engage your generous +support to sweep away those tyrants, and to raise liberty where now foul +oppression rules. + +Some time back there appeared in certain New York papers systematic +falsehoods, which went so far as to state that we, the Hungarians, had +struggled for oppression, while it was the Austrian dynasty which stood +up for liberty! Such effrontery astonishes even one who has seen +Russian treacheries. We may be misrepresented, scorned, jeered at, +censured. Our martyrs, whose blood cries for revenge, may be laughed at +as fools. Heroes, who will command the veneration of history, may be +called Don Quixotes. But that among freemen and professed republicans +even the honour of an unfortunate nation, in its most mournful +suffering, should not be sacred,--that is indeed a sorrowful page in +human history. + +You cannot expect me to enter into a special refutation of this compound +of calumnies. I may reserve it for my pen. But inasmuch as the basis of +all the calumnies lies in general ignorance concerning the relation of +the Magyars to other races of Hungary, permit me to speak on the +question of NATIONALITIES, a false theory of which plays so mischievous +a part in the destinies of Europe. No word has been more misrepresented +than the word Nationality, which is become in the hands of absolutism a +dangerous instrument against liberty. + +Let me ask you, gentlemen: are you, the people of the United States, a +_nation_, or not? Have you a _national_ government, or not? +You answer, yes: and yet you are not all of one blood, nor of one +language. Millions of you speak English; others French, German, Italian, +Spanish, Danish, and even several Indian dialects: yet you are a nation. +Neither your central government, nor those of separate states, nor your +municipalities, legislate or administer in every language spoken among +you; yet you have a national government. + +Now, suppose many of you were struck with the curse of Babel, and +exclaimed, "This union is an oppression! our laws, our institutions, our +state and city governments, are an oppression! What is union to us? what +are rights? what avail laws? what is freedom? what is geography? what +is community of interests to us? They are all nothing; LANGUAGE is +everything. Let us divide the Union, divide the states, divide the very +cities, divide the whole territory, according to languages. Let the +people of every language become a separate state: for every nation has a +right to national life, and to us, the language, and nothing else, is +the nationality. Unless the state is founded upon language, its +organization is tyranny." + +What then would become of your great Union? What of your constitution, +the glorious legacy of your greatest man? What of those immortal stars +on mankind's moral sky? What would become of your country itself, +whence the spirit of freedom soars into light, and rising hope +irradiates the future of humanity? What would become of this grand, +mighty complex of your republic, should her integrity ever be rent by +the fanatics of language? Where now she walks among the rising temples +of liberty and happiness, she soon would tread upon ruins, and mourn +over human hopes. But happy art then, free nation of America, founded on +the only solid basis,--liberty! a principle steady as the world, eternal +as the truth, universal for every climate, for every time, like +Providence. Tyrants are not in the midst of you to throw the apple of +discord and raise hatred in this national family, hatred of +_races_, that curse of humanity, that venomous ally of despotism. +Glorious it is to see the oppressed of diverse countries,--diverse in +language, history, habits,--wandering to these shores, and becoming +members of this great nation, regenerated by the principle of common +liberty. + +If language alone makes a nation, then there is no great nation on +earth: for there is no country whose population is counted by millions, +but speaks more than one language. No! It is not language only. +Community of interests, of rights, of duties, of history, but chiefly +community of institutions; by which a population, varying perhaps in +tongue and race, is bound together through daily intercourse in the +towns, which are the centres and home of commerce and industry:--besides +these, the very mountain-ranges, the system of rivers and streams,--the +soil, the dust of which is mingled with the mortal remains of those +ancestors who bled on the same field, for the same interests, the common +inheritance of glory and of woe, the community of laws and institutions, +common freedom or common oppression:--all this enters into the complex +idea of Nationality. + +That this is instinctively felt by the common sense of the people, +nowhere is more manifestly shown than at this very moment in my native +land. Hungary was declared by Francis Joseph of Austria _no more to +exist_ as a Nation, no more as a State. It was and is put under +martial law. Strangers, aliens to our laws and history as well as to our +tongue, rule now, where our fathers lived and our brothers bled. To be a +Hungarian is become almost a crime in our own native land. Well: to +justify before the world the extinction of Hungary, the partition of its +territory, and the reincorporating of the dissected limbs into the +common body of servitude, the treacherous dynasty was anxious to show +that the Hungarians are in a minority in their own land. They hoped that +intimidation and terrorism would induce even the very Magyars to disavow +their language and birth. They ordered a census of races to be made. +They performed it with the iron rule of martial law; and dealt so +arbitrarily that thousands of women and men, who professed to be +Magyars, who professed not to know any other language than the Magyar, +were, notwithstanding all their protestation, put down as Sclaves, +Serbs, Germans, or Wallachians, because their names had not quite a +Hungarian sound. And still what was the issue of this malignant plot? +That of the twelve millions of inhabitants of Hungary proper, the +Magyars turned out to be more than eight millions, some two millions +more than we know the case really is. The people instinctively felt that +the tyrant had the design through the pretext of language to destroy the +existence of the complex nation, and it met the tyrannic plot as if it +answered, "We are, and must be, a nation; and if the tyrant takes +language only for the mark of nationality, then we are all Magyars." And +mark well, gentlemen! this happened, not under my governorship, but +under the rule of Austrian martial law. The Cabinet of Vienna became +furious; it thought of a new census, but prudent men told them that a +new census would give the whole twelve millions as Magyars; thus no new +census was taken. + +But on the European continent there unhappily has grown up a school, +which bound the idea of nationality to the idea of language only, and +joined political pretensions to it. There are some who advocate the +theory that existing States must cease, and the territories of the world +be divided anew by languages and nations, separated by tongues. + +You are aware that this idea, if it were not impracticable, would be a +curse to humanity--a deathblow to civilization and progress, and throw +back mankind by centuries. It would be an eternal source of strife and +war: for there is a holy, almost religious tie, by which man's heart is +bound to his home, and no man would ever consent to abandon his native +land only because his neighbours speak another language than himself. +His heart claims that sacred spot where the ashes of his fathers +lie--where his own cradle stood--where he dreamed the happy dreams of +youth, and where nature itself bears a mark of his manhood's toil. The +idea were worse than the old migration of nations was. Nothing but +despotism would rise out of such a fanatical strife of all mankind. + +And really it is very curious. Nobody of the advocates of this +mischievous theory is willing to yield to it for himself--but others he +desires to yield to it. Every Frenchman becomes furious when his Alsace +is claimed to Germany by the right of language--or the borders of his +Pyrenees to Spain--but there are some amongst the very men who feel +revolted at this idea, who claim of Germany that it should yield up +large territory because one part of the inhabitants speak a different +tongue, and would claim from Hungary to divide its territory, which God +himself has limited by its range of mountains and the system of streams, +as also by all the links of a community of more than a thousand years; +to cut off our right hand, Transylvania, and to give it up to the +neighbouring Wallachia, to cut out like Shylock one pound of our very +breast--the Banat--and the rich country between the Danube and +Theiss--to augment by it Turkish Serbia and so forth. It is the new +ambition of conquest, but an easy conquest not by arms, but by language. + +So much I know, at least, that this absurd idea cannot, and will not, be +advocated by any man here in the United States; which did not open its +hospitable shores to humanity, and greet the flocking millions of +emigrants with the right of a citizen, in order that the Union may be +cut to pieces, and even your single States divided into new-framed, +independent countries according to languages. + +And do you know, gentlemen, whence this absurd theory sprang up on the +European Continent? It was the idea of Panslavismus--that is the idea +that the mighty stock of Sclavonic races is called to rule the world, as +once the Roman did. It was a Russian plot--it was a dark design to make +out of national feelings a tool to Russian preponderance over the world. + +Perhaps you are not aware of the historical origin of this plot. It was +after that most immortal act of tyranny, the third division of Poland, +that the chance of fate brought the Prince Czartorinsky, to the Court of +Catherine of Russia. He subsequently became minister of Alexander the +Czar. It was in this quality that, with the noble aim to benefit his +fallen fatherland, he claimed from the young Czar the restoration of +Poland, suggesting for equivalent the idea of Russian preponderance over +all nations of the old Sclavonic race. I believe his intention was +sincere; I believe he did not mean to overlook those natural borders, +which, besides the affinity of language, God himself has drawn between +the nations. But he forgot that he might be no longer able to master +the spirits which he would raise, and that an undesired fanaticism might +force sundry fantastical shapes into his framework, by which the frame +itself must burst in pieces. He forgot that Russian preponderance cannot +be propitious to liberty; he forgot that it cannot be favourable even to +the development of the Sclave nationality, because Sclavonic nations +would by this idea be degraded into mere Russians, that is, absorbed by +despotism. + +Russia got hold of the fanciful idea very readily! May be that young +Alexander had in the first moment noble inclinations; the warm heart of +youth is susceptible to noble instincts. It is not common in history to +find young princes so premature in tyranny as Francis-Joseph of Austria. +But a few years of power were sufficient to extinguish every spark of +noble sentiment, if there was one, in Alexander's heart. Upon the +throne of the Romanoffs the man is soon absorbed by the Autocrat. The +traditional policy of St. Petersburg is not an atmosphere in which the +plant of regeneration can grow, and the fanciful idea became soon a +weapon of oppression and of Russian preponderance--Russia availed +herself of the idea of Panslavism to break Turkey down, and to make an +obedient satellite out of Austria. Turkey still withstands her, but +Austria has fallen into the snare. Russia sent out its agents, its +moneys, its venomous secret diplomacy; it whispered to the Sclave +nations about hatred against foreign dominion--about independence of +religion connected with nationality under its own supremacy; but chiefly +it spoke to them of Panslavism under the protectorate of the Czar. The +millions of his large empire also, all oppressed--all in servitude--all +a tool to his ambition; them too he flattered with the idea of becoming +rulers of the world, in order that they might not think of liberty: he +knew that man's breast cannot maintain in ascendancy two great passions +at once. He gave them ambition and excluded the spirit of liberty. This +ambition got hold of all the Sclave nations through Europe; so +Panslavism became the source of a movement, not of nationality, but of +the dominion of languages. That word "language" replaced every other +sentiment, and so it became a curse to the development of liberty. + +Only one part of the Sclavonic races saw the matter clear, and withstood +the current of this dark Russian plot. These were the Polish +Democrats--the only ones who understood that to fight for liberty is to +fight for nationality. Therefore they fought in our ranks, and were +willing to flock in thousands upon thousands to aid us in our struggle; +but we could not arm them, so I would not accept them. We ourselves had +a hundredfold more hands ready to fight than arms--and there was nobody +in the world to supply us with arms. + +Now let me see what was the condition of Hungary under these +circumstances. + +Eight hundred and fifty years ago, when the first King of Hungary, St. +Stephen, becoming Christian himself, converted the Hungarian nation to +Christianity, it was the Roman Catholic clergy of Germany whom he +invited to assist him in his pious work. They did assist him, but the +assistance, as happens with human nature, was accompanied by some +worldly designs. Hungary offered a wide field to the ambition of +foreigners, and they persuaded the King to adopt a curious principle, +which he laid down in his last Will and Testament--that it is not good +for the people of a country to be but of one extraction and speak but +one tongue. A second rule was, to adopt the language of the +Church--Latin--for the language of government, legislature, law and all +public proceedings. This is the origin of that fatality, that Democracy +did not grow up for centuries in Hungary. The public proceedings being +in Latin, the laws given in Latin, public instruction carried on in +Latin, the great mass of the people, who were agriculturists, did not +partake in any of this; and the few who in the ranks of the people +partook in it, became severed and alienated from the people's interests. +This dead Latin language, introduced into the public life of a living +nation, was the most mischievous barrier against liberty. The first +blow to it was stricken by the Reformation. The Protestant Church, +introducing the national language into the divine services, became a +medium to the development of the spirit of liberty, and so our ancient +struggles for religious liberty were always connected with the +maintenance of political rights. But still, Latin public life went on +down to 1780. At that time, Joseph of Hapsburg, aiming at +centralization, replaced the Latin by the German tongue. This roused the +national spirit of Hungary; and our forefathers seeing that the dead +Latin language, excluding the people from the public concerns, cannot be +propitious to liberty, and anxious to oppose the design of the Viennese +Cabinet to Germanize Hungary, and _so melt it into the common +absolutism of the Austrian dynasty_--I say, anxious to oppose this +design by a cheerful public life of the people itself, from the year +1790 began to pass laws in the direction that by-and-by, step by step, +the Latin language should be replaced in the public proceedings of the +Legislature and of the Government by a living language familiar to the +people itself. And what was more natural, than that, being in the +necessity to choose one language, they choose the Magyar? the more so, +since those who spoke Hungarian were not only more than those who spoke +any one of the other languages, but were if not more than, at least +equal to, all those who spoke several other languages together. + +Be so kind to mark well, gentlemen; no other language was oppressed--the +Hungarian language was enforced upon nobody. Wherever another language +was in use even in public life; of whatever Church--whatever popular +school--whatever community--it was not replaced by the Hungarian +language. It was only the dead Latin, which by-and-by became eliminated +from the diplomatic public life, and replaced by the living Hungarian in +Hungary. + +In Hungary, I say. Gentlemen, be pleased to mark: never was this measure +extended into the municipal life of Croatia and Sclavonia, which, though +belonging for 800 years to Hungary, still were not Hungary, but a race +with distinct local institutions. + +The Croatians and Sclavonians themselves repeatedly urged us in the +common parliament to afford them opportunity to learn the Hungarian +language, that, having the right, they might also enjoy the benefit, of +being employed in the government offices of our common Hungary. This +opportunity was afforded to them, but nobody was forced to make use of +it; while neither with their own municipal and public life, nor with the +domestic, social, religious life, of any other people in Hungary itself, +did the Hungarian language ever interfere. It replaced only the Latin +language, which no people spoke, and which was contrary to liberty, +because it excluded the millions from public life. Willing to give +freedom to the people, we expelled that Latin tongue; which was an +obstacle to its future. We did what every other nation in the old world +has done, clearing by it the way to the universal liberty. + +Your country is happy even in that respect. Being a young nation, you +did not find the Latin tongue in your way when you established this +Republic; so you did not want a law to eject it from your public life. +You have a living language, which is spoken in your Congress, in your +State Legislatures, and by which your Government rules. It is not the +native language of your whole people--and yet no man in the Union takes +it for an oppression that legislature and government is not carried on +in every language spoken in the United States. + +And one thing I have to mention yet. This replacing of the Latin +language by the Hungarian was not a work of our recent measures, it was +done before, step by step, from 1791. When we carried in 1848 our +democratic reforms, and gave political, social, civil, and full +religious freedom to the whole people, we extended our cares to the +equal protection of every tongue and race, affording to all equal right +to aid out of the public funds, for the moral, religious, and scientific +development in churches and in schools. Nay, we extended this even to +political affairs, sanctioning the free use of every tongue, in the +municipalities and communal corporations, as well as in the +administration of justice. The promulgation of the laws in every tongue, +the right to petition and to claim justice in each man's tongue, the +duty of the government to answer in the same, all this was granted, and +thus far more was done in that respect also, than any other nation ever +accorded to the claims of tongues; by far more than the United States +ever did, though there is no country in the world where so many +different languages are spoken as here. + +It is therefore the most calumnious misrepresentation to say that the +Hungarians struggled for the dominion of their own _race_. No; we +struggled for civil, political, social, and religious freedom, common to +all, against Austrian despotism. We struggled for the great principle +of _self-government against centralization_; because centralization +is absolutism; and is inconsistent with constitutional rights. Austria +has given the very proof of it. The House of Austria had never the +intention to grant constitutional life to the nations of Europe. I will +prove that on another occasion. But the friends of the Hapsburgs say, +it has granted a constitution--in March, 1849. Well, where is that +Constitution now? It was not only never executed, but it was, three +months ago, formally withdrawn. Even the word Ministry is blotted out +from the Dictionary of the Austrian government! Schwarzenberg is again +House, Court, and State Chancellor, as Metternich was; only Metternich +ruled not with the iron rule of martial law over the whole empire of +Austria as Schwarzenberg does. Metternich _encroached upon_ the +constitutional rights of Hungary, Transylvania, Croatia, and Slavonia. +Schwarzenberg has _abolished_ them, and young Francis-Joseph has +melted all the nations together into common bondage, where the promised +_equality of nationalities_ is carried out most literally, to be +sure, for they are all equally oppressed, and all are equally ruled by +absolutist principles and by the German language. And why was that +illusory constitution withdrawn? Because it was a lie from the +beginning; an impossibility. It was founded on the principle of +centralization. It centralized thirteen different nations, which had had +no political history in common, except to have groaned under Austrian +rule. Under such circumstances to have a common life was an absurdity +augmented by deceit. + +I cannot exhaust this vast topic in one speech. We want Republican +institutions, so founded on self-government everywhere, that the people +themselves may be sovereign everywhere. This is the cause, for which I +humbly request your protecting aid. It is the cause of oppressed Europe. +It is the cause of Germany, bleeding under some thirty petty tyrants who +lean on that league of despots, the basis of which is Petersburg. It is +the cause of fair, but unfortunate Italy, which in so many respects is +now dear to our heart. We have a common enemy; so we are brothers in +arms for freedom and independence. I know how Italy is situated; and I +dare confidently to declare, there is no hope for Italy, but in that +great republican party, at the head of which Mazzini stands. It has +nothing to do with communistical schemes, or the French doctrines of +Socialism: but it wills, that Italy be free and republican. Whither else +could Italy look for freedom and independence, if not to that party +which Mazzini leads? To the King of Naples perhaps? Let me be silent +about that execrated man. Or to the dynasty of Sardinia and Piedmont? +This professes to be constitutional; yet it captures those poor +Hungarian soldiers who seek an asylum in Piedmont,--captures, and +delivers them to Austria to be shot: and they _are_ shot, +increasing the number of those 3742 martyrs whom Radetzky murdered on +the scaffold during three short years. The House of Savoy is become the +blood-hound of Austria against fugitive Hungarians. + +Gentlemen, the generous sympathy of public opinion here (God be +blessed!) is strongly aroused to the wrongs and sufferings of Hungary. I +look to _your_ aid to keep that sympathy alive,--to urge the +formation of societies to collect funds and support a loan,--to move in +favour of the propositions which I had the honour to express at the +Corporation Banquet. Consider not the weakness of my address, but only +the strength of my cause; and following the generous impulse of your +republican hearts, accord to it the protective aid of the free +independent Press. Then I may yet see fulfilled the noble words of your +Chairman's poetry:-- + + Truth crush'd to earth shall rise again; + The eternal years of God are hers; + But error, wounded, writhes in pain, + And dies _among_.... + (let me add, Sir,).. _with all_ her worshippers. + +In the course of the same evening, one of the toasts drunk was, "To the +Political Exiles of Europe," to which Michael Doheny, Esq., an Irish +exile, first responded, in a speech full of animosity against England. +After him Mr. DANA made the following speech, which may be a useful +comment on that of Kossuth. + +My friend, who has taken his seat, spoke in his own right as a political +exile from Ireland, a country than which none has more deeply suffered +from the woes of foreign domination. I speak here by no such title. And +yet if any man may without presumption claim to speak in behalf of the +political exiles and rebels against tyranny, of several nations, of all +nations, indeed it is an American. For he is not only himself the heir +of a nation of rebels, but his whole lineage is cosmopolitan, and he may +boast that he is akin to all the races of Europe. We have no exclusive +origin, thank God! In the veins of our country there flows the blood of +a thousand tribes, just as our language is made up of a thousand idioms. +We hear a good deal from certain quarters about the greatness of races, +the practical energy of this race, the artistic genius of the other, and +the great intellectual qualities of another. America disproves of all +these dogmas, and establishes in their stead the higher principle that +all races are capable of a noble development under noble institutions. +Give freedom to the Celt, the Slavon, or the Italian, or whatever other +people; give them freedom and independence; establish among them the +great principle of _local self-government_, and the earth does not +more surely revolve in its orbit than they will in due time ripen into +all the excellence and all the dignity of humanity. Men make and control +institutions, but institutions in their turn make men. And if a people +under Providence are endowed with institutions that have given free play +and healthy growth to the most useful and admirable powers of man, it is +not for that people to boast of its race as better than other races, and +thank God, like the Pharisee, that it is not as other men. No, it is for +that people to see the cause of its good fortune in its institutions, +and to remember that it has responsibilities, and that it owes a helping +hand to others that honestly struggle for such benefits. Especially is +this the case with the American people, made up as they are from all +races, and absorbing yearly as they do so much of the best blood of all. +America has thriven and grown strong upon the misfortunes of Europe. Our +toast specially refers to the political exiles of Europe, but the truth +is, that all the exiles of that continent are political. Every shipload +of emigrants that seeks our shores has been banished by political +causes; for had the institutions of their country been such as to secure +to them freedom and the prosperity of freedom, do you think they would +have forsaken their homes and the homes of their fathers to seek new +homes beyond the ocean? We owe then to Europe a debt for all this +population and power that it has flung upon our shores, and how else can +we pay it except by doing what we can to help the European nations to +gain their freedom and form institutions under which there will be no +political exiles? For one I go for paying that debt, according to our +means and opportunities. I saw the other day in the streets a large +body of Europeans of various nations, marching along with a red flag. +In Paris, or Rome, or Vienna, such a procession would have been +impossible, or if it could have got into the streets, it would have been +assailed by the soldiery, and its members either shot down or flung into +prison. Yet in New York they went peacefully on their way, made their +demonstration in all freedom, and no trouble or harm came of it. Very +many of those men were political exiles. And why? Not because they were +bad men, for here in New York nothing could be more quiet and +appropriate than their behaviour. But they prove, that from whatever +country there are political exiles, there the institutions are bad. I +know we are in the habit of hearing about Red Republicans and Socialists +as men who are dangerous on account of their opinions, and who have +deserved to be banished from France, from Germany, from Italy. I will +not now say anything about those opinions, but this I do say, that a +country where all opinions and every opinion cannot be held and freely +discussed, has a bad system of government and bad institutions. It is +not the men nor their opinions that stand condemned, but the government +and institutions. Therefore it is that we must sympathize with such +exiles, without regard to their opinions, and pray earnestly and labour +earnestly for the elevation of all countries to freedom. + + * * * * * + +IX.--ON MILITARY INSTITUTIONS. + +[_Speech to the New York Militia, December 16th._] + +The First Division, consisting of four brigades, was presented to +Kossuth in the Castle Garden. Major-General Sandford then proceeded to +address Kossuth as follows:-- + +Governor Kossuth:--It is with no ordinary feeling of gratification that +I have this opportunity of addressing you, in the name and on behalf of +the citizen soldiers of the city of New York. With an unbounded +admiration of your devotion to the great cause of constitutional +liberty, and of that indomitable firmness with which you have persevered +under all circumstances in sustaining it, they were most happy to +testify, upon your arrival in our city, their sense of your services in +that cause which they are organized to sustain, and now they are again +assembled to greet you with a heart-felt welcome, and to listen to the +voice of one whom they have learned to respect, to love, and to +venerate. The body of men now presented to you, about five thousand in +number, represents the First Division of New York State Militia. The +division enrols about fifty thousand men in this city and upon Staten +Island, and the law of our State only imposes upon the general body the +duty of appearing armed and equipped once in each year, at an annual +parade appointed for that purpose. But out of this large number the law +provides for the organization of those who are willing and desirous to +acquire that degree of military science, to fit them, upon any sudden +emergency of domestic insurrection or of foreign aggression, to sustain +the laws and support the institutions of our country. They uniform and +equip themselves at their own expense, and they serve without pay, +satisfied with the consciousness that they are discharging a duty to +their country, and qualifying themselves to sustain the honour of our +flag and the freedom won by our fathers. They represent fairly all +classes of our citizens. Our hard-working and ingenious mechanic--our +enterprising and energetic merchant--our intelligent professional +men--our grocers, butchers, bakers, and cartmen, are all to be found in +our ranks, exhibiting in public spirit, energy, and intelligence, a body +of men not to be surpassed, even in this country of active enterprise +and widely diffused intelligence. It is amongst such men, devoted to +such a service, that, you may feel well assured, the intelligence of the +noble struggle of the Hungarian people for their rights and liberties +was received with the deepest feeling, and the progress of your contest +watched with the most earnest solicitude. They exulted in your +victories as the triumph of freedom over oppression and despotism--they +saw in your almost superhuman energies and dauntless courage the hearts +of a people determined to be free. They rejoiced that a great nation, +with kindred principles and institutions, was established as an +independent republic amidst the despotisms of Europe. But, alas! all +their hopes and anticipations were blasted. Such an example amidst the +down-trodden subjects of the arbitrary governments of Europe, was viewed +with alarm by their despotic rulers, and the enslaved hordes of the +imperial Russian were hurled upon the free sons of Hungary. Even with +such mighty odds, we should not have despaired for Hungary, had she been +afforded but one year of peaceful preparation to complete her +organization and develop her resources. Her gallant sons upon her own +soil, and battling for their homes, their altars, and their +independence, would have been unconquerable. But treason and despotism +combined, triumphed over freedom. Then commenced a scene of horrors and +cruelty, such as despots only and the minions of despots can perpetrate. + +Hungarian liberty may be cast down, but cannot be destroyed. The sacred +flame burns unquenched in the hearts of the people, and will again burst +forth, a glorious light to enlighten the nation--but a consuming fire to +their oppressors. But when? and how shall this be accomplished? Sir, we +believe and feel with you that this will be accomplished whenever the +free people of America, uniting with those kindred nations of Europe +which sustain and shall secure free institutions, will support and +insist upon that great moral principle of international law which you +have recently so eloquently and ably expounded--that one nation should +not interfere with the domestic concerns of another. Establish this +great and just principle, and Hungary would again assume her station +among the nations of the earth--free and independent. Establish this +great principle, and Germany and Italy would also soon be free. Sir, we +believe in this great principle; we believe it to be a principle of +justice and humanity; we believe it to be the inalienable right of every +people to establish such forms of government as are best adapted to +their condition, and as they may deem best calculated to ensure their +own rights, liberties, and pursuit of happiness. And we believe that +this great principle of international law should be the basis of the +intercourse of nations, and that we have no more right to make free with +the forms of government of other nations, than with their forms of +religion. But this principle being conceded and established, how is it +to be enforced? How are the despotic dynasties of Europe to be prevented +from lending their combined energies to crush every germ of freedom +amongst those who, if left to themselves, would, like Hungary, be free +and independent. Solely by the method which you have so ably developed. +Solely by inducing those nations which are strong enough to maintain the +principles of international law--to unite in their support, and by such +union, effectually to guarantee the peace of the world. To effect this +most desirable object, you have adopted the true method. You would +operate upon the public opinion, and public opinion operating upon free +government, creates and establishes public and international law. But +when we see this great principle of non-intervention violated--when we +see a free and united people crushed and trampled upon by foreign +despots, because they have dared to proclaim and establish equal rights +and privileges as the basis of their own institutions, must we look +tamely on and see the life-blood of freedom crushed out by the iron heel +of barbaric despotism, and hear the death-groans of the brave and free +without daring to express our feelings or to extend the hand of sympathy +and comfort to the suffering sons of liberty? No! in the name of +outraged justice and humanity, no! We will openly, warmly, and freely +express our sympathy in the cause of freedom, and our approbation of the +devotion, the endurance, and the gallantry of her sons. We will, by all +constitutional modes, endeavour to sustain those principles, which will +terminate this outrage upon the sacred laws of justice and humanity. We +will further aid this cause by contributing our share to the +contributions offered by our people to enable you to advance the +establishment of those principles so important to the emancipation of +your beloved Hungary, and so essential to the preservation of civil and +religious liberty. And now upon this interesting occasion, I hail the +presence of this noble company of faithful and devoted sons of Hungary, +your companions in exile and in prison, and present them to this +division; men, who, like our fathers, pledged their sacred honours "to +sustain the independence of their country." [Here there was an outburst +of cheering, and Colonel Berczenszy and the other Hungarians, companions +in arms of Kossuth, all rose, and were again greeted with another burst +of enthusiastic cheering.] We receive them as friends and brothers, and +as martyrs in the same holy cause of constitutional liberty in which our +fathers fought and bled, and suffered, and triumphed; and in which, we +trust and believe, you will also live to triumph and rejoice, in the +bosom of your own, your native land. + +Loud applause followed the conclusion of this address. + +Kossuth then rose and said-- + +General and gentlemen,--I accept with the highest gratitude, the honour +to meet the first division of the New York State Militia, who having, in +their capacity of citizen soldiers, honoured me on my arrival by their +participation in the generous welcome which I met with, have also, by +the military honour bestowed on me, so much contributed to impart to +this great demonstration that public character which cannot fail to +prove highly beneficial to the cause which I hold up before the free +people of this mighty republic, and which I dare confidently to state is +the great question of freedom and independence to the European +continent. I entreat you, gentlemen, not to expect any elaborate speech +from me, because really I am unprepared to make one. You are citizen +soldiers, a glorious title, to which I have the ambition of aspiring; +so, I hope you will kindly excuse me, if I endeavour to speak to you +_as_ soldiers. Do you know, gentlemen, what is the finest speech I +ever heard or read? It is the address of Garibaldi to his Roman soldiers +in the last war, when he told them:--"Soldiers, what I have to offer you +is fatigue, danger, struggling, and death--the chill of the cold night, +the open air, and the burning sun--no lodgings, no munitions, no +provisions--but forced marches, dangerous watchposts, and continual +struggling with bayonets against batteries. Let those who love freedom +and their country, follow me." That is the most glorious speech I ever +heard in my life. But, of course, that is no speech for to-day. I will +speak so, when I again meet the soldiers of Hungary, to fight once more +the battle of freedom and independence. [After various compliments to +General Sandford on the appearance of his soldiers, and the good order +of the republic, Kossuth continued as follows:] I thank you for the +explanation of the organization and discipline of this gallant division. +Europe has many things to learn from America. It has to learn the value +of free institutions--the expansive power of freedom--the practical +value of local self-government, as opposed to centralization. But one of +the most important lessons you give to Europe, is in the organization of +the militia of the United States. You have the best organized army in +the world, and yet you have scarcely a standing army at all. That is a +necessary thing for Europe to learn from America---that great standing +armies must cease. But they can cease, only _then_, when the nations +are free; for great standing armies are not national institutions, they +are the instruments of dynastic violence or foreign despotism. The +existence of tyranny imposes on Europe great standing armies. When the +nations once become free, they will not want them, because they will not +war with each other. Freedom will become a friendly link among nations. +But as far as they may want them, your example shows that a popular +militia, like yours, is the mightiest national Defence. Thirty-seven +years ago a great battle was fought at New Orleans, which showed what a +defence your country has in its militia. Nay more, your history proves +that this institution affords the most powerful means of Offensive war, +should war become indispensable. I am aware, gentlemen, that your war +with Mexico was chiefly carried on by volunteers. I know what a +distinguished part the volunteers of New York took in that war. And who +were these volunteers? Who were those from New York city, and of other +regiments? They were of your militia, the source of that military spirit +which is the glory of your country, and its safety when needed in time +of war or social disorder. I learned all this from the United States, +and it was my firm intention to carry out this militia organization in +Hungary. My idea was and still is to do so, and I will endeavour, with +the help of God, to carry it out. + +My idea is, there are duties towards one native land common to every +citizen, and public instruction and education must have such a direction +as to enable every citizen to perform them. One of these duties is to +defend it in time of danger, to take up arms for its freedom and +independence and security. My idea is to lay such a foundation for +public instruction, in the schools, that every boy in Hungary shall be +educated in military skill, so much as is necessary for the defence of +his native land, and those who feel inclined to adopt the profession of +arms, might complete their education in higher public schools and +universities, as is the case in the professions of the bar, and physic, +and the pulpit. But I would have no distinction among the citizens. To +defend our country is a common duty, and every one must know how to +perform it. Taking the basis of your organization as an example for +Hungary, Hungary would have at least one million of men ready to defend +it against the oppression of any power whatever. That the militia of +Hungary, thus developed, would be the most solid guardian of my +country's freedom and independence, we have shown in our past struggles. +The glorious deeds which the unnamed heroes of the people achieved, +proves what with previous preparation they could do in defence of their +native land. Often they have gone into battle without knowing how to +fire or cock a musket; but they took batteries by their bayonets, and +they achieved glorious deeds like those that are classed among the deeds +of immortality. We have not either wish or inclination for conquest. We +are content with our native land if it be independent and free. For the +maintenance of that independence and freedom, we established by law the +institution of the National Guard. It is like your militia. I consider +the organization to be like a porcupine, which moves on its own road +quietly, but when attacked or when danger approaches, stretches forth +its thorns. May God Almighty grant that I may soon see developed in my +native land, the great institution of a National Guard! + +The power of Hungary, thus established, is a basis indispensable to the +freedom of Europe. I will prove this in a few words. The enemy of +European freedom is Russia. Now, can Hungary be a barrier to secure +Europe against this power of Russia? I answer: yes. You are a nation of +twenty-four millions, and you have an organized militia of some three +millions; Hungary is a nation of fifteen millions, and at least can have +one million of brave citizen soldiers. I hope this may be regarded, +then, as a positive proof of what I say about the ability of Hungary to +resist the power of despotism, and defend Europe against Russian +encroachments. Another thing is, the weakness of Russia herself; for she +is not so strong as people generally believe. It has taken her whole +power to put down Hungary, and all she can raise consists of 750,000 +men. Then you must consider that the Russian territory is of immense +extent, and that its population is oppressed; tranquillity and the order +of the grave,--not the order of contentment,--is kept in Russia itself, +only by the armed soldiery of the Czar. Now, it is not much when I say +that 250,000 men are indispensable to keep tranquillity in the interior +of that empire; 100,000 men are necessary to guard its frontiers +extending from Siberia to Turkey; 100,000 to keep down the heroic spirit +of oppressed Poland, Take all this together, and you will see that +Russia scarcely can, at the utmost, employ 300,000 men in a foreign war, +and, really, it had not more engaged, as history will prove, in the +greatest struggle it made for existence--it could not bring more into +the field. The million of citizen soldiers would not require to be so +brave as they are, to be a match for those 300,000 men; and, therefore, +the first result of restored independence in Hungary would be--should +the Czar once more have the arrogant intention to put his foot upon +mankind's neck, as he blasphemously boasted he had the authority of God +to do--the repression of his power by Hungary. Not only would it be +repressed, but Hungary could assault him in a quarter where she would +find powerful allies. His financial embarrassments are very great, for +you know that even in the brief war in Hungary he was necessitated to +raise a loan in England. We should have for our allies the oppressed +people, and our steps would be marked by the liberation of all who are +now enslaved. First among our allies would be the Polish nation, which +is not restricted to the Poland of the maps, but extends through the +wide provinces of Gallicia, Lithuania, &c. These are proofs that the +might of Russia is not so immense that it should intimidate a nation +fighting in a just cause. With Hungary once free, Russia would never +dare to threaten European liberty again. + +But if Russia is so weak as I have shown her to be, why, you may say, do +I ask your support and aid against her interference? Because Russia is +only thirty hours' distance from Hungary, and one of her large armies +stands prepared to move at any time against the liberties of our people, +before we could have time to develop our resources. This is the motive +why I ask, in the name of my country, the great and beneficial support +of the United States to check and prevent Russian interference in +Hungary, so that we may have _time_ to erect it into an +insurmountable barrier and impregnable fortress against the despotism of +the Czar. This, I say, is the reason why I claim aid from the United +States, and ask it to assume its rightful executive in the police of +nations. That is the only glory which is wanting to the lustre of your +glorious stars. The militia of the United States having been the +assertors of the independence and liberties of this country and the +guardians of its security, have now scarcely any other calling; and I +confidently hope, that being your condition, you will not deny your +generous support to the great principle of non-interference, in the next +struggle which Hungary will make for freedom and independence, which +even now is felt in the air, and is pointed out by the finger of God +himself. My _second_ earnest wish and hope is, that the people will +see that their commerce with other people, whether in revolution or not, +shall be secured. It is not so much my interest as it is your right; and +I hope the militia of the United States will ever be ready to protect +oppressed humanity. My _third_ humble claim is, that this great +republic shall recognize the legitimate independence of Hungary. The +militia of this country fought and bled for that principle upon your own +soil; so, by the glory of your predecessors--by all the blessings which +have flowed from your struggle, which make your glory and happiness--you +will feel inclined to support this my humble claim for the recognition +of the legitimate independence of my fatherland. + +I thank you for the generous sympathy, and for the reception and welcome +of my companions, the devoted sons of Hungary, who were ready to +sacrifice life and fortune to the independence of their native land. +There are several among them who were already soldiers before our +struggle, and they employed their military skill in the service of their +country. But there were others who were not soldiers, yet whose +patriotism led them to embrace the cause of their native land, and they +proved to be brave and efficient supporters of the freedom for which +they fought. Thanking you for the sympathy you have expressed for them, +I promise you, gentlemen, that they will prove themselves worthy of it. +I will point out to them the most dangerous places, and I know they will +acquit themselves honourably and bravely. As to myself, I have here a +sword on my side given to me by an American citizen. This being a gift +from a citizen of the United States, I take it as a token of +encouragement to go on in that way by which, with the blessing of +Almighty God, I shall yet be enabled again to see my fatherland +independent and free. I swear here before you, that this American sword +in my hand shall be always faithful in the cause of freedom--that it +shall be ever foremost in the battle--and that it shall never be +polluted by ambition or cowardice. + + * * * * * + +X.--CONDITIONS ESSENTIAL FOR DEMOCRACY AND PEACE. + +[_Reply to the Address of the Democrats of Tammany Hall, New York, +Dec. 17th_.] + +Mr. Sickles, who made the address, closed by stating that he contributed +to the cause of Hungary "a golden dollar, fresh from the free mines of +the Pacific;" adding that he trusted millions would follow, and that the +"Almighty Dollar," if still the proverb of a money-making people, would +become a symbol of its noblest instincts and truest ambition. + +Kossuth, in reply, after warm thanks, declined the personal praises +bestowed on him, and sketched the series of events by which the Austrian +tyranny had converted him from insignificance into a man of importance. +He then proceeded to comment on France[*] as follows:--I hope that the +great French nation will soon succeed to establish a true republic. But +I have come to the conviction, that for freedom there is no duration in +CENTRALIZATION, which is a legacy of ambitious men. To be conquerors, +power must be centralized; but to be a free nation, self-government must +reign in families, villages, cities, counties, states. As power now is +lodged in France, the government has in its hand an army of half a +million of men, under that iron discipline which is needed in a standing +army. It has under its control a budget of more than a thousand million +francs. It can dispose of every public office in France; it has a civil +army of more than 500,000 men: the mayor of the least village derives +his appointment from the government. All the police, all the _gens +d'armes_, are in its hands. Now, gentlemen, is it not clear +that--with such authority and force,--not to become dangerous to +liberty, every President needs to be a Washington. And Washingtons are +not so thickly strewn around. Woe to the country, whose institutions are +such, that their freedom depends on the personal character of one man. +Be he the best man in the world, he will not overcome the essential +repugnance of his position to freedom. When France abandons this +_centralization_, and carries out her own principles of "Liberty, +Equality, Fraternity," by _local self-government_, she will be the +great basis of European republics. As to sovereignty of the people, I +take it that the right to cast a vote for the election of a President +once in four years does not exhaust the sovereign rights of a nation. A +people deciding about its own matters, must be everywhere master of its +own fate, in village communes as much as in electing its chief officer. + +[Footnote *: The news of the _coup d'etat_ had not yet reached him.] + +You have spoken about certain persons who will have "peace at any +price." Of course you feel that permanent peace _cannot_ be had at +any less price, than that which buys justice: nor can there be justice, +where is no freedom. Under oppression is neither contentment nor +tranquillity. There are some who prefer being oppressed to the dangers +of shaking off oppression; but I am sure there are millions who fear +death less than enslavement. Peace therefore will not exist, though all +your Rothschilds and Barings help the despots. To withhold material aid +from the oppressed will not avert the war, but by depriving the leaders +of the means of concert will simply make the struggle more lingering: a +result surely not desired by friends of peace. + +But, sir, I thank you for your dollar. The ocean is composed of drops. +The greatest results are achieved, not by individuals, but by the humble +industry of mankind, incessantly bringing man nearer to the aim +providentially destined for him. Not all the Rothschilds together can +wield such sums as poor people can; for the poor count by millions. +Those dollars of the people have another great value. One million of +them given by a million of men gives hope to the popular cause: it gives +the sympathy and support of a million men. I bless God for that word of +yours, that the one dollar should be followed by many; for then your +example would not only in a financial respect be a great benefit, but +afford a foundation for that freedom which the Almighty designs for the +nations. Here is a great glory for your country to aim at. It is +glorious to stand at the top of the pyramid of humanity; more glorious +to become yourselves the pillar on which the welfare of human nature +rests. For this, mankind looks to your country with hope and confidence. + + * * * * * + +XI.--HUNGARY AND AUSTRIA IN RELIGIOUS CONTRAST. + +[_Address in the Plymouth Church at Brooklyn, Dec. 18th, 1851_.] + +The Rev. H. W. Beecher having assured Kossuth of the deep and religious +interest long felt and expressed towards him within those very walls: +Kossuth replied, declaring that he felt himself always in the power of +God, and believed Christianity and freedom to be but one cause. He went +on to add: + +The cause of Hungary is strongly connected with the principle of +religious liberty on earth. In the first war of the sixteenth century a +battle was fought by the Moslems in Hungary, by which the power of our +nation was almost overthrown. At that time the monarchy was elective. A +Hungarian, who was Governor of Transylvania, was chosen king, but +another party elected Ferdinand of Austria to be King of Hungary. A long +struggle ensued, in which the Princes of Transylvania called in Turkish +aid against the House of Austria. + +In the hour of necessity, the House of Austria complied with the wishes +of my nation, whenever my country had taken up arms; but no sooner was +the sword laid down, than this dynasty always neglected to perform its +promises. In the midst of the last century, under Maria Theresa, those +who did not belong to the Catholic faith were almost excluded from all +offices. Joseph succeeded, who was a tolerant man; but scarcely was he +in his grave, when the Emperor Francis renewed persecution, and it was +only in 1848, that religious liberty was established to every creed. +When the House of Austria took arms against the laws of 1848, they took +arms against religious liberty. + +In our Parliament, it was Roman Catholics who stood in the van of battle +for religious liberty: but when I say this, I must state it without +drawing any commentary from it. It was reserved to our revolution to +show the development of the glorious cause of freedom. When my country +imposed on me the duty to govern the land, I was ready to show the +confidence I had in religious freedom. I chose a Catholic Minister to be +Minister of Education in Hungary, and he fully justified the confidence +I reposed in him. He has shown that our Constitution is founded upon +equality; that it regards all men as citizens, and makes no distinction +of profession. It is only under free institutions that a clergyman can +remain a clergyman with burning heart towards his own duties, and yet, +when called to perform the duties of a citizen, be no longer a clergyman +but a citizen. Could the Church of Rome have appreciated this principle, +and have acted upon it, my friend Mazzini were not now necessary for the +freedom of Italy. But as Rome did not appreciate it, the temporal power +of the Pope will probably fall at the next revolution. + +My principles are, that the Church shall not meddle with politics, and +Government will not meddle with religion. In every society there are +political and civil concerns on one side, and on the other social +concerns; for the first, civil authority must be established--in +political and civil respects every one has to acknowledge the power of +its jurisdiction. But, in respect to social interests, it is quite the +contrary. Religion is not an institution--it is a matter of conscience. + +For the support of these principles I ask your generous aid. You know +that whenever the House of Austria attains to any strength, its first +step is to break down religious liberty. And Austria is helped by +Russia, which is even still less propitious to these principles; you +remember the insolence or hardship to which in Russia those people are +subject who do not belong to the Greek Church; at the present time the +poor Jews are subjected to great indignities, and compelled, if not to +shave off their hair, to cut it in a particular manner, so as to +distinguish them from members of the Greek Church. But Hungary, by the +providence of God, is destined to become once more the vanguard of +civilization, and of religious liberty for the whole of the European +Continent against the encroachments of Russian despotism, as it has +already been the barrier of Christianity, against Islamism. + +Kossuth then proceeded to explain, that any moneys contributed by the +generosity of the American public would not be employed as a warlike +fund, for which it would be utterly insignificant; but solely as a means +of enabling the oppressed to concert their measures. After this he +canvassed _the three props_ of Austria, and pointed out the +weakness of them all; viz. its loans,--its army,--and Russia. Its loans +run fast to a bankruptcy. Its army is composed of nations which hate it. +Under the Austrian government, the Tyrol perhaps alone has escaped +bombardments, scaffolds, and jails filled with patriots. The armies are +raised by forcible conscriptions, and contain some hundred thousand +Hungarians who recently fought and conquered Austria, whom Austria now +keeps in drill to serve against her when the time comes. As to the third +prop--Russia,--possibly for some days yet in the future it may support +Austria; but not in a long war: Austria can never stand in a long war. + +I am told (said Kossuth) that some who call themselves "men of peace" +cry out for _peace at any price_. But is the present condition +peace? Is the scaffold peace?--that scaffold, on which in Lombardy +during the "peaceful" years the blood of 3742 patriots has been shed. +When the prisons of Austria are filled with patriots, is that peace? or +is the discontent of all the nations peace? I do not believe that the +Lord created the world for _such_ a kind of peace as that,--to be a +prison,--to be a volcano, boiling up and ready to break out. No: but +with justice and liberty there will be contentment, and with +contentment, peace--lasting peace, consistent peace: while from the +tyrants of the world there is oppression, and with oppression the +breaking forth of war..... + + * * * * * + +XII.--PUBLIC PIRACY OF RUSSIA + +[_Reply to the Address of the Bar of New York, Dec. 19th, 1851_.] + +A reception and a banquet to Kossuth having been prepared by the Bar at +Tripler Hall, ex-justice Jones introduced him with a short speech; after +which Judge Sandford, in the name of the whole Bar, read an ample +address, of which the following is the principal part:-- + +Governor Kossuth.--The Bar of New York, having participated with their +fellow-citizens in extending to you that cordial and enthusiastic +welcome which greeted your landing upon the shores of America, have +solicited the opportunity to express to you, as a member of the legal +profession, their respect for your great talents and eminent +attainments, and their admiration for the ardour and enthusiasm with +which you have devoted all your powers and energies to the sacred cause +of the emancipation of your native land. Wherever freedom has needed an +advocate, wherever law has required a supporter, wherever tyranny and +oppression have provoked resistance, and men have been found for the +occasion, it is the proud honour of our common profession to have +presented from our ranks some prominent individual who has generously +and boldly engaged in the service; and Hungary has furnished to the +world one of the most striking in the brilliant series of illustrious +examples. As early as the year 1840, the public history of Hungary had +made us acquainted with the distinguished part which a Mr. Kossuth, an +attorney, as he was then described, had performed in sustaining the laws +of his country. Mr. Kossuth, the Attorney of that day, has since matured +into the Counsellor, Statesman, Patriot, Governor, and now stands before +us the Exile more distinguished for his firmness and undaunted courage +in his last reverse than for his exaltation by the free choice of his +countrymen. After the years of your imprisonment and painful anxiety had +worn away, and the illegal measure of your arrest had been publicly +acknowledged, we found you restored to your personal liberty, and again +ardently engaged in the great cause of your country's freedom. At the +meeting of the Diet of Hungary which was held in November, 1847, and +before the flame of revolution had illuminated Europe, we found a series +of acts resolved upon by that body, which declared an equality of civil +rights and of public burdens among all classes, denominations, and races +in Hungary and its provinces, perfect toleration for every form of +religion, an extension of the elective franchise, universal freedom in +the sale of landed property, liberty to strangers to settle in the +country, the emancipation of the Jews, the sum of eight millions set +apart to encourage manufactures and construct roads, and the nobles of +Hungary, by a voluntary act, abolishing the old tenure of the lands, +thereby constituting the producing classes to be absolute owners of +nearly one half of the cultivated territory in the kingdom. This great +advance made by your country in a system of benign and ameliorating +legislation, was checked by occurrences which are too fresh in your +recollection to require a recapitulation. We welcome you among us; we +tender you our admiration for your efforts; our sympathy for your +sufferings; our cordial wishes that your persevering labours may be +successful in restoring your country to her place among nations, and her +people to the enjoyment of those blessings of civil and religious +liberty, to which, by their intelligence and bravery, and by the _laws +of nature and of nature's God_, they are justly entitled. Our +professional pursuits have led us to the study of the system of +jurisprudence which has been matured by the wisdom and experience of +ages, but which has been recognized by all eminent jurists to be founded +upon the defined principles of Christianity. From that great source of +law we have learned, that as members of the family of mankind, our +duties are not bounded by the territorial limits of the government which +protects us, nor circumscribed as to time or space. We have framed a +constitution of government, and under it have adopted a system of laws +which we are bound to execute and obey. The stability and efficiency of +our own government are dependent upon the intelligence, virtue, and +moderation of our people. It has been justly remarked by one of our most +distinguished jurists, that "in a republic, every citizen is himself in +some measure entrusted with the public safety, and acts an important +part for its weal or woe." Trained as we have been in these principles +of self-government, appreciating all the blessings which a bounteous +Creator has so profusely showered upon us, and desirous to see the +principles of civil and religious liberty extended to other nations, we +rejoice at every uprising of their oppressed people; we sympathize with +their struggles, and within the limits of our public laws and public +policy, we aid them in their efforts. If through weakness or treachery +they fail, we grieve at their misfortunes. In you, sir, we behold a +personification of that great principle which forms the corner stone of +our own revered Constitution--the right of self-government. Darkened as +has been the horizon of suffering Hungary, in you, sir, still burns that +living fire of freedom, which we trust will yet light up her firmament, +and shed its lustrous flame over her wasted lands. "The unnamed +demi-gods" whose blood has moistened her battle-fields, the martyrs +whose lives have been freely offered up on the scaffold and beneath the +axe, the living exiles now scattered through distant lands, have not +suffered, are not suffering in vain. Governments were created for the +benefit of the many, and not of the few. A day, an hour of retribution +will yet come; the Almighty promise will not be forgotten--"Vengeance is +mine--I will repay it, saith the Lord." + +Kossuth thereupon replied:-- + +Gentlemen,--Highly as I value the opportunity to meet the gentlemen of +the Bar, I should have felt very much embarrassed to have to answer the +address of that corporation before such a numerous and distinguished +assembly, had not you, sir, relieved my well-founded anxiety by justly +anticipating and appreciating my difficulties. Let me hope, that herein +you were the interpreter of this distinguished assembly's indulgence. + +Gentlemen of the Bar, you have the noble task to be the first +interpreters of the law; to make it subservient to justice; to maintain +its eternal principles against encroachment; and to restore those +principles to life, whenever they become obliterated by misunderstanding +or by violence. My opinion is, that Law must keep pace in its +development with institutions and intelligence, and until these are +perfect, law is and must be with them in continual progress. Justice is +immortal, eternal, and immutable, like God himself; and the development +of law is only then a progress, when it is directed towards those +principles which, like Him, are eternal; and whenever prejudice or error +succeeds in establishing in customary law any doctrine contrary to +eternal justice, it is one of your noblest duties, gentlemen,--having no +written Code to fetter justice within the bonds of error and +prejudice,--it is one of your noblest duties to apply _Principles_, +--to show that an unjust custom is a corrupt practice, an +abuse; and by showing this, to originate that change, or rather +development in the unwritten, customary law, which is necessary to make +it protect justice, instead of opposing and violating it. + +If this be your noble vocation in respect to the Private laws of your +country, let me entreat you, gentlemen, to extend it to that Public law +which, regulating the mutual duties of nations towards each other, rules +the destinies of humanity. You know that in that eternal code of "nature +and of nature's God," which your forefathers invoked when they raised +the colonies of England to the rank of a free nation, there are no +pettifogging subtleties, but only everlasting principles: everlasting, +like those by which the world is ruled. You know that when artificial +cunning of ambitious oppressors succeeds to pervert those principles, +and when passive indifference or thoughtlessness submits to it, as +weakness must submit: it is the noble destiny--let me say, duty--of +enlightened nations, alike powerful as free, to restore those eternal +principles to practical validity, so that justice, light, and truth may +sway, where injustice, oppression, and error have prevailed. Raise high +the torch of truth; cast its beams on the dark field of arbitrary +prejudice; become the champions of principles, and your people will be +the regenerators of International law. + +It will. A tempestuous life has somewhat sharpened my eye, and had it +even not done so, still I would dare to say, I know how to read your +people's heart. It is conscious of your country's power; it is jealous +of its own dignity; it knows that it is able to restore the law of +nations to the principles of justice and right; and knowing its ability, +its will shall not be lacking. Let the cause of Hungary become the +opportunity for the restoration of true and just international law. +Mankind is come to the eleventh hour in its destinies. One hour of delay +more, and its fate may be sealed, and nothing left to the generous +inclinations of your people--so tender-hearted, so noble, and so +kind--but to mourn over murdered nations, its beloved brethren in +humanity. + +I have but to make a few remarks about two objections, which I am told I +shall have to contend with. The first is, that it is a leading principle +of the United States not to interfere with European nations. I may +perhaps assume that you have been pleased to acquaint yourselves with +what I have elsewhere said on that argument; viz. that the United States +had never entertained or confessed such a principle, or at any rate had +abandoned it, and had been forced to do so: which indicates it to have +been only a temporary policy. I stated the mighty difference between +neutrality and non-interference; so I will only briefly remark that a +like difference exists between alliance and interference. Every +independent power has the right to form alliances, but is not under duty +to do so: it may remain neutral, if it please. Neither alliances nor +neutrality are matters of principle, but simply of policy. They may hurt +interest, but do not violate law; whereas with interference the contrary +is the case. Interference with the sovereign right of nations to resist +oppression, or to alter their institutions and government, is a +violation of the law of nations and of God: therefore non-interference +is a duty common to every power and every nation, and is placed under +the safeguard of every power, of every nation. He who violates that law +is like a pirate: every power on earth has the duty to chase him down as +a curse to human nature. There is not a man in the United States but +would avow that a pirate must be chased down; and no man more readily +than the gentlemen of trade. A gentleman who came yesterday to honour +me with the invitation of Cincinnati, that rising wonder of the +West,--with eloquence which speaks volumes in one word, designated as +_piracy_ the interference of foreign violence with the domestic +concerns of a nation. There is such a moving power in a word of truth! +That word has relieved me of many long speeches. I no longer need to +discuss the principle of your foreign policy: there can be no doubt +about what is lawful, what is a duty, against piracy. Your naval forces +are, and must be, instructed to put down piracy wherever they meet it, +on whatever geographic lines, whether in European or in American waters. +You sent your Commodore Decatur for that purpose to the Mediterranean, +who told the Dey of Algiers, that "if he claims powder, he will have it +with the balls;" and no man in the United States imagined this to oppose +your received policy. Nobody then objected that it is the ruling +principle of the United States not to meddle with European or African +concerns; rather, if your government had neglected so to do, I am sure +the gentlemen of trade would have been foremost to complain. Now, in the +name of all which is pleasing to God and sacred to man, if all are ready +thus to unite in the outcry against a rover, who, at the danger of his +own life, boards some frail ship, murders some poor sailors, or takes a +few bales of cotton--is there no hope to see a similar universal outcry +against those great pirates who board, not some small cutters, but the +beloved home of nations? who murder, not some few sailors, but whole +peoples? who shed blood, not by drops, but by torrents? who rob, not +some hundred weight of merchandize, but the freedom, independence, +welfare, and the very existence of nations? Oh God and Father of human +kind! spare--oh spare that degradation to thy children; that in their +destinies some bales of cotton should more weigh than those great +moralities. Alas! what a pitiful sight! A miserable pickpocket, a +drunken highway robber, chased by the whole human race to the gallows: +and those who pickpocket the life-sweat of nations, rob them of their +welfare, of their liberty, and murder them by thousands--these +high-handed criminals proudly raise their brow, trample upon mankind, +and degrade its laws before their high reverential name, and term +themselves "most sacred majesties." But may God be blessed, there is +hope for human nature; for there is a powerful, free, mighty people here +on the virgin soil of America, ready to protect the laws of man and of +Heaven against the execrated pirates and their associates. + +But again I am told, "The United States, as a power, are not +indifferent; we sympathize deeply with those who are oppressed; we will +respect the laws of nations; but we have no interest to make them +respected by others towards others." Interest! and always interest! Oh, +how cupidity has succeeded to misrepresent the word? Is there any +interest which could outweigh the interest of justice and of right? +Interest! But I answer by the very words of one of the most +distinguished members of your profession, gentlemen, the present +Honourable Secretary of State:--"The United States, as a nation, have +precisely the same interest (yes, _interest_ is his word) in +international law as a private individual has in the laws of his +country." He was a member of the bar who advanced that principle of +eternal justice against the mere fact of policy; and now that he is in +the position to carry out the principle which he has advanced, I +confidently trust he will be as good as his word,[*] and that his +honourable colleagues, the gentlemen of the bar, will remember their +calling to maintain the permanent principles of justice against the +encroachments of accidental policy. + +[Footnote *: See the extracts from Mr. Webster's speech at the Washington +Banquet.] + +But I may be answered--"If we (the United States) avow that we will not +endure the interference of Russia in Hungary (for that is the practical +meaning, I will not deny), and if Russia should not respect our +declaration; then we _might_ have to go to war." Well, I am not the +man to decline the consequences of my principles. I will not steal into +your sympathy by evasion. Yes, gentlemen, I confess, _should_ +Russia not respect such a declaration of your country, then you are +forced to go to war, or else be degraded before mankind. But, +gentlemen, you must not shrink back from the mere _word_ war; you +must consider what is the probability of its occurrence. I have already +stated publicly my certain knowledge how vulnerable Russia is; how weak +she is internally. But the best clue to you as to what will be her +future conduct, if you act decisively, will be gained by examining the +extreme caution and timidity with which, in the late events, she felt +her way, before she interposed by force. + +The last French Revolution broke out in February, 1848. The Czar hates +republics,--name and thing; but he did not interfere against the France +of Lamartine, any more than against the France of Louis Philippe in +1830. Why not? He dared not. But he resorted to his natural and his +most dangerous weapon, _secret diplomacy_. He sent male and female +intriguers to Paris, and succeeded in turning the revolution into a mock +republic. But from the pulsations of the great French heart every tyrant +had trembled. The German nation took its destiny into its own hands, and +proposed to itself to become ONE, in Frankfort. The throne in Berlin +quaked; the Austrian emperor fled from his palace, a few weeks after he +had with his own hands waved the flag of freedom out of his window. In +Vienna an Austrian Parliament met. A constitution was devised for Polish +Gallicia, linked by blood, history, and nature, to the Poland domineered +over by the Czar; while on its western frontier another Polish province, +Posen, was wrapt in revolutionary flames. You can imagine how the Czar +raged, how he wished to unite all mankind in one head, so that he might +cut it off with a single blow; and still he nowhere interfered. Why not? +Again I say, he was prudently afraid. However, the French republic +became very innocent to him--almost an ally in some respects, really an +ally in others, as in the case of unfortunate Rome. The gentlemen of +Frankfort proved also to be very innocent. The hopes of Germany +failed--the people were shot down in Vienna, Prague, Lemberg,--the +Austrian mock Parliament was sent from Vienna to Kremsen, and from +Kremsen home. Only Hungary stood firm, steady, victorious--the Czar had +nothing more to fear from all revolutionary Europe--nothing from +Germany--nothing from France. He had no fear from the United States, +since he knew that your government then was not willing to meddle with +European affairs: so he had free hands in Hungary. But one thing still +he did not know, and that was--what will _England_ and what will +_Turkey_ say, if he interferes?--and that consideration alone was +sufficient to check him. So anxious was he to feel the pulse of England +and of Turkey, that he sent first a small army--some ten thousand +men--to help the Austrians in Transylvania; and sent them in such a +manner as to have, in case of need, for excuse, that he was called to do +so, _not by Austria only, but by that part of the people also, which +deceived by foul delusion, stood by Austria!_ Oh, it was an infernal +plot! We beat down and drove out his 10,000 men, together with all the +Austrians--but the Czar had won his game. He was hereby assured that he +would have no foreign power to oppose him when he dared to violate the +law of nations by an armed interference in Hungary. So he interfered +with all his might. + +It is a torture even to remember, how like a dream vanished all our +hopes that there is yet justice on earth. When I saw my nation, as a +handful of brave men, forsaken to fight alone that immense battle for +humanity; when I saw Russian diplomacy stealing, like secret poison, +into our ranks, introducing treason into them;--but let me not look +back; it is all in vain; the past is past. _Forward_ is my word, +and forward I will go; for I know that there is yet a God in heaven, and +there is a people like you on earth, and there is a power of decided +will here also in this bleeding heart. It is my motto still, that "there +is no difficulty to him who wills." But so much is a fact, so much is +sure, that _the Czar did not dare to interfere until he was assured +that he would meet no foreign power to oppose him_. Show him, free +people of America--show him in a manly declaration, that he will meet +your force if he dares once more to trample on the laws of +nations--accompany this declaration with an augmentation of your +Mediterranean fleets, and be sure he will not stir. You will have no +war, and Austria falls almost without a battle, like a house without +foundation, raised upon the sand; Hungary--my poor Hungary--will be +free, and Europe's oppressed continent able to arrange its domestic +concerns. Even without my appeal to your sympathy, you have the source +in your own generous hearts. This meeting is a substantial proof of it. +Receive my thanks. + +I have done, gentlemen; I am worn out. I must reserve for another +occasion what I would say further, were I able. I know that when I +speak in this glorious country, there is the mighty engine of the press +which enables me to address the whole people. Let me now say that the +ground on which the hopes of my native land rest, is the principle of +justice, right, and law. To the maintenance of these you have devoted +your lives, gentlemen of the Bar. I leave them under your professional +care, and trust they will find many advocates among you. + + * * * * * + +XIII.--CLAIMS OF HUNGARY ON THE FEMALE SEX. + +[_Speech to the Ladies of New York_.] + +The Rev. Dr. Tyng having spoken in the name of the Ladies of New York, +and concluded with the words: "And now, sir, the ladies whom I have the +honour to represent, knowing your history, and fully aware of its vast +importance, desire themselves to be the audience, and to hear the voice +of Kossuth, and the claims of Hungary." Kossuth replied as follows:-- + +I would I were able to answer that call. I would I were able suitably to +fill the place which your kindness has assigned to me. You were pleased +to say that Austria was blind to let me escape. Be assured that it was +not the merit of Austria. She would have been very glad to bury me +alive, but the Sultan of Turkey took courage, and notwithstanding all +the remonstrances of Austria, I am free. + +Ladies, worn out as I am, still I am very glad that the ladies of New +York condescend to listen to my farewell. When in the midst of a busy +day, the watchful care of a guardian angel throws some flowers of joy in +the thorny way of man, he gathers them up with thanks: a cheerful thrill +quivers through his heart, like the melody of an Aeolian harp; but the +earnest duties of life soon claim his attention and his cares. The +melodious thrill dies away, and on he must go; on he goes, joyless, +cheerless, and cold, every fibre of his heart bent to the earnest duties +of the day. But when the hard work of the day is done, and the stress of +mind for a moment subsides, then the heart again claims its right, and +the tender fingers of our memory gather up again the violets of joy +which the guardian angel threw in our way, and we look at them with +delight; while we cherish them as the favourite gifts of life--we are as +glad as the child on Christmas eve. These are the happiest moments of +man's life. But when we are not noisy, not eloquent, we are silent +almost mute, like nature in a midsummer's night, reposing from the +burning heat of the day. Ladies, that is my condition now. It is a hard +day's work which I have had to do here. I am delivering my farewell +address; and every compassionate smile, every warm grasp of the hand, +every token of kindness which I have received (and I have received so +many), every flower of consolation which the ladies of New York have +thrown on my thorny way, rushes with double force to my memory. I feel +happy in this memory--there is a solemn tranquillity about my mind; but +in such a moment I would rather be silent than speak. You know, ladies, +that it is not the deepest feelings which are the loudest. + +And besides, I have to say farewell to New York! This is a sorrowful +word. What immense hopes are linked in my memory with its name!--hopes +of resurrection for my fatherland--hopes of liberation for the European +continent! Will the expectations which the mighty outburst of New York's +heart foreshadowed, be realized? or will the ray of consolation pass +away like an electric flash? Oh, could I cast one single glance into the +book of futurity! No, God forgive me this impious wish. It is He who hid +the future from man, and what he does is well done. It were not good for +man to know his destiny. The sense of duty would falter or be unstrung, +if we were assured of the failure or success of our aims. It is because +we do not know the future, that we retain our energy of duty, So on will +I go in my work, with the full energy of my humble abilities, without +despair, but with hope. + +It is Eastern blood which runs in my veins. If I have somewhat of +Eastern fatalism, it is the fatalism of a Christian who trusts with +unwavering faith in the boundless goodness of a Divine Providence. But +among all these different feelings and thoughts that come upon me in the +hour of my farewell, one thing is almost indispensable to me, and that +is, the assurance that the sympathy I have met with here will not pass +away like the cheers which a warbling girl receives on the stage--that +it will be preserved as a principle, and that when the emotion subsides, +the calmness of reflection will but strengthen it. This consolation I +wanted, and this consolation I have, because, ladies, I place it in your +hands. I bestow on your motherly and sisterly cares, the hopes of +Europe's oppressed nations,--the hopes of civil, political, social, and +religious liberty. Oh let me entreat you, with the brief and stammering +words of a warm heart, overwhelmed with emotions and with sorrowful +cares--let me entreat you, ladies, to be watchful of the sympathy of +your people, like the mother over the cradle of her beloved child. It is +worthy of your watchful care, because, it is the cradle of regenerated +humanity. + +Especially in regard to my poor fatherland, I have particular claims on +the fairer and better half of humanity, which you are. The _first_ +of these claims is, that there is not perhaps on the face of the earth a +nation, which in its institutions has shown more chivalric regard for +ladies than the Hungarian. It is a praiseworthy trait of the Oriental +character. You know that it was the Moorish race in Spain, who were the +founders of the chivalric era in Europe, so full of personal virtue, so +full of noble deeds, so devoted to the service of ladies, to heroism, +and to the protection of the oppressed. You are told that the ladies of +the East are degraded to less almost than a human condition, being +secluded from all social life, and pent up within the harem's walls. And +so it is. But you must not judge the East by the measure of European +civilization. They have their own civilization, quite different from +ours in views, inclinations, affections, and thoughts. We in Hungary +have gained from the West the advantages of civilization for our women, +but we have preserved for them the regard and reverence of our Oriental +character. Nay, more than that, we carried these views into our +institutions and into our laws. With us, the widow remains the head of +the family, as the father was. As long as she lives, she is the mistress +of the property of her deceased husband. The chivalrous spirit of the +nation supposes she will provide, with motherly care, for the wants of +her children; and she remains in possession so long as she bears her +deceased husband's name. Under the old constitution of Hungary (which we +reformed upon a democratic basis--it having been aristocratic) the widow +of a lord had the right to send her representative to the parliament, +and in the county elections of public functionaries widows had a right +to vote alike with the men. Perhaps this chivalric character of my +nation, so full of regard toward the fair sex, may somewhat commend my +mission to the ladies of America. + +Our _second_ particular claim is, that the source of all the +misfortune which now weighs so heavily upon my bleeding fatherland, is +in two ladies--Catharine of Russia, and Sophia of Hapsburg, the +ambitious mother of this second Nero, Francis-Joseph. You know that one +hundred and fifty years ago, Charles the Twelfth of Sweden, the bravest +of the brave, foreseeing the growth of Russia, and fearing that it would +oppress and overwhelm civilization, ventured with a handful of men to +attack its rising power. After immortal deeds, and almost fabulous +victories, one loss made him a refugee upon Turkish soil, like myself. +But, happier than myself, he succeeded in persuading Turkey of the +necessity of checking Russia in her overweening ambition, and curtailing +her growth. On went Mehemet Baltadji with his Turks, and met Peter the +Czar, and pent him up in a corner, where there was no possibility of +escape. There Mehemet held him with iron grasp till hunger came to his +aid. Nature claimed her rights, and in a council of war it was decided +to surrender to Mehemet. Then Catharine who was present in the camp, +appeared in person before the Grand Vizier to sue for mercy. She was +fair, and she was rich with jewels of nameless value. She went to the +Grand Vizier's tent. She came back without her jewels, but she brought +mercy, and Russia was saved. From that celebrated day dates the downfall +of Turkey, and the growth of Russia. Out of this source flowed the +stream of Russian preponderance over the European continent. The +depression of liberty, and the nameless sufferings of Poland and of my +poor native land, are the dreadful fruits of Catharine's success on that +day, cursed in the records of the human race. + +The second lady who will be cursed through all posterity in her memory, +is Sophia, the mother of the present usurper of Hungary--she who had the +ambitious dream to raise the power of a child upon the ruins of liberty, +and on the neck of prostrate nations. It was her ambition--the evil +genius of the House of Hapsburg in the present day--which brought +desolation upon us. I need only mention one fact to characterize what +kind of a heart was in that woman. On the anniversary of the day of +Arad, where our martyrs bled, she came to the court with a bracelet of +rubies set in so many roses as was the number of heads of the brave +Hungarians who fell there, declaring that she joyfully exhibited it to +the company as a memento which she wears on her very arm, to cherish in +eternal memory the pleasure she derived from the killing of those heroes +at Arad. This very fact may give you a true knowledge of the character +of that woman, and this is the _second_ claim to the ladies' +sympathy for oppressed humanity and for my poor fatherland. + +Our _third_ particular claim is the behaviour of our ladies during +the last war. It is no arbitrary praise--it is a fact,--that, in the +struggle for our rights and freedom, we had no more powerful +auxiliaries, and no more faithful executors of the will of the nation, +than the women of Hungary. You know that in ancient Rome, after the +battle of Cannae, which was won by Hannibal, the Senate called on the +people spontaneously to sacrifice all their wealth on the altar of their +fatherland. Every jewel, every ornament was brought forth, but still the +tribune judged it necessary to pass a law prohibiting the ladies of Rome +to wear more than half an ounce of gold, or particoloured splendid +dresses. Now, we wanted in Hungary no such law. The women of Hungary +brought all that they had. You would have been astonished to see how, in +the most wealthy houses of Hungary, if you were invited to dinner, you +would be forced to eat soup with iron spoons. When the wounded and the +sick--and many of them we had, because we fought hard--when the wounded +and the sick were not so well provided as it would have been our duty +and our pleasure to do, I ordered the respective public functionaries to +take care of them. But the poor wounded went on suffering, and the +proper officers were but slow in providing for them. When I saw this, +one single word was spoken to the ladies of Hungary, and in a short time +there was provision made for hundreds of thousands of sick. And I never +met a single mother who would have withheld her son from sharing in the +battle; but I have met many who ordered and commanded their children to +fight for their fatherland. I saw many and many brides who urged on the +bridegrooms to delay their day of happiness till they should come back +victorious from the battles of their fatherland. Thus acted the ladies +of Hungary. A country deserves to live; a country deserves to have a +future, when the women, as much as the men, love and cherish it. + +But I have a stronger motive than all these to claim your protecting +sympathy for my country's cause. It is her nameless woe, nameless +sufferings. In the name of that ocean of bloody tears which the impious +hand of the tyrant wrung from the eyes of the childless mothers, of the +brides who beheld the executioner's sword between them and their wedding +day--in the name of all these mothers, wives, brides, daughters, and +sisters, who, by thousands of thousands, weep over the graves of Magyars +so dear to their hearts,--who weep the bloody tears of a patriot (as +they all are) over the face of their beloved native land--in the name of +all those torturing stripes with which the flogging hand of Austrian +tyrants dared to outrage human nature in the womankind of my native +land--in the name of that daily curse against Austria with which even +the prayers of our women are mixed--in the name of the nameless +sufferings of my own dear wife [here the whole audience rose and cheered +vehemently]--the faithful companion of my life,--of her, who for months +and for months was hunted by my country's tyrants, with no hope, no +support, no protection, but at the humble threshold of the hard-working +people, as noble and generous as they are poor--in the name of my poor +little children, who when so young as to be scarcely conscious of life, +had already to learn what an Austrian prison is--in the name of all +this, and what is still worse, in the name of liberty trodden down, I +claim, ladies of New York, your protecting sympathy for my country's +cause. Nobody can do more for it than you. The heart of man is as soft +wax in your tender hands. Mould it, ladies; mould it into the form of +generous compassion for my country's wrongs, inspire it with the noble +feelings of your own hearts, inspire it with the consciousness of your +country's power, dignity, and might. You are the framers of man's +character. Whatever be the fate of man, one stamp he always bears on his +brow--that which the mother's hand impressed upon the soul of the child. +The smile of your lips can make a hero out of the coward, and a generous +man out of the egotist; one word from you inspires the youth to noble +resolutions; the lustre of your eyes is the fairest reward for the toils +of life. You can kindle energy even in the breast of broken age, that +once more it may blaze up in a noble generous deed before it dies. All +this power you have. Use it, ladies, in behalf of your country's glory, +and for the benefit of oppressed humanity, and when you meet a cold +calculator, who thinks by arithmetic when he is called to feel the +wrongs of oppressed nations, convert him, ladies. Your smiles are +commands, and the truth which pours forth instinctively from your +hearts, is mightier than the logic articulated by any scholar. The Peri +excluded from Paradise, brought many generous gifts to heaven in order +to regain it. She brought the dying sigh of a patriot; the kiss of a +faithful girl imprinted upon the lips of her bridegroom, when they were +distorted by the venom of the plague. She brought many other fair gifts; +but the doors of Paradise opened before her only when she brought with +her the first prayer of a man converted to charity and brotherly love +for his oppressed brethren and humanity. + +Remember the power which you have, and which I have endeavoured to point +out in a few brief words. Remember this, and form associations; +establish ladies' committees to raise substantial aid for Hungary. Now I +have done. One word only remains to be said-a word of deep sorrow, the +word, "Farewell, New York!" New York! that word will for ever make every +string of my heart thrill. I am like a wandering bird. I am worse than a +wandering bird. He may return to his summer home, I have no home on +earth! Here I felt almost at home. But "Forward" is my call, and I must +part. I part with the hope that the sympathy which I have met here in a +short transitory home will bring me yet back to my own beloved home, so +that my ashes may yet mix with the dust of my native soil. Ladies, +remember Hungary, and--farewell! + + * * * * * + +XIV.--RESULTS OF THE OVERTHROW OF THE FRENCH REPUBLIC. + +[_Speech at the Citizens' Banquet, Philadelphia, Dec. 26th._] + +Mr. Dallas, the Chairman, made an eloquent address advocating the cause +of Hungary against Russia, and avowing the duty of America to give +warlike aid. This speech was the more remarkable, as coming immediately +after the arrival of the news of Louis Napoleon's usurpation. The mind +of the public was naturally so full of the event, that Kossuth could not +avoid to discuss it; but the topic is so threadbare to the reader, that +it will suffice here to preserve a few sentiments. + +In the opening, Kossuth complained of forged letters and forged cheques +sent to annoy him, and anonymous letters of false accusation circulated +against him. Proceeding from this to public topics, and the certainty of +a new convulsion in Europe, he said, that it might prove in the future +highly dangerous to the moneyed interests, if the world be persuaded +that the holders of great disposable wealth use it to aid despotism, and +that the possession of it checks the generous propensity to forward the +triumph of freedom. If the world be confirmed in this persuasion, the +results will be painfully felt by those gentlemen, whose treasures are +always open for the despots to crush liberty with. Such moneylenders +have excited boundless hatred in all that section of Europe, which has +had to suffer from their ready financial aid to despotism. I (said +Kossuth) am no Socialist, no Communist; and if I get the means to act +efficiently, I shall so act that the inevitable revolution may not +subvert the rights of property: but so much I confidently declare--that +to the spreading of Communist doctrines in certain quarters of Europe +nobody has so much contributed as those European capitalists, who by +incessantly aiding the despots with their money have inspired many of +the oppressed with the belief that financial wealth is dangerous to the +freedom of the world. Rothschild is the most efficient apostle of +Communism. + +In regard to Louis Bonaparte's temporary success, Kossuth argued, that +it would secure, when France makes her next move for freedom, two +results beneficial to liberty: First, that in future, the French +republicans would abandon their delusive and disastrous Centralization. +We have shown (said he) in Hungary, that for a nation to be invincible, +its life must not be bound up with its metropolis. Henceforward, in +European aspirations, centralization is replaced by federative harmony. +I thank Louis Napoleon for it. _Your_ principles of local +self-government, gentlemen, were hitherto professed on the continent of +Europe chiefly by us Hungarians: now they will conquer the world,--a new +victory for humanity. Had the old French republic stood, it would have +perpetuated the curse of _great standing armies_, which are +instruments of ambition and a wasting pestilence. Again; the blow struck +by Louis Napoleon has forced his nation into the common destiny of +Europe. It has forbidden France ever in future to play a separate game, +and think to keep her own liberty, without effectively espousing the +cause of foreign liberty. + +What is the sum of all this? First, that there is nothing in the news +from France to alter any judgments which you might previously have +formed, or cause you any suspense. Secondly, it only more than ever +claims from you an immediately decisive conduct. The success of freedom +now depends entirely on what policy the United States of America will +adopt. + +Well! gentlemen. It may be that the United States have no reply to the +hopes of the world. You will then see a mournful tear in the eye of +humanity, and its breast heaving with sighs. We presume, you are so +powerful that you can afford not to care about the treading down of the +law of nations and the funeral of European freedom. You are so glorious +at home, that you can afford to lose the glory (at so rare a crisis!) of +saving liberty and justice on earth. Yet in your own hour of trial you +asked and received military and naval aid from France. Your President +has informed the world, that you are not willing to allow "the strong +arm of a foreign power to suppress the spirit of freedom in any +country." If after this you tell me that you are _afraid_ of +Russia, and are _too weak_ to help us,--and would rather be on good +terms with the Czar, than rejoice in the liberty and independence of +Hungary, Italy, Germany, France,--dreadful as it would be, I would wipe +away my tear, and say to my brethren, "Let us pray, and let us go to the +Lord's Last Supper, and thence to battle and to death." I would then +leave you, gentlemen, with a dying farewell, and with a prayer that the +sun of freedom may never drop below the horizon of your happy land. + +I am in Philadelphia, the city of brotherly love, the city of William +Penn, whose likeness I saw this day in a history of your city, with this +motto under it: "_Si vis pacem, para bellum_"--(prepare for war, if +thou wilt have peace)--a weighty memento, gentlemen, to the name of +William Penn. + +And I am in that city which is the cradle of your independence--where, +in the hour of your need, the appeal was proclaimed to the Law of +Nature's God, and that appeal for help from Europe, which was granted to +you. + +I stood in Independence Hall, whence the spirit of freedom lisps eternal +words of history to the secret recesses of your hearts. Man may well be +silent where from such a place history so speaks. So my task is +done--with me the pain, with you the decision--and, let me add the +prophetic words of the poet, "the moral of the strain." + +Kossuth took his seat amid the three times three of the audience. + + * * * * * + +XV.--INTEREST OF AMERICA IN HUNGARIAN LIBERTY. + +[_Baltimore, Dec. 27th_.] + +On the 27th December Kossuth reached Baltimore, and was met by an +immense concourse of citizens and a long line of military, who escorted +him to his quarters with much enthusiastic demonstration. In the evening +he addressed the citizens in the Hall of the Maryland Institute, which +was densely crowded, great numbers standing outside the building, when +unable to get admittance. + +After an apologetic introduction, Kossuth proceeded to say:-- + +Gentlemen! It is gratifying to me to receive this spontaneous welcome. I +was already grateful, during my stay in New York, to receive the +expression of your sentiments, and your generous resolutions. They +become the more beneficial to me, because I am on my way and very near +to Washington City, where the elected of your national confidence stand +in their proud position, as conservators of those lofty interests, which +bind your thirty-one stars of Sovereign States into one mighty +constellation of Freedom, Power, and Right; where the Congress and +Government of this vast Republic watch over the common weal of your +united country, and hereby make you a Power on earth, a fullgrown member +of that great Family of Nations, which, having One Father in heaven, are +brethren, and should act as brethren. + +Among the interests intrusted by you to the Congress and Government, +your _foreign policy_ is nearly the most important. This, in a +great and powerful nation, can have no other basis than Eternal Law and +Christian Morality. Even your peculiar interests are, in my belief, best +served, when your foreign policy rests, not on transitory +considerations, but on everlasting principles. Even in private life no +man can entirely cut himself off from others. A man willing to attempt +it would be an exile in his own country, an exile in his own city, an +exile in his family. Just so with nations, which in the larger family of +man are individual members. If a nation seclude itself, it is an exile +in the midst of humanity. No man, ladies and gentlemen, is independent +of his fellow-man; no nation, however powerful, is independent of other +nations. Put the richest, the strongest man for a single week wholly +apart from family, city, country, and he will quickly learn his +essential weakness. In a nation, the consequence of total isolation is +not felt as soon, but it will at length be felt as surely. The +_hours_ of nations are counted by _years_; yet the secluded +nation, self-exiled from mankind, dwindles away. Woe to the people, +whose citizens care only for their own present, and not for the future +of their country! the future, in which they have to live immortally by +children and children's children, with whose glory and happiness and +power they ought now to sympathize. Men or nations secluded are like +the silk-worm, which secretes itself in a self-woven case, and at length +creeps out to die. So will it at length be with the nation which is +wrapped up in self. + +It is one of your glories, that some portions of your united republic +are farther from other portions than Hungary is from Baltimore: mere +distance is therefore no reason why you should be unconcerned about our +fate. You are not too far for commercial intercourse with the most +distant coasts of Europe; and especially since the invention of one of +your citizens has been brought to higher perfection, the ocean rather +unites you to us, than separates you. Would you have the +_advantages_ of the connection, without the _duties_ which +spring out of it? Disregard of duty sooner or later kills advantage. I +need not remind you what a link of nature, blood, language, science, +industry, religion, civilization, exists between you and us, and binds +us ever tighter. You cannot help feeling at home our condition in +Europe. Our peace or war, our civilization or barbarism, our freedom or +oppression, our wealth or starvation, progress or retrogression, +_must_ act upon you, just as your condition reacts upon us. The +link between the destinies of Christendom cannot be cut asunder. In +fact, there never yet was a time when Europe more demanded that you +should have _some_ policy towards it; and indifference is none at +all. At this moment it is under universal oppression of _social, +political_, and _religious_ liberty,--the three treasures which +make your glory and happiness. This oppression is ordered by Russia, and +executed by her satellites. The elected President of France has +impiously stabbed the constitution, to make himself Emperor. The +Austrian Ministry has openly declared that the absolutist powers will +maintain him. Thus the impulse of revolution has been given; its +vibration will be felt throughout Europe and in my fatherland. Never +will you have an opportunity more glorious for you, and more favourable +to mankind, for adopting a real policy founded upon principles. + +The people of Hungary have abundant motives to risk life for freedom and +independence. Once we had a nationality; now we have none. Once we had a +constitution;--by the blessing of God we succeeded to transform it three +years ago from an aristocratic to a democratic one;--now Hungary has no +constitution at all. For a thousand years we were a free people; we are +now so no longer. Like a flock of sheep, we are appropriated, not by the +Austrian empire, not by the nation, but by a despotic ambitious family. +We had freedom of the press. Not nineteen years ago, I began the +struggle, and endured three years imprisonment for it; but we won that +great right of mankind--free expression of thought. Now there is no +press at all in Hungary; there is only the hangman and martial law. We +established equal protection for every religion; now there is equal +oppression for all. The Protestant Church had its own self-government +for its churches and schools, won by victorious arms and secured by a +hundred laws; now the laws are torn down, and the freedom of church and +school is gone. The Catholic Church had control of its own estates; now, +day by day, the nearly bankrupt Austrian government is overgrowing that +property by the poisonous weeds of a new loan, on which it vegetates, a +curse to every nation on the continent. Such is the condition of the +Catholic Church, concerning which I--a Protestant, not only by birth, +but also by conviction--declare, that during a whole lifetime, when +Hungary was struggling for religious liberty, that Church contended in +the foremost rank for the rights of us Protestants. So much do we value +the freedom of conscience, that the very thought was repugnant to us +all, that there should be unequal rights of citizenship between +Protestants and Catholics and professors of the Faith of Moses. Zeal for +religious freedom will kindle Magyars to struggle, as long as there is +blood in our veins. As during three centuries, so the late war was for +religious independence as well as civil; indeed, still earlier, we were +the barrier of Christendom against the invading Mahommedan. We +succeeded lately in freeing the agriculture of Hungary, and transforming +peasants into freeholders; now the Austrian dynasty is stealthily +bringing back feudal rights. In freeing the peasants, we provided for +indemnification of landlords; Austria taxes the peasants very heavily, +and does not (for she cannot) indemnify the landlords; because her +violence and wastefulness does not know how to turn our public estates +to account. She favours a few landlords only, who are faithful tools of +her oppression. During our struggle, we issued paper-money,--it was +called the Kossuth-bank-note; Austria disavowed it, and commanded its +surrender, yet twenty millions are firmly held by the people, as +valuable after a new revolution. Before we fell under the stroke of +Russian interference, the taxation permitted by our Parliament was only +four and a half millions of dollars; Austria now imposes SIXTY. Our +people burn their tobacco-seed and cut down their vines, rather than +endure her tax. Such are the motives which Austria gives to Hungary +_not_ to make a new revolution! There is not a single interest +which she has not mortally wounded. The mind, the heart, dignity, +conscience, self-esteem, hatred, love, revenge, besides every material +interest of every class, is engaged to the struggle. + +The oppression of Hungary has ratified the oppression of all our +continent. Since she has fallen, Italy has been completely crushed, the +moderate freedom of Germany has been put down by Austria with the +support of Russia; lastly, the usurpation of Louis Napoleon has been +made possible. Without the restoration of Hungary Europe cannot be freed +from Russian thraldom; under which nationalities are erased, no freedom +is possible, all religions are subjected to like slavery. Gentlemen! the +Emperor Napoleon spoke a prophetic word, when he said that in fifty +years all Europe would be either republican or Cossack. Hungary once +free, Europe is republican; Hungary permanently crushed, all Europe is +Cossack. And what does Hungary _need_ for freedom? Not that other +nations should fight our proper battle against our immediate oppressor. +We have hearts loving freedom and ready to shed their blood for it; we +have armies fully equal to Austria, we want only "FAIR PLAY." Let the +United States feel itself to be as it is, a Power on earth, bound to aid +in the police of the nations, and in the name of violated right let it +say to the Russian intruder, "Keep back, hands off, let the brave +Magyars fight their own battle, _else_ we must take their part." +For centuries, perhaps, you will have no more glorious opportunity than +now. Hitherto, the word Glory has been connected with conquest and +oppression. Take the New Glory for yours, by assuring to all nations +exemption from the conspiracy of tyrants. That is what I _first_ +humbly request and hope. + +[Kossuth proceeded, as in former speeches, to explain his other +requests, viz. _secondly_, free commerce with America, whether +Hungary was in war with Austria or not; _thirdly_, that when the +suitable moment arrived, the Government should recognize the legitimate +character of the Declaration of Independence made by Hungary in April, +1849. He added]:-- + +These requests I have very often explained since I have had the honour +to be in the United States. I explained them yesterday in +Philadelphia--the cradle of your Declaration of Independence. There I +was answered, not only by the unanimous adoption of these resolutions on +the part of the city of Harrisburg the capital of Pennsylvania, but also +by the people of Philadelphia, at a great and important meeting. Nor was +that enough. I received more in Philadelphia. I was told that, besides +the granting of these my humble requests, whenever war breaks out for +Hungary's freedom and independence I shall find brave hearts and stout +arms among the twenty-four millions of the people of the United States +ready to go over to Europe and fight side by side in the great battle +for the freedom and independence of the European continent. I was told +that it was not possible, when the battle for mankind's liberty is +fought, for the sword of Washington to rest in its scabbard. That sword, +which struck the first blow here on this continent for the republican +freedom of this great country, must be present there, where the last +stroke for all humanity will be given. Now, gentlemen, I will not abuse +your kind indulgence and patience, which you have bestowed in your +crowded situation. I will only say, that should this be the generous +will of the people of the United States, in the name of the honour of my +nation I can give the assurance that the Hungarians will be found worthy +to fight side by side with you for civil and political freedom on the +European continent, and to take care, with the sword of Washington, that +no hair of that lock which I received as a present in Philadelphia, and +which I promised to attach to that very standard which I will bear to +decide the victory against despotism--that no hair of that lock shall +fall into the hands of tyrants. And now may the ladies who have honoured +me with their presence graciously allow me to express to them my most +humble thanks and one humble prayer. The destinies of mankind--the +future of humanity--repose in the hands of womanhood. The mark which the +mother imprints upon the brow of the child remains for his whole life. +Ladies of the United States, when the wandering exile passes away from +your presence, take to your kind care the great cause of the liberty of +the world with the tenderness with which a mother takes care of her +child; and when _you_ take care of this great cause, the sympathy +of the people of the United States will not vanish like the passing +emotion of the heart, but will become substantial, active, and +effectual. + +The speaker then took his seat, with three times three from the +audience. + +Judge Legrand followed and proposed the Harrisburg resolutions, which +were adopted. They are as annexed:-- + +Resolved,--That the citizens of Harrisburg, the seat of government of +Pennsylvania, in town meeting assembled, hereby approve and endorse the +three propositions promulgated by Louis Kossuth, Governor of Hungary, in +his great speech before the Mayor and authorities of the city of New +York, viz.:-- + +"First. That feeling interested in the maintenance of the laws of +nations, acknowledging the sovereign right of every people to dispose of +its own domestic concerns to be one of the laws, and the interference +with this sovereign right to be a violation of these laws of nations, +the people of the United States--resolved to respect and to make +respected these public laws--declares the Russian past intervention in +Hungary to be a violation of these laws, which, if reiterated, would be +a new violation, and would not be regarded indifferently by the people +of the United States. + +"Second. That the people of the United States are resolved to maintain +its right of commercial intercourse with the nations of Europe, whether +they be in a state of revolution against their government or not; and +that, with the view of approaching scenes on the continent of Europe, +the people invite the government to take appropriate measures for the +protection of the trade of the people with the Mediterranean. + +"Third. That the people of the United States should declare their +opinion in respect to the question of the independence of Hungary, and +urge the government to act accordingly." + +Resolved, That the people of Hungary are, and ought to remain a free and +independent nation; that Louis Kossuth is their lawful governor, and +that the Hungarian people should not be prevented from exercising the +rights of freemen by the tyranny of Austria and Russia. + +Resolved, That we extend to Louis Kossuth, Governor of Hungary, and the +Hungarian nation, that has made such a noble stand in the cause of +freedom, that sympathy, aid, and support, which freemen alone know how +to grant. + +Resolved, That a committee of fifteen, including the officers of this +meeting, be appointed to repair to Philadelphia, and invite the Governor +of Hungary to visit the capital of Pennsylvania at such times as may +suit his convenience. + + * * * * * + +XVI.--NOVELTIES IN AMERICAN REPUBLICANISM. + +[_Washington Banquet, Jan. 5th_, 1852.] + +The Banquet given by a large number of the Members of the two Houses of +Congress to Kossuth took place at the National Hotel, in Washington +City. The number present was about two hundred and fifty. The Hon. Wm. +R. King, of Alabama, president of the Senate, presided. On his right sat +Louis Kossuth, and on his left the Hon. Daniel Webster, Secretary of +State. On the right of Kossuth at the same table, sat the Hon. Linn +Boyd, speaker of the House of Representatives. Besides other +distinguished guests who responded to toasts, are named Hon. Thomas +Corwin, Secretary of the Treasury, and Hon. Alex. H. H. Stuart, +Secretary of the Interior. + +A few minutes after eight o'clock, a large number of ladies were +admitted, and the President of the Senate requested gentlemen to fill +their glasses for the first toast, which was, + + "The President of the United States." + +To this, Mr. Webster responded. + +The President then announced the second toast: + +"The Judiciary of the United States: The expounder of the Constitution +and the bulwark of liberty regulated by law." + +Judge Wayne, of the Supreme Court of the United States, replied, and +after alluding to "The distinguished stranger" who was then among them, +said: I give you, gentlemen, as a sentiment: + +"Constitutional liberty to all the nations of the earth, supported by +Christian faith and the morality of the Bible." + +The toast was received with enthusiastic applause. + +The third toast was,-- + +"The Navy of the United States: The home squadron everywhere. Its glory +was illustrated, when its flag in a foreign sea gave liberty and +protection to the Hungarian Chief." + +Mr. Stanton, of Tennessee, in his reply, said: + +But recently, Mr. President, a new significance has been given to this +flag. Heretofore, the navy has been the symbol of our power and the +emblem of our liberty, but now it speaks of humanity and of a noble +sympathy for the oppressed of all nations. _The home squadron +everywhere_, to give protection to the brave and to those who may +have fallen in the cause of freedom! Your acquiescence in that sentiment +indicates the profound sympathy of the people of the United States for +the people of Hungary, manifested in the person of their great chief; +and I can conceive of no duty that would be more acceptable to the +gallant officers of the navy of the United States except one, and that +is, _to strike a blow for liberty themselves in a just cause, approved +by our Government_. + +The fourth toast was,-- + +"The army of the united states. In saluting the illustrious Exile with +magnanimous courtesy, as high as it could pay to any Power on earth, it +has added grace to the glory of its history." + +General Shields, Senator for Illinois, Chairman of the Committee of +Military Affairs in the Senate, being loudly called for, replied in the +necessary absence of General Scott, the chief of the army; and after an +appropriate acknowledgment of the toast, added: + +In paving this very high honor to our illustrious guest--this noble +Hungarian--let me observe that that army which has been toasted to-night +spoke for his reception by the voice of their cannon; and the cannon +that spoke there spoke the voice of twenty-five millions of people. Sir, +that salute which the American cannon gave the Hungarian exile had a +deep meaning in it. It was not a salute to the mere man Louis Kossuth, +but it was a salute in favour of the great principle which he +represents--the principle which he advocates, the principle of +nationality and of human liberty. Sir, I was born in a land which has +suffered as an oppressed nation. I am now a citizen of a land which +would have suffered from the same power, had it not been for the +bravery, gallantry, and good fortune of the men of that time. Sir, as an +Irishman by birth, and an American by adoption, I would feel myself a +traitor to both countries if I did not sustain downtrodden nationalities +everywhere--in Hungary, in Poland, in Germany, in Italy--everywhere +where man is trodden down and oppressed. And, sir, I say again, that +that army which maintained itself in three wars against one of the +greatest and most powerful nations of the world, will, if the trying +time should come again, maintain that same flag (the stars and stripes) +and the same triumph, and the same victories in the cause of liberty. +[Great applause.] + +The president of the evening then, after a cordial speech, proposed the +fifth toast: + +"Hungary, represented in the person of our honoured Guest, having proved +herself worthy to be free by the virtues and valour of her sons, the law +of nations and the dictates of justice alike demand that she shall have +fair play in her struggle for independence." + +This toast was received with immense applause, which lasted several +minutes. + +Kossuth then rose and spoke as follows: + +Sir: As once Cineas the Epirote stood among the Senators of Rome, who, +with a word of self-conscious majesty, arrested kings in their ambitious +march--thus, full of admiration and of reverence, I stand amongst you, +legislators of the new Capitol, that glorious hall of your people's +collective majesty. The Capitol of old yet stands, but the spirit has +departed from it, and is come over to yours, purified by the air of +liberty. The old stands a mournful monument of the fragility of human +things: yours as a sanctuary of eternal right. The old beamed with the +red lustre of conquest, now darkened by the gloom of oppression; yours +is bright with freedom. The old absorbed the world into its own +centralized glory; yours protects your own nation from being absorbed, +even by itself. The old was awful with unrestricted power; yours is +glorious by having restricted it. At the view of the old, nations +trembled; at the view of yours, humanity hopes. To the old, misfortune +was introduced with fettered hands to kneel at triumphant conquerors' +feet; to yours the triumph of introduction is granted to unfortunate +exiles who are invited to the honour of a seat. And where Kings and +Caesars never will be hailed for their power and wealth, there the +persecuted chief of a downtrodden nation is welcomed as your great +Republic's guest, precisely because he is persecuted, helpless, and +poor. In the old, the terrible _voe victis!_ was the rule; in +yours, protection to the oppressed, malediction to ambitious oppressors, +and consolation to a vanquished just cause. And while from the old a +conquered world was ruled, you in yours provide for the common +federative interests of a territory larger than that old conquered +world. There sat men boasting that their will was sovereign of the +earth; here sit men whose glory is to acknowledge "the laws of nature +and of nature's God," and to do what their sovereign, the People, wills. + +Sir, there is history in these contrasts. History of past ages and +history of future centuries may be often recorded in small facts. The +particulars to which the passion of living men clings, as if human +fingers could arrest the wheel of Destiny, these particulars die away; +it is the issue which makes history, and that issue is always coherent +with its causes. There is a necessity of consequences wherever the +necessity of position exists. Principles are the _alpha_: they must +finish with _omega_, and they will. Thus history may be often told +in a few words. + +Before the heroic struggle of Greece had yet engaged your country's +sympathy for the fate of freedom, in Europe then so far distant and now +so near, Chateaubriand happened to be in Athens, and he heard from a +_minaret_ raised upon the Propylaeum's ruins a Turkish priest in +the Arabic language announcing the lapse of hours to the Christians of +Minerva's town. What immense history there was in the small fact of a +Turkish Imaum crying out, "Pray, pray! the hour is running fast, and the +judgment draws near." + +Sir, there is equally a history of future ages written in the honour +bestowed by you on my humble self. The first Governor of Independent +Hungary, driven from his native land by Russian violence; an exile on +Turkish soil, protected by a Mahommedan Sultan from the blood-thirst of +Christian tyrants; cast back a prisoner to far Asia by diplomacy; was at +length rescued from his Asiatic prison, when America crossed the +Atlantic, charged with the hopes of Europe's oppressed nations. He +pleads, as a poor exile, before the people of this great Republic, his +country's wrongs and its intimate connection with the fate of the +European continent, and, in the boldness of a just cause, claims that +the principles of the Christian religion be raised to a law of nations. +To see that not only is the boldness of the poor exile forgiven, but +that he is consoled by the sympathy of millions, encouraged by +individuals, associations, meetings, cities, and States; supported by +effective aid and greeted by Congress and by Government as the nation's +guest; honoured, out of generosity, with that honour which only one man +before him received (a man who had deserved them from your gratitude,) +with honours such as no potentate ever can receive, and this banquet +here, and the toast which I have to thank you for: oh! indeed, sir, +there is a history of future ages in all these facts! They will go down +to posterity as the proper consequences of great principles. + +Sir, though I have a noble pride in my principles, and the inspiration +of a just cause, still I have also the consciousness of my personal +insignificance. Never will I forget what is due from me to the +_Sovereign Source_ of my public capacity. This I owe to my +nation's dignity; and therefore, respectfully thanking this highly +distinguished assembly in my country's name, I have the boldness to say +that Hungary well deserves your sympathy; that Hungary has a claim to +protection, because it has a claim to justice. But as to myself, I am +well aware that in all these honours I have no personal share. Nay, I +know that even that which might seem to be personal in your toast, is +only an acknowledgment of a historical fact, very instructively +connected with a principle valuable and dear to every republican heart +in the United States of America. As to ambition, I indeed never was +able to understand how anybody can love ambition more than liberty. But +I am glad to state a historical fact, as a principal demonstration of +that influence which institutions exercise upon the character of +nations. + +We Hungarians are very fond of the principle of municipal +self-government, and we have a natural horror against centralization. +That fond attachment to municipal self-government, without which there +is no provincial freedom possible, is a fundamental feature of our +national character. We brought it with us from far Asia a thousand +years ago, and we preserved it throughout the vicissitudes of ten +centuries. No nation has perhaps so much struggled and suffered for the +civilized Christian world as we. We do not complain of this lot. It may +be heavy, but it is not inglorious. Where the cradle of our Saviour +stood, and where His divine doctrine was founded, there now another +faith rules: the whole of Europe's armed pilgrimage could not avert this +fate from that sacred spot, nor stop the rushing waves of Islamism from +absorbing the Christian empire of Constantine. _We_ stopped those +rushing waves. The breast of my nation proved a breakwater to them. We +guarded Christendom, that Luthers and Calvins might reform it. It was a +dangerous time, and its dangers often placed the confidence of all my +nation into one man's hand. But there was not a single instance in our +history where a man honoured by his people's confidence deceived them +for his own ambition. The man out of whom Russian diplomacy succeeded in +making a murderer of his nation's hopes, gained some victories when +victories were the chief necessity of the moment, and at the head of an +army, circumstances gave him the ability to ruin his country; but he +never had the people's confidence. So even he is no contradiction to the +historical truth, that no Hungarian whom his nation honoured with its +confidence was ever seduced by ambition to become dangerous to his +country's liberty. That is a remarkable fact, and yet it is not +accidental; it springs from the proper influence of institutions upon +the national character. Our nation, through all its history, was +educated in the school of local self-government; and in such a country, +grasping ambition having no field, has no place in man's character. + +The truth of this doctrine becomes yet more illustrated by a quite +contrary historical fact in France. Whatever have been the changes of +government in that great country--and many they have been, to be +sure--we have seen a Convention, a Directorate, Consuls, and one +Consul, and an Emperor, and the Restoration, and the Citizen King, and +the Republic; Through all these different experiments centralization was +the keynote of the institutions of France--power always centralized; +omnipotence always vested somewhere. And, remarkable indeed, France has +never yet raised one single man to the seat of power, who has not +sacrificed his country's freedom to his personal ambition! + +It is sorrowful indeed, but it is natural. It is in the garden of +centralization that the venomous plant of ambition thrives. I dare +confidently affirm, that in your great country there exists not a single +man through whose brains has ever passed the thought, that he would wish +to raise the seat of his ambition upon the ruins of your country's +liberty, if he could. Such a wish is impossible in the United States. +Institutions react upon the character of nations. He who sows wind will +reap storm. History is the revelation of Providence. The Almighty rules +by eternal laws not only the material but also the moral world; and as +every law is a principle, so every principle is a law. Men as well as +nations are endowed with free-will to choose a principle, but, that once +chosen, the consequences must be accepted. + +With self-government is freedom, and with freedom is justice and +patriotism. With centralization is ambition, and with ambition dwells +despotism. Happy your great country, sir, for being so warmly attached +to that great principle of self-government. Upon this foundation your +fathers raised a home to freedom more glorious than the world has ever +seen. Upon this foundation you have developed it to a living wonder of +the world. Happy your great country, sir! that it was selected by the +blessing of the Lord to prove the glorious practicability of a +federative union of many sovereign States, all preserving their +State-rights and their self-government, and yet united in one--every +star beaming with its own lustre, but altogether one constellation on +mankind's canopy. + +Upon this foundation your free country has grown to prodigious power in +a surprizingly brief period, a power which attracts by its fundamental +principle. You have conquered by it more in seventy-five years than Rome +by arms in centuries. Your principles will conquer the world. By the +glorious example of your freedom, welfare, and security, mankind is +about to become conscious of its aim. The lesson you give to humanity +will not be lost. The respect for State-rights in the Federal Government +of America, and in its several States, will become an instructive +example for universal toleration, forbearance, and justice to the future +States, and Republics of Europe. Upon this basis those mischievous +questions of language-nationalities will be got rid of, which cunning +despotism has raised in Europe to murder liberty. Smaller States will +find security in the principle of federative union, while they will +preserve their national freedom by the principle of sovereign +self-government; and while larger States, abdicating the principle of +centralization will cease to be a blood-field to unscrupulous usurpation +and a tool to the ambition of wicked men, municipal institutions will +ensure the development of local elements; freedom, formerly an abstract +political theory, will be brought to every municipal hearth; and out of +the welfare and contentment of all parts will flow happiness, peace, and +security for the whole. + +That is my confident hope. Then will the fluctuations of Germany's fate +at once subside. It will become the heart of Europe, not by melting +North Germany into a Southern frame, or the South into a Northern; not +by absorbing historical peculiarities into a centralized omnipotence; +not by mixing all in one State, but by federating several sovereign +States into a Union like yours. + +Upon a similar basis will take place the national regeneration of +Sclavonic States, and not upon the sacrilegious idea of Panslavism, +which means the omnipotence of the Czar. Upon a similar basis shall we +see fair Italy independent and free. Not unity, but _union_ will +and must become the watchword of national members, hitherto torn rudely +asunder by provincial rivalries, out of which a crowd of despots and +common servitude arose. In truth it will be a noble joy to your great +Republic to feel that the moral influence of your glorious example has +worked this happy development in mankind's destiny; nor have I the +slightest doubt of the efficacy of that example. + +But there is one thing indispensable to it, without which there is no +hope for this happy issue. It is, that the oppressed nations of Europe +become the masters of their future, free to regulate their own domestic +concerns. And to this nothing is wanted but to have that "fair play" to +all, _for_ all, which you, sir, in your toast, were pleased to +pronounce as a right of my nation, alike sanctioned by the law of +nations as by the dictates of eternal justice. Without this "fair play" +there is no hope for Europe--no hope of seeing your principles spread. + +Yours is a happy country, gentlemen. You had more than fair play. You +had active and effectual aid from Europe in your struggle for +independence, which, once achieved, you used so wisely as to become a +prodigy of freedom and welfare, and a lesson of life to nations. + +But we in Europe--we, unhappily, have no such fair play. With us, +against every pulsation of liberty all despots are united in a common +league; and you may be sure that despots will never yield to the moral +influence of your great example. They hate the very existence of this +example. It is the sorrow of their thoughts, and the incubus of their +dreams. To stop its moral influence abroad, and to check its spread at +home, is what they wish, instead of yielding to its influence. + +We shall have no fair play. The Cossack already rules, by Louis +Napoleon's usurpation, to the very borders of the Atlantic Ocean. One of +your great statesmen--now, to my deep sorrow, bound to the sick bed of +far advanced age[*]--(alas! that I am deprived of the advice which his +wisdom could have imparted to me)--your great statesman told the world +thirty years ago that Paris was transferred to St. Petersburg. What +would he now say, when St. Petersburg is transferred to Paris, and +Europe is but an appendage to Russia? + +[Footnote *: Henry Clay, since deceased.] + +Alas! Europe can no longer secure to Europe fair play. England only +remains; but even England casts a sorrowful glance over the waves. +Still, we will stand our ground, "sink or swim, live or die." You know +the word; it is your own. We will follow it; it will be a bloody path to +tread. Despots have conspired against the world. Terror spreads over +Europe, and persecutes by way of anticipation. From Paris to Pesth there +is a gloomy silence, like the silence of nature before the terrors of a +hurricane. It is a sensible silence, disturbed only by the thousandfold +rattling of muskets by which Napoleon prepares to crush the people who +gave him a home when he was an exile, and by the groans of new martyrs +in Sicily, Milan, Vienna, and Pesth. The very sympathy which I met in +England, and was expected to meet here, throws my sisters into the +dungeons of Austria. Well, God's will be done! The heart may break, but +duty will be done. We will stand our place, though to us in Europe there +be no "fair play." But so much I hope, that no just man on earth can +charge me with unbecoming arrogance, when here, on this soil of freedom, +I kneel down and raise my prayer to God: "Almighty Father of Humanity, +will thy merciful arm not raise up a power on earth to protect the law +of nations when there are so many to violate it?" It is a prayer and +nothing else. What would remain to the oppressed if they were not even +permitted to pray? The rest is in the hand of God. + +Sir, I most fervently thank you for the acknowledgment that my country +has proved worthy to be free. Yes, gentlemen, I feel proud at my +nation's character, heroism, love of freedom and vitality; and I bow +with reverential awe before the decree of Providence which has placed my +country into a position such that, without its restoration to +independence, there is no possibility for freedom and independence of +nations on the European continent. Even what now in France is coming to +pass proves the truth of this. Every disappointed hope with which Europe +looked towards France is a degree more added to the importance of +Hungary to the world. Upon our plains were fought the decisive battles +for Christendom; _there_ will be fought the decisive battle for the +independence, of nations, for State rights, for international law, and +for democratic liberty. We will live free, or die like men; but should +my people be doomed to die, it will be the first whose death will not be +recorded as suicide, but as a martyrdom for the world, and future ages +will mourn over the sad fate of the Magyar race, doomed to perish, not +because we deserved it, but because in the nineteenth century there was +nobody to protect "the laws of nature and of nature's God." + +But I look to the future with confidence and with hope. Manifold +adversities could not fail to impress some mark of sorrow upon my heart, +which is at least a guard against sanguine illusions. But I have a +steady faith in principles. Once in my life indeed I was deplorably +deceived in my anticipations, from supposing principle to exist in +quarters where it did not. I did not count on generosity or chivalrous +goodness from the governments of England and France, but I gave them +credit for selfish and instinctive prudence. I supposed them to value +Parliamentary Government, and to have foresight enough to know the +alarming dangers to which they would be exposed, if they allowed the +armed interference of Russia to overturn historical, limited, +representative institutions. But France and England both proved to be +blind, and deceived me. It was a horrible mistake; and has issued in a +horrible result. The present condition of Europe, which ought to have +been foreseen by those governments, exculpates me for having erred +through expecting them to see their own interests. Well, there is a +providence in every fact. Without this mistake the principles of +American republicanism would for a long time yet not have found a +fertile soil on that continent, where it was considered wisdom to belong +to the French school. Now matters stand thus: that either the continent +of Europe has no future at all, or this future is American +republicanism. And who can believe that two hundred millions of that +continent, which is the mother of such a civilization, are not to have +any future at all? Such a doubt would be almost blasphemy against +Providence. But there is a Providence indeed--a just, a bountiful +Providence, and in it I trust, with all the piety of my religion. I dare +to say my very self was an instrument of it. Even my being here, when +four months ago I was yet a prisoner of the league of European despots +in far Asia, and the sympathy which your glorious people honours me +with, and the high benefit of the welcome of your Congress, and the +honour to be your guest, to be the guest of your great Republic--I, a +poor exile--is there not a very intelligible manifestation of Providence +in it?--the more, when I remember that the name of your guest is by the +furious rage of the Austrian tyrant, nailed to the gallows. + +I confidently trust that the nations of Europe have a future. I am +aware that this future is vehemently resisted by the bayonets of +absolutism; but I know that though bayonets may give a defence, they +afford no seat to a prince. I trust in the future of my native land, +because I know that it is worthy to have one, and that it is necessary +to the destinies of humanity. I trust to the principles of +republicanism; and, whatever may be my personal fate, so much I know, +that my country will preserve to you and your glorious land an +everlasting gratitude. + +A toast in honour of Mr. Webster, the Secretary of State, having then +been proposed, that gentleman responded in an ample speech, of which the +following is an extract:-- + +Gentlemen, I do not propose at this hour of the night, to entertain you +by any general disquisition upon the value of human freedom, upon the +inalienable rights of man, or upon any general topics of that kind; but +I wish to say a few words upon the precise question, as I understand it, +that exists before the civilized world, between Hungary and the Austrian +Government, and I may arrange the thoughts to which I desire to give +utterance under two or three general heads. + +And in the first place I say, that wherever there is in the Christian +and civilized world a nationality of character--wherever there exists a +nation of sufficient knowledge and wealth and population to constitute a +Government, then a National Government is a necessary and proper result +of nationality of character. We may talk of it as we please, but there +is nothing that satisfies the human being in an enlightened age, unless +he is governed by his own countrymen and the institutions of his own +Government. No matter how easy be the yoke of a foreign Power, no matter +how lightly it sits upon the shoulders, if it is not imposed by the +voice of his own nation and of his own country, he will not, he cannot, +and he _means_ not to be happy under its burden. + +There is not a civilized and intelligent man on earth that enjoys entire +satisfaction in his condition, if he does not live under the government +of his own nation--his own country, whose volitions and sentiments and +sympathies are like his own. Hence he cannot say "This is not my +country; it is the country of another Power; it is a country belonging +to somebody else." Therefore, I say that whenever there is a nation of +sufficient intelligence and numbers and wealth to maintain a government, +distinguished in its character and its history and its institutions, +that nation cannot be happy but under a government of its own choice. + +Then, sir, the next question is, whether Hungary, as she exists in our +ideas, as we see her, and as we know her, is distinct in her +nationality, is competent in her population, is also competent in her +knowledge and devotion to correct sentiment, is competent in her +national capacity for liberty and independence, to obtain a government +that shall be Hungarian out and out? Upon that subject, gentlemen, I +have no manner of doubt. Let us look a little at the position in which +this matter stands. What is Hungary? + +Hungary is about the size of Great Britain, and comprehends nearly half +of the territory of Austria. + +[According to one authority its population is 14 millions and a half.] + +It is stated by another authority that the population of Hungary is +_nearly_ 14,000,000; that of England (in 1841) nearly 15,000,000; +that of Prussia about 16,000,000. + +Thus it is evident that, in point of power, so far as power depends upon +population, Hungary possesses as much power as England _proper_, or +even as the kingdom of Prussia. Well, then, there is population +enough--there are people enough. Who, then, are they? They are distinct +from the nations that surround them. They are distinct from the +Austrians on the west, and the Turks on the east; and I will say in the +next place that they are an _enlightened_ nation. They have their +history; they have their traditions; they are attached to their own +institutions--institutions which have existed for more than a thousand +years. + +Gentlemen, it is remarkable that, on the western coasts of Europe, +political light exists. There is a sun in the political firmament, and +that sun sheds his light on those who are able to enjoy it. But in +eastern Europe, generally speaking, and on the confines between eastern +Europe and Asia, there is no political sun in the heavens. It is all an +arctic zone of political life. The luminary, that enlightens the world +in general, seldom rises there above the horizon. The light which they +possess is at best crepuscular, a kind of twilight, and they are under +the necessity of groping about to catch, as they may, any stray gleams +of the light of day. Gentlemen, the country of which your guest to-night +is a native is a remarkable exception. She has shown through her whole +history, for many hundreds of years, an attachment to the principles of +civil liberty, and of law and order, and obedience to the constitution +which the will of the great majority have established. That is the +fact; and it ought to be known wherever the question of the +practicability of Hungarian liberty and independence are discussed. It +ought to be known that Hungary stands out from it above her neighbours +in all that respects free institutions, constitutional government, and a +hereditary love of liberty. + +Gentlemen, my sentiments in regard to this effort made by Hungary are +here sufficiently well expressed. In a memorial addressed to Lord John +Russell and Lord Palmerston, said to have been written by Lord +Fitzwilliam, and signed by him and several other Peers and members of +Parliament, the following language is used, the object of the memorial +being to ask the mediation of England in favour of Hungary. + +"While so many of the nations of Europe have engaged in revolutionary +movements, and have embarked in schemes of doubtful policy and still +more doubtful success, it is gratifying to the undersigned to be able to +assure your lordships that the Hungarians demand nothing but the +recognition of ancient rights and the stability and integrity of their +ancient constitution. To your lordships it cannot be unknown that that +constitution bears a striking family-resemblance to that of our own +country." + +Gentlemen, I have said that a National Government, where there is a +distinct nationality, is essential to human happiness. I have said that +in my opinion, Hungary is thus capable of human happiness. I have said +that she possesses that distinct nationality, that power of population, +and that of wealth, which entitles her to have a Government of her own; +and I have now to add what I am sure will not sound well upon the Upper +Danube; and that is, that, in my humble judgment, the imposition of a +foreign yoke upon a people capable of self-government, while it +oppresses and depresses that people, adds nothing to the strength of +those who impose that yoke. In my opinion, Austria would be a better +and a stronger Government to-morrow if she confined the limits of her +power to hereditary and German dominions. Especially if she saw in +Hungary a strong, sensible, independent neighbouring nation; because I +think that the cost of keeping Hungary quiet is not repaid by any +benefit derived from Hungarian levies or tributes. And then again, good +neighbourhood, and the goodwill and generous sympathies of mankind, and +the generosity of character that ought to pervade the minds of +Governments as well as those of individuals, is vastly more promoted by +living in a state of friendship and amity with those who differ from us +in modes of government, than by any attempt to consolidate power in the +hands of one over all the rest. + +Gentlemen, the progress of things is unquestionably onward. It is +onward with respect to Hungary. It is onward everywhere. Public +opinion, in my estimation at least, is making great progress. It will +penetrate all resources; it will come more or less to animate all minds; +and in respect to that country, for which our sympathies to-night have +been so strongly invoked, I cannot but say that I think the people of +Hungary are an enlightened, industrious, sober, well-inclined community; +and I wish only to add, that I do not now enter into any discussion of +the form of government which may be proper for Hungary. Of course, all +of you, like myself, would be glad to see her, when she becomes +independent, embrace that system of government which is most acceptable +to ourselves. We shall rejoice to see our American model upon the Lower +Danube, and on the mountains of Hungary. But that is not the first step. +It is not that which will be our first prayer for Hungary. The first +prayer shall be, that Hungary may become independent of all foreign +power, that her destinies may be entrusted to her own hands, and to her +own discretion. I do not profess to understand the social relations and +connections of races, and of twenty other things that may affect the +public institutions of Hungary. All I say is, that Hungary can regulate +these matters for herself infinitely better than they can be regulated +for her by Austria, and therefore I limit my aspirations for Hungary, +for the present, to that single and simple point HUNGARIAN +INDEPENDENCE:-- + +"Hungarian independence; Hungarian control of her own destinies; and +Hungary as a distinct nationality among the nations of Europe." + +The toast was received with enthusiastic applause. + +The President then announced the next toast-- + +"The rights of states are only valuable when subject to the free control +of those to whom they appertain, and utterly worthless if to be +determined by the sword of foreign interference." + +Mr. Douglas of Illinois, one of the Candidates for the Presidency, in +responding, spoke at length, and denounced the injustice and folly of +England. In the close he said:-- + +He regarded the intervention of Russia in the affairs of Hungary as a +palpable violation of the laws of nations, that would authorize the +United States to interfere. If Russia, or Austria, or any other power, +should interfere again, then he would determine whether or not we should +act, his action depending upon the circumstances as they should then be +presented. In the mean time, however, he would proclaim the principle of +the laws of nations: he would instruct our ministers abroad to protest +the moment there was the first symptom of the violation of these laws. +He would show to Europe that we had as much right to sympathize in a +system of government similar to our own, as they had in similar +circumstances. In his opinion, Hungary was better adapted for a liberal +movement than any other nation in Europe. + +In conclusion, Mr. Douglas begged leave to offer the following +sentiment:-- + +"Hungary: When she shall make her next struggle for liberty, may the +friends of freedom throughout the world proclaim to the ears of all +European despots, Hands off, a clear field and a fair fight, and God +will protect the right." + +The toast was received with the greatest applause. + +Colonel Florence submitted the following sentiment:-- + +"The American Minister to France, whose intervention defeated the +quintuple treaty." + +General Cass replied in a very energetic speech, in which he stated that +he was approaching the age of three score years and ten. Turning to +Kossuth, he said:-- + +Leader of your country's revolution--asserter of the rights of +man--martyr of the principles of national independence--welcome to our +shores! Sir, the ocean, more merciful than the wrath of tyrants, has +brought you to a country of freedom and of safety. That was a proud day +for you, but it was a prouder day for us, when you left the shores of +old Hellespont and put your foot upon an American deck. Protected by +American cannon, with the stars of our country floating over you, you +could defy the world in arms! And, sir, here in the land of Washington, +it is not a barren welcome that I desire to give you; but much further +than that I am willing to go. I am willing to lay down the great +principles of national rights, and adhere to them. The sun of heaven +never shone on such a government as this. And shall we sit blindfolded, +with our arms crossed, and say to tyranny, "Prevail in every other +region of the world?" [Cries of "No, no!"] I thank you for the response. +Every independent nation under Heaven has a right to establish just such +a government as it pleases. And if the oppressed of any nation wish to +throw off their shackles, they have the right, without the interference +of any other; and, with the first and greatest of our Presidents--the +father of his country--I trust we are prepared to say, that "we +sympathize with every oppressed nation which unfurls the banner of +freedom." And I am willing, as a member of Congress, to pass a +declaration to-morrow, in the name of the American people, maintaining +that sentiment. + +A toast was then proposed: + +"Turkey: Her noble hospitality extended to a fallen patriot, even at the +risk of war, proves her to be worthy of the respect and friendship of +liberal nations." + +Kossuth replied as follows:-- + +Sir, I feel very thankful for having the opportunity to express in this +place my everlasting gratitude to the Sultan of Turkey and to his noble +people. I am not a man to flatter any one. Before God, nations, and +principles I bow--before none else. But I bow with warm and proud +gratitude, before the memory of the generous conduct I met in Turkey. +And I entreat your kind permission to state some facts, which perhaps +may contribute something to a better knowledge of that country, because +I am confident that, when it is once better known, more attention will +be bestowed on its future. + +Firstly, as to myself. When I was in that country, and Russia and +Austria, in the full pride of their victory, were imposing their will +upon the Sultan, and claiming the surrender of me and my associates, it +is true that a grand divan was held at Constantinople, and not very +favourable opinions were pronounced by a certain party opposed to the +existing government in Turkey, whereby the Sublime Porte itself was led +to believe that there was no help for us poor exiles, but to abandon our +faith and become Mohammedans, in order that Turkey might be able to +protect us. I thereupon made a declaration, which I believe I was bound +in honesty to make. But I owe it to the honour of the Sultan to say +openly, that even before I had declared that I would rather die than +accept this condition--before that declaration was conveyed to +Constantinople, and before any one there could have got knowledge that I +had appealed to the public opinion of England in relation +thereto--before all this was known at Constantinople, when the decision +of that great divan was announced to the Sultan to be unfavourable to +the exiles, he out of the generosity of his own heart, without knowing +what we were willing to accept or not to accept, declared: "They are +upon the soil; they have trusted to my honour, to my justice--to my +religion--and they shall not be deceived. Rather will I accept war than +deliver them up." That is entirely his merit. But notwithstanding these +high obligations which I feel towards Turkey, I never will try to engage +public sympathy and attention towards a country--towards a power--upon +the basis of one fact. But there are many considerations in reference to +Turkey which merit the full attention of the United States of America. + +When we make a comparison between the Turkish Government and that of +Austria and Russia in respect to religious liberty, the scale turns +entirely in favour of Turkey. There is not only toleration for all +religions, but the government does not mix with their religious affairs, +but leaves these entirely to their own control; whereas under Austria, +although self-government was secured by three victorious revolutions, by +treaties which ensured these revolutions, and by hundreds of laws; still +Austria has blotted out from Hungary the self-government of the +Protestant church, while Turkey accords and protects the self-government +of every religious denomination. Russia (as is well known) taking +religion as a political tool, persecutes the Roman Catholics, and indeed +the Greeks and Jews, in such a manner that the heart of man must revolt +against it. The Sultan, whenever a fanatic dares to encroach on the +religious freedom of any one at all in his wide dominions, is the +inexorable champion of that religious liberty which is permitted +everywhere under his rule. + +Again, I must cite from the history of Hungary this fact; that when +one-half of Hungary was under Turkish dominion, and the other half under +Austrian, religious liberty was always encouraged in that part which was +under the Turkish rule; and there was not only a full development of +Protestantism, but Unitarianism also was protected; yet by Austria the +Unitarians were afterwards excluded from every civil right, because they +were Unitarians, although our revolution restored their natural rights. +Such was the condition in respect to religious liberty under the +Austrian and under the Turkish dominion. + +Now, in respect to municipal self-government, Hungary and all those +different provinces which are now opposed to the Austrian empire,--if +indeed an empire which only rests upon the goodwill of a foreign master, +can be said to exist, or even to vegetate,--all those different +provinces are absorbed by Austria. There was not one which had not in +former times a constitutional life, not one which Austria did not +deprive of it by centralizing all power in her own court. Such is the +principle of Christian rule! + +Take, on the other hand, the Turk. In Turkey I have not only seen the +municipal self-government of cities developed to a very considerable +degree, but I have seen administration of justice very much like the +institution of the jury. I have seen a public trial in a case where one +party was a Turk, and the other party a Christian; where the municipal +authorities of the Christian and of the Turkish population were called +together to be not only the witnesses of the trial, but mutually to +control and direct it with perfect publicity. But more yet: there exist +Wallachia and Moldavia, under Turkish dominion; and the Turkish nation, +which has conquered that province and is dominant, yet, out of respect +for national self-government, has prescribed to its own self not to have +the right of a house to dwell in, or a single foot of soil in that land. +In all the domestic concerns of the province--which for centuries has +had a charter, by which the self-government of Wallachia and Moldavia +was ensured--it is worthy to mention that the Turk has never broken his +oath. Whereas in the European continent there is scarcely a single +dynasty, whether king, prince, duke, or emperor, which has not broken +faith before God and man. Now, the existence of this Turkey, great as +the present power of Europe is, is indispensable to the security of +Europe. You know that in the Crimea, in the time of Catherine, Potemkin +wrote the words, "Here passes the way to Constantinople." The policy +indicated by him at that time is always the policy of St. Petersburg; +and it is of Constantinople that Napoleon rightly said, that the power +which has it in command, if it is willing, is able, to rule +three-quarters of the world. Now, it is the intention, it is the +consistent policy of the Russian cabinet, to lay hold of Constantinople; +and therefore to protect the independent existence of Turkey is +necessary to Europe: for if Turkey be crushed, Russia becomes not only +entirely predominant, as she already is, but becomes the single mistress +of Asia and of Europe. And to uphold this independence of Turkey, +gentlemen, nothing is wanted but some encouragement from such a place as +the United States. Since Turkey has lost the possession of Buda in +Hungary, its power is declining. But why? Because from that time +European diplomatists began to succeed in persuading Turkey that she had +no strength to stand by herself; and by and bye it became the rule in +Constantinople that every petty interior question needed European +diplomacy. Now I say, Turkey has vitality such as not many nations have. +It has a power that not many have. Turkey wants nothing but a +consciousness of its own powers and encouragement to stand upon its own +feet; and this encouragement, if it comes as counsel, as kind advice, +out of such a place as the United States, I am confident will not only +be thankfully heard, but also very joyfully followed. That is the only +thing which is wanted there. + +And besides this political consideration that the existence of Turkey, +as it is, is necessary to the future of Europe, there are also high +commercial considerations proper to interest and attract the United +States. The freedom of commerce on the Danube is a law of nations +guaranteed by treaties; and yet there exists _no_ freedom. It is in +the hands of Russia. Turkey, to be sure, is very anxious to re-establish +freedom; but there is nobody to back her in her demands. Turkey can also +present to the manufacturing industry of such a country as the United +States a far larger and more important market than all China, with her +two hundred and fifty millions of inhabitants. + +But one consideration I can mention--and though it has no reference to +the public opinion here, I beg permission to avail myself of this +opportunity to pronounce it and give it publicity--and that is, that I +hope in the name of the future freedom and independence of the European +nations, those provinces of Turkey which are inhabited by Christians +will not, out of theoretical passion, and out of attachment to a mere +word, neglect that course of action which alone can lead them to freedom +and independence. Gentlemen, I declare that should the next +revolutionary movement in Europe extend to the Turkish provinces of +Moldavia and Servia,--and should Turkey hereby fall,--this would not +become a benefit to those provinces, but would benefit Russia only; +because then, Turkey no more existing, all those provinces will be +naturally absorbed by Russia; whereas, to hold fast to Turkey--that +Turkey, which respects religious liberty, gives them entirely and fully +self-government. + +So much, gentlemen, I desired to express. I believe you will excuse me +for the inappropriate manner in which I have acquitted myself of this, +which I considered to be my duty in expressing my thanks to Turkey. I +declare before you that I am fully convinced of the identity of interest +between Hungary and Turkey. We have a common enemy--therefore Hungary +and Turkey are by natural ties drawn into a close alliance against that +enemy. I declare that not only out of gratitude, but also out of a +knowledge of this community of interest, I will never in my life let an +opportunity escape where I in my humble capacity can contribute to the +glory, welfare, and happiness of Turkey, but will consider it the duty +of honour toward my country to be the truest, most faithful friend of +the Turkish empire. + + * * * * * + +XVIII.--ASPECTS OF AMERICA TOWARD ENGLAND. + +[_Speech at the Anniversary of the Battle of New Orleans, Jan. 8_.] + +F.P. Blair, Esq., in the name of the Democratic Association, pronounced +an elaborate address, vindicating the interposition of the King of +France to aid the American Colonies when they revolted from England, and +pointing out that America, in defence of her institutions, may be called +on to support the masses of the European nations as a breakwater between +herself and Despotism. He showed the certain danger to which English +freedom would be exposed from the triumph of despotism, and asked:-- + + What have we to expect from neutrality? We may anticipate + the treatment which we received from both belligerents + when Napoleon pressed on to empire over all the nation + as Russia does now.... Can we hope, that when the war + is intended to exterminate the principle of which our government + is the great exemplar, our people will be allowed the immunity + of free trade with the belligerents to grow rich and + strong by their calamities?... The impending danger + can only be averted from us by the ability of the people of + Europe, now kept down by military mercenaries, to rise and + assert their own rights. To encourage such efforts is the duty + of every free people, and of all that would be free.... + Shall our government hesitate to denounce, as a violation of + the law of nations, the intervention of the Czar? Shall it + hesitate to declare it a justification of a counter-intervention?... + Our countrymen will not assent to the one-sided + doctrine. They will intervene to lift up those stricken down + by intervention,-- + +The exiles from Europe--_Liberty_ and _Louis Kossuth_. + +The band struck up the well-known Marseilles Hymn, and Kossuth, rising +to respond, was received with prolonged cheers. The music having ceased, +three hearty cheers were given, and Louis Kossuth responded to the toast +and the address in the following remarks, which were received with warm +enthusiasm:-- + +Gentlemen: I feel sincerely gratified with the honour of being invited +to be present on this solemn occasion, dedicated to the memory of a +glorious as well as highly responsible fact in your history. + +There is high political wisdom in the custom yearly to revive the memory +of civil virtue and national glory in the mind of the living generation, +because nothing else is so efficient to keep alive the spirit of +patriotism--that powerful genius, which, like the angels of Scripture, +guards with flaming sword the Paradise of national liberty and +independence. Happy the land where the history of the past is the +history of the people, and not a mere flattery of kings; and +doubly happy the land where the rewards of the past are brightened by +present glory, present happiness; and where the noble deeds of the dead, +instead of being a mournful monument of vanished greatness which saddens +the heart, though it ennobles the mind, are a lasting source of national +welfare to the age and to posterity. But where, as in this your happy +land, national history is the elementary basis of education--where the +very schoolboy is better acquainted with the history of his country than +in monarchies almost the professors are--in such a country it would be +indeed but a ridiculous parading of vanity for a stranger to dwell upon +facts which every child is better acquainted with than he can be. Allow +me therefore, gentlemen, rather briefly to expound what is the practical +philosophy of that great victory which you are assembled to +celebrate--what is the moral of the strain as it presents itself to the +inquirer's mind. + +As a man has to pass through several periods of age, each of them marked +with its own peculiarities, before he comes to a settled position in +life, even so a nation. A nation has first to be born, then to grow; +then it has to prove its passive vitality by undergoing a trial of life. +Afterwards it has to prove its active force to rise within its own +immediate horizon. At last, it must take its proper seat amongst the +nations of the world as a power on earth. Every one of these periods of +national life must be gone through. There is no help for it. It is a +necessary process of life. And every one of these life-periods has its +own natural condition, which must be accepted as a necessity, even if we +should not be pleased with it. + +Gentlemen, having passed through the ordeal of an earnest life, with the +prospect of yet having to steer through stormy gales, it is natural +that, while I grasp my helm, I gaze at History, as my compass. And there +is no history more instructive than yours, because you have concentrated +within the narrow scope of a few years that natural process of national +life, which elsewhere was achieved only through centuries. It would be a +mistake, and a mistake not without danger, to believe that your nation +is still in its youth because it has lived but seventy-five years. The +natural condition of nations is not measured by years, but by those +periods of the process of life which I have mentioned. And there is no +nation on earth in whose history those periods were so distinctly marked +as in yours. First, you had to be born. That is the period of your +glorious struggle for independence. Endless honour be to those who +conducted it! You were baptized with blood, as it seems to be the +destiny of nations; but it was the genius of Freedom which stood +god-father at your baptism, and gave to you a lasting character by +giving you the Christian name of "_Republic_." Then you had to +grow, and, indeed, you have grown with the luxuriant rapidity of the +virgin nature of the American soil. Washington knew the nature of this +soil, fertilized by the blood of your martyrs and warmed by the sun of +your liberty. He knew it, when he told your fathers that you wanted but +twenty years of peaceful growth to defy any power whatsoever in a just +cause. You have grown through those twenty years, and wisely avoided to +endanger your growth by undertaking a toil not becoming to your growing +age; and there you stood about another twenty years, looking resolutely +but unpretendingly around, if there be anybody to question that you were +really a nation. The question was put in 1812, and decided by that +glorious victory, the anniversary of which you celebrate to-day. That +victory has a deeper meaning in your history than only that of a +repulsed invasion. It marks a period in your national life--the period +of acknowledged, unshakeable security of your national existence. It is +the consummation of your declaration of independence. You have proved by +it that the United States possess an incontestable vitality, having the +power to preserve that independent national position which your fathers +established by the declaration of independence. In reality, it was the +victory of New Orleans by which you took your seat amongst the +independent nations of the world never to be contested through all +posterity. + +If the history of New Orleans showed the security of your national +existence, the victorious war against Mexico proved that also your +national interests must be respected. The period of active vitality is +attained. It remains yet to take your seat, not amongst the +_nations_ of the earth, for _that_ you have since the day of +New Orleans, but amongst the _powers_ on earth. What is the meaning +of that word "power on earth?" The meaning of it is, to have not only +the power to guard your own particular interests, but also to have a +vote in the regulation of the common interests of humanity, of which you +are an independent member--in a word, to become a tribunal enforcing the +law of nations, precisely as your supreme court maintains your own +constitution and laws. And, indeed, all argument of statesmanship, all +philosophy of history, would be vain, if I were mistaken that your great +nation is arrived at this unavoidable period of life. + +The instinct of the people is in the life of a nation precisely that +which conscience is in the life of man. Before we, in our private life, +arrive at a clear conviction what course we have to adopt in this or +that occurrence, the conscience--that inexplicable spirit in our +breast--tells us in a pulsation of our heart what is right or what is +wrong. And this first pulsation of conscience is very trustworthy. Then +comes the reflective operation of the mind: it now and then lulls +conscience to sleep, now and then modifies particulars, and now and then +raises it to the degree of conviction. But conscience was in advance of +the mind. So is the instinct of the people--the conscience of nations. +Nor needs the highest intellectual power of individuality to feel +offended at the idea that the instinct of the people is always the first +to feel the right and wrong. It is the pulsation of the heart of the +nation; it is the advertisement of conscience, which never heaves +without reason, without necessity. + +Indeed, gentlemen, it is not my presence here which elicited that +majestic interest for national law and international rights. Nay, I had +not been here, but for the pre-existence of this interest. It raised +glorious interpreters during the struggles of Greece, when, indeed, I +was yet too young to be in public life. It flashed up, kindled by +Poland's heroic struggles, and it blazed high and broad when we were +fighting the sacred battle of independence for the European continent. +Had this interest and sympathy not existed long ago, I were not now +here. My very freedom is the result of it. + +And may I be permitted to mention that there were several concerns quite +unconnected with the cause of Hungary, which have much contributed to +direct public opinion to feel interested in the question of foreign +policy, so naturally connected with the question, What is international +law? + +Your relations with Mexico and Central America; the threatened +intervention of European powers in the possible issue of a recent case +which brought so much mourning into many families in the United States; +the question about the Sandwich Islands, which European diplomacy +appeared to contemplate as an appropriate barrier between your Pacific +States and the Indian and Chinese trade; the sad fate of an American +citizen now condemned to the galleys in Africa; and several other +considerations of pressing concern, must necessarily have contributed to +excite the interest of public opinion for the settlement of the +question, What is and what shall be law amongst nations?--law not +dictated by the whims of ambitious despots, but founded upon everlasting +principles, such as republics can acknowledge who themselves live upon +principles. + +The cause of Hungary is implicated with the very questions of right, in +which your country in so many respects is concerned. It happens to lie +so broad across the principles of international law, as to occupy not +only the instinct of the people but also the calm reflection of your +statesmen, conspicuous by mature wisdom and patriotism; and herein is +the key, besides the generosity congenial to freemen, why the cause +which I plead is honoured with so rapid a progress in public sentiment. + +And let me entreat your permission for one topic more. I received, +during my brief stay in England, some one hundred and thirty addresses +from cities and associations, all full of the same warm sympathy for my +country's cause, which you also have so generously testified. That +sympathy was accorded to me, notwithstanding my frank declaration that I +am a republican, and that my country, when restored to independence, can +be nothing but a republic. Now this is a fact gratifying to every friend +of progress in public sentiment, highly proving that the people are +everywhere honourable, just, noble, and good. And do you know, +gentlemen, which of these numerous addresses were the most glorious to +the people of England and the most gratifying to me? It was one in which +I heard your Washington praised, and sorrow avowed that England had +opposed that glorious cause upon which is founded the noble fame of that +great man; and the addresses--(numerous they were indeed)--in which the +hope and resolution were expressed, that England and the United States, +forgetting the sorrows of the past will in brotherly love go hand in +hand to support the eternal principles of international law and freedom +on earth. + +Yes indeed, sir, you were right to say that the justice of your +struggle, which took out of England's hand a mighty continent, is openly +acknowledged even by the English people itself. The memory of the day of +New Orleans must of course recall to your mind the wrongs against which +you so gloriously fought. Oh, let me entreat you, bury the hatred of +past ages in the grave where all the crimes of the past lie mouldering +with the ashes of those who sinned, and take the glorious opportunity to +benefit the great cause of humanity. + +One thing let me tell you, gentlemen. _People_ and +_Governments_ are different things in such a country as Great +Britain is. It is sorrowful enough that the people have often to pay for +what the government sinned. Let it not be said in history, that even the +people of the United States made a kindred people pay for the sins of +its government. And remember that you can mightily react upon the public +opinion of Britain, and that the people of Britain can react upon the +course of its own government. It were indeed a great misfortune to see +the government of Great Britain pushed by irritation to side with the +absolutist powers against the oppressed nations about to struggle for +independence and liberty. Even Ireland could only lose by this. And +besides its own loss, this might perhaps be just the decisive blow +against liberty; whereas if the government of England, otherwise +remaining as it is, do but unite with you not to allow foreign +interference with our struggles on the continent this would become +almost a sure guarantee of the victory of those struggles; and, +according as circumstances stand, that would be indeed the most +practical benefit to the noble people of Ireland also, because freedom, +independence, and the principles of natural law could not fail to +benefit their cause, which so well merits the sympathy of every just man +and they have also the sympathy--I know it--of the better half of +England itself. + +Hatred is no good counsellor, gentlemen. The wisdom of love is a better +one. What people has suffered more than my poor Hungary has from Russia? +Shall I hate the people of Russia for it? Oh never! I have but pity and +Christian brotherly love for it. It is the government, it is the +principle of the government, which makes every drop of my blood boil and +which must fall, if humanity is to live. We were for centuries in war +against the Turks, and God knows what we have suffered by it! But past +is past. Now we have a common enemy, and thus we have a common interest, +a mutual esteem, and love rules where our fathers have fought. + +Gentlemen, how far this supreme duty toward your own interest will allow +you to go in giving life and effect to the principle which you so +generously proclaim, and which your party (as I have understood) have +generously proclaimed in different parts--_that_ you will in your +wisdom decide, remaining always the masters of your action and of your +fate. But that principle will rest; that principle is true; that +principle is just; and you are just, because you are free. I hope +therefore to see you cordially unite with me once more in the +sentiment--"Intervention for non-intervention." + + * * * * * + +XIX.--MEANING OF RECOGNIZING. + +[_Last Speech at Washington_.] + +In returning thanks to all the citizens here assembled, and to yourself, +sir, in particular,[*] I beg to add some remarks. That I have not here +been honoured with the same demonstrations of local cordiality as in +other places, I do not, with you, attribute to diplomatic influences. I +know well the skill of Russian diplomacy, which indeed at Moldovarica +instructs all its representatives to marry Moldovarican ladies. But I +also know that the framers of your Constitution wisely discouraged the +development of municipal life in the district of Columbia, lest local +influences and pressure from without on the seat of the central +legislature might unduly sway the national councils. Just so, we have +often known a single street in Paris coerce the deliberations of the +nation. Columbia having, as I understand, by an exceptional arrangement, +no true local self-government, is deficient in local movement. +Nevertheless, I have received _private_ expression of sentiment and +of generous kind sympathy from various parts of this district, and +chiefly from the city of Washington. + +[Footnote *: Chancellor Walworth of New York.] + +In respect to the declaration which you make as to nonintervention, I +have only to thank you, and to express my earnest hope that all those in +whose name you speak, will proceed to give effect to their principle in +public life. + +The second right of nations,--that of mutual commerce--still more +closely touches your domestic interests, regard it as a clear national +right of your citizens to hold commerce with the thirty-five millions of +men oppressed by Austria, if those thirty-five millions desire it, +though to Emperor of Austria, having occupied an immoral position refuse +it to you: and if the people of Hungary, Bohemia, and Italy take arms to +punish his atrocities, that is no good reason why your citizens should +submit to abstain from commerce with these injured nations. + +In regard to my third desire, to see the _legitimacy_ of our +declaration of Independence acknowledged by Congress that did not mean +that I (a poor exile!) am _de facto_ Governor of Hungary! You +little conceive how valuable to us it would have been, if your Envoy, +who came to inquire and report, during our struggle, had been authorized +to recognize the legitimacy of our cause and of our proceeding. And even +now, the moral effect would be great; for such an act cannot stand +alone, it points to your future policy towards every other nation. +Moreover, it would enlarge the lawful field of action for private +sympathy, and would enable me to accept many things which I cannot now; +I do not mean titles,--which I value not. I care only for my country's +dignity; but it appertains to its dignity that its solemnly expressed +Will be recognized by your government. + +Legislatures of your States (with warm gratitude I acknowledge) have +declared these principles: cities and associations have received them; +so have many eminent persons. But if you wish foreign powers to know +that it is not Mr. A. or Mr. B. but the nation itself which pronounces +them, I venture to suggest that it may be convenient in your various +associations of every kind to make separate declarations to this effect, +as by contributions of money ever so small; and this will really be +_national_ aid. If the United States carry out this determination +with their characteristic energy it will be effectual. + + * * * * * + +XX.--CONTRAST OF THE AMERICAN TO THE HUNGARIAN CRISIS. + +[_Speech before the Senate at Annapolis, Jan. 13_.] + +Kossuth, having arrived at Annapolis, capital of Maryland, was +entertained in the Government House by Governor Lowe, and was next day +introduced to the Senate, who welcomed him with a cordial address. He +responded as follows:-- + +Mr. President: In the changes of my stormy life, many occasions, +connected with associations of historical interest, have impressed a +deep emotion upon my mind: but perhaps never yet has the memory of the +past made such a glowing impression upon me as here. + +I bow reverentially, Senators of Maryland, in this glorious hall, the +sanctuary of immortal deeds, hallowed by immortal names. + +Before I thank the living, let me look to those dead whose spirits dwell +within these walls [looking at the portraits that hung upon the walls], +living an imperishable life in the glory, freedom, and happiness of your +great United Republic, which is destined, as I confidently hope, to +become the corner-stone of the future of Humanity. + +Yes, there they are, the glorious architects of the independence of this +Republic. + +There is _Thomas Stone_; there, your Demosthenes, _Samuel +Chase_; there, _Charles Carroll, of Carrollton_, who designedly +added that epithet to the significance of his name, that nobody should +be mistaken about who was the _Carroll_ who dared the noble deed, +and was rewarded by being the last of his illustrious companions, whom +God called to the Heavenly Paradise, after he had long enjoyed the +paradise of freedom on earth; and here, _William Paca_;--all of +them signers of the Declaration of American Independence--that noblest, +happiest page in mankind's history. + +How happy that man must have been [pointing to the portrait of Governor +Paca] having to govern this sovereign State on that day when, within +these very halls the act was ratified which, by the recognition of your +very enemy, raised your country to an independent nation. + +Ye spirits of the departed! cast a ray of consolation by the voice of +your nation over that injured land, whose elected chief, a wandering +exile for having dared to imitate you, lays the trembling hopes of an +oppressed continent before the generous heart of your people--now not +only an independent nation but also a mighty and glorious power. + +Alas! what a difference in the success of two like deeds! Have we not +done what ye did? Yes, we have. Was the cause for which we did it not +alike sacred and just as yours? It was. Or have we not fought to +sustain it with equal resolution as your brethren did? Bold though it be +to claim a glory such as America has, I am bold to claim, and say--yes, +we did. And yet what a difference in the result! And whence this +difference? Only out of that single circumstance that, while you, in +your struggle, meet with _assistance_, we in ours met not even with +_"fair play:"_ since, when we fought, there was nobody on earth to +maintain "the laws of nature's God." + +During our struggle, America was silent and England did not stir; and +while you were assisted by a French King, we were forsaken by a French +Republic--itself now trodden down because it has forsaken us? + +Well, we are not broken yet. There is hope for us, because there is a +God in heaven and an America on earth. May be that our nameless woes +were necessary, that the glorious destiny of America may be fulfilled; +that after it had been an asylum for the oppressed, it should become, by +regenerating Europe, the pillar of manhood's liberty. + +Oh! it is not a mere capricious change of fate, that the exiled governor +of the land whose name, four years ago, was scarcely known on your +glorious shores, and which now (oh, let me have the blessings of this +belief!) is dear to the generous heart of America. It is not a mere +chance that Hungary's exiled chief thanks the Senators of Maryland for +the high honour of public welcome in that very Hall where the first +Continental Congress met; where your great Republic's glorious +constitution was framed; where the treaty of acknowledged independence +was ratified, and where you, Senators, guard with steady hand the rights +of your sovereign States which is now united to thirty others, not to +make you less free, but to make you more mighty--to make you a power on +earth. + +I believe there is the hand of God in history. You assigned a place in +this hall of freedom to the memory of Chatham, for having been just to +America, by opposing the stamp act, which awoke your nation to +resistance. + +Now, the people of England think as once Pitt the elder thought, and +honours with deep reverence the memory of your Washington. + +But suppose the England of Lord Chatham's time had thought as Chatham +did: and his burning words had moved the English aristocracy to be just +towards the colonies: those our men there [turning to the portraits] had +not signed your country's independence. Washington were perhaps a name +"unknown, unhonoured, and unsung," and this proud constellation of your +glorious stars had perhaps not yet risen on mankind's sky--instead of +being now about to become the sun of Freedom. It is thus Providence +acts. + +Let me hope, sir, that Hungary's unmerited fate was necessary, in order +that your stars should become such a sun. + +Sirs, I stand, perhaps, upon the very spot where your Washington stood, +consummating the greatest act of his life. The walls which now listen +to my humble words, listened to the words of his republican virtue, +immortal by their very modesty. Let me, upon this sacred spot, express +my confident belief that if he stood here now, he would tell you that +his prophecy is fulfilled; that you are mighty enough "to defy any power +on earth in a just cause," and he would tell you that there never was +and never will be a cause more just than the cause of Hungary, being, as +it is, the cause of oppressed humanity. + +Sir, I thank the Senate of Maryland, in my country's name for the honour +of your generous welcome. I entreat the Senate kindly to remember my +prostrate fatherland. Sir, I bid you farewell, feeling heart and soul +purified, and my resolution strengthened, by the very air of this +ancient city of Providence. + + * * * * * + +XXI.--THANKS FOR HIS GREAT SUCCESS. + +[_Speech at Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, on his Reception in the Capitol. +Jan. 14th_.] + +On Jan. 14th Kossuth was received in Harrisburg, capital of +Pennsylvania, in the Capitol. Governor Johnston in the name of the +State, addressed to him a copious and energetic speech, in the course of +which he said:-- + +We have declared the law, that man is capable of self government, and +possesses the inherent and indestructible right of altering, amending, +and changing his form of government at his pleasure, and in furtherance +of his happiness. We have sworn hostility against every form of tyranny +over the mind of man. These truths we have made a part of the laws of +nations. Despots combine and interfere by force and fraud, to prevent +the erection of republican institutions by a nation struggling +successfully against its local usurping oppressor, for independence. +Fidelity to our principles and institutions demands that we PREVENT such +interference by solemnly proclaiming that the laws of nations and +humanity SHALL BE PRESERVED inviolate and sacred. In the performance of +this duty the faint-hearted may falter; the domestic despot and cold +diplomatist may linger behind; the man of world-extended and fearful +traffic may hesitate; but the warm and great heart of the American +masses will feel no moment of hesitation and doubt in defence of truth. +The great Author of nations will find the means to carry out His wise +designs. How glorious our destiny, if to us is given the solemn charge +of carrying into effect the beneficent purpose of Heaven in the +establishment upon earth of universal liberty, universal education, +universal happiness, and peace. + +When Governor Johnston had concluded with a very cordial welcome, +Kossuth replied as follows:-- + +Senators and representatives of Pennsylvania.--I came with confidence, I +came with hope to the United States--with the confidence of a man who +trusts to the certainty of principles, knowing that where freedom is +sown, there generosity grows--with the hope of a man who knows that +there is life in his cause, and that where there is life there must be a +future yet. Still hope is only an instinctive throb with which Nature's +motherly care comforts adversity. We often hope without knowing why, and +like a lonely wanderer on a stormy night, direct our weary steps towards +the first glimmering window light, uncertain whether we are about to +knock at the door of a philanthropist or of a heartless egotist. But +the hope and confidence with which I came to the United States was not +such. There was a knowledge of fact in it. I did not know what +_persons_ it might be my fate to meet, but I knew that meet I +should with two living _principles_--with that of FREEDOM and that +of NATIONAL HOSPITALITY. + +Both are political principles here. Freedom is expansive like the light: +it loves to spread itself: and hospitality here in this happy land, is +raised out of the narrow circle of private virtue into political wisdom. +As you, gentlemen, are the representatives of your people, so the people +of the United States at large are representative of European humanity--a +congregation of nations assembled in the hospitable Hall of American +liberty. Your people is linked to Europe, not only by the common tie of +manhood--not only by the communicative spirit of liberty--not only by +the commercial intercourse, but by the sacred ties of blood. The people +of the United States is Europe transplanted to America. And it is not +Hungary's woes alone--it is the cause of all Europe which I am come to +plead. Where was ever a son, who in his own happy days could +indifferently look at the sufferings of his mother, whose heart's blood +is running in his very veins? And Europe is the mother of the United +States. + +I hope to God, that the people of this glorious land is and will ever +be, fervently attached to this their free, great and happy home. I hope +to God that whatever tongue they speak, they are and will ever be +American, and nothing but American. And so they must be, if they will be +free--if they desire for their adopted home greatness and perpetuity. +Should once the citizens of the United States cease to be Americans, and +become again English, Irish, German, Spanish, Italian, Danish, Swedish, +French--America would soon cease to be what it is now--freedom elevated +to the proud position of a power on earth. + +But while I hope that all the people of the United States will never +become anything but Americans; and that even its youngest adopted sons, +though fresh with sweet home recollections, will know here no South, no +North, no East and no West--nothing but the whole country, the common +nationality of freedom--in a word, America; still I also know that blood +is blood--that the heart of the son must beat at the contemplation of +his mother's sufferings. These were the motives of my confident hope. +And here in this place I have the happy right to say, God the Almighty +is with me; my hopes are about to be realized. Sir, it is a gratifying +view to see how the generous sympathy of individuals for the cause which +I respectfully plead is rising into Public Opinion. But nowhere had I +the happy lot to see this more clearly expressed than in this great +commonwealth of Pennsylvania, the mighty "_keystone_ State" of the +Union. The people of Harrisburg spoke first: no city before had so +distinctly articulated the public sympathy into acknowledged principles. +It has framed the sympathy of generous instinct into a political shape. +I will for ever remember it with fervent gratitude. Then came the +Metropolis--a hope and a consolation by its very name to the +oppressed--the sanctuary of American Independence, where the very bells +speak prophecy--which is now sheltering more inhabitants than all +Pennsylvania did, when, seventy-five years ago, the prophetic bell of +Independence Hall announced to the world that free America was born; +which now, with the voice of thunder, will, I hope, tell the world that +the doubtful life of that child has unfolded itself into a mighty power +on earth. Yes, after Harrisburg, the metropolis spoke, a flourishing +example of freedom's self-developing energy; and after the metropolis, +now so mighty a centre of nations, and it ally of international +law--next came Pittsburg, the immense manufacturing workshop, alike +memorable for its moral power and its natural advantages, which made it +a link with the great valley of the West, a cradle of a new world, which +is linked in its turn to the old world by boundless agricultural +interests. And after the people of Pennsylvania have thus spoken, here +now I stand in the temple of this people's sovereignty, with joyful +gratitude acknowledging the inestimable benefits of this public +reception, where--with the elected of Pennsylvania, entrusted with the +Legislative and Executive power of the sovereign people, gather into one +garland the public opinion, and with the authority of their high +position, announce loudly to the world the principles, the resolution, +and the will of the two millions of this great Commonwealth. Sir, the +words your Excellency has honoured me with will have their weight +throughout the world. The jeering smile of the despots, which +accompanied my wandering, will be changed, at the report of these +proceedings, to a frown which may yet cast fresh mourning over families, +as it has cast over mine; nevertheless the afflicted will wait to be +consoled by the dawn of public happiness. From the words which your +Excellency spoke, the nations will feel double resolution to shake off +the yoke of despotism. + +[Footnote: Philadelphia (_brotherly love_) is evidently intended. +"Metropolis" strictly means mother city, not chief city.] + +The proceedings of to-day will, moreover, have their weight in the +development of public opinion in other States of your united Republic. +Governor! I plead no dead cause, Europe is no corpse: it has a future +yet, because it wills. Sir, from the window of your room, which your +hospitality has opened to me, I saw suspended a musket and a powder +horn, and this motto--"Material Aid." And I believe that the Speaker of +the House of Representatives of Pennsylvania is seated in that chair +whence the Declaration of American Independence was signed. The first is +what Europe wants in order to have the success of the second. Permit me +to take this for a happy augury; and allow me with the plain words of an +earnest mind, to give you the assurance of my country's warm, +everlasting gratitude, in which, upon the basis of our restored +independence, a wide field will be opened to mutual benefit, by friendly +commercial intercourse ennobled by the consciousness of imparted benefit +on your side, and by the pleasant duty of gratitude on the side of +Hungary, which so well deserves your generous sympathy. + + * * * * * + +XXII.--ON THE PRESENT WEAKNESS OF DESPOTISM. +[_Speech at the Harrisburg Banquet_.] + +About three hundred persons sat down to dinner, a large portion of them +members of the legislature. Governor Johnston presided, assisted by +Ex-Senator Cameron. A toast complimentary to Governor Johnston having +been drunk with great enthusiasm, the Governor briefly responded. After +returning his thanks for the compliment, he alluded to the mission of +Kossuth. The great Magyar came here not for _sympathy_ alone, but +for _aid_ for the cause of republican freedom. He not only wanted +that, but encouragement of our government in aid of the cause of +down-trodden Hungary. No profession, but action was wanted; and he +exhorted his hearers never to cease acting, until the government took +the high ground necessary to secure to Hungary the simple justice she +demanded. In conclusion he gave the third toast: + +"Hungary--Betrayed but not subdued; her constitution violated, her +people in chains, her chief in exile. The star of freedom will yet shine +through the dark night of her adversity." + +Kossuth, in response, opened by lamenting that the perpetual claims upon +his time, and the pressure of sorrowful feelings on his heart, made it +impossible for him to study how to address them suitably. He proceeded +to say: + +But to what purpose is eloquence here? Have you not anticipated my +wishes? Have you not sanctioned my principles? Are you not going on to +action, as generous men do, who are conscious of their power and of +their aim? Well, to what purpose, then, is eloquence here? I have only +to thank--and that is more eloquently told by a warm grasp of the hand +than by all the skilful arrangement of words. + +I beg therefore your indulgence for laying before you some mere facts, +which perhaps may contribute to strengthen your conviction that the +people of the United States, in bestowing its sympathy upon my cause, +does not support a dead cause, but one which has a life, and whose +success is rationally sure. + +Let me before all cast a glance at the enemy. And let those imposed upon +by the attitude of despotism in 1852, consider how much stronger it was +in 1847-8. France was lolled by Louis Philippe's politics, of "peace at +any price," into apathy. Men believed in the solidity of his government. +No heart-revolting cruelty stirred the public mind. No general +indignation from offended national self-esteem prevailed. The stability +of the public credit encouraged the circulation of capital, and by that +circulation large masses of industrious poor found, if not contentment, +at least daily bread. The King was taken for a prudent man; and the +private morality of his family cast a sort of halo around his house. The +spirit of revolution was reduced to play the meagre game of secret +associations; not seconded by any movement of universal interest--the +spirit of radical innovation was restrained into scientific polemic, +read by few and understood by fewer. There was a faith in the patriotic +authority of certain men, whose reputation was that of being liberal. +One part of the nation lived on from day to day without any stirring +passion, in entire passiveness; the other believed in gradual +improvement and progress, because it had confidence in the watchful care +of partizan leaders. The combat of Parliamentary eloquence was +considered to be a storm in a glass of water, and the highest aspiration +of parties was to oust the ministry and take their place. And yet the +prohibition of a public banquet blew asunder the whole complex like mere +chaff. + +Germany was tranquil, because the honest pretensions of the ambition of +her statesmen were satisfied by the open lists of parliamentary +eloquence. The public life of the nation had gained a field for itself +in Legislative debates--a benefit not enjoyed for centuries. The +professors being transferred to the legislative floor, and the college +to the parliament, the nation was gratified by improvements in the laws, +and by the oratory of her renowned men, who never failed to flatter the +national vanity. It believed itself to be really in full speed of +greatness, and listened contented and quiet--like an intelligent +audience to an interesting lecture--even in respect to the unity of +great Germany. The custom-association (Zollverein) became an idol of +satisfied national vanity, and of cheerful hopes; science and art were +growing fast; speculative researches of political economy met an open +field in social life; men conscious of higher aims wandered afar into +new homes, despairing to find a field of action in their native land. +Material improvement was the ruling word, and the lofty spirit of +freedom was blighted by the contact of small interests. + +And yet a prohibited banquet at Paris shook the very foundation of this +artificial tranquillity, and the princely thrones of Germany trembled +before the rising spirit of freedom, though it was groping in darkness, +because unconscious of its aim. + +Italy--fair, unfortunate Italy--looking into the mirror of its ancient +glory, heaved with gloomy grief; but the sky of the heaven was as clear +and blue above, as it ever was since creation's dawn: and it sung like +the bird in a cage placed upon a bough of the blooming orange tree. And +then Pius IX, placing himself at the head of Italian regeneration, +became popular as no man in Rome since Rienzi's time, In 1848 men heard +with surprise, on the coast of the Adriatic, my name coupled in +_vivas_ with the name of Pius IX. But the sarcasm of Madame De +Stael--that in Italy men became women--was still believed true; so that +too many of the Italians themselves despaired of conquering Austria +without Charles Albert. + +Austria had not for centuries, and Prussia never yet has, experienced +what sort of a thing a revolution is, and the falling of the vault of +the sky would have been considered less improbable than a popular +revolution in Berlin or Vienna, where Metternich ruled in triumphant +proud security. + +The house of Austria was considered as a mighty power on earth; +respected, because thought necessary to Europe against the preponderance +of Russia. No people under the dominion of this dynasty, had a national +army, and all were divided by absurd rivalries of language, kept up by +Metternich's Machiavelism. The nations were divided; none of them was +conscious of its strength, but all were aware of the united strength of +a disciplined and large imperial army, the regiments of which had never +yet fought one against another, and never yet had broken the spell of +the black and yellow flag by tearing it to pieces with their own hands. + +And yet, when Paris stirred and I made a mere speech in the Hungarian +Parliament, the house of Austria was presently at the mercy of the +people of Vienna; Metternich was driven away, and his absolutism +replaced by a promise of constitutional life. + +In Gallicia the odium connected with the despotic Austrian rule had, by +satanic craft, been thrown upon those classes which represent the +ancient Polish nationality; and the well-deserved hatred of aristocratic +oppression, though living only in traditional remembrances, had +prevailed in the sentiments of the common people over the hatred against +Austria, though despotic and a stranger; so much so, that, to triumph +over the ill-advised, untimely movement of 1846, Austria had nothing to +do but open the field to murder, by granting a two dollars' reward for +every head of a Polish land proprietor. + +And in Hungary the people of every race was equally excluded from all +political right--from any share of constitutional life. The endeavours +of myself and my friends for internal improvements--for emancipation of +the peasantry--for the people's restoration to its natural rights in +civil, political, social, and religious respects, were cramped by the +Hapsburg policy. But the odium of this cramping was thrown by Austria +upon our own conservative party: and thus our national force was divided +into antagonistic elements. + +Besides, the idea of Panslavism and of national rivalries, raised by +Russia and fostered by Austria, diverted the excitement of the public +mind from the development of common political freedom. And Hungary had +no _national_ army. Its regiments were filled with foreign elements +and scattered over foreign countries, while our own country was guarded +with well-disciplined foreign troops. And what was far worse than all +this, Hungary, by long illegalities corrupted in its own character, +deprived of its ancient heroic stamp, germanized in its saloons, sapped +in its cottages and huts, impressed with the unavoidable _fatality_ +of Austrian sovereignty, and the knowledge of Austrian power, secluded +from the attention of the world, which was scarcely aware of its +existence,--Hungary had no hope in its national future, because it had +no consciousness of its strength, and was highly monarchical in its +inclinations, and generous in its allegiance to the King. No man +dreamed of the possibility of a revolution there, and he who would have +suggested it would only have gained the reputation of a madman. + +Such was the condition of Europe in the first half of February, 1848. +Never yet seemed the power of despots more steady, more sure. Yet, one +month later, every throne on the continent trembled except the Czar's. +The existence of dynasties depended upon the magnanimity of their +people, and Europe was all on fire. + +And in what condition is Europe now? Every man on earth is aware that +things cannot endure as they are. _Formerly millions believed that a +peaceful development of constitutional monarchy was the only future +reserved for Europe. Now nobody on the European continent any longer +believes that constitutional monarchy can have a future there._ +Absolutist reaction goes with all that arrogance which revolts every +sentiment, and infuriates the very child in its mother's arms. The +promise, the word, the oath of a king are become equivalent to a lie and +to perjury. Faith in the morality of kings is plucked out, even to the +last root, from the people's heart. + +The experiment of constitutional concessions was thought dangerous to +the dynasties, as soon as they became aware that the people of Europe is +no imbecile child, that can be lulled to sleep by mockery; but that it +will have reality. Thus the kings on the greater part of the continent, +throwing away the mask of liberal affectations, deceived every +expectation, broke every oath, and embarked with a full gale upon the +open sea of unrestricted despotism. They know that Love they can no +longer get; so we have been told openly, that _they will not have_ +LOVE, _but_ MONEY, to maintain large armies, and keep the world in +servitude. On the other hand, the nations, assailed in their moral +dignity and material welfare, degraded into a flock of sheep kept only +to be shorn--equally with the kings detest the mockery of constitutional +royalty which has proved so ruinous to them. + +Royalty has lost its sacredness in France, Germany, Italy, Austria, and +Hungary. Both parties equally recognize that the time has come when the +struggle of principles must be decided. Absolutism or republicanism--the +Czar or the principles of America--there is no more compromise, no more +truce possible. The two antagonist principles must meet upon the narrow +bridge of a knife-edge, cast across the deep gulf which is ready to +swallow him who falls. It is a struggle for life and death. + +That is the condition of the European continent in general. A great, +terrible, bloody uprising is unavoidable. That is known and felt by +every one. And every sound man knows equally well that the temporary +success of Louis Napoleon's usurpation has only made the terrible crisis +more unavoidable. Ye men of "peace at any price," do not shut your eyes +wilfully to the finger of God pointing to the _mene, tekel, +upharsin_ written with gigantic letters upon the sky of Europe. +Despots never yield to justice; mankind, inspired with the love of +freedom, will not yield up its manhood tamely. Peace is impossible. + +Gentlemen, the success of my mission here may ensure the victory of +freedom; may prevent torrents of martyrs' blood; may weaken the +earthquake of impending war; and restore a solid peace. But be sure, the +certainty of the European struggle does not depend upon your generous +support; nor would my failure here even retard the outbreak of the +hurricane. + +Should we, not meeting here with that support, which your glorious +Republic in its public capacity and your generous citizens in their +private capacity can afford without jeopardizing your own welfare and +your own interest (and assuredly it never came into my mind to desire +more)--should we, meeting with no support here, be crushed again, and +absolutism consolidate its power upon the ruins of murdered nations, I +indeed cannot but believe that it would become a historical reproach of +conscience, lying like an incubus upon the breast of the people of the +United States from generation to generation. I mean, the idea, that had +you not withheld that support which you might have afforded consistently +with your own interest, Hungary perhaps would be a free, flourishing +country, instead of being blotted out from the map; and Europe perhaps +free, and absolutist tyranny swept from the earth. + +You then would in vain shed a tear of compassion over our sad fate, and +mourn over the grave of nations: nor only so; but the victory of +absolutism could not fail to be felt even here in your mighty and +blessed home. You would first feel it in your commercial intercourse, +and ere long you would become inevitably entangled; for as soon as the +Czar had secured the submission of all Europe, he would not look +indifferently upon the development of your power, which is an embodiment +of republican principles. + +I am not _afraid_ to answer the question, as to what are our means +and chances of success--but prudence commands me to be discreet. Still, +some considerations I may suggest. + +The spell of Austria is broken. It is now notorious that the might of +the dynasty, though disciplined, well provided, and supported by deluded +races, which had been roused to the fury of extermination against us--it +is now notorious that all this satanically combined power proved unable +to withstand the force of Hungary, though we were surprized and +unprepared, and had no army and no arms, no ammunition, no money, no +friends, and were secluded and forsaken by the whole world. It was +proved that Austria could not conquer us Magyars, when we were taken +unaware; who can believe that we could not match her now that we are +aware and predetermined? Yes, if unprepared in material resources, we +are yet prepared in self-consciousness and mutual trust; we have learned +by experience what is required for our success. + +In former times Hungary was the strength of Austria. Now, Austria is +weak, _because_ it has occupied Hungary. It was strong by the unity +of its army, the power of which was founded upon the confidence in this +unity. That confidence is broken, since one part of that army raised the +tri-colour flag, and cast to the dust the double-headed eagle, the black +and yellow flag, which was the emblem of the army's unity. + +Formerly the Austrian army believed that it was strong enough to uphold +the throne; now it knows that it is nothing by itself, and rests only +upon the support of the Czar. That spirit-depressing sentiment is so +diffused among the troops, that, only take the reliance upon Russia +away, or make it doubtful whether Russia will interfere or not, and the +Austrian army will disperse and fall asunder almost without any fight; +because it knows that it has its most dangerous enemies within its own +ranks; and is so far from having any cement, that no man, himself +attached to that perjured dynasty, can trust the man beside him in the +ranks, but watches every movement of his arm. In such an army there is +no hope for tyrants. + +The old soldiers feel humiliated by the issue of our struggle. They are +offended by having no share in the reward thrown away on despised court +favourites. The old Croat regiments feel outraged in their national +honour by being deceived in their national expectations. The recruits +brought with them recollections of their bombarded cities and of the +oppression of their families; and in that army are 140,000 Hungarians +who fought under our tri-coloured flag against Austria, and whose +burning feelings of national wrong are inspired by the glorious memory +of their victories. + +Oh, had we had in 1848 such an army of disciplined soldiers as Austria +itself keeps now for us, never had one Cossack trod the soil of Hungary, +and Europe would now be free. Or, let Austria dismiss them, and they +will be disciplined soldiers at home. The trumpet of national +resurrection will reach them wherever they are. + +Hungary has the conviction of her strength. _The formerly hostile +races, all oppressed like us, now feel themselves to have been deceived, +and unite with us._ We have no opposite party in the nation. Some +there are, ambitious men, or some incorrigible aristocrats perhaps: but +these are no party; they always turn towards the sun, and they melt away +like snow in March. + +And besides Hungary, the people in Austria too, in Italy, in Prussia, in +all Germany, is conscious of its strength. Every large city on the +continent has been in the power of the people, and has had to be +regained by bombardings and by martial law. Italy has redeemed its +heroic character, at Milan, Venice, Brescia, and Rome--all of them +immortal pages in Italian history, glorious sources of inspiration, +heroism, and self-conscious strength. And now they know their aim, and +are united in their aim, and burn to show to the world that the spirit +of ancient Rome again rises in them. + +And then to take into consideration the financial part. Without money +there is no war. Now, the nations, when once engaged in the war, will +find means enough for home-support of the war in the rich resources of +their own land; whereas the despots lose the disposal of those resources +by the outbreak of insurrection, and are reduced entirely to foreign +loans, which no emperor of Austria will find again in any new +revolution. + +And, mark well, gentlemen, every friendly step by which your great +republic and its generous people testifies its lively interest for our +just cause, adding to the prospects of success, diminishes the credit of +the despots, and by embarrassing their attempts to find loans, may be of +decisive weight in the issue. + +Though absolutism was much more favourably situated in 1847 than in +1851, it was overtaken by the events of 1848, when, but for the want of +unity and concert, the liberal party must have triumphed everywhere. +That unity and concert is now attained; why should not absolutism in +1852 be as easily shaken as in 1848! + +The liberal cause is stronger everywhere, because conscious of its aim +and prepared. Absolutism has no more bayonets now than in 1848. Without +the interference of Russia our success is not only probable, but is +almost sure. + +And as to Russia--remember, that if at such a crisis she thinks of +subduing Hungary, she has Poland to occupy, Finland to guard, Turkey to +watch, and Circassia to fight. + +Herein is the reason why I confidently state, that if the United States +declare that a new intervention of Russia will be considered by your +glorious republic a violation of the law of nations, that declaration +will be respected, and Russia will not interfere. + +Be pleased to consider the consequence of such renewed interference, +after the passive acceptance of the first has proved so fatal to Europe, +and so dangerous even to England itself. We can scarcely doubt, that, if +ever Russia plans a new invasion, England could not forbear to encourage +Turkey, not to lose again the favourable opportunity to shake off the +preponderance of Russia. I have lived in Turkey. I know what enthusiasm +exists there for that idea, and how popular such a war would be. Turkey +is a match for Russia on the continent. The weak point of Turkey lies in +the nearness of Sevastopol, the Russian harbour and arsenal, to +Constantinople. Well, an English fleet, or an American fleet, or both +joined, stationed at the mouth of the Bosphorus, may easily prevent this +danger without one cannon's shot; and if this be prevented, Turkey alone +is a match for Russia. And Turkey would not stand alone. The brave +Circassians, triumphant through a war of ten years, would send down +80,000 of their unconquerable horsemen to the plains of Moscow. And +Poland would rise, and Sweden would remember Finland and Charles the +XII. With Hungary in the rear, screened by this very circumstance from +her invasion, and Austria fallen to pieces from want of foreign support, +Russia _must_ respect your protest in behalf of international law, +or else she will fall never to rise again. + +Gentlemen, I thank you for the patience with which you have listened to +this exposition--long and tedious, because I had no time to be brief. +And begging leave to assure you of my lasting gratitude for all the +generous favours you have been and will yet be pleased to bestow upon my +cause, let me proclaim my fervent wishes in this sentiment: + +"Pennsylvania, the Keystone State--May it, by its legitimate influence +upon the destinies of this mighty power on earth, and by the substantial +generosity of its citizens, soon become the keystone of European +independence." + +Hon. J. H. Walker, Speaker of the Senate, and several other speakers +followed, all decidedly sympathizing with the Hungarians, and advocating +intervention for non-intervention. + +The speaking continued until after midnight. + + * * * * * + +XXIII.--AGENCIES OF RUSSIAN ASCENDANCY AND SUPREMACY. + +[_Pittsburg Festival, Jan. 26th_.] + +Kossuth was received in the Masonic Hall, which was filled to +overflowing. After an eloquent address to him from the Chairman, A. W. +Loomis, Esq., he replied: + +Sir, The highly interesting instruction which your kindness has afforded +me about that new and wonderful world of the West, in the entrance of +which I now stand, impresses me with a presentiment of unlooked for +events. + +Since I have been in the United States, I have felt as if my guardian +angel whispered, that in _the West_ the hopes of my bleeding +country will be realized. It was an unconscious instinct,--a ray +shooting above the horizon from the yet unseen sun. You, sir, have shown +me the sun itself in full majesty. You have transformed my instinct into +conviction. Here then, upon the threshold of the West, I bow with awe +and joy, as the fireworshipper of old Persia to the source of life and +light. + +It is indeed joyful, sir, as you said, to see politicians, sectarians, +philanthropists of all classes uniting in spontaneous sympathy for a +cause pleaded by a stranger. I recognize in it the bounty of Providence. +I see the truth revealed, that as magnetism pervades the universe, so +there is a sentiment, which, independent of party affections and +bubbling passion, pervades the breast of mankind; and that is, the love +of Freedom, Justice, and Right. The chord of Freedom passes through all +hearts, and whoever touches it, elicits harmony. The harmony is in the +chord, not in him who touches it. There is no skill in the breeze which +sweeps over the Aeolian harp, yet a sweet harmony bursts forth from its +vibrations. The harmony of sympathy which I meet is the most decisive +proof, gentlemen, that the cause which I plead is indeed the cause of +liberty, the love of which gushes up spontaneously in human bosoms. + +Gentlemen, the cause of Hungary, even were it _not_ the cause of +Europe and of all earthly freedom, deserves your sympathy and active +protection. Like other free nations, we were brave. The Austrian dynasty +was perjured and treacherous; and our bravest bled on the scaffold. +Tyrannies are cruel: only the people knows how to be generous in +victory.--Let me rather say, the People _was_ generous: for the +future I hope it will be _just_. I hope this, not because there is +any deep truth in the Irish poet, who sang + + "Revenge on a tyrant is sweetest of all:" + +Not for that reason. But I hope that the oppressed nations will not +again stop half way, and sacrifice their future to untimely generosity; +for they have all paid too cruelly for the lesson, that _with tyrants +there is no faith_. So there must be no dealing with them. + +Yet, Gentlemen, it is not for Hungary's worth, nor for Hungary's +sufferings that I claim protection for her; but because as in _her_ +the law of nations has been strikingly trampled down, so in _her_ +this law must be vindicated. Else, the league of despots will be able to +enforce it as a precedent against all free nations; no law will +henceforth be sure on earth, and oppression will rule the world. + +It is indeed a new doctrine that all despots have a right to interfere +with every attempt of a people to regulate its own institutions; and +that oppression in each separate nation is to be upheld by a foreign +Czar. According to this, freedom and independence are everywhere +proscribed, as inconsistent with the security of absolutism,--to which +every other consideration is to yield. + +I have been indeed astonished to meet the reply, that the cause which I +plead is not worthy of much consideration, "since, after all, it is only +the cause of _one country_!" I have read that the Borgias were wont +to say, that Italy is like the artichoke, which must be eaten leaf by +leaf. Let me tell those, with whom Hungary is but one leaf of the +artichoke, that the despot who is allowed to nibble each leaf +separately, will manage to dispose of the whole. + +My opponents say; I myself confess my cause to be that of one country +only: for in claiming "non-interference," I show my desire to abandon +all other countries but my own to their oppressors! I may be permitted +to ask,--Is there any truth in the world which may not be distorted into +a mockery? + +Russia is the strength of oppression. Her force in the background +emboldens every petty tyrant and makes every oppressed nation despond: +_not_ because she is so very powerful, but because all foresee +distinctly that she will act unshrinkingly in the tyrant's favour so +soon as he needs it. We fought, beat, crushed the Austrian emperor, of +course not without sacrifice. You know that your own brave Duquesne +Greys lost in one action more than half their men. Now, if after a +victory gained at such a price, Russia steps in with a fresh force, well +provided with every means of war, though that force be not such as one +could not resist, it is formidable as a rearguard, falling fresh upon a +nation exhausted with its very victories. Suppose that at the close of +your own Mexican victories, you had to meet a fresh host of 100,000 +well-disciplined men, what would have been the fate of your gallant +army, which entered the city of Montezuma? + +That is the key of Russian preponderance. But consider the consequences +of our defeat. Austria was restored,--_not_ to its independent +position--_that_ is lost forever; but, to the position of a tyrant +at home, obedient to the wink of his master abroad. Relying on the +precedent established by Russia,--Naples, Spain, and degraded France +interfered in ROME. After this, Austria and Prussia quarrelled for +German supremacy, but before they drew the sword, went to the Czar for +permission. The Czar at Warsaw replied: "I forbid you to quarrel. +Reconstruct the German confederacy of 1815 and add to it no +constitutional element. Send your two armies to HESSE CASSEL; crush the +people who there resist by law the Grand Duke's attempt to overthrow the +sworn Constitution. As to SCHLESWIG HOLSTEIN, I want to have it reserved +to Denmark, as a satrapy for my servant and nephew. The German +confederacy having dared to countenance its rebellion, shall be punished +by having to request Austria to send an army against it." So ordered the +Czar, and so it was done. And after it was done, the Czar ordered the +withdrawal of the pageant of a Constitution, which in the hour of need +the Emperor of Austria had promised to his empire. It was withdrawn. +When thus every popular movement was crushed, every shadow of freedom +withdrawn, the scaffolds of Hungary and Italy saturated with blood, the +prisons filled with martyrs, the exiles driven from every asylum in the +European continent, and Germany reduced to a condition worse than when +the Unholy Alliance was at the full tide,--_then_ the Czar wrote an +autograph letter to Louis Napoleon, the perjured President of France, +assuring him of his imperial grace and benevolent support, if he would +strike a deathblow to the French Republic. And Louis Napoleon struck the +blow. + +Such are the results of the overwhelming preponderance of Russia, +imposed upon Europe by its interference in Hungary. Suppose now that I +succeed in my sacred mission,--sacred, because it is the cause of law +and of all the oppressed;--suppose Russian interference checked; then +Hungary will crush the tottering Austrian dynasty: Italy, delivered from +foreign dominion, will sportively dispose of its petty tyrants. The +nation of Austria will become free, and a valuable ingredient in German +liberty. At the result of a glorious struggle in Hungary, burning shame +will mount to the cheek of the French, and Louis Napoleon will be shaken +off. + +Let interference by the combination of despots be checked, let nations +become masters of their own fate,--and rely upon the magic power of your +glorious example. Republican institutions will spread as the light of +the sun. Yes, gentlemen. It is not for _one_ country that I ask +your support. My ground is as broad as the world; for it is the ground +of eternal principles, common to all humanity. No man, on the pretext +that his heart is with some other nation,--German, Italian, Pole, +French; no man, on the pretext that he is a Universal philanthropist, +ought to refuse his sympathies to Hungary; for its cause happens in this +crisis to comprise the rest. If I were a Pole, a German, or an Italian, +egotistically patriotic, I could not serve my country better than by +attacking Russia, the only substantial enemy. + +What would the petty princes of Germany have been in 1848 without +Prussia? and what was Prussia, when her capital was in the hands of the +people, but for the certainty of the Czar's support? What were the petty +despots of Italy without Austria? and what was Austria, when her armies, +driven from the soil of Hungary in a series of pitched battles, were so +demoralized, that nothing but the treacherous disobedience of a general +prevented our brave militia from extinguishing in Vienna and Olmutz the +decrepit absolutism of the Hapsburgs? What hindered _me_ from +afterwards crushing it? The intervention of Russian despotism,--always +the primal cause of evil. + +Absolutism has understood and declared, that its repose is impossible, +whilst a free press and free institutions exist any where. Formerly the +absolutists adhered to the principle of "legitimacy," or, the Divine +right of an hereditary dynasty; and provided this false principle was +respected, they did not object to the development of constitutions which +preserved attachment to monarchies. But now they have thrown away their +own principle of dynastical legitimacy, and have no rule but to oppress +freedom everywhere. Whoever will join them in that work is welcome, +though he be a usurper. Thus it came to pass, that Henry of Bourbon was +rejected by the despots, while Louis Napoleon has received from the Czar +an autograph letter of approval, and from Austria complimentary gifts. +Will the United States remain inactive, while free institutions are +systematically extinguished? Can they look on indifferently, because +seventy years ago it was a wise doctrine, appropriate to their +childhood, not to care about European politics? + +It is publicly reported, that Russia has decided to absorb Turkey; and +means to grant Italy to Austria; Belgium, and the Rhenish provinces to +France; and the rest of Germany to Prussia. The Czar, acting like the +Persian Kings of old when they sent garments of honour to their satraps, +flings in the addition of a few provinces of kingdoms to their +satrapies. + +And oh! Almighty father of humanity! is there no power on earth to stop +this execrable annihilation of human and national rights, of freedom and +independence?--though there is a Republic powerful enough to do so--a +Republic founded upon the very principles which the despotic powers have +put under an inexorable ban! + +Gentlemen, I have dwelt perhaps too long on the condition of Europe; but +it was necessary to show that though there be no Russian eagles, painted +over the public offices in Germany, Italy, France, still the Russian +frontier is really extended to the Atlantic. + +People of free America, beware, ere it be too late! Hurriedly and by +sudden violence, all civil and religious liberty must, for the repose of +absolutism, be trampled out of Europe; and by more deliberate +perpetration, by diplomacy, persuasion, and gold, the way must be +prepared to trample it out elsewhere by ulterior violence. + +And here I claim permission to say something about the most dangerous +power of Russia, its DIPLOMACY. + +It is worthy of consideration that while Russia starves her armies and +underpays her officials, who live by peculation, still, abroad she +devotes greater resources to her diplomacy than any other power has ever +done. + +Acting on the maxim that "men are not influenced by facts, but by +opinions respecting facts"--not by "things as they are," but by "things +as they are believed to be," she finds it easier and cheaper, through a +diplomatic agency, to impress the world with a belief in a strength she +has not, than to try to organize or attain that strength. + +And to come to that aim, Russian diplomacy is not restricted to +diplomatic proceedings. Brilliant saloons of fascinating ladies, as well +as marriages, are equally departments of Russian diplomacy. + +The secret-service money at the disposal of all other diplomatists, is +always limited, and has only been exceptionably used. But every Russian +diplomatist, in whom confidence is reposed, has _unlimited credit_, +and is allowed to disburse any sum to achieve an adequate result. Their +traditional experience teaches them how to attain their point; their +discretion can be relied on, and they understand every possible means of +reaching men directly and indirectly, pulling frequently the strings of +thoroughly unconscious puppets. + +Constantinople is the great workshop of diplomatic skill, worthy of more +close interest than has hitherto been bestowed upon it from +America--because there will be struck the most dreadful blow to the +independence of Europe. In Constantinople, when Russia wishes to turn a +grand vizier out of office, it does not attack him: it praises him +rather, and spreads the rumour of having him in its pay; and it is sure +that foreign influential diplomatists will then turn out for it the +hated grand vizier. When on the other hand a grand vizier is wavering in +his position, and Russia likes him to continue in office, it attacks him +with ostentatious publicity. + +Russia hates not always the man whom it appears to hate, and loves not +always the man whom it appears to love. Russian diplomacy is a +subterraneous power, slippery like a snake, burrowing like the mole; and +when it has to come out in broad daylight, it watches to the left when +it looks to the right. Russia gives instructions never to allow her to +be directly defended by the press. That would lead to discussion and +further exposure. With regard to herself, she wants silence--the silence +of the grave. But her agents devote months of scheming, and any sums +required to attack her opponents, to get up discord, or the appearance +of division amongst them, or to popularize any momentary view which +suits her policy, and she delights in doing so through apparently +hostile and therefore unsuspected agents. + +Thus Russia is powerful by an army held ready as a rearguard to support +needy despots with; powerful by its ascendancy over the European +continent; powerful by having pushed other despots into extremities +where they have lost all independent vitality, and cannot escape +throwing themselves into the iron grasp of the Czar; but above all, +Russia is powerful by its secret diplomacy. Still this Colossus, +gigantic as it appears to be--like to the idol + + "With front of brass but feet of clay," + +may be overturned--easily overturned, from its fragile pedestal, if the +glorious Republic of the United States opposes to it, with resolute +attitude, THE LAW OF NATIONS, and does not abandon principles in favour +of _accomplished_ criminal _facts_. + +The mournful condition of Hungary seems to be pointed out by Providence +to the United States as an opportunity to save mankind from Russia +without any sacrifice at all; whereas if this opportunity be lost--I say +it with the inspiration of prophecy--there are many here in this Hall +who will yet see the day when the United States shall have to wrestle +for life and death with all Europe absorbed by Russia. + +I know where I stand, gentlemen; I know your power and the indomitable, +heroic spirit of your people. It is not with the intention to create +apprehension that I say this: the people of the United States fears +nobody on earth. It may be that Russia, even after having absorbed +Europe, will not dare to attack the United States directly. But it may +be that it will dare even this. Some domestic dissension may come--(no +nation is safe against it)--the passion of particular interest may cause +some momentary discord. Russia will foster it, by its secret diplomacy, +to which nothing is sacred on earth; and when irritation comes to the +pitch, and the ties of affection become for a moment loose, then perhaps +Russia may step in at a moment of interior weakness, from which not the +greatest nations are exempt. Russia will begin by "_divido_," and +will perhaps come to "_impero_." All this may happen; I can say +neither yes nor no; but one thing I am sure of, and that is, that Russia +triumphant in Europe can and will attack you in your most vital +interests, and can hurt you mortally, _without even resorting to +war_. + +Be sure, gentlemen, so soon as Russia has consolidated its undisputed +preponderance, the first step will be to exclude the commerce of America +from Europe by a prohibitory system of custom duties. It will do it; it +must do it. Firstly, because commerce is the convoyer of principles. +That is more sure yet than what a gentleman of New York so eloquently +said,--that "the _steam engine is a democrat_." Absolutism could +not for a single moment rule Europe with security, if Europe remained in +commercial intercourse with republican America. And secondly, Russia +will exclude your trade from Europe, because (and let the great valley +of the West mark it) because your immensely expanding agriculture is the +most dangerous competitor to Russian wheat, or corn, in the markets of +Europe. Either you must be excluded from the trade with Europe, or +Russia cannot find a market for its corn. + +If you ask, _how soon_ is such an exclusion of your produce from +Europe by Russian influence possible? I reply: possibly within a single +year; for within a year, if we cannot recommence the struggle, Russia +may accomplish the partition of Europe. Principles can only be balanced +by principles--absolutism by republican institutions--unrighteous +interference by the law of nations--despotism by civil and religious +liberty. This is the cause which I advocate. It is not the cause of +Hungary alone; it is yours--it is the world's. It has a determination +as absolute and extreme as despotism. + +Hungary would have been too content, if Russia had not interfered, +merely to defend herself against Austria, the immediate instrument of +her oppression. Now the independence of Europe, and the independence of +Hungary with it, can only be secured on the Moskwa, and on the Neva, in +the Kremlin, and in the great Hall of St. George. + +For this purpose, in which you yourselves are so vitally interested, we +do not claim for you to fight our battles for us. Look to the nations of +Europe, groaning under Russia's weight. Look, in the first line to +Sweden, and from Sweden, across Poland to Hungary, and from Hungary to +Turkey, and to brave Circassia. Pronounce in favor of the law of +nations, with the determination which shows that you mean to act, and I +say, Russia _will_ respect your declaration, or else it will have a +war from Sweden down to Turkey and Circassia. So soon as it moves with +160,000 to 200,000 men against Hungary (and with less it could not), all +those nations will be aware that there is the last opportunity afforded +to them by Providence to shake off Russia's yoke, and they will avail +themselves of this opportunity--be sure of it. The momentary fall of +Hungary was too painful a lesson to them. + +But again I am answered, "in case of such a war you will be entangled in +it." To this I say that you will have to fight a war single-handed and +alone, within less than five years against Russia and all Europe, if you +do not take the position which I humbly claim. But if you take this +position, the necessity of this war will be averted from you, and +Russian preponderance will be checked and your protestation respected, +without having to go to war. Because there is another sanction which you +may add to your protestation--a sanction powerful as a threat of war, +and yet no war at all. That sanction will be the declaration of +Congress, that, as the intervention of a foreign power in the domestic +affairs of any nation is a violation of the laws of nations, by the fact +of such intervention your neutrality laws of 1818 are suspended in as +far as the interfering or interference-claiming power is concerned. In +other words, that the citizens of the United States are at liberty to +follow their own inclination in respect to such a foreign power which +violates the laws of nations. + +This sanction would be sufficient, because the enterprizing spirit of +your high-minded people is too well known not to be feared by all the +despots of the world. + +Your laws, which forbid your citizens to partake in an armed expedition +abroad, are founded upon the sentiment, that to a foreign power with +which you are on terms of _amity_ the regards of friendship are +due. But you, without becoming inconsistent with your own fundamental +principles, cannot consider yourself to be in good friendship with a +power which violates the laws of nations: so you may well withdraw the +regards of friendship from it without resorting to war. Between +friendship and hostility there is yet a middle position--that of being +neither friend nor enemy--therefore permitting to every private +individual to act as he pleases. + +Thus the conditional recall of your neutrality laws would enforce the +respect to your protestation without bringing your country into the +moral obligation to maintain your protestation by war. I hope those who +share my principles but hesitate to pronounce on account of the +possibility of a war, will be pleased to consider this humble +suggestion, and will see, that with my principles war will be averted +from the United States, and by opposing my principles the United States +will soon be forced into dangerous difficulties, out of which they +cannot be extricated but by a war, which they will have to fight +single-handed and alone. + +[After this, Kossuth proceeded to speak on _Catholicism;_ but this +subject is treated afterwards more amply in his speech at St. Louis +against the Jesuits.] + + * * * * * + +While Kossuth was addressing his audience at Pittsburg, a special envoy +from Massachusetts arrived, Mr. Erastus Hopkins of Northampton, one of +the Representatives of the State Legislature. At the vote of the +Legislature, the Governor (Jan. 15th) deputed Mr. Hopkins to convey to +Kossuth a solemn public invitation; and at the close of Kossuth's speech +(Jan. 27th) permission was granted by the President of the evening to +allow Mr. Hopkins' credentials to be read; upon which that gentleman +said:-- + +"Mr. President, after the soul-stirring proceedings of this afternoon, I +dare hardly venture to obtrude upon your attention. It was indeed very +far from my expectation, when I came a pilgrim on a toilsome journey at +this inclement season of the year, that I would be enabled to mingle the +congratulations of the citizens of the 'Old Bay State' to Governor +Kossuth with those of the people of Alleghany County. But Sir, my +message, although not addressed to this meeting, is addressed to one, +whom we, in common with you, love, and whom we all delight to honour." + +Turning to Kossuth, Mr. Hopkins then addressed him as follows: + +"Governor Kossuth: I am directed by his Excellency the Governor of +Massachusetts to present to you the accompanying resolve of the +Legislature, inviting you to visit their capital during the present +session. The resolve is _in fact_, no less than in its terms, _in +the name and in behalf of the people of the commonwealth_. + +"Having with this announcement delivered to you the documents entrusted +to my charge, I must be considered as having exhausted my official +functions. Yet, sir, having had the honour of introducing the resolve to +the Legislature of Massachusetts [cheers], and witnessing with pleasure +the unanimous and instant concurrence of her four hundred +representatives [renewed cheers], I will venture to add a few words +beyond the record--only such words, however, as cannot fail to be +consonant with the sentiment and hearts of her people. + +"The people of Massachusetts would have you accept this act of her +constituted authorities as _no unmeaning compliment._ Never, in her +history as an independent State, with one single and illustrious +exception, has Massachusetts tendered such a mark of respect to any +other than the chief magistrates of these United States. And even in the +present instance, much as she admires your patriotism, your eloquence, +your untiring devotedness and zeal,--deeply as she is moved by your +plaintive appeals and supplications in behalf of your native and +oppressed land--greatly as she is amazed by the irrepressible elasticity +with which you rise from under the heel of oppression, with fortitude +increased under sufferings, with assurance growing stronger as the +darkness grows deeper [cheers], still, it is not one or all these +qualities combined that can lead her to swerve from her dignity as an +independent State to the mere worship of man. [Applause.] No! But it is +because she views you as the advocate and representative of certain +great _principles_ which constitute her own vitality as a +State;--because she views you as the representative of human rights and +freedom in another and far distant land,--it is because she views you as +the rightful but exiled Governor of a people, whose past history and +whose recent deeds show them to be worthy of some better future than +that of Russian tyranny and Austrian oppression,--that she seeks to +welcome you to her borders: that she seeks to attest to a gazing world +that to the cause of freedom she is not insensible, and that to the +oppression of tyrants she is not indifferent." + +Mr. Hopkins then proceeded to recount the public glories of +Massachusetts, which he summed up in "Religion, Education, and +Freedom,--a tricolour for the world." He avowed Massachusetts to be "the +birth-place of American liberty;" and stated that her government is +carried on in 322 cities and townships, literally democratic assemblies, +which levy their own taxes, sustain their own schools, police, tribunals +&c., and receive and pay local funds four or five times larger than +those of the State treasury. "The seat of Government," said he, "is a +fiction in Massachusetts, save as it signifies the hearts of the people. +Come to her borders; witness the truth of all and more than I have +uttered; as you shall find it attested by our institutions, by the +plenitude of our hospitality, and by the acclamations of one million +souls." + +Kossuth replied briefly, with thanks and cordial assent. + + * * * * * + +XXIV.--REPLY TO THE PITTSBURG CLERGY. + +[_Jan. 26th_.] + +The substance of his speech is reported as follows:-- + +He said that he received with a thankful heart this testimonial of +respect and welcome from the reverend ministers of the Gospel, whose +hearts and minds were deeply imbued with regard and desire for +_truth_. He had been taught to reverence the Word of God, because +it guaranteed freedom to man; and there was nothing more intimately +associated with the idea of freedom than the right of every mind to +search for truth in its own way--the right of private judgment. +Therefore in receiving the approbation of so reverend and learned a +body, he felt that he received the approbation of religion itself; and +as if an angel voice from heaven had declared to him--"The cause you +plead has found favour before Heaven. You may encounter hostility; you +may be overtaken by calumny; you may endure sufferings, and trials, and +temptations; you may even suffer martyrdom;--but the cause will triumph. +Trust to Him who strengthened the arm of David against the mighty +Goliath; and learn to say in truth: Lord, thy will be done!" When he +thought thus, and felt thus, he was not weak, but strong. The sufferings +and trials which he had endured had strengthened his body, even as the +holy influences of religion had strengthened his soul. He was not left +as the fragile flower, that remained bowed and bent before the blast; +for he could now look forward with more of hope and of trust for the +future of his own beloved land, when he heard such glorious truths so +warmly proclaimed; and when he saw such evidences of real sympathy for +the cause of Hungary. They spoke of the Protestant Church. He claimed no +merit on account of his belief; but he, too, was a Protestant--not by +education merely, but from his own studied convictions. He could believe +nothing merely because he might be commanded to do so; but solely as the +result of his own convictions. Truth is as uncorruptible and +imperishable as God himself; and He will spread it throughout all the +world. But the triumph of truth cannot be achieved by persecution, +opposition, or political oppression. This glorious principle can only be +triumphant when the nations of the earth shall become free from +oppression; because it is only under the protection of free +institutions--a free press, free controversy, freedom of speech, and +free popular education,--where it is your privilege to preach and that +of the neighbour to hear,--that the political independence of a people +can be preserved. Oppression is everywhere accompanied by the +demoralization of the masses, and their adoption of infidelity or +fanaticism; while under the teachings of freedom religion becomes a +growth of the soul. + +He would urge them to go on and support that cause which they believed +to be sanctified by truth. It has been said that true religion can never +cease to be republican. If this be true, he would ask what could more +promote the glorious cause, than the influence of the United States +exerted among the nations of the world, toward the general +acknowledgment of that doctrine among nations which is laid down for the +government of men,--"What ye would that men should do unto you, do ye +even so to them." This fundamental truth should be declared a part of +the international law of the world; and the Gospel would then become the +bulwark of liberty to all mankind. Thus we may see that the triumph of +genuine liberty can best be secured by recognizing religion as the true +basis of the law of nations. He who shall be instrumental in +incorporating this grand doctrine among those laws, will be equal, or +perhaps superior to, a Luther, or a Melancthon, a Calvin, or a Huss, a +Cranmer, or any other of the world's greatest reformers. The people of +this republic have all this within their grasp; and he hoped the +Almighty would hasten the day when it shall be done. He had often heard +that the people of this country loved to be called a great people, and +he had many times heard them called a great people. To _be_ a great +people, however, the people of this country must really _act_ as a +great people. He urged upon the ministers of the Gospel that they should +warn their flocks against the horrid doctrines of _Materialism_. +Nothing is more hostile to national greatness than when the poor see the +rich governed only by pecuniary considerations--leaving nothing for the +mind and the soul, or undervaluing virtue and talents. He thankfully +acknowledged the deep solemnity of his feelings, when for his humble +self, such solemn manifestations were observed; and while commending his +bleeding country to their love, he could only refer them to the +Saviour's words as the guide for their prayers and their watchfulness. + + * * * * * + +XXV.--HUNGARIAN LOAN. + +[_Melodeum, Cleveland_.] + +Kossuth having been presented at the Melodeum to the Mayor, was publicly +addressed by Mr. Starkweather in a highly energetic speech, which ended +by saluting him as "rightful Governor of Hungary." + +Kossuth replied:-- + +Sir, if I am not mistaken it is now the 156th time [since I entered +America], I am sure that it is the 34th time since I left Washington on +the 12th of January,--that I have had the honour to address an American +audience in that tongue which I learned from Shakespeare, while confined +in an Austrian prison for having dared to claim the right of a free +press, which now, like the hundred-handed Briareus of old, pours my +words by thousands of channels into the hearts of millions of freemen, +who comprize in their national capacity a mighty Republic, destined to +enforce the Law of Nations, upon which rests the deliverance of the +world from an overwhelming despotism. + +The press is nobly recompensing me. The ways of Providence are +wonderful! + +May the free press never forget its living principle, "Justice and +Truth." May it always be watchful with its thousand eyes, that the +secret craft of diplomacy may never succeed to degrade one organ of the +American press into an unconscious Russian tool, acted on by blind +animosity or by exclusive predilections. + +Sir--after having spoken so often, and so much; and the free press +having conveyed my principles, my arguments, and my prayers, in almost +every homestead of this great Republic; I may be well permitted to +believe, that the stage of speaking is passed, and the stage of +practical action has come. + +Almost every packet brings such news of absolutist reaction in Europe, +and almost every new step of the despotic powers is accompanied by such +incidents, that it were indeed unpardonable neglect, if, when Providence +has placed so much influence in my hands by the confidence of nations +bestowed upon me, I should not use all possible energy to circumvent the +influence of evil, to combine the efforts of the good, to check the +plots of vile, and the waywardness of erring or weak characters--often +the unconscious tools of the vile, to direct the action of inconsiderate +friends, and above all, to accomplish those preparations which are +indispensable to meet the exigencies of the future--in short, to attain +that crisis, at which I humbly claim protection for principles from the +people of the United States, in their public capacity, and substantial +aid from their private generosity. + +You of course are aware that all these things together present a vast +field, for which every moment of my time would scarcely suffice. + +Often am I asked, what are the instrumentalities for this my activity? +But this question cannot be answered publicly, as I am quite unwilling +to let the enemy learn my secrets. + +However, so much I may state, that it is not without a definite aim and +clear hope that I devote all that yet remains in me of energy and +strength. If I did not hope,--if under certain conditions I had not an +assurance of success,--I would prefer tranquillity to action, though it +were the tranquillity of the grave. + +There are _two_ modes in which free nations may aid the cause of +European Independence,--namely, _politically_ and _privately_. +As to the first, I avow with intense gratitude that the great National +Jury, the PEOPLE, gave and gives incessantly its favourable verdict. +Your State Legislature is pronouncing its vote, and the cause is moved +before the High Court of your national Congress. + +In regard to aid by _private funds_ I rejoice to see local +associations clustering round the central one of Northern Ohio, in +Cleveland; but I desire that such efforts may not be delayed until I +come in person: for I can possibly come only to a few. + +Already in New York I started the idea of a National Hungarian Loan, in +shares of one, five and ten dollars, with the facsimile of my signature, +and of larger shares of fifty and of a hundred dollars with my +autograph. I prepared the smaller shares for generous men, who are not +rich, yet desire to help the great cause of Freedom. It is a noble +privilege of the richer to do greater good. But remember, it is not a +gift, it is a loan: for either Freedom has no name on earth, or Hungary +has a future yet; and let Hungary be once again independent, and she has +ample resources to pay that small loan, if the people of the United +States, remembering the aid received in their own dark hour, vouchsafe +to me such a loan. + +Hungary has no public debt, it has fifteen millions of population, a +territory of more than one hundred thousand square English miles, +abundant in the greatest variety of nature's blessings, if the doom of +oppression be taken from it. The State of Hungary has public landed +property administered badly, worth more than a hundred millions of +dollars, even at the low price, at which it was already an established +principle of my administration to sell it in small shares to suit the +poorer classes. + +Hungary has rich mines of gold, silver, copper, quicksilver, antimony, +iron, sulphur, nickel, opal, and other mines. Hungary has the richest +salt mines in the world--where the extraction of one hundred weight of +the purest stone salt, amounts to but little more than one shilling of +your money--and though that is sold by the government at the price of +two to three and a half dollars, and thus the consumption is of course +very restricted, this still yields a net revenue of five millions of +dollars a year--to the Government--but no! there is not government, it +is usurpation now! sucking out the lifeblood of the people, crushing the +spirit of freedom by soldiers, hangmen, policemen, and harassing the +people in its domestic life and the sanctuary of its family with +oppression worse than a free American can conceive. + +You see by this, gentlemen, that when Hungary is once free--and free it +will be--she has ample resources to repay your generous loan within a +year without any taxation of the people itself; and pay it well, because +every shilling of your generous aid will faithfully be employed for its +restoration to freedom and independence. I may point to my whole life as +a guarantee to that purpose. I had millions at my disposal, entrusted to +me by my people's confidence, and here I stand penniless and poor, not +knowing what my children will eat to-morrow, if I die to-day; and I am +proud that I am poor, and I pledge my honour to you, that every shilling +of what your generosity gives for Hungary will be employed for Hungary's +benefit. In fact, as I have provided for the contingency of anything +befalling me, so also I am ready, if it be your people's will, to admit +any control, consistent with the necessary conditions of success. + +[After this, Kossuth proceeded to speak on the aspect of republicanism +towards Catholicism and the fortunes of Ireland; a subject more fully +treated in other speeches.] + + * * * * * + +ADDRESS TO KOSSUTH FROM THE STATE COMMITTEE OF OHIO. + +Governor Kossuth:--As Chairman of the Committee appointed for that +purpose by a resolution of the General Assembly of the State of Ohio, I +have the honour to tender to you, in the name and in behalf of the +State, a cordial welcome to the capital. + +We proffer this greeting as a small tribute of that admiration which +your courage, your integrity, and above all, your self-denying devotion +to the cause of Hungarian freedom has roused in our breasts. + +Wonder not, sir, at the enthusiasm which your presence excites in a +people who cherish, with fond recollection and reverence, the smallest +relic of that time, when liberty wrestled with oppression in America, +and who hail the anniversaries of her triumphs with such grateful +remembrance of those brave and patriotic men who wrought out our full +measure of national happiness. + +In you we behold a living embodiment of those great principles which we +cherish with such tender affection. + +You are the realization of that virtue, that courage, that civil and +military genius, which sheds such lustre on our early history. + +You call to mind more freshly than poetic or historic page, song, or +speaking canvass, that glorious record which was graven more than two +centuries ago by the first exiles from European oppression upon the +granite rocks of New England,--_"Resistance to tyrants is obedience to +God."_ + +Our affection is warmed by the lively interest which we feel in the +spread of this cardinal principle, and the fitness for its championship +which you have evinced, revealing constantly a resemblance to that +immortal man, the impress of whose greatness you behold on every side. + +When Liberty, scourged from the old, sought out a new world wherein to +raise her sacred temple, it was to his master hand she confided the +noble work. + +Had he been less great, that glorious shrine might never have been +beaconed in the sky, or at least its proportions might have been uncouth +and insecure. + +Now therefore, since liberty has secured the manifold blessings that +flow from human equality, and proudly flung back the taunts of tyrants, +it is a joyous reflection to the children of this her first home, that +she has at length found a man in foreign lands fitly gifted to +appreciate those blessings, industrious to search out and follow the +path by which they were attained, and virtuous to take no selfish +advantage from the thanksgiving that her mission will arouse. + +Sir, it is a splendid characteristic of our national government, that +Ohioans are as keenly touched by the history of your wrongs as the +borders of the Atlantic States. + +Yes, sir, the hearts of two millions of freemen at the centre of our +country's population leap fast at the shrieks of freedom in every clime, +believing in no cold, unbrother-like law of distance; and, sir, we yield +to no State in the sincerity with which the following resolution was +adopted: + +Resolved,--That we declare the Russian past intervention in the affairs +of Hungary a violation of the law of nations, which, if repeated, would +not be regarded indifferently by the people of the State of Ohio. + +In conclusion, sir, I present to you a copy of the resolutions of the +General Assembly, and again welcome you to the valley of the West, +trusting that the warmth of your reception in Ohio is but an earnest of +that glorious sympathy which will spring in your path should you go +still farther westward in your holy mission. + + * * * * * + +XXVI.--PANEGYRIC OF OHIO. + +[_Speech at his Reception at Columbus, Feb. 5th_.] + +Kossuth was conducted by Governor Wood to the place fitted up for his +reception, and was there addressed by the Hon. Samuel Galloway in an +ample and glowing speech, which opened by assuring him that the +enthusiasm which he now witnessed was no new creation; inasmuch as, more +than two years before, the General Assembly of the State had resolved +that Congress be requested to interpose for Kossuth's deliverance from +captivity. + +Kossuth replied:-- + +Sir, I thank you for the information of what I owe to Ohio. I stood upon +the ruins of vanquished greatness in Asia, where tidings from young +America are so seldom heard that indeed I was not acquainted with the +fact. Still, I loved Ohio before I knew what I had yet to hear. Now I +will love her with the affection and tenderness of a child, knowing what +part she took in my restoration to liberty and life. + +Sir, permit me to decline those praises which you have been pleased to +bestow on me personally. I know of no _merit_--I know only the word +_duty_, and you are acquainted with the beautiful lines of the +Irish poet-- + + "Far dearer the grave or the prison, + Illumed by a patriot's name, + Than the glories of all who have risen, + On liberty's ruins, to fame." + + +I was glad to hear that you are familiar with the history of our +struggles, and of our achievements, and of our aims. This dispenses me +from speaking much,--and that is a great benefit to me, because indeed I +have spoken very much. + +Sir, entering the young state of Ohio--though my mind is constantly +filled with homeward thoughts and homeward sorrows, still my sorrows +relax while I look around me in astonishment, and rub my eyes to +ascertain that it is not the magic of a dream, which makes your bold, +mighty, and flourishing commonwealth rich with all the marks of +civilization and of life, here, where almost yesterday was nothing but a +vast wilderness, silent and dumb like the elements of the world on +creation's eve. And here I stand in Columbus, which, though ten years +younger than I am, is still the capital of that mighty commonwealth, +which--again in its turn,--ten years before I was born, nursed but three +thousand daring men, scattered over the vast wilderness, fighting for +their lives with scalping Indians; but now numbers two millions of happy +freemen, who, generous because free, are conscious of their power, and +weigh mightily in the scale of mankind's destiny. + +How wonderful that an exile from a distant European nation of Asiatic +origin, which, amidst the raging waves of centuries that swept away +empires, stood for a thousand years like a rock, and protected +Christendom and civilization against barbarism--how wonderful that the +exiled governor of that nation was destined to come to this land, where +a mighty nation has grown up, as it were, over night, out of the very +earth, and found this nation protecting the rights of humanity, when +offended in his person,--found that youthful nation ready to stretch its +powerful arm across the Atlantic to protect all Hungary against +oppression,--found her pouring the balm of her sympathy into the +bleeding wounds of Hungary, that, regenerated by the faithful spirit of +America, she may rise once more independent and free, a breakwater to +the flood of Russian ambition, which oppresses Europe and threatens the +world. + +Citizens of Columbus--the namesake of your city, when he discovered +America, little thought that by his discovery he would liberate the Old +World.--And those exiles of the Old World, who sixty-four years ago, +first settled within the limits of Ohio, at Marietta, little thought +that the first generation which would leap into their steps, would make +despots tremble and oppressed nations rise. And yet, thus it will be. +The mighty outburst of popular feeling which it is my wonderful lot to +witness, is a revelation of that future too clear not to be understood. +The Eagle of America flaps its wings; the Stars of America illumine +Europe's night; and the Star-spangled banner, taking under its +protection the Hungarian flag, fluttering loftily and proudly, tells the +tyrants of the world that the right of freedom must sway, and not the +whim of despots but the Law of Nations must rule. + +Gentlemen, I may not speak longer. [Cries of _go on!_] Yes, +gentlemen, but I am ill, and worn out. Give me your lungs, and then I +will go on. + +Citizens, your young and thriving city is conspicuous by its character +of benevolence. There is scarcely a natural human affliction for which +your young city has not an asylum of benevolence. To-day you have risen +in that benevolence from alleviating private affliction to consoling +oppressed nations. Be blessed for it. I came to the shores of your +country pleading the restoration of the law of nations to its due sway, +and as I went on pleading, I met flowers of sympathy. Since I am in +Ohio I meet fruits; and as I go on thankfully gathering the fruits, new +flowers arise, still promising more and more beautiful fruits. That is +the character of Ohio--and you are the capital of Ohio. + +If I am not mistaken, the birth of your city was the year of the trial +of war, by which your nation proved to the world that there is no power +on earth that can dare any more to touch your lofty building of +Independence. The glory of your eastern sister States is, to have +conquered that independence for you. Let it be your glory to have cast +your mighty weight into the scale, that the law of nations, guarded and +protected by you, may afford to every oppressed nation that "fair play" +which America had when it struggled for independence. + +Gentlemen, I am tired out. You must generously excuse me, when I +conclude by humbly recommending my poor country's future to your +generosity. + + * * * * * + +XXVII.--DEMOCRACY THE SPIRIT OF THE AGE. + +[_Reception by the two Houses of Legislature of Ohio_.] + +Kossuth, attended by the Joint Committee, was then introduced, and +addressed by the President of the Senate, Hon. Wm. Medill, as follows: + +Governor Kossuth: On learning that you were about to visit the Western +portion of our country, the General Assembly of this State adopted the +following preamble and resolutions:-- + +Whereas, Louis Kossuth, Governor of Hungary, has endeared himself to the +people of Ohio by his great military and greater civic services rendered +to the cause of Liberty; by the transcendent power and eloquence with +which he has vindicated the right of every nation to determine for +itself its own form of government, by the perils he has encountered and +the suffering he has endured to achieve the freedom of his native +country: therefore, in the name, and on behalf of the people, + +_Be it resolved by the General Assembly of the State of Ohio_, That +the war in which Hungary was lately seemingly overcome, was a struggle +in behalf of the great principles which underlie the structure of our +government, vindicated by the bloody battles of eight years, and that we +cannot be indifferent to their fate, whatever be the arena in which the +struggle for their vitality goes on. + +_Resolved_, That an attack in any form upon them is implicitly an +attack upon us, an armed intervention against them, is in effect an +insult to us; that any narrowing of the sway of these principles is a +most dangerous weakening of our own influence and power; and that all +such combinations of kings against people should be regarded by us now +as they were in 1776, and so far as circumstances will admit, the +parallel should and will be so treated. + +_Resolved_, That we are proud to recognize in Louis Kossuth +constitutional Governor of Hungary, the heroic personification of these +great principles, and that as such, and in token and pledge of our +profound sympathy with him, and the high cause he so nobly represents, +we tender to him, in behalf of two millions of freemen, a hearty welcome +to the capital of the State of Ohio. + +_Resolved_, That we declare the Russian past intervention in the +affairs of Hungary, a violation of the laws of nations which, if +repeated, would not be regarded indifferently by the people of the State +of Ohio. + +_Resolved_, That a joint committee of three on the part of the +Senate, and five on the part of the House of Representatives, be +appointed to tender Governor Kossuth, in the name and on behalf of the +people of Ohio, a public reception by their General Assembly, now in the +session of the capital of the State. + +This preamble, and these resolutions, set forth the views and sentiments +of the people of Ohio in a far more forcible, authoritative, and +enduring form, than can possibly be done by any declaration or +expression of mine. In no part of the United States has your course been +more warmly approved or your great talents, persevering energy, and +devoted patriotism, more universally admired. This, sir, is sufficiently +evinced in the cordial and heartfelt welcome that has everywhere awaited +you, since your entrance into the State. + +Free and independent themselves, the people of Ohio can not look with +indifference on the great contest in which you are engaged. The history +of that fearful struggle which resulted in the achievement of their own +independence is still fresh in their recollection. Always on the side of +the oppressed, no cold or calculating policy can suppress or control +their sympathies. + +The cause of Hungary, which you so eloquently plead, and which it is +your high and sacred mission to maintain, is the cause of freedom in +every quarter of the world. The principles involved in that cause, form +the basis of our own institutions, the source of our present prosperity +and greatness, and the foundation of all our hopes and anticipations of +the future. + +It would be strange, indeed, if a cause so pure and holy, or a champion +so gifted, should fail to command the highest regard and admiration of +freemen. + +In the name, then, and on behalf of the General Assembly of Ohio, I bid +you welcome to our midst. + +I welcome you, sir, to the capital of a great and flourishing +commonwealth--to its halls of legislation, which, in your own +fatherland, were the scenes of some of your proudest triumphs, and to +the hearts of a free, generous, and sympathizing people. + + +KOSSUTH'S REPLY. + +Mr. President--The General Assembly of Ohio, having magnanimously +bestowed upon me the high honour of this national welcome, it is with +profound veneration that I beg leave to express my fervent gratitude for +it. + +Were even no principles for the future connected with the honour which I +now enjoy, still the past would be memorable as history, and not fail to +have a beneficial influence, continuously to develop the Spirit of the +Age. Almost every century has had one predominant idea, which imparted a +common direction to the activity of nations. This predominant idea is +the Spirit of the Age, invisible yet omnipresent; impregnable, +all-pervading; scorned, abused, opposed, and yet omnipotent. + +The spirit of our age is Democracy. All _for_ the people and all +_by_ the people. Nothing _about_ the people _without_ the +people. That is Democracy, and that is the ruling tendency of the spirit +of our age. + +To this spirit is opposed the principle of Despotism, claiming +sovereignty over mankind, and degrading nations from the position of a +self-conscious, self-consistent aim, to the condition of tools +subservient to the authority of ambition. + +One of these principles will and must prevail. So far as one +civilization prevails, the destiny of mankind is linked to a common +source of principles, and within the boundaries of a common +civilization community of destinies exists. Hence the warm interest which +the condition of distant nations awakes now-a-days in a manner not yet +recorded in history because humanity never was yet aware of that common +tie as it now is. With this consciousness thus developed, two opposite +principles cannot rule within the same boundaries--Democracy and +Despotism. + +In the conflict of these two hostile principles, until now it was not +Right, not Justice, but only Success which met approbation and applause. +Unsuccessful patriotism was stigmatized with the name of crime. +Revolution not crowned by success was styled Anarchy and Revolt, and +the vanquished patriot being dragged to the gallows by victorious +despotism, men did not consider _why_ he died on the gallows; but +the fact itself, that _there_ he died, imparted a stain to his +name. + +And though impartial history, now and then, casts the halo of a martyr +over an unsuccessful patriot's grave, yet even this was not always sure. +Tyrants have often perverted history by adulation or by fear. But +whatever that late verdict might have been; for him who dared to +struggle against despotism at the time when he struggled in vain, there +was no honour on earth.--Victorious tyranny marked the front of virtue +with the brand of a criminal. + +Even when an existing "authority" was mere violence worse than that of a +pirate, to have opposed it unsuccessfully was sufficient to ensure the +disapproval of all who held any authority. The People indeed never +failed to console the outcast by its sympathy, but Authority felt no +such sympathy, and rather regarded this very sympathy as a dangerous +symptom of anarchy. + +When the idea of justice is thus perverted--when virtue is thus deprived +of its fair renown, and honour is thus attacked--when success like that +of Louis Napoleon's is gained through connivance--all this becomes an +immeasurable obstacle to the freedom of nations, which never yet was +achieved but by a struggle,--a struggle, which success raised to the +honour of a glorious revolution, but failure lowered to the reputation +of a criminal outbreak. + +Mr. President, I feel proud at the accident, that in my person public +honours have been restored to that on which alone they ought to be +bestowed--righteousness and a just cause; whereas, until now, honours +were lavished only upon success. I consider this as a highly important +_fact_, which cannot fail to encourage the resolution of devoted +patriots, who, though not afraid of death, may be excused for recoiling +before humiliation. + +Senators, Representatives of Ohio, I thank you for it in the name of all +who may yet suffer for having done the duty of a patriot. You may yet +see many a man, who, out of your approbation, will draw encouragement to +noble deeds; for there are many on earth ready to meet misfortune for a +noble aim, but not so many ready to meet humiliation and indignity. +Besides, in honouring me, you have approved what my nation has done. You +have honoured all Hungary by it, and I pledge my word to you that we +will yet do what you have approved. The approbation of our conscience we +have--the sympathy of your generous people has met us--and it is no +idle thing, that sympathy of the people of Ohio--it weighs as the +sovereign will of two millions of freemen. You have added to it the +sanction of your authority. Your people's sympathy you have framed into +a law, sacred and sure in its consequences, on which humanity may rely. + +But, sir, high though be the value of this noble approbation, it becomes +an invaluable benefit to humanity by these resolutions by which the +General Assembly of Ohio, acknowledging the justice of those principles +which it is my mission to plead in my injured country's name, declares +that the mighty and flourishing commonwealth of Ohio is resolved to +resist the eternal laws of nations to their due sway, too long contemned +by arbitrary power. + +It was indeed a sorrowful sight to see how nations bled, and how freedom +withered in the iron grasp of despotisms, leagued for universal +oppression of humanity. It was a sorrowful sight to see that there was +no power on earth ready to maintain those eternal laws, without which +there is no security for any nation on earth. It was a sorrowful sight +to see all nations isolating themselves in defence, while despots +leagued in offence. + +The view has changed. A bright lustre is spreading over the dark sky of +humanity. The glorious galaxy of the United States rises upon oppressed +nations, and the bloody star of despotism fading at your very +declaration, will soon vanish from the sky like a meteor. + +Legislators of Ohio, it may be flattering to ambitious vanity to act the +part of an execrated conqueror, but it is a glory unparalleled in +history to protect rights and freedom on earth. The time draws near, +when, by virtue of such a declaration as yours, shared by your sister +States, Europe's liberated nations will unite in a mighty choir of +Hallelujahs, thanking God that his paternal cares have raised the United +States to the glorious position of a first-born son of freedom on +earth. + +Washington prophesied, that within twenty years the Republic of the +United States would be strong enough to defy any power on earth _in a +just cause_. The State of Ohio was not yet born when the wisest of +men and purest of patriots uttered that prophecy; and God the Almighty +has made the prophecy true, by annexing, in a prodigiously short period, +more stars to the proud constellation of your Republic, and increasing +the lustre of every star more powerfully, than Washington could have +anticipated in the brightest moments of his patriotic hopes. + +Rejoice, O my nation, in thy very woes! Wipe off all thy tears, and +smile amidst thy tortures, like the Dutch hero, De Wytt. There is a +Providence which rules. Thou wast, O my nation, often the martyr, who by +thy blood didst redeem the Christian nations on earth. Even thy present +nameless woes are providential. They were necessary, that the +star-spangled banner of America should rise over a new Sinai--the +Mountain of Law for all nations. Thy sufferings were necessary, that the +people of the United States, powerful by their freedom and free by the +principle of national independence, that common right of all humanity, +should stand up, a new Moses upon the new Sinai, and shout out with the +thundering voice of its twenty-five millions--"Hear, ye despots of the +world, henceforward this shall be law, in the name of the Lord your God +and our God. + +Ye shall not kill nations. + +Ye shall not steal their freedom. + +And ye shall not covet what is your neighbour's." + +Ohio has given its vote by the resolutions I had the honour to hear. It +is the vote of two millions, and it will have its constitutional weight +in the councils of Washington City, where the delegates of the people's +sovereignty find their glory in doing the people's will. + +Sir, it will be a day of consolation and joy in Hungary, when my +bleeding nation reads these resolutions, which I will send to her. They +will flash over the gloomy land; and my nation, unbroken in courage, +steady in resolution, and firm in confidence, will draw still more +courage, more resolution from them, because it is well aware that the +legislature of Ohio would never pledge a word to which the people of +Ohio will not be true in case of need. + +Sir, I regret that my illness has disabled me to express my fervent +thanks in a manner more becoming to this Assembly's dignity. I beg to be +excused for it; and humbly beg you to believe, that my nation for ever, +and I for all my life, will cherish the memory of this benefit. + + * * * * * + +XXVIII.--THE MISERIES AND THE STRENGTH OF HUNGARY. + +[_Columbus, Feb. 7th, to the Association of Friends of Hungary_.] + +On Feb. 7th was held the first regular meeting of the Ohio Association +of the Friends of Hungary, in the City Hall of Columbus. Governor Wood +addressed the Association, as its President; and in the course of his +speech said:-- + +This is a cause in which the people of the United States feel much +interest. Much has been said on the doctrine of intervention and +non-intervention. There was a time when if I ventured to speak a word on +any question in this State it was received with authority. The opinions +I now express have been formed with the same deliberation as those I +expressed with authority in another capacity. There has seemed to be a +combined effort on the part of despots in Europe to put down free +institutions. It is the duty of freemen to oppose this effort--to resist +the principle that every civic community has not a right to regulate its +own affairs. Whenever one nation interferes with the internal concerns +of another, it is a direct insult to all other nations. + +There is a combined effort in Continental Europe to overthrow all free +and liberal institutions. This accomplished, what next?--The efforts of +tyrants will be directed to our institutions. It will be their aim to +break us down. Must not we prevent this event--_peaceably if we +can--forcibly if we must?_ No power will prevail with tyrants and +usurpers but the power of gunpowder or steel. + +Kossuth in reply, turning to Governor Wood, said: Before addressing the +assembly, I humbly entreat your excellency to permit me to express, out +of the very heart of my heart, my gratitude and fervent thanks for those +lofty, generous principles which you have been pleased now to pronounce. +I know those principles would have immense value even if they were only +an individual opinion; but when they are expressed by him who is the +elect of the people of Ohio, they doubly, manifoldly increase in weight. + +The restoration of Hungary to its national independence is my aim, to +which I the more cheerfully devote my life, because I know that my +nation, once master of its own destiny, can make no other choice, in the +regulation of its institutions and of its government, than that of a +Republic founded upon democracy and the great principle of municipal +self-government, without which, as opposed to centralization, there is +no practical freedom possible. + +Other nations enjoying a comparatively tolerable condition under their +existing governments--though aware of their imperfections, may shrink +from a revolution of which they cannot anticipate the issue, while they +know that in every case it is attended with great sacrifices and great +sufferings for the generation which undertakes the hazard of the change. +But that is not the condition of Hungary. My poor native land is in such +a condition that all the horrors of a revolution, when without the hopes +of happiness to be gained by it, are preferable to what it lives to +endure now. The very life on a bloody battle-field, where every +whistling musket-ball may bring death--affords more security, more ease, +and is less alarming than that life which the people of Hungary has to +suffer now. We have seen many a sorrowful day in our past, We have been +by our geographical position, destined as the breakwater against every +great misfortune, which in former centuries rushed over Europe from the +East. It is not only the Turks, when they were yet a dangerous, +conquering race, which my nation had to stay, by wading to the very lips +in its own heroic blood. No. The still more terrible invasion of Batu +Khan's (the Mongol) raging millions, poured down over Europe from the +Steppes of Tartary,--who came not to conquer but to destroy, and +therefore spared not nature, not men, not the child in its mother's +womb. It was Hungary which had to stay its flood from devouring the rest +of Europe. Nevertheless, all which Hungary has ever suffered is far +less than it has to suffer now from the tyrant of Austria, himself in +his turn nothing but the slave of ambitious Russia. + +Oh! it is a fair, beautiful land, my beloved country, rich in nature's +blessings as perhaps no land is rich on earth. When the spring has +strewn its blossoms over it, it looks as the garden of Eden may have +looked, and when the summer ripens nature's ocean of crops over its +hills and plains, it looks like a table dressed for mankind by the Lord +himself; and still it was here in Columbus that I read the news that a +terrible dearth, that famine is spreading over the rich and fertile +land. How should it not? Where life-draining oppression weighs so +heavily, that the landowner offers the use of all his lands to the +government, merely to get free from the taxation--where the vintager +cuts down his vineyards and the gardener his orchard, and the farmer +burns his tobacco seed to be rid of the duties, and their +vexations--there of course must dearth prevail, and famine raise its +hideous head. Yet the tyrant adds calumny to oppression, by attributing +the dearth to a want of industry, after having created it by oppression. +There exists no personal security of property. Nor is the verdict "not +guilty," when pronounced by an Austrian court, sufficient to ensure +security against prison, nay, against death by the executioner--through +a new trial ordered to find a man guilty at any price. Poor Louis +Bathyanyi was thus treated. Even now persecution is going on--hundreds +are arrested secretly and sent to prison and their property confiscated, +though they were already acquitted by the very Haynaus. _Even to whisper +that a man or woman was arrested in the night is considered a crime_, +and punished by prison, or if the whisperer be a young man, by sending him +to the army, there to taste, when he dares to frown, the corporal's +stick. _No man knows what is forbidden, what not_, because there +exists no law but the arbitrary will of martial courts--no protecting +institution--no public life--free speech forbidden--the press +fettered--complaint a crime,--When we consider all this, indeed it is +not possible not to arrive at the conviction, that, come what may, a new +war of revolution in Hungary is not a matter of choice, but a matter of +unavoidable necessity, because all that may come is not by far so +terrible as that which is! + +But I am often asked,--"What hope has Hungary should she rise again?" +Pardon me, gentlemen, for saying, that I cannot forbear to be surprized +as often as I hear this question. Why! The Emperor of Austria, fresh +with his bloody victories over Italy, Vienna, Lemberg, Prague, attacked +us in the fulness of his power, when we had no expectation, and were +least in the world prepared to meet it. We were assaulted on several +sides; our fortresses were in the hands of traitors, we had as yet no +army at all. We were secluded from all the world--forsaken by all the +world--without money--without arms--without ammunition--without +friends--having nothing for us but the justice of our cause and the +people burning with patriotism--men who went to the battlefield almost +without knowing how to cock their guns; but still, within less than six +months, we beat all the force of Austria,--we crushed it to the dust, +and in despair, the proud tyrant fled to the feet of the Czar, begging +his assistance for his sacrilegious purpose, and paying him by the +sacrifice of honour, independence, and all his future! + +In contemplating these facts, who can doubt that we are now a match for +Austria. Then we had no army--now we have 120,000 brave Magyars, who +fought for freedom and motherland, enlisted in the ranks of Austria, +forming their weakness and our strength. Then hostile nations were +opposed to us, now they are friendly, and are with us. Then no +combination existed between the oppressed nations--now the combination +exists. Then our oppressor took his own time to strike--when he was best +and we were worst prepared:--now we will take our time and strike the +blow when it is best for us and worst for him. In a word, then every +chance was against us, and we almost in a condition that the stoutest +hearts faltered; and we only took up the gauntlet because our very soul +revolted against the boundless treachery;--now every chance is for us, +and it is the native which throws the gauntlet into the tyrant's face. +Our very misfortune ensures our success--because then we had some +something to lose, now we have nothing. We can only gain--for I defy +the sophistry of despotism to invent anything of public or private +oppression which is not already inflicted upon us. + +But I was upon the question of success.--When I moot that +question--upon what reposes the success of Hungary, it always occurs to +my mind that the last Administration of the United States sent a +gentleman over to Europe during the Hungarian struggle, _not_ with +orders to recognize the independence of Hungary, but just to look to +what chance of success we had. Now, suppose that the United States, +taking into consideration the right of every nation to dispose of +itself, and true to that policy which it has always followed to take +established facts as they are, and not to investigate what chances there +might or might not be for the future, but always recognize every new +Government everywhere--suppose that it had sent that gentleman with +such an instruction to Hungary: what would have been the consequence? If +the government of Hungary which existed then and indeed existed very +actively, for it had created armies, had beaten Austria, and driven her +last soldier from Hungarian territory,--If that government had been +recognized by the United States, of course commercial intercourse with +the United States, in every respect, would have been lawful, according +to your existing international laws. The Emperor of Austria, the Czar of +Russia, because they are recognized powers, have full liberty to buy +your cannons, gunpowder, muskets--everything. That would have been the +case with Hungary. That legitimate commerce with the people of the +United States with Hungary, of course would have been protected by the +navy of the United States in the Mediterranean. Now, men we had +enough--but arms we had none. That would have given us arms, and having +beaten Austria already, we would have beaten Russia, and I, instead of +having now the honour of addressing you here, would perhaps have +dictated a peace in Moscow. But the gentleman was sent to _investigate +the chances_ of success. Upon his investigation Hungary perished. + +Let me entreat you, friends of Hungary, do not much hesitate about +success. While Rome deliberated, Saguntum fell. I fear that by too long +investigating what chances we have, the chances of success will be +compromised, which by speedy help could have been ensured. + +Well, I am answered--"there is no doubt about it.--Hungary is a match +for Austria. You have beaten Austria, it is true; but Russia--there is +the rub." Precisely, because there is the rub, I come to the United +States, relying upon the fundamental principles of your great Republic, +to claim the protection and maintenance of the law of nations against +the armed interference of Russia. + +That is precisely what I claim. That accorded, no intervention of Russia +can take place; the word of America will be respected, not out of +consideration for your dignity, but because the Czar and the cabinet of +Russia, atrocious and unprincipled as they are, are no fools, and will +not risk their existence. Therefore your word will be respected. + +You have an act of Congress, passed in 1818, by which the people of the +United States are forbidden by law to take any hostile steps against a +power with which the United States are at amity. Well, suppose Congress +pronounces such a resolution--that in respect to any power which +violates the laws of nations we recall this neutrality law and give full +liberty to follow its own will. (Applause.) Now, in declaring this, +Congress has prevented a war, because it has been pointed out to the +people in what way that pronunciation of the law of nations is to be +supported, and the enterprizing spirit of the people of the United +States is too well known as its sympathy for the cause of Hungary is +too decidedly expressed, not to impart a conviction to the Czar of +Russia that though the United States do not wish to go to war, so the +law of nations will be enforced, _peaceably if possible_ (turning +to Governor Wood) _forcibly if necessary_. + +But as I again and again meet the doubt whether your protest even with +such sanction will be respected, I farther answer--let me entreat you to +try. It costs nothing. You are not bound to go farther than you +will;--try. _Perhaps_ it will be respected, and if it be, humanity +is rescued, and freedom on earth reigns where despotism now rules. It is +worth a trial. + +Besides, I beg to remind you of my second and third requests, either of +which might bring a practical solution of this doubt. At present, +whoever will may sell arms to Austria, but you forbid your own citizens +to sell arms to Hungary; and this, though the rule of Austria has no +legitimate basis, but rests on unjust force; while you have avowed the +cause of Hungary to be just. Such a state of your law is not neutrality, +and is not righteous towards _us_ nor is it fair towards your +_own people_. If Venice were to-day to shake off the yoke of +Austria, Austria will forthwith forbid all of you to buy and sell with +Venice. Well: I say that is not fair towards your own citizens, any more +than to the Venetians. True; you have not the right to open any market +by force, towards a nation which is unwilling to deal with you, but you +have a clear right to deal with one which desires it, in spite of any +belligerent who chooses to forbid you. How could the fact of Hungary or +Venice rising up against their oppressor justify Austria in damaging the +lawful commerce of America with those nations? On this turns my second +principle, which I consider of high importance for the coming struggle; +that the United States would declare their resolve to uphold their +commercial intercourse with every nation which is ready to accept it. + +Thirdly, I claimed that you would recognize the Hungarian Declaration of +Independence as having been legitimate. My enemies have misrepresented +this, as if I desired to be recognized as _de facto_ the Governor +of Hungary. This is mere absurdity. That is not the question--_am_ +I governor or not governor? The question is--_was_ the Declaration +of Independence of Hungary, in the judgment of the people of the United +States, a legitimate one, to which my nation had a right--or was it not? +I believe America cannot answer no, because your very existence rests on +a similar act. And if that declaration is made, what will be the +consequence of it? What will be the practical result? Why, that very +moment when I or whoever else, upon the basis of this declaration, +recognized to be legitimate by your republic, shall take a stake upon +Hungarian independence, and issue a proclamation declaring that a +national government exists, that very moment the existence of the +government will be recognized, and the gentleman who will be sent to +Europe will not be sent to investigate what chances we have of success, +but into what diplomatic relation we shall come. And what will be the +consequence? A legitimate commercial intercourse of America. Then I can +fit out men of war--steamers and everything--and your laws will not +prevent me. The government of Hungary will then be a friendly power, and +therefore according to your laws everything might be done for the +benefit of my country--and who knows what a benefit it might secure to +yourselves? + +As regards my use of any pecuniary aids, I declare that I will respect +the laws of every nation where I have the honour even temporarily to be. +I will employ that aid, which the friends of Hungary may place at my +disposal, for the benefit of my country, to be sure, but only in such a +way as is not forbidden by, or contrary to, your laws. Now, to make an +armed expedition against a friendly power--that is forbidden. But if +Hungary rises upon the basis of a recognized, legitimate independence, +then what is necessary for it to prepare for coming into that position +is lawful. I have taken the advice of the highest authorities in that +respect. I was not so bold as to become the interpreter of your laws, +but I have asked, Is that lawful, or is it not? from the highest +authorities in law matters of the United States. + +Now to return to Hungary. In what condition is it! In the beginning of +my talking I mentioned the invasion of Tartarian hordes. Then the wild +beasts spread over the land, and caused the few remnants of the people +to take refuge in some castles, and fortresses, and fortified places and +in the most remote and sterile ground. The wild beasts fed on human +blood. Now again the wild beasts are spreading terribly; and why? +Because to have a single pistol, to have a sword, or a musket, is a +crime which is punished by several years' imprisonment. Such is now the +condition of Hungary! Therefore, you may now see that the country is +disarmed, and of what importance is it for that success, about which I +hear now and then doubts, to have arms prepared in a convenient lawful +manner. + +[After this, Kossuth spoke in some detail concerning the pecuniary +contributions; and closed with complaints of his painfully over-worked +chest, which had much impeded his speech.] + + * * * * * + +XXIX.--OHIO AND FRANCE CONTRASTED AS REPUBLICS. + +[_Reception at Cincinnati_.] + +Kossuth having been received by a vast assemblage of the people of +Cincinnati was addressed in their name by the Honourable Caleb Smith, +from whose speech the following are extracts:-- + +Your progress through a portion of the whole States which originally +constituted the American confederacy, has called forth such +manifestations of public feeling as leave no doubt that the liberty +enjoyed by the people of those States, has created in their hearts a +generous sympathy for the advocates of civil liberty who have +endeavoured to establish free institutions in Europe. + +The brilliant success which attended the first efforts of the Hungarian +Patriots, excited the hope that the tricoloured flag unfurled on the +shores of the Danube, would, like the stars and stripes of our own +Republic, become the emblem and the hope of freedom. + +The intervention of Russia, in violation of the law of nations, in +defiance of justice and right, and in disregard of the public sentiment +of the civilized world, for a time, at last, disappointed this hope; and +the exultation it excited was followed by a mournful sadness, when +Russian arms and domestic treason combined, caused the Hungarian flag to +trail in the dust. + +Hungary failed to establish her independence, but failed only, when +success was impossible. The efforts she has made have not been wholly +lost. The seed which she has sown in agony and blood, will yet sprout +and bring forth fruit. The memory of her devoted sons who have fallen in +the cause of liberty, will be perpetuated upon the living tablets of the +hearts of freedom's votaries throughout the world. The spirits of the +martyrs shall whisper hope and consolation to the hearts of her +surviving children; and from out the dungeons of her captive patriots +shall go forth the spirit of liberty to cheer and animate their +countrymen. + +You are engaged in a high and holy mission. The redemption of your +fatherland from oppression is worthy of your efforts, and may God +prosper them; and may you find in this free land such sympathy and aid +as will strengthen your heart for the stern trials which await you in +your own country. + +Kossuth replied:-- + +Sir,--Before I answer you, let me look over this animated ocean, that I +may impress upon my memory the look of those who have transformed the +wilderness of a primitive forest into an immense city, of which there +exists a prediction that, by the year of our Lord 2000, it will be the +greatest city in the world. + +"The West! the West! the region of the Father of Rivers," there thou +canst see the cradle of a new-born humanity. So I was told by the +learned expounders of descriptive geography, who believe that they know +the world, because they have seen it on maps. + +The West a cradle! Why? A cradle is the sleeping place of a child +wrapped in swaddling clothes and crying for the mother's milk. + +People of Cincinnati, are you that child which, awakening in an +unwatched moment, liberated his tender hands from the swaddling band, +swept away by his left arm the primitive forest planted by the Lord at +creation's dawn, and raised by his right hand this mighty metropolis. +Why, if that be your childhood's pastime, I am awed by the presentiment +of your manhood's task; for it is written, that it is forbidden to men +to approach too near to omnipotence. And that people here which created +this rich city, and changed the native woods of the red man into a +flourishing seat of Christian civilization and civilized +Christianity--into a living workshop of science and art, of industry and +widely spread commerce; and performed this change, not like the drop, +which, by falling incessantly through centuries, digs a gulf where a +mountain stood, but performed it suddenly within the turn of the hand, +like a magician; that people achieved a prouder work than the giants of +old, who dared to pile Ossa upon Pelion; but excuse me, the comparison +is bad. + +Those giants of old heaped mountain upon mountain, with the impious +design to storm the heavens. You have transformed the wilderness of the +West into the dwelling-place of an enlightened, industrious, intelligent +Christian community, that it may flourish a living monument of the +wonderful bounty of Divine Providence--a temple of freedom, which +glorifies God, and bids oppressed humanity to hope. + +And yet, when I look at you, citizens of Cincinnati, I see no race of +giants, astonishing by uncommon frame: I see men as I am wont to see all +my life, and I have lived almost long enough to have seen Cincinnati a +small hamlet, composed of some modest log-houses, separated by dense +woods, where savage beast and savage Indian lurked about the lonely +settlers, who, as the legend of Jacob Wetzel and his faithful log tells, +had to wrestle for life when they left their poor abode. + +What is the key of this rapid wonderful change? The glorious cities of +old were founded by heroes whom posterity called demi-gods, and whose +name survived their work by thousands of years. Who is your hero? Who +stood god-father at the birth of the Queen of the West? + +I looked to history and found not his name. But instead of one mortal +man's renowned name, I find in the records of your city's history an +immortal being's name, and that is, _the people_. The word sparkles +with the lustre of a life invigorating flame, and that flame is LIBERTY. +Freedom, regulated by wise institutions, based upon the great principle +of national independence and self-government; this is the magical rod by +which the great enchanter, "_the people_," has achieved this +wonderful work. + +Sir, there is a mighty change going on in human development. Formerly +great things were done by great men, whose names stand in history like +milestones, marking the march of mankind on the highway of progress. It +was mankind which marched, and still it passed unnoticed and unknown. Of +him history has made no record, but of the milestones only, and has +called them great men. The lofty frame of individual greatness +overshadowed the people, who were ready to follow but not prepared to go +without being led. Humanity and its progress was absorbed by +individualities; because the people which stood low in the valley got +giddy by looking up to the mountain's top, where its leaders stood. It +was the age of childhood for nations. Children cling to the leading +strings as to a necessity, and feel it a benefit to be led. + +But the leaders of nations changed soon into kings. Ambition claimed as +a right what merit had gained as a free offering. Arrogance succeeded to +greatness; and out of the child-like attachment for benefits received, +the duty of blind obedience was framed by the iron hand of violence, and +by the craft of impious hypocrisy, degrading everything held for holy by +men--religion itself--into a tool of oppression on earth. It was the era +of uncontroverted despotism, which, with sacrilegious arrogance, claimed +the title of divine rank; and mankind advanced slowly in progress, +because it was not conscious of its own aim. Oppression was taken for a +gloomy fatality. + +The scene has changed. Nations have become conscious of their rights and +destiny, and will tolerate no masters, nor will suffer oppression any +longer. The spirit of freedom moves through the air; and remember, that +you are morally somewhat responsible for it, inasmuch as it is your +glorious struggle for independence which was the first upheaving of +mankind's heart roused to self-conscious life. Even by that first effort +she gloriously achieved the national independence of America. Though +gifted with all the blessings of nature's virginal vitality, you would +never have succeeded to achieve this wonderful growth which we see, if +you had employed your conquered national independence merely to take a +new master for the old one. + +And mark well, gentlemen! a nation may have a master even if it has no +king--a nation may be called a republic, and yet be not +free--_Wherever centralization exists, there the nation has either +sold or lent, either alienated or delegated its sovereignty_; and +wherever this is done, the nation has a master--and he who has a master +is of course not his own master. Power may be centralized in many--the +centralization by and by will be concentrated in few, as in ancient +Venice, or in one, as in France at the time of the "_Uncle_," some +forty years ago, and again in France, now that the "_Nephew_" has +his bloody reign for a day. + +Yes, gentlemen, if that generation of devoted patriots who achieved the +Independence of the United States, had merely changed the old master for +a new one with the name of an Emperor or a King, or of an omnipotent +President, your country were now just something like Brazil or Mexico, +or the Republic of South America, all of them independent, as you know, +and all except Brazil even Republics, and all rich with nature's +blessings, and offering a new home to those who fly from the oppression +of the Old World--and yet all of them old before they were young, and +decrepit before they were strong. Had the founders of your country's +Independence followed this direction which led the rest of America +astray, Cincinnati would be a hamlet yet as it was in Jacob Wetzel's +time; and Ohio, instead of being a first-rate star in the constellation +of your Republic, would be an appendage of neighbouring Eastern +States--a not yet explored desert, marked in the map of America only by +lines of northern latitude and western longitude. + +The people, a real sovereign; your institutions securing real freedom, +because founded on the principles of self-government; union to secure +national independence and the position of a power on earth; and all +together, having no master but God; omnipotence not vested in any man, +in any assembly,--and an open field to every honest exertion--because +civil, political, and religious liberty is the common benefit to all, +not limited but by itself (that is, by the unseen, but not unfelt, +influence of self-given law); that is the key of the living wonder which +spreads before my eyes. + +Let me recall to your memory a curious fact. It is just a hundred years +ago, that the first trading house upon the Great Miami was built by +daring English adventurers, at a place later known as Laramie's Store, +then the territory of the Twigtwee Indians. The trade house was +destroyed by Frenchmen, who possessed then a whole world on the +continent of America. Well, twenty-four years later, France aided your +America in its struggle for independence; and oh! feel not offended in +your proud power of to-day, when I say that independence would not then +have been achieved without the aid of France. + +Since that time, France has been twice a Republic, and changed its +constitutions thirteen times; and, though thirty-six millions strong, it +has lost every foot of land on the continent of America, and at home it +lies prostrated beneath the feet of the most inglorious usurper that +ever dared to raise ambition's bloody seat upon the ruins of liberty. +And your Republic? It has grown a giant of power. And Ohio? out of the +ruins of a trading-house into a mighty commonwealth of two millions of +free and happy men, who shout out with a voice like the thunderstorm, to +the despots of the Old World, "ye shall stop in your ambitious way +before the power of freedom, ready to protect the common laws of all +humanity." + +What a glorious triumph of your institutions over the principles of +CENTRALIZED government! + +Oh! may all the generations yet unborn, and all the millions who will +yet gather in this New World of the West, which soon will preponderate +in the scale of the Union, where all the west weighed nothing fifty +years ago--may they all ever and ever remember the high instruction +which the Almighty has revealed in this parallel of different results. + +Sir, you say that Ohio can show no battle field connected with +recollections of your own glorious revolution. Let me answer, that the +whole West is a monument, and Cincinnati the fair cornice of it. If your +eastern sister States have instructed the world how nations become +independent and free, the West shows to the world what a nation once +independent and really free can become. + +Allow me to declare, that by standing before the world as such an +instructive example, you exercise the most effective revolutionary +propaganda; for if the mis-result of French revolutions discourage the +nations from shaking off the 'oppressors' yoke, your victory,--and still +more, your unparalleled prosperity,--has encouraged oppressed nations to +dare what you dared. + +Egotists and hypocrites may say that you are not responsible for it; you +have bid nobody to follow you:--and it may be true that you are not +responsible before a tribunal. Still, you are sufficiently free not to +feel offended by a true word; therefore I say you are responsible before +your own conscience, for, your example having started a new doctrine, +the teacher of a new doctrine is morally bound not to forsake his +doctrine when assailed in the person of his disciples. + + * * * * * + +XXX.--WAR A PROVIDENTIAL NECESSITY AGAINST OPPRESSION. + +[_To the Clergy of Cincinnati_.] + +The clergy of Cincinnati addressed Kossuth by the mouth of the Rev. Mr. +Fisher. Among other topics, this gentleman said:-- + +We wish to _you_ first, and through you, to the world, to express +our respect for those heroic clergymen who dared to offer public prayers +to Almighty God for the success of your arms. We have not forgotten the +manner in which Austria attempted to dragoon their tongues into silence, +and their souls into abject submission. Nor can we believe that a +country with such pastors--that a country whose religious interests are +confided to men ready to pray against the Despot, will be suffered by +our heavenly Father to remain trodden down, and to have her name blotted +out of the history of nations. If in the great battle of freedom, the +heart of the minister of religion at the Altar, beats in sympathy with +the heart of the minister at the Council Board, and the soldier in the +battle-field, there is then a union of the moral, intellectual, and +physical forces of a nation, which we have been taught to believe would +generally and ultimately be victorious. + +We frankly confess to you that our hope that Hungary is not to share the +fate of unhappy Poland, is grounded first on the large element of a +Protestant ministry she embraces, and secondly on the advance which the +nations are making in a true understanding of the principles of +republican freedom. We believe the cause of Hungary to be just. Against +the usurpations of Kings and perjured Princes--against the interference +of foreign powers to assist in treading on the sparks of liberty +anywhere on the earth, and especially in such a land as yours, we claim +the privilege at the fit time of entering our protest and expressing +toward such acts our deepest abhorrence. And while we desire most +earnestly the advent of universal peace, and rejoice that the power of +moral principles is increasing in the world, and anticipate the day when +the nations shall learn war no more, yet we are fully convinced, both +from the Holy Scriptures and the history of the past, that under the +overruling providence of God wars occasioned by the oppression, the +ambition, and the covetousness of men, are often the means of breaking +up the stagnant waters of superstition and irreligion, and securing to +the truth a position from which it may most successfully send abroad its +light, and mould the heart of a nation to religion and peace. +_Despotism is_ in our view _a perpetual war of a few upon the +many_; and we must unlearn some of the earliest lessons that our +mothers taught us and our fathers illustrated in their lives, before we +can cease to sympathize with the assertors of their rights against the +force or the fraud of their fellow-men. And since the sad issue of +revolution after revolution in infidel France, there are not a few of +us, who have indulged the hope (especially since your visit to our +shores), that in central Europe, in your native land, among an +undebauched and a Bible-reading people, a government might arise that +would accord freedom of conscience to all, and shine as a light of +virtuous republicanism upon the darkness around. + +In meeting you thus we design no mere display, no ineffective parade of +words. We wish to give whatever weight of influence we may bear in this +community, to the cause of freedom in your native land, to assist in +securing to you and your nation, such aid as a nation situated as we are +can _wisely_ give, so as best to subserve the interests of liberty +and humanity in all the world. We regard the moral influence of this +country as of the first importance; and the peaceful working of +republican institutions as a daily protest against despotism. And for +ourselves we pledge to you and your country, that we will, in public and +private, bear your cause upon our hearts, and invoke in your behalf, the +intervention of an arm that no earthly power can resist. + +Kossuth replied at length. The following is an extract from his +speech:-- + +You have been pleased to refer to war as, under certain circumstances, +an instrumentality of Divine Providence--and indeed so it is. Great +things depend upon the exact definition of a word. There is, I suppose, +nobody on earth who takes war for a moral or happy condition. Every man +must wish peace; but peace must not be confounded with oppression. It +is our duty, I believe, to follow the historical advice of the +Scriptures, which very often have pointed out war as an instrumentality +against oppression and injustice. + +You have very truly said that despotism is a continued war of the few +against the many, of ambition against mankind. Now if that be +true--(and true it is--for war is nothing else than an appeal to +force)--then how can any persons claim of oppressed nations not to +resort to war? Who makes war? those who defend themselves? or those who +attack others? Now if it be true that despotism is a continued attack +upon mankind, then war comes from that quarter, and I have no where in +the world heard that an unjust attack should not be opposed by a just +defence. It is absurd to entreat nations not to disturb a peace which +does not exist. What would have become of Christianity in Europe (and in +further consequence, also in America), if in those times, when +Mohammedanism was yet a conquering power, Hungary out of love of peace +had not opposed Mohammedanism in defence of Christianity? What would +have become of Protestantism when assailed by Charles V, by Philip II, +and others? Did Luther or others forbid the use of arms against arms, to +protect for men the right of private judgment in matters of salvation. +I have seen war. I know what an immense machine it is. What an immense +misfortune and with what sufferings it is connected. Believe me, there +is no nation which loves war, but many that fear war less than they hate +oppression, which prevents both their happiness on earth and the +development of private judgment for salvation in eternity. + +You have been pleased to assure me that you take the cause of Hungary +for a just cause. I most respectfully thank you for it. I consider your +judgment of immense value in that respect. Why? Because you are too +deeply penetrated by the sacred mission to which you have devoted your +lives, ever to approve anything which you would not consider consistent +and in harmony with your position as ministers of the gospel; and +therefore when you give me the verdict of justice for the cause of +Hungary, I take your approbation as a sanction from the principles of +the Christian religion. + +Let me therefore entreat you, gentlemen, to bestow your action, your +prayers, and that which in the gospel is connected with +prayers--watchfulness, upon my country's cause. It is not without +design that I mention this word watchfulness; for it would be not +appropriate for me to speak any word which might excite mere passion. I +rely upon principles in their plainness, and make no appeal to blind +excitement; but I venture to throw out the hint, that in certain +quarters even the word _religion_ is employed as a tool against +that cause which you pronounce to be just; and therefore I may be +permitted to claim from ministers of Christ--from Protestant +clergymen--from American Protestant clergymen, that they will not only +pray for that cause, but also be watchful against that abuse of religion +for the oppression of a just cause. + +You have farther stated that as American clergymen, you entertain the +conviction that a free Gospel can only be permanently enjoyed under a +free civil government. Now what is free Gospel? The trumpet of the +Gospel is of course sounded from the moral influence of the truths, +which are deposited by Divine Providence in the holy Scriptures. No +influence can be more powerful than that of the truth which God himself +has revealed, and nevertheless you say, that for permanent enjoyment of +this moral influence, the field of free civil government is necessary. +So it is. Now, let me make the application of these very truths in +respect to the moral institutions of your country. I entirely trust that +all other institutions which we know now will by and bye disappear +before the moral influence of _your_ institutions, as is proved by +the wonderful development of this country--but under one condition, that +the nations be restored to national independence: since, so long as +absolutist power rules the world, there is no place, no field _for_ +the moral influence of your institutions. Precisely as the moral +influence of the Gospel cannot spread without a free civil government, +so the influence of your institutions can spread only upon the basis of +national independence, as a common benefit to every nation. + +You will, I hope, generously excuse me for having answered your generous +sentiments in such a plain manner. My indisposition has given me no time +to prepare for the honour of meeting you in such a way as I would have +wished. You have given joy, consolation, and hope to my heart, and +encouragement to go on in that way which you honour with your welcome +and your sympathy; and I shall thank this your generosity in the most +effective manner, by following your advice and by further using those +exertions which have met your approbation. + + * * * * * + +XXXI.--ON WASHINGTON'S POLICY. + +[_Speech on the Anniversary of Washington's Birthday, Cincinnati_.] + +A splendid entertainment was prepared, to which six hundred persons sat +down. After the toasts many energetic speeches were made. Mr. Corry +said:-- + +The time has come for our mighty Republic to stand by its friends and +brave its enemies. There is a confederation of tyrants now marching +across the cinders of Europe. Are we to take no heed of their +aggressions at our doors? It is for us to aid the people of the old +world against their tyrants, as we were aided to get rid of ours. Ohio +will not fail in her duty. + +The president of the evening, Mr. James J. Foran, observed:-- + +In 1849 we held in this city the first meeting, I believe, in the United +States on this subject, and expressed our indignation at the +unwarrantable interference of Russia. We declared it to be our duty, as +a free and powerful government, to notify to Russia, that her +interference in the affairs of Hungary must cease, or the United States +would cast their strength on the side of justice and right against +tyranny and oppression.... In the great struggle which is approaching +between liberty and absolutism we shall be compelled to act a part. It +will not do to rely altogether on either a just cause or the +interposition of Providence. It is well to have both of these; but to +add to them our own exertions, is indispensable to human success. + +Here, "in the wilderness," in the bosom of the Great West, in the city +of one hundred and fifty thousand inhabitants, whence emanated the first +public move in America for his personal cause, and also his liberation +from captivity, do we welcome Louis Kossuth, the champion of +self-government in Europe. + +Kossuth in response said:-- + +Mr. President: I consider it a particular favour of Providence that I am +permitted to partake, on the present solemn occasion, in paying the +tribute of honour and gratitude to the memory of your immortal +Washington. + +An architect having raised a proud and noble building to the service of +the Almighty, his admirers desired to erect a monument to his memory. +How was it done? His name was inscribed upon the wall, with these +additional words: "You seek his monument--look around." + +Let him who looks for a monument of Washington, look around the United +States. The whole country is a monument to him. Your freedom, your +independence, your national power, your prosperity, and your prodigious +growth, is a monument to Washington. + +There is no room left for panegyric, none especially to a stranger whom +you had full reason to charge with arrogance, were he able to believe +that his feeble voice could claim to be noticed in the mighty harmony of +a nation's praise. Let me therefore, instead of such an arrogant +attempt, pray that that GOD, to whose providential intentions Washington +was a glorious instrument, may impart to the people of the United States +the same wisdom for the conservation of the present prosperity of the +land and for its future security which he gave to Washington for the +foundation of it. + +Allow me, sir, to add, Washington's wisdom consisted in doing all which, +according to the circumstances _of his time_ and the condition of +his country, was necessary to his country's freedom, independence, +welfare, glory, and future security. I pray to God that the people of +this Republic, and all those whom the people's confidence has entrusted +with the honourable charge of directing the helm of the commonwealth, +may be endowed with the same wisdom of doing all which _present_ +circumstances and the _present_ condition of your country point out +to be not only consistent with but necessary to your country's present +glory, present prosperity, and future security. + +Surely, that is the fittest tribute to the memory of Washington, that is +the most faithful adherence to the doctrine which he bequeathed to you, +by far a better tribute, and by far a more faithful adherence, than to +do, literally, the same that he did, amid circumstances quite different +from those you are now surrounded with, and in a condition entirely +different from that in which you and the world are now. + +The principles of Washington are for ever true, and should for ever be +the guiding star to the United States. But to imitate literally the +accidental policy of Washington, would be to violate his principles. If +the spirit of Washington could raise its voice now, in this +distinguished circle of American patriots, it would loudly and +emphatically protest against such a course, and would denounce it as not +only injurious to his memory, but also as dangerous to the future of +this Republic which he founded with such eminent wisdom and glorious +success. + +I have seen, sir, the people of the United States advised to regard the +writings of Washington as the Mahommedan regards the Koran, considering +everything which is not to be found in the Koran as useless to heed. Now +this parallel I, indeed, take for a very curious compliment to the +_memory of Washington_--a compliment at which his immortal spirit +must feel offended, I am sure. + +Why? to what purpose is the immortal light of Heaven beaming in man's +mind, if it be wise not to make any use of it? To what purpose all that +assiduous care about public instruction, and about the propagation of +knowledge and intelligence, if the writings of Washington are the Koran +of America; forbidding the right of private judgment, which the great +majority of your nation claim as a natural right, even in respect to the +Holy Bible, that book of Divine origin? Look to the east where the +Koran rules, obstructing with its absolutism the development of human +intellect: what do you behold there? You behold mighty nations, a noble +race of men, interesting in many respects, teeming with germs of +vitality, and still falling fast into decay, because doomed to +stagnation of their intelligence by that blind faith in their Koran's +absolute perfection, which we see recommended as a model to the people +of this Republic, whose very existence rests on progress. + +Indeed, gentlemen, I dare to say that I yield to nobody in the world, in +reverence and respect to the immortal memory of Washington. His life and +his principles were the guiding star of my life; to that star I looked +up for inspiration and advice, during the vicissitudes of my stormy +life. Hence I drew that devotion to my country and to the cause of +national freedom, which you, gentlemen, and millions of your +fellow-citizens and your national government, are so kind as to honour +by unexampled distinction, though you meet it not brightened by success, +but meet it in the gloomy night of my existence, in that helpless +condition of a homeless wanderer, in which I must patiently bear the +title of an "_imported rebel_" and of a "_beggar_" in the very +land of Washington, for having dared to do what Washington did; for +having dared to do it with less skill and with less success, but, Heaven +knows, not with less honesty and devotion than he did. + +Well, it is useless to remark that Washington would probably have ended +with equal failure, had his country not met that foreign aid for which +they honourably _begged_. It is useless to remark that he would +undoubtedly have failed, if after the glorious battle of Yorktown he had +met a fresh enemy of more than two hundred thousand men, such as we met, +and had been forsaken in that new struggle by all the world. It is +useless to remark that success should not be the only test of virtue on +earth, and fortune should not change the devotion of a patriot into an +outrage and a crime; and particularly not, when success is only torn out +of the hands of patriotism by foreign violence, and by the most +sacrilegious infraction of the common laws of all humanity. All this is +useless to say. I must bear many things--must bear even malignity--but +can bear it more easily, because against the insult of some who plead +the cause of despots in your republic, I have for consolation the +tranquillity of my conscience, the love of my countrymen, the +approbation of generous friends, and the sympathy of millions in that +very land where I meet the title of an "_imported rebel_." + +I was saying, sir, that I yield to no man on earth in reverence to the +memory of the immortal WASHINGTON! Indeed, I consider it not +inconsistent with this reverence to say: Never let past ages bind the +life of future;--let no man's wisdom be _Koran_ to you, dooming +progress to stagnation, and judgment to the meagre task of a mere +rehearsing memory. + +Thus I would speak, should even that which I advocate, be contrary to +what Washington taught--even then I would appeal from the thoughts of a +man, to the spirit of advanced mankind, and from the eighteenth century +to the present age. + +But fortunately I am not in that necessity; what I advocate is not only +not in contradiction, but in strict harmony with Washington's +principles, so much so that I have nothing else to wish than that +Washington's doctrine should be quoted fairly as a system, and not by +picking out single words, and concealing that which gives the +interpretation to these words. + +Indeed I can wish nothing more than that the _principles_ of +Washington should be followed. And I may also be permitted to say, that +not every word of Washington is a principle, and that what he +recommended as a policy according to the exigencies of his time, he +never intended to recommend as a rule for ever to be followed even in +such circumstances which he, with all his wisdom, could neither foresee +nor imagine. And I may be perhaps permitted to wish the people of the +United States should take for a truth, even in respect to the writings +of Washington, what we are taught by the ministers of the Gospel in +respect to the Holy Scriptures--that, by the discretion of private +judgment, a distinction must be made between what is essential and what +is not, between what is substantial and what is accidental, between what +is a principle and what is but a history. + +[Kossuth proceeded to argue concerning the just interpretation of +Washington's words, as in his New York speech; and continued:] + +But what is the present condition upon the basis of which I humbly +plead? Allow me, in answer, to quote the words of one of your most +renowned statesmen, the present Secretary of State. You will find then, +gentlemen, that every word he then spoke, is yet more true and more +appropriate to-day. + +"The holy alliance," says Mr. Webster, "is an alliance of crowns against +the people--of sovereigns against their own subjects;--the union of the +physical force of all governments against the rights of all people, in +all countries. Its tendency is to put an end to all Nations as such. +Extend the principles of that alliance, and the nations are no more. +There are only kings. It divides society horizontally, and leaves the +sovereigns above, and all the people below; it sets up the one above all +rule, all restraint, and puts down the others to be trampled beneath our +feet." + +This is the condition of things to which I claim the attention of +Republican America: moreover, for its own interest's alike, I claim its +attention to the following words from the same statesman, worthy of the +most earnest consideration precisely now-a-days to every American. + +"The declaration of ---- says: the powers have an undoubted right to +take a hostile attitude in regard to those states in which the overthrow +of the government may operate as an example." + +Mark! oh! mark! gentlemen, how this abominable doctrine is carried out +in Hungary, in Prussia, in Schleswig Holstein, and in Hesse Cassel. + +Now, the American statesman proceeds to maintain, that every sovereign +in Europe who goes to war _to repress an example_, is monstrous. +Indeed, if this principle be allowed, what becomes of the United States? +Are you not as legitimate objects for the operation of that principle as +any we attempt to set an example on the other side of the Atlantic. You +thought that when oppressed you might lawfully resist oppression. We, in +Hungary, thought the same; but against us is that monstrous principle of +armed intervention _against setting up an example_. So let me +therefore ask with Mr. Webster: Are you so sick of your liberty and its +effects, as to be willing to part with that doctrine upon which your +very existence rests? Do you forget what you, as a people, owe to +_lawful resistance_? and are you willing to abandon the law and +rights of society to the mercy of the allied despots, who have united to +crush them everywhere? Neutrality? Why, indeed, that would be a strange +explanation of neutrality, if you would sanction by your indifference, +the hostile alliance of all despots against republican, nay, against +constitutional principles on earth. + +But suppose Hungary rises once more to do what Washington did (and be +sure it will), and Russia interferes again and you remain again (what +some of you call) neutral--that is, you remain indifferent--what is the +consequence? Czar Nicholas and Emperor Francis-Joseph may buy and carry +away arms, ammunition, armed ships--nay, even armed sympathizers (if +they find them)--to murder Hungary with and you will protect that +commerce, and consider it a lawful one. But if I buy the same, you don't +protect that commerce; and if I would enlist an "armed expedition," for +what the Czar may do against Hungary, you would send me to prison for +ten years. + +Is that neutrality? The people of Hungary crushed by violence, shall be +nothing, its sovereign right nothing; but the piracy of the Czar, +encroaching upon the sacred rights of mine and many other nations, shall +be regarded as legitimate, against which the United States, though grown +to mighty power on earth, able without any risk of its own security to +maintain the law of nations and the influence of its glorious example, +should still have nothing to object, only because Washington, more than +half a century ago, declared neutrality appropriate to the infant +condition of his country then; and was anxious to gain time, that your +country might settle and mature its recent institutions, and progress to +that degree of strength, when it would be able to defy any power on +earth in a just cause. + +No, gentlemen, my principles may be rejected by the United States, but +never will impartial history acknowledge that by doing thus the United +States followed the principles of Washington. The ruling policy of +Washington may be summed up in the word "_national self-preservation_," +to which he, as the generous emotions of his noble breast prompted, was +ever inclined to subordinate everything. + +And he was right. Self-preservation must be the chief principle of every +nation. But the _means_ of this self-preservation are different in +different times. To-day, I confidently dare state, the duty of +self-preservation commends to the United States, not to allow that the +principle of absolutism should become omnipotent by having a charter +guaranteed to violate the laws of nature and of nature's God, which +Washington and his heroic associates invoked, when they proclaimed the +independence of this Republic. + +A second principle of Washington, and precisely in regard to foreign +nations, is, to extend your commercial relations. That is, again, a +principle, gentlemen, which I boldly can invoke to the support of my +humble claims; because if the league of despots becomes omnipotent in +Europe, it is certain that the commerce of Republican America will very +soon receive a death blow on the other side of the Atlantic; whereas, +the maintenance of the law of nations, by affording a fair field to +Hungary, Italy, and Germany, to settle their accounts with their own +domestic oppressors, would open a vast field to your commercial +relations, larger than imagination can conceive. + +The third principle of Washington is to steer clear of permanent +alliances with any portion of the foreign world. Well, sir, I do not +solicit alliances; I solicit the maintenance of the laws of nations, +that the unholy alliance of despots may not interfere with the natural +right of nations, upon which yourselves have established the lofty hall +of your national independence. + +It is on the stream of these rights that you are borne on in a rapid and +irresistible course of prosperity. Believe me, gentlemen, that course +you cannot check--you could not abandon the privileges upon which you +embarked, without exposing to a shipwreck the glorious future of your +existence and allow me to state that my poor country has some particular +claim to be protected by the consistency of your principles, because +_we are the first nation towards which you have not exercised your +principles._ You say you recognize every _de facto_ government. +Well, why was this not done with Hungary? We shook off the yoke of the +Austrian dynasty, we declared our national independence, and did thus +not in an untimely movement of popular excitement, but after we became +_de facto_ independent, after we had, by crushing our enemy in our +struggle of legitimate defence and driving him out from our country, +proved to the world that we have sufficient strength to take our +position amongst the independent nations of the earth. + +And still the United States (which they never yet have done) withheld +the benefit of their recognition, which we have full reason to believe +would have been immediately followed by other recognitions, and thus +would have prevented the foreign interference of Russia, by encouraging +our national independence within those boundaries of diplomatic +communication which no isolated power dared yet to disregard. + +Sir, I have studied the history of your immortal Washington and have, +from my early youth, considered his principles as a living source of +instruction to statesmen and to patriots. + +I now ask you to listen to Washington himself. + +When, in that very year, in which Washington issued his Farewell +Address, M. Adet, the French Minister, presented him the flag of the +French Republic, Washington, as president of the United States, answered +officially, with these memorable words: + +"Born in a land of liberty, having early learned its value, having +engaged in a perilous conflict to defend it, having devoted the best +years of my life to secure its permanent establishment in my country, my +anxious recollections, my sympathetic feelings, and my best wishes, are +irresistibly attracted, whensoever in any country I see an oppressed +nation unfurl the banner of freedom." + +Thus spoke Washington. Have I not then full reason to say, that if he +were alive his generous sympathy would be with me, and the sympathy of a +Washington never was, and never would be, a barren word. Washington who +raised the word "honesty" as a rule of policy, never would have +professed a sentiment which his wisdom as a statesman would not have +approved. + +Sir! here let me end. I consider it already as an immense benefit that +your generous attention connected the cause of Hungary with the +celebration of the memory of Washington. + +Spirit of the departed! smile down from heaven upon this appreciation of +my country's cause; watch over those principles which thou hast taken +for the guiding star of thy noble life, and the time will yet come when +not only thine own country, but liberated Europe also, will be a living +monument to thy immortal name. + +[Many other toasts, and highly energetic speeches followed, which our +limits force us to exclude.] + + * * * * * + +XXXII.--KOSSUTH'S CREDENTIALS. + +[_Farewell to Ohio, Feb. 25th_.] + +Sir,--I am about to bid an affectionate farewell to Cincinnati, and +through Cincinnati to the commonwealth of Ohio--that bright morning star +of consolation and of hope risen from the West over the gloomy horizon +of Hungary's and of Europe's dark night! + +Ohio! how that name thrills through the very heart of my heart, with +inexpressible pleasure, like the first trumpet sound of resurrection in +the ears of the chosen just! + +Ohio! how I will cherish that very name, the dearest of my soul, after +the name of my beloved own dear fatherland. + +How I long for words of flame to express all the warmth of my heartfelt +gratitude! And still how poor I feel in words, precisely because my +heart is so full; so full, that I can scarcely speak--because every +pulsation of my blood is fervent prayer to God for Ohio's glory and +happiness. + +Let me dispense with empty words--let what Ohio _did_, _does_, and _will +do_, for the cause of European freedom, be its own monument! + +I have met many a fair flower of sympathy in this great united Republic, +but all Ohio has been to me a blooming garden of sympathy. From the +first step on Ohio's soil to the last,--along all my way up to Cleveland +down to Columbus, and across to Cincinnati, and also beyond the line of +my joyful way,--in every city, in every town, in every village, in every +lonely farm, I have met the same generosity, the same sympathy. + +The people, penetrated by one universal inspiration of lofty principles, +told me everywhere that Hungary must yet be free; that the people of +Ohio will not permit the laws of nations, of justice, and of humanity, +to be trampled down by the sacrilegious combination of despotism; that +the people of Ohio takes the league of despots against liberty and +against the principle of national self-government, for an insult offered +to the great republic of the West; that it takes it for an insult which +Ohio will not bear, but will put all the weight of its power into the +political scale. Would that all the United States with equal resolution +might spurn that insult to humanity. + +That is the language which Ohio spoke to me through hundreds of +thousands of freemen--that is the language which Ohio spoke to me +through her senators and representatives in their high legislative +capacity--that is the language which Ohio spoke to me through her chief, +whom it has elevated to govern the commonwealth and to execute the +people's sovereign will. + +The executive power, the legislature, the people, all united in that +harmony of generous protection to the just cause which I humbly plead; +but that is not all yet. Sympathy and political protection I have met +also everywhere; and have met it as well in the public opinion of the +people as in the executive and legislative departments of several +States, though it is a due tribute of acknowledgment to say, that +nowhere to that extent and in equal universality as in Ohio, but that +is yet not all. + +The sympathy of Ohio was rich in fair fruits of substantial aid--from +the hall of the State legislature down to the humble abode of +noble-minded working men--and associations of the friends of Hungary, +spread through that powerful commonwealth, promise a permanent, noble +protection to the cause I plead. + +Even the present occasion of bidding farewell to Ohio is of such a +nature as to entitle me, by its very organization to the hope that you +consider your noble task of aiding the cause of Hungary not yet done; +but that you have determined to go on in a practical direction, till +the future, developed by your active protection, proves to be richer yet +in fruit than the present is. + +Considering the almost universal pronouncement of public opinion in this +great and prosperous commonwealth--considering the practical character +of the people of the West, the natural efficiency of this organization, +and _who_ are those who with generous zeal have devoted themselves +to carry it out on a large extent,--I may be well excused for +entertaining some expectations of no common success--of a success which +also in other parts of this great Union, may prove decisive in its +effects. No greater misfortune could be met with than disappointment in +such expectations, which we have been by the strongest possible motives +encouraged to conceive. To be disappointed in hopes we have justly +relied on, would be beyond all imagination terrible in its consequences. +I shudder at the very idea of the boundless woes it could not fail to be +attended with, not for myself--I attach not much value to my own +life,--but for thousands, nay for millions of men. + +I know, gentlemen, that _here_ the question is entirely matter of +time. But in regard to time, I am permitted to say so much. + +The outbreak of the unavoidable, decisive struggle between the two +opposite principles of freedom and despotism is hurried on in Europe by +two great impulses. The first is the insupportability of oppression +connected with the powerfully developed organization of the oppressed, +which by its very progress imposes the necessity of no delay. Be pleased +earnestly to reflect upon what I rather suggest than explain. And be +pleased also to read between the lines. I, of course, speak not of +anything relating to your country. I state simply European fact, of +which every thinking man, the Czars and their satellites themselves, are +fully aware, though the how and the where they cannot grasp. + +The second impulse, hurrying events to a decision, is that very combined +scheme of activity which the despots of Europe too evidently display. +They know full well that they are on the brink of an inevitable +retribution; that their crimes have pushed them to the point, where +either their power will cease for ever to exist, or they must risk all +for all. In former times they relied at the hour of danger upon the +generous credulity of nations. By seemingly submitting, when the people +arose irresistible, they conjured the fury of the storm They saved +themselves by promises, and when the danger was over, they restored +their abused power by breaking their oath and by deceiving their +nations. By this atrocious impiety you have seen several victorious +revolutions in Europe deprived of their fruits and sinking to nothing +by having made compromise with royal perjury. I am too honest, +gentlemen, not to confess openly, that I myself shared this error of the +Old World--I myself plead guilty of that fatal European credulity. The +tyrants who by falsehood have gained their end, are aware that they have +no security; that the nations have lost faith in their oaths, and will +never be cheated again. + +Hence, gentlemen, a very essential novelty in the present condition of +Europe. Formerly every revolution was followed by some slight progress +in the development of constitutionalism. A little more liberty to the +press, some sort of a trial by jury, a nominal responsibility of +ministers, or a mockery of popular representation in the +Legislature--something of that sort always resulted, momentarily, out of +former revolutions; and then the consciousness of being deceived by vile +mockery led to new revolutions. + +But when in 1848 and 1849, our victories in Hungary had shaken to the +very foundation the artificial building of oppression, so that there was +no more hope left to tyranny, but to shelter itself under the wings of +Russia, the Czar told them--well, I accept the part of becoming your +master, ye kings, and I will help you, but _you must be obedient_ +You, yourselves have encouraged revolutions, by making concessions to +them. I like not this everlasting resurrection of revolutions; it +disturbs my sleep. I am not sure not to find it at my own home some fine +morning. I therefore will help you, my servants, but under the +condition, that it is not only the bold Hungarians who must be crushed, +it is _revolution_ which must be crushed, its very spirit, in its +very vitality, everywhere; and to come to this aim, you must abandon all +shame as to sworn promises; withdraw every concession made to the spirit +of revolution; not the slightest freedom, no privilege, no political +right, no constitutional aspirations must be permitted; all and +everything must be levelled by the equality of passive obedience and +absolute servitude. + +"Look to my Russia; I make no concessions, I rule with an iron rod, and +I am obeyed. All you must do the same and not govern, but domineer by +universal oppression. That is my sovereign will--obey." + +Thus spoke the Czar. It is no opinion which I relate. It is a fact, a +historical fact, which the Czar openly proclaimed on several occasions, +particularly in that characteristic declaration, to which the +high-minded General Cass alluded in his remarkable speech on +"_non-intervention_" in the Senate of the United States, on the +10th day of February. The Czar Nicholas, complaining, that +"_insurrection has spread in every nation with an audacity which has +gained new force in proportion to the concessions of the +Governments_" declares that he considers it his divine mission to +crush the _Spirit of Liberty_ on earth, which he arrogantly terms +the spirit of insurrection and of anarchy. + +By this you have the definition of what is meant by the words of "war +for what principle shall rule." _The issue must be felt, not only in +Europe, but here also and everywhere_; the issue will not leave a +chance for a new struggle, either to kings or to nations, for a long +time perhaps, and probably for centuries. + +In that condition you can see the key of the remarkable fact, that when +I left my Asiatic prison under the protection of the star-spangled +flag--nations of different climates, different languages, different +institutions, different inclinations, united in the pronunciation of +sympathy, expectation, encouragement, and hope around my poor humble +self,--Italians, French, Portuguese, the people of England, Belgians, +Germans, Swiss and Swedes. It was the instinct of common danger, it was +the instinct of necessary union. It was no mere tribute of recognition +paid to the important weight of Hungary in the scale of this intense +universal struggle. It was still more a call of distress, entrusted by +the voice of mankind to my care, to bring it over to free America, as to +the natural and most powerful representative of that "Spirit of Liberty" +against which the leagued tyrants are waging a war of extermination with +inexorable resolution. Yes, it was a call of distress entrusted to my +care, to remind America that there is a tie in the destinies of nations; +and that those are digging a bottomless abyss who forsake the Spirit of +Liberty, when within the boundaries of common civilization half the +world utters in agony the call of universal distress. + +That is the mission with which I come to your shores; and believe me, +gentlemen, that is the key of that wonderful sympathy with which the +people of this republic answers my humble appeal. There is blood from +our blood in these noble American hearts; there is the great heart of +mankind which pulsates in the American breast; there is the chord of +liberty which vibrates to my sighs. + +Let ambitious fools, let the pigmies who live on the scanty food of +personal envy, when the very earth quakes beneath their feet, let even +the honest prudence of ordinary household times, measuring eternity with +that thimble with which they are wont to measure the bubbles of small +party interest, and, taking the dreadful roaring of the ocean for a +storm in a water glass, let those who believe the weather to be calm +because they have drawn a nightcap over their ears, and, burying their +heads into pillows of domestic comfort, do not hear Satan sweeping in a +hurricane over the earth; let envy, ambition, blindness, and the +pettifogging wisdom of small times, artistically investigate the +question of my official capacity, or the nature of my public authority; +let them scrupulously discuss the immense problem whether I still +possess, or possess no longer, the title of my once-Governorship; let +them ask for credentials, discuss the limits of my commission, as +representative of Hungary. I pity all such frog and mouse fighting. + +I claim no official capacity--no public authority--no representation; +boast of no commission, of no written and sealed credentials. I am +nothing but what my generous friend, the Senator of Michigan, has justly +styled me, "a private and banished man." But in that capacity I have a +nobler credential for my mission than all the clerks of the world can +write, the credential that I am a "man,"--the credential that I am "a +patriot"--the credential that I love with all sacrificing devotion my +oppressed fatherland and liberty; the credential that I hate tyrants, +and have sworn everlasting hostility to them; the credential that I feel +the strength to do good service to the cause of freedom; good service as +perhaps few men can do, because I have the iron will, in this my breast, +to serve faithfully, devotedly, indefatigably, that noble cause. + +I have the credential that I trust to God in heaven, to justice on +earth; that I offend no laws, but cling to the protection of laws. I +have the credential of my people's undeniable confidence and its +unshaken faith, to my devotion, to my manliness, to my honesty, and to +my patriotism; which faith I will honestly answer without ambition, +without interest, as faithfully as ever, but more skilfully, because +schooled by adversities. And I have the credential of the justice of the +cause I plead, and of the wonderful sympathy, which, not my person, but +that cause, has met and meets in two hemispheres. + +These are my credentials, and nothing else. To whom this is enough, he +will help me, so far as the law permits and is his good pleasure. To +whom these credentials are not sufficient, let him look for a better +accredited man. + +I have too lively a sentiment of my own modest dignity, ever to +condescend to polemics about my own personal merits or abilities. I +believe my life has been public enough to appertain to the impartial +judgment of history, but it may have perhaps interested you to hear, +how, in a small and inconsiderable circle of the Hungarian emigration, +the idea was started that I must be opposed, because I have declared +against all compromise with the House of Austria, or with royalty, and +because by declaring that my direction will be in every case only +republican, I make every arrangement, without revolution, impossible. +That I should be thus attacked at this crisis, does look like an +endeavour to check a benefit to my country, but I cannot forbear humbly +to beseech you, do not therefore think less favourably of my nation and +of the Hungarian emigration, for which I am sorry that I can do very +little, because I devote myself and all the success I may meet with to a +higher aim--to my country's freedom and independence. Believe me, +gentlemen, that my country and its exiled martyr sons are highly worthy +of your generous sympathy, though some few of the number do not always +act as they should. + +They are but few who do so, and it would be unjust to measure all of us +by the faults of some few. Upon the whole, I am proud to say that the +Hungarian emigration was scrupulous to merit generous sympathy, and to +preserve the honour of the Hungarian name. Remember that though you are +Republicans, still here, in the very metropolis of Ohio, a man was found +to lecture for Russo-Austrian despotism, and to lecture with the +astonishing boldness of an immense ignorance. + +But that good man I can dismiss with silence, the more because it is +with high appreciation and warm gratitude that I saw an honourable +gentleman, animated with the most generous sentiments of justice and +right, take immediately upon himself the task of refutation. I may +perhaps be permitted to remark, that that learned and honourable +gentleman, besides having nobly advocated the cause of freedom, justice, +and truth, has also well merited of his co-religionaries, who belong +together with himself, _to the Roman Catholic Church_. + +Gentlemen, I have but one word yet, and it is a sad one--the word of +farewell. Cincinnati, Ohio, farewell! May the richest blessings of the +Almighty rest upon thee! In every heart, and in the hearts of my people, +thy name will for ever live, a glorious object for our everlasting love +and gratitude. + + * * * * * + +XXXIII.--HARMONY OF THE EXECUTIVE AND OF THE PEOPLE IN AMERICA. + +[_Speech at Indianapolis_.] + +Kossuth was received at the State House of Indianapolis by Governor +Wright, who, in the course of his address said: + +Although I participate with my fellow-citizens in the pleasure +occasioned by your presence among us, yet it is not as an +_individual_ that I greet you with the words of welcome and +hospitality. No, sir,--it is in the name of the people of the State, +whom I represent, and whose warrant I feel that I have; and I bid you +welcome to-day, and assure you not only of my own but of their sympathy +and encouragement in the great cause you so ably represent. + +He closed with the words: + +If it shall be your fortune to lead your countrymen again in the contest +for liberty, be assured that the people of the United States, at least, +will not be indifferent, nor, if need be, inactive spectators of a +conflict that may involve, not only the independence of Hungary, but the +freedom of the world. + +Again I bid you a most cordial welcome to the State of Indiana. + +Kossuth replied:-- + +Governor,--Amongst all that I have been permitted to see in the United +State's, nothing has more attracted my attention than that part of your +democratic institutions which I see developed in the mutual and +reciprocal relations between the people and the constituted public +authorities. + +In that respect there is an immense difference between Europe and +America, for the understanding of which we have to take into account the +difference of the basis of the political organization, and together with +it what the public and social life has developed in both hemispheres. + +The great misfortune of Europe is, that the present civilization was +born in those cursed days when Republicanism set and Royalty rose. It +was a gloomy change. Nearly twenty centuries have passed, and torrents +of blood have watered the red-hot chains, and still the fetters are not +broken; nay--it is our lot to have borne its burning heat--it is our lot +to grasp with iron hand the wheels of its crushing car. Destiny--no; +Providence--is holding the balance of decision; the tongue is wavering +yet; one slight weight more into the one, or into the other scale, will +again decide the fate of ages, of centuries. + +Upon this mischievous basis of royalty was raised the building of +authority; not of that authority which commands spontaneous reverence by +merit and the value of its services, but of that authority which +oppresses liberty. Hence the authority of a public officer in +unfortunate Europe consists in the power to rule and to command, and not +in the power to serve his country well--it makes men oppressive +downwards, while it makes them creeping before those who are above. Law +is not obeyed out of respect, but out of fear. A man in public office +takes himself to be better than his countrymen, and becomes arrogant and +ambitious; and because to hold a public office is seldom a claim to +confidence, but commonly a reason to lose confidence; it is not a mark +of civic virtue and of patriotic devotion, but a stain of civic apostacy +and of venality; it is not a claim to be honoured, but a reason to be +distrusted; so much so, that in Europe the sad word of the poet is +indeed a still more sad fact.-- + + "When vice prevails and impious man bears sway + The post of honour is a private station." + +So was it even in my own dear fatherland. Before our unfortunate but +glorious revolution of 1848, the principle of royalty had so much +spoiled the nature and envenomed the character of public office, that +(of course except those who derived their authority by election--which +we for our municipal life conserved amongst all the corruption of +European royalty through centuries) no patriot accepted an office in the +government: to have accepted one was to have resigned patriotism. + +It was one of the brightest principles of our murdered Revolution--that +public office was restored to the place of civic virtue, and opened to +patriotism, by being raised from the abject situation of a tool of +oppression, to the honourable position of serving the country well. +Alas! that bright day was soon overpowered by the gloomy clouds of +despotism, brought back to our sunny sky by the freezing gale of Russian +violence. And on the continent of Europe there is night again. There is +scarcely one country where the wishes and the will of the people are +reflected in the government. There is no government which can say: + +"My voice is the echo of the people's voice--I say what my people feels; +I proclaim what my people wills; I am the embodiment of his principles, +and not the controller of his opinion: the people and myself--we are +one." + +No, on the continent of Europe people and governments are two hostile +camps. What immense mischief, pregnant with oppression and with nameless +woe, is encompassed within the circle of this single fact! + +How different the condition of America! It is not _men_ who rule, +but _the law;_ and law is obeyed, because the people is respecting +the general will by respecting the law. Public office is a place of +honour, because it is the field for patriotic devotion. Governments have +not the arrogant pretension to be the masters of the people; but have +the proud glory to be its faithful servants. A public officer ceases not +to be a citizen; he has doubly the character of a citizen, by sharing in +and by executing the people's will. And whence this striking difference? +It is because the civilization of America is founded upon the principle +of Democracy. It was born when Royalty declined, and Republicanism rose. +Hence the delightful view, not less instructive than interesting, that +here in America, instead of the clashing dissonance between the words +"government" and "people" we see them melting into one accord of +harmony. + +Thus here the public opinion of the people never can fail to be a direct +rule for the government, and reciprocally the word of the government +has the weight of a fact by the people's support. When your government +speaks, it is the people which speaks. + +Sir, I most humbly thank your Excellency, that you have been pleased to +afford to me the benefit of hearing and seeing that delightful as well +as happy harmony between the people and the government of the State of +Indiana, in the support of that noble and just cause which I plead, on +the issue of which, not the future of my country only depends, but +together with it, the future condition of all those parts of our globe +which are confined within the boundaries of Christian civilization, +which, be sure of it, gentlemen, in the ultimate issue, will have the +same fate. + +Sir, it is not without reason, that at Indianapolis in particular,--and +to your Excellency, the truly faithful, the high-minded, and the +deservedly popular Chief Magistrate of this Commonwealth, I speak that +word. It is not the first time that your Excellency, surrounded as now, +has spoken as the honoured organ of the public opinion of Indiana. It is +not yet two years since your Excellency did the same on the occasion of +a visit of the favourite son of Kentucky, Governor Crittenden. I well +remember the topic of your eloquence. It was the solicitude of Indiana +in regard to the glorious Union of these Republics. May God preserve it +for ever! But precisely because you, the favourite son of Indiana and +the honoured representatives of the sovereign people of Indiana--in one +accord of perfect harmony esteem the Gordian knot of the Union above +all, allow me to say once more, that if the United States permit the +principle of non-interference to be blotted out from the code of nations +on earth, foreign interference mingling with some domestic discord, +perhaps with that which two years ago called forth your patriotic +solicitude for the Union; yes, foreign interference mingling with some +of your domestic discords, will be the Alexander who will cut asunder +the Gordian knot of your Union, in this our present century. + +Republics exist upon principles: they are secure only when they act upon +principles. He who does not accept a principle, asserted by another, +will not long enjoy the benefit of it himself; and nations always perish +by their own sin. Oh may those whom your united people entrusted with +the noble care to be guardians of your Union--be pleased to consider +that truth ere it be too late. + +Sir, to the State of Indiana I am in many respects particularly obliged. +True, I have had invitations to visit many other States, but the +invitation from the State of Indiana was first received. Please to +accept my warmest thanks. I have seen in other States a harmony between +the people and the government, but nowhere has the Governor of a State +condescended to represent the people in a public welcome, nowhere +stepped out as the orator of the people's sympathy and its sentiment. I +most humbly thank you for this honour. + +In Maryland, the Governor introduced me to the Legislature. In +Pennsylvania the chief Magistrate was the organ of a common welcome of +the Legislature and Citizens. In Massachusetts he took the lead as the +people's elect in recommending my principles to the Legislature--and in +Ohio the chief Magistrate, by accepting the Presidency of the +Association of the friends of Hungary, became generally the executive of +the people's practical sympathy, which so magnanimously responded to the +many political manifestations of its Representatives in the Legislature. + +Let me hope, sir, that as you have been generously pleased to be the +interpreter of Indiana's welcome and sympathy, you will also not refuse +to become the Chief Executive Magistrate to the practical development of +the same. + +I may cordially thank, in the name of my cause, the people of Indiana, +its Governor, and Representatives, for the high honour of the +Legislature's invitation, and of this public welcome. + + * * * * * + +XXXIV.--IMPORTANCE OF FOREIGN POLICY, AND OF STRENGTHENING ENGLAND. + +[_Speech at Louisville, March 6th_.] + +At the Court House, Louisville, Kossuth was addressed by Bland Ballard, +Esq., and replied as follows: + +Whatever be the immediate issue of that discussion about foreign policy, +which now so eminently occupies public attention throughout the United +States, from the Capitol and White-house at Washington down to the +lonely farms of your remotest territories, one fact I have full reason +to take for sure, and that is: That when the trumpet-sound of national +resurrection is once borne over the waves of the Atlantic announcing to +you that nations have risen to assert those rights to which they are +called by nature and nature's God--when the roaring of the first +cannon-shot announces that the combat is begun which has to decide which +principle is to rule over the Christian world--absolutism or national +sovereignty--there is no power on earth which could induce the people of +the United States to remain inactive and indifferent spectators of that +great struggle, in which the future of the Christian world--yes, the +future of the United States themselves is to be decided. The people of +the United States will not remain indifferent and inactive spectators +and will not authorize, will not approve, any policy of indifference. +You yourself have told me so, sir. + +In the position of every considerable country there is a necessity of a +certain course, to adopt which cannot be avoided, and may be almost +called destiny. The duty as well as the wisdom of statesmen consists in +the ability to steer, in time, the vessel into that course, which, if +they neglect to do in time, the price will be higher and the profit +less. + +There is scarcely anything which has more astonished me than the +fact--that, for the last thirty-seven years, almost every Christian +nation has shared the great fault of not caring much about what are +called foreign matters, foreign policy. Precisely the great nations, +England, France, America, which might have regulated the course of their +governments for a very considerable period, abandoned almost entirely +that part of their public concerns, which with great nations is the most +important of all, because it regulates the position of the country in +its great national capacity. The slightest internal interest was +discussed publicly and regulated previously by the nation, before the +government had to execute it; but, as to the most important +interest--the national position of the country and its relations to the +world, Secret Diplomacy, a fatality of mankind, stepped in, and the +nations had to accept the consequences of what was already done, though +they subsequently reproved it. In England, I four months ago, avowed +that all the interior questions together cannot equal in importance the +exterior; _there_ is summed up the future of Britain: and if the +people of England do not cut short the secrecy of diplomacy--if it do +not in time take this all absorbing interest into its own hands, as it +is wont to do with every small home interest, it will have to meet +immense danger very soon, as this danger has already seriously +accumulated by former neglect. Here too, in the United States, there is +no possible question equal in importance to foreign policy, and +especially in regard to European matters. And I say that, if the United +States do not in due time adopt such a course, as will prevent the Czar +of Russia, and his despotic satellites, from believing that the United +States give them entirely free field to regulate the condition of +Europe, which cannot fail to react morally and materially on your +condition, then indeed embarrassments, sufferings, and danger will +accumulate in a very short time over you. + +Great Britain, it is clear as matters now stand, can avoid a war with +the continental powers of Europe only by joining their alliance, or at +least by giving them security, that England will not only not support +the liberal movement on the Continent, but that it will submit to the +policy of the absolutist powers. It is not impossible that England will +yield. Do not forget, gentlemen, that an English ministry, be it Tory or +Whig, is always more or less aristocratic, and it is in the nature of +aristocracy that it may love its country well, but indeed aristocracy +more. There is therefore always some inclination to be on good terms +with whoever is an enemy to what aristocracy considers its own enemy, +that is, democracy. This consideration, together with the above +mentioned carelessness of the people about foreign policy, gives you the +key to many events which else it would be impossible to understand. +People against another people should never feel hatred, but brotherly +sympathy. The memory of oppression suffered from governments should +never be imparted to nations, and children should never be hated, +despised, or punished, because their fathers have sinned. We Hungarians +wrestled for centuries with Turkey, and now we are friends, true +friends, and natural allies against a common enemy. Several of my own +ancestors lost their lives in Turkish wars, or their property in ransom +out of Turkish captivity; yet to me it is a Turkish Sultan who saved my +life and gave bread to thousands of my countrymen, which no other power +did on earth. Such is the change of time. It is Russia which crushed my +bleeding fatherland, yet the inexorable hatred of my heart does not +extend to the people of Russia. I love that people--I pity its poor, +unfortunate instruments of despotism. Wherever there is a people, there +is my love. Therefore, let the passionate excitement of past times +subside before the prudent advice of present necessities. You are blood +from England's blood, bone from its bone, and flesh from its flesh. The +Anglo-Saxon race was the kernel around which gathered this glorious +fruit--your Republic. Every other nationality is oppressed. It is the +Anglo-Saxon alone which stands high and erect in its independence. You, +the younger brother, are entirely free, because Republican. They, the +elder brother, are monarchical, but they have a constitution, and they +have many institutions which even you retained, and, by retaining them, +have proved that they are institutions congenial to freedom, and dear to +freemen. The free press, the jury, free speech, the freedom of +association, the institution of municipalities, the share of the people +in the legislature, are English institutions; the inviolability of +person and the inviolability of property are English principles. England +is the last stronghold of these principles in Europe. Is this not enough +to make you stand side by side with those principles in behalf of +oppressed humanity? + +If the United States and England unite in policy now and make by their +imposing attitude a breakwater to the ambitious league of despotism, the +Anglo-Saxon race, with all who gathered around that kernel, will not +only have the glorious pleasure of having saved the Christian world from +being absorbed by despotism, but you especially will have the noble +satisfaction of having contributed to the progress and to the +development of freedom in England, Scotland, and Ireland themselves: for +the principles of national sovereignty, independence, and +self-government, when restored on the continent of Europe, must in a +beneficent manner reach upon those islands themselves. They may remain +monarchical, if it be their will to do so, but the parliamentary +omnipotence, which absorbs all that _you_ call _State_ rights +and self-government, will yield to the influence of Europe's liberated +continent. England will govern its own domestic concerns by its own +parliament, and Scotland its own, and Ireland its own, just as the +states of your galaxy do; the three countries are destined to mutual +connection, by their geographical relations, by far more than New York +with Louisiana or Carolina with California. By conserving the +state-rights of self-government to all of them they will unite in a +common government for the common interest, as you have done. _Union, +and not unity, must be the guiding star of the future_ with every +power composed of several distinct bodies, and though I am a republican +more perhaps than thousands who are citizens of a republic, inasmuch as +I have known all the curse of having had a king--still such a +development of Great Britain's future, were it even connected with +monarchy, I, a true republican, would hail with fervent joy. To +contribute to such a future, I indeed should consider more practical +support to the cause of freedom, to the cause of Ireland itself, than, +out of passionate aversions either for past or present wrongs, to +discourage, nay, almost force Great Britain to submit to the threatening +attitude of despots or even to side with them against liberty. Out of +such a submission there can never result any good to any one in the +world, and certainly none to you--none to the nations of Europe--none to +Ireland--but increased oppression to Europe and Ireland, and danger to +you yourselves. + +I therefore say that a war side by side with England against the leagued +despots, if war should become a necessity, is not an idea to look on in +advance with aversion. You have united with England on a far less +important occasion. And should England _not_ yield to the despots, +I most confidently ask whoever in the United States inclines to judge +matters according to the true interests of his country and not by +private passion, whether you _could_ remain indifferent in a +struggle, the issue of which either would make England omnipotent on +earth, or crush liberty down throughout the world, leave America exposed +to the pressure of victorious despotism, and before all, exclude +republican America from every political and commercial relation with all +Europe. Should England see that she will not stand alone in protesting +against interference, she will, she must protest against it, because it +is the condition of her own future. But if the United States should +again adhere to the policy of indifference (which is no policy at all), +then indeed England may perhaps yield to the threatening attitude of the +absolutist powers. The policy of the United States may now decide the +direction of the policy of England, and thus prevent immense mischief, +incalculable in its consequences, even for the future of the United +States themselves. + +It is here I take the opportunity briefly to refer to an assertion of an +American statesman, who holds a high place in your affections and in my +respect. He advances the theory, that, should, you now take the course +which I humbly claim, the despots of Europe would be provoked by your +example to interfere with your institutions and turn upon you in the +hour of your weakness and exhaustion, because you have set an example of +interference. + +I indeed am at a loss to understand that. Is it interference I claim? +No; precisely the contrary, if you now declare "that your very existence +being founded on that principle of the eternal laws of nature and of +nature's God--that every nation has the independent right to regulate +its domestic concerns, to fix its institutions and its government"--you +cannot contemplate with indifference that the absolutist powers form a +league of mutual support against this principle of mankind's common law. +You therefore protest against this principle of "foreign interference." +I indeed cannot understand by what logic such a protest could be taken +up by the despotic powers as a pretext for interference in your domestic +concerns. My logic is entirely different. It runs thus; If your country +remains an indifferent spectator of the violation of the laws of nations +by foreign interference, _then_ it has established a precedent--it +has consented that the principle of interference become interpolated +into the book of international law, and you will see the time when the +league of despots commanding the whole force of oppressed Europe will +remind you thus: + +"Russia has interfered in Hungary, because it considered the example set +up by Hungary dangerous to Russia. America has silently recognized the +right of that interference. France has interfered in Rome, because the +example of the Roman democracy was dangerous to Prance. America has +silently agreed. The absolutist governments, in protection of their +divine right, have leagued in a saintly alliance, with the openly avowed +purpose to aid one another by mutual interference against the spirit of +revolution and the anarchy of republicanism. America has not protested +against it; therefore the principle of foreign interference against +every dangerous example has, by common consent of every power on +earth--contradicted by none, not even by America--become an established +international law." + +And reminding you thus, they will speak to you in the very words of that +distinguished statesman to whom I respectfully allude. + +"You have quitted the ground upon which your national existence is +founded. You have consented to the alteration of the laws of +nations--the existence of your republic is dangerous to us; _we +therefore, believing that your anarchical (that is, republican) +doctrines are destructive of, and that monarchical principles are +essential to, the peace and security and happiness of our subjects, will +obliterate the bed which has nourished such noxious weeds; we will crush +you down as the propagandists of doctrines too destructive to the peace +and good order of the world."_ + +I have quoted the very words, very unexpectedly given to +publicity,--words, which I out of respect and personal affection, did +not answer then, precisely because I took the interview for a private +one. Even now I refrain from entering into further discussion, out of +the same considerations of respect, though I am challenged by this +unlooked for publicity. I will say nothing more. But after having +quoted the very words, I leave to the public opinion to judge whether +their authority is against or for a national protest against the +principle of foreign interference. + +Let once the principle become established with your silent consent and +you will soon see it brought home to you, and brought home in a moment +of domestic discord, which Russian secret diplomacy and Russian gold +will skilfully mix. You may be sure of it; and this mighty Union will +be shaken by that very principle of foreign interference which you +silently let be established as an uncontroverted rule for the despots of +the earth. + +Great countries are under the necessity of holding the position of a +power on earth. If they do not thus, foreign powers dispose of their +most vital interests. Indifference to the condition of the foreign world +is a wilful abdication of their duty, and of their independence. +Neutrality, as a constant rule, is impossible to a great power. Only +small countries, as Switzerland and Belgium, can exist upon the basis of +neutrality. + +Great powers may remain neutral in a particular case, but they cannot +take neutrality for a constant principle, and they chiefly cannot remain +neutral in respect to principles. + +Great powers can never play with impunity the part of no power at all. + +Neutrality when taken _as a principle_ means indifference to the +condition of the world. + +Indifference of a great power to the condition of the world is a chance +given to foreign powers to regulate the interests of that indifferent +foreign power. + +Look in what light you appear before the world with your policy of +indifference. Look at the instructions of your navy in the +Mediterranean, recently published, forbidding American officers even to +speak politics in Europe. Look at the correspondences of your commodores +and consuls, frightened to their very souls that a poor exile on board +an American ship is cheered by the people of Italy and France, and +charging him for the immense crime of having met sympathy without any +provocation on his part. Look at the cry of astonishment of European +writers, that Americans in Europe are so little republican. Look how +French Napoleonist papers frown indignantly at the idea that the +Congress of the United States dare to honour my humble self. Look how +they consider it almost an insult, that an American Minister, true to +his always professed principles, dares to speak about European politics. +Look how one of my aristocratical antagonists, who quietly keeps house +in France, where I was not permitted to pass, and who, a tool in other +hands, would wish to check my endeavours to benefit my country, because +he would like to get home in some other way than by a revolution and +into a republic--look how he, from Paris in London papers, dares to +scorn the idea that America could pretend to weigh anything in the scale +of European events. + +Do you like this position, free republicans of America? And yet that is +your position in the world now, and that position is the consequence of +your adhering to your policy of indifference, at a time when you needed +to act like a power on earth. + +Remember the Sibylline books. The first three were burned when you +silently let Russian interference be accomplished in Hungary, and did +not give us your recognition when we had achieved and declared our +independence. + +Six books yet remain. The spirit of the age, the Sibylla of opportunity, +holds a second three books over the fire. Do not allow her to burn +them--else only the last three remain, and I fear you will have, without +profit, more to pay for them than would have bought all the nine, and +with them the glory and happiness of an _eternal, mighty Republic!_ + +Gentlemen, I humbly thank you for your kindness, and bid you an +affectionate farewell. + + * * * * * + +XXXV.--CATHOLICISM _VERSUS_ JESUITISM. + +[_At St. Louis, (Missouri.)_] + +Mr. Kasson addressed Kossuth in an ample speech; in which he said:-- + +Everywhere have the untrammelled masses of this people, as you passed, +lifted up their hands and voices, and supplicated the Almighty to give +to you blessing, and to your country redemption. Let this be some +recompense for the privations you have encountered, while, like Aeneas, +you have been wandering an exile from your native, captured, prostrate +Troy. + +I should not do my whole duty without saying, in behalf of the thousands +assembled here, that we have an unshaken confidence in Hungary's chosen +leader. We are not so blind that we cannot observe how no envenomed +shaft was fixed to the bow-string against him, in England and America, +while he was yet a helpless and powerless refugee, within Turkish +hospitality. But when the people were gathering around him in free +countries, shoulder to shoulder--when even the hearts of statesmen began +to open to him, and hope dawned in the Hungarian sky once more, then it +was these arrows of detraction darkened the air, shot from the Court of +the French Usurper, or from the pensioners of autocratic bounty. Your +patient labours and forbearance in your country's cause, while thus +assailed, have won for you, sir, our sincere respect, and another wreath +at the hand of the Muse of History. + +Kossuth replied: + +Gentlemen,--During my brief sojourn in your hospitable city, I have +heard so much local pettiness and so much hypocritical tactics of men +imported from Austria to advocate the cause of Russo-Austrian despotism +in Republican America, and chiefly in your city here, that indeed I +began to long for the pure air where the merry sunshine, as well as the +melancholy drop of rain, the roaring of the thunder storm, equally as +the sigh of the breeze, tell to the oppressors and their tools, and not +only to the oppressed, that there is a God in heaven who rules the +universe by eternal laws; the Almighty Father of humanity, omnipotent in +wisdom, bountiful in His omnipotence, just in His judgment, and eternal +in His love; the Lord who gave strength to the boy David against +Goliath, who often makes out of humble individuals efficient instruments +to push forward the condition of mankind towards that destiny which His +merciful will has assigned to it--His will, against which neither the +proud ambition of despots, nor the skill of their obsequious tools can +prevail--in Him I put my trust and go cheerfully on in my duties. I am +in the right way to benefit the cause, noble and just and great, to +which I devoted my life; for if there were no success in what I am +engaged, the despots would neither fear, nor hate, nor persecute me. + +Their persecution imparts more hope to my breast than all your kindness; +and I give you my word that if I have the consciousness of having well +merited in my past the hatred and the fear of tyrants and their +instruments, so may God bless me as I will do all a mortal man can do to +merit that hatred and that fear still more. + +Why? Am I not standing on the banks of the Mississippi, cheered, +welcomed, and supported, as warmly and as heartily as when I stepped +first upon your glorious shores? Opposition, hostility, venomous +calumny, have exhausted all means to check the sympathy of the people. +And has that sympathy subsided? has it abated? is it checked? No, it +rolls on swelling as I advance--here I have again an imposing evidence +before my eyes, here in St. Louis, my namesake city, where so much, and +that so perseveringly, was done to prevent this evidence. + +Yes, it rolls, and will roll on, swelling till it will finally submerge +all endeavours to mislead the instincts of freemen, to fetter the +energies of the nation, to stifle its spirit, and to check the growing +aspirations of the people's upright heart. + +When the struggle is about principles, indifference is suicide. Nay, +indifference is impossible: for indifference about the fate of that +principle upon which your national existence and all your future +rests--is passive submission to the opposite principle--it is almost +equivalent to an alliance with the despots. _He who is not for freedom +is against freedom_. There is no third choice. + +The people's instinct feels the danger of losing an irreparable +opportunity, and hence the fact, never yet met in history, that a +homeless exile becomes an object of such sympathy, rolling on like a +sea, in spite of all the passionate rage of my enemies, and all the +Christian tolerance of the Reverend Father Jesuits, which they in such +an evident manner show to me. It is time to advertise them by a few +remarks that I am aware of their hostility, and ready to meet it openly. +I make this advertisement by design here, because it is not my custom to +attack from behind or in the dark. Mine is not the famous doctrine, +_that the end sanctifies the means_. I like to meet the enemy face +to face--a fair field and fair arms. + +And in one thing more I will not imitate my reverend opponents. I will +never indulge in any personalities, never act otherwise than becoming to +a gentleman. If they choose to pursue a different course, let them do +so, and let them earn the fruits of it. + +My humble person I entirely submit to the good pleasure of their +passion. If they tell you, gentlemen, that I am no great man, they speak +the truth. Being on good terms with my conscience, I do not much care to +be on bad terms with Czars and Emperors, their obedient servants, and +the reverend father Jesuits. Nay, if I were on good terms with them, I +scarcely could remain on good terms with my conscience. So much for +myself--now a few words as to the question between us. + +I am claiming moral and material aid against that Czar of Russia who is +the most bloody persecutor of Roman Catholics. The present Pope himself, +before the revolution, when he was yet more of a High Priest than of an +Italian Despot, and cared more about spiritual than temporal business, +openly and bitterly complained in the councils of the Cardinals against +that bloody persecution which the Roman Catholics have suffered from the +Czar of Russia. Now, considering that I plead for republican principles, +to which the Reverend Father Jesuits should be _here_ warmly +attached, if they are willing to have the reputation of good citizens, +and not to be traitors to your Republic, which affords to them not only +the protection of its laws, but also the full enjoyment of all the +privileges of your republican freedom;--it is indeed a strange, striking +fact, to see these reverend fathers here in a Republic so warmly +advocating the cause of despotism, and so passionately persecuting the +cause I humbly plead, which at the same time is the cause of political +freedom and religious liberty for numerous millions of Roman Catholics +throughout Europe. + +As I am somewhat acquainted with the terrible history of that Order, I +thought to find the explanation of this striking fact, in the historical +ambition of that Order to rule the world--this, their everlasting +standard idea, to which they in all times sacrificed everything, and +misused even the holiest of all religion, as an instrument to that +ambition. But here in St. Louis I got hold of a definite circumstance +which makes the matter quite clear. + +I hold in my hand the printed Catalogue of the Society of Jesuits in the +province of Missouri, as they term your state. Herein I see that +amongst the thirty-five members officiating in the college of the Father +Jesuits, in St. Louis, there are not less than _eight_ Reverend +Father Jesuits imported from Austria. Now you see why I am so persecuted +here. This plain fact tells the story of a big book. + +But amongst all that the reverend gentlemen oppose to me there are only +two considerations to which the honour of my cause and of my nation +forces me to answer in a few remarks. They charge against me that my +cause is hostile to the Roman Catholic religion, and to get the Irish +citizens to side with them for the support of Russo-Austrian despotism +they charge me that I am no friend of Ireland. + +I. As to the Catholic religion--I indeed am a Protestant, not only by +birth, but also by conviction; and warmly penetrated by this conviction, +I would delight to see the same shared by the whole world. But before +all, I am mortally opposed to intolerance and to sectarism. I consider +religion to be a matter of conscience which every man has to arrange +between God and himself. And therefore I respect the religious +conviction of every man. I claim religious liberty for myself and my +nation, and must of course respect in others the right I claim for +myself. There is nothing in the world capable to rouse a greater +indignation in my breast than religious oppression. But particularly I +respect the Catholic religion, as the religion of some seven millions of +my countrymen, to whom I am bound in love, in friendship, in home +recollections, in gratitude, and in brotherhood, with the most sacred +ties. And I am proud to say, that as in general it is a pre-eminent +glory of my country, to be attached to the principle of full religious +liberty without any restriction, for all to all, so it is the particular +glory of my Roman Catholic countrymen not to be second to any in the +world, on the one side in attachment to their own religion, and on the +other side in toleration for other religions. + +The Austrian dynasty having been continually encroaching upon the +chartered right of Protestantism, who were those who struggled in the +first rank for our rights? Our Roman Catholic countrymen! It was a +glorious sight, almost unparalleled in history, but was also fully +appreciated by the Hungarian Protestants. All of us, man by man, would +rather sacrifice life, and blood, and goods, than to allow that a hair's +breadth should be crushed from the religious liberty of our Roman +Catholic countrymen. + +Now, what position took the Roman Catholics of Hungary in our past +struggle? There was not only no difference between them and the +Protestants in their devotion for our country's freedom and +independence, but they, according to the importance of their number, +took in the struggle a very pre-eminent part. The Roman Catholic Bishops +of Hungary protested against the perjurious treachery of the dynasty; +many of them suffer even now for their devotion to justice, liberty, and +right; and who is the Jesuit who dares to affirm that he is more devoted +to the Catholic religion than the Bishops of Hungary? Our battalions +were filled with Roman Catholic volunteers; Catholic priests led their +faithful flocks to the battle field; our National Convention was +composed in majority of Catholics--all the Catholic population, without +any exception, consented to and cheered enthusiastically my being +elected Governor of Hungary, though I am a Protestant. I had and I have +their friendship, their devotion, their support; and when I formed the +first Ministry of Independent Hungary, not only a full half of the new +Ministry I entrusted to Roman Catholics, but especially I nominated a +Roman Catholic Bishop to be Minister of public instruction, and all the +Protestants of my country hailed the nomination with applause. Such is +the cause of Hungary. Who dares now to charge me that that cause is +hostile to the Roman Catholic religion? + +But I am allied with Mazzini, with the Romans, and with the Italians; +thus goes on the charge: and these cursed Italians are enemies to the +Pope. Not to the Pope as High Priest of the Roman Catholic Church, but +as despotic sovereign of Rome and his corrupted temporal government--the +worst of human inventions. How long has it been a principle of the Roman +Catholic religion, that the Romans should not be Republicans? and that +the high priest of the Roman church should be a despotic sovereign over +the Roman nation? and in that capacity be a devoted ally and obedient +servant to the Czar of Russia, the sworn enemy and bloody persecutor of +Roman Catholicism? Why, when in 1849, the French Republic sent an army +against the Roman Republic to restore the Pope, not to his spiritual +authority, because that was by nobody contradicted, but to his temporal +despotism, the whole danger could have been averted by the Romans by +becoming, _en masse_, Protestants. The idea was pronounced in Rome +and not a single Roman accepted it. They preferred to struggle without +hope of victory--they preferred to bleed and to die rather than to +abandon their faith. + +Now, who can dare to insult that people--who can dare to insult the +Roman Catholics of Hungary, Croatia, Italy, Germany, Poland, France--who +can dare to insult the thousands of thousands of Roman citizens of the +United States--Senators, Governors, Judges--men of all public and +private positions--who can dare to insult them, as hostile to their own +religion, because they unite to support that cause which I plead? And +because they side with republican freedom, with civil and religious +liberty, against Russo-Austrian despotism? + +Who can dare to affirm that he represents the Catholic religion, if +three millions of Catholic Romans do not represent it? The Reverend +Father Jesuits perhaps! + +I take the liberty to say in a few words: They are that society which +Clement XIV, the high priest of the Roman Catholic Church, abolished as +dangerous to the Roman Catholic religion; they are those whom every +Roman Catholic King excluded from his territories as dangerous to +religion and social order; they are those, the ascendancy of whom has +always been a period of disaster and confusion to the Roman Catholic +church; they are those who now make an alliance or rather a compact of +submission with the Czar of Russia, like that which evil-doers, +according to the superstition of past ages, made with the evil spirit. +And here, in free republican America, they plead the cause of Russian +despotism; the cause of that Czar, who is the relentless persecutor of +Catholicism; who forced the United Greek Catholics, in the Polish +Provinces, by every imaginable cruelty, to abjure their connection with +Rome, and carried out, at a far greater expense of human life than +Ferdinand and Isabella or Louis XIV, the most stupendous proselytism +which violence has yet achieved. More than a hundred thousand human +beings had died of misery, or under the lash, as the Minsk nuns were +proved to have been killed, before he terrified these unhappy millions +into a submission against which their consciences revolted. Yet with +this man, red with Catholic blood, and damned with the million curses of +their co-religionists, the Rev. Father Jesuits are in alliance; and why? +Because it is a characteristic of that Order, to be ambitious to rule +the world. To achieve this, they have now made the Pope the obedient +satrap of the Czar. Into the enormity of this, enlightened Catholics see +clearly. Roman Catholics of Hungary, of Poland, of Italy, Germany, and +France have understood this. Is it possible that those of this republic +should less understand it? Why, in Italy and Rome itself, a majority of +the Catholic clergy are hostile to the temporal authority of the Pope, +and sympathize with Mazzini so generally, that of _seventeen_ +conspirators recently arrested for conspiring in favour of the Republic +against Austria, _sixteen_ were _priests_ belonging to the +humbler orders of the clergy. + +Gentlemen, I am sorry to have to argue such a question in the United +States. If it be indeed true, that amongst the Roman Catholics here an +opposition is got up against our cause, let them remember that in +opposing me, they oppose the independence and freedom of millions of +Hungarian Catholics,--of Catholic Italy,--of the Catholic half of +Germany, and of Catholic France; they are supporting the Czar, the most +bloody enemy of their religion. Yet I am glad to be able to say, that +not all the Roman Catholics here are opposed to me. I have warm friends +and kind protectors among them. The gallant General Shields,--Mr. Downs, +the Senator from Louisiana,--the warm-hearted Governor of +Maryland,--Judge Le Grand at Baltimore, and many other of my kindest +friends, are Roman Catholics. From New York onward, multitudes of Roman +Catholics have shared the general sympathy. And why not? surely freedom +is a treasure to every religious denomination whatsoever.[*] + +[Footnote *: Some sentences have been added from the Pittsburg speech, +at the end of which the same subject was treated.] + +So much for the charge that the cause which I plead--the cause of +millions of Roman Catholics--is hostile to the Roman Catholic religion. +Should I be forced to enter upon this topic once more, I will take the +heart-revolting history of those who have thus calumniated our cause, +into my hands, and recall to the memory of public opinion the terrible +pages of blood, ambition, countless crimes, and intolerance; but I hope +there will be no occasion for it. + + + +II. Now as to Ireland. Where is a man on earth, with uncorrupted soul +and with liberal instincts in his heart, who would not sympathize with +poor, unfortunate Ireland? Where is a man, loving freedom and right, in +whom the wrongs of Green Erin would not stir the heart? Who could +forbear warmly to feel for the fatherland of the Grattans, of +O'Connells, and of Wolfe Tones? I indeed am such, that wherever is +oppression and a people, there is my love. + +But why do I not plead Erin's wrongs? I am asked. My answer is: am I not +pleading the principle of Liberty? and is the cause of freedom not the +cause of Ireland? + +I see all the despots of the European continent united in a crusade +against liberty; there are two powers still neutral, the position of +which may well decide for or against despotism; these two powers are +Great Britain and America. If the Almighty blessed my endeavours--if I +could succeed to contribute something, that America, and by its +influence over the public opinion of the people of England, Great +Britain itself, should side with Liberty, from whatever consideration-- +from whatever interest, against despotism--then indeed I boldly declare +before God and men, that I have achieved a greater benefit and done a +better service to the future of Ireland, than all who go about loudly +crying about Erin's wrongs, and not doing anything for the triumph of +that cause which is about to be decided, and is the cause of all +nations, who are oppressed, and of all who are, or will be free. +Whereas, if, by uniting in the chorus of empty words, I should +contribute to alarm not only the government, but also the people of +England, and to force that government to side with despotism in the +decisive struggle against liberty, (to which that government, being as +it is, aristocratical, feels but too much inclined,) then indeed I am +sure I should do such a wrong to the future of Ireland, as the sacrifice +of my life and torrents of blood, and the sufferings of generations, +could not expiate. + +Be sure therefore, gentlemen, that every man who pleads for liberty, +pleads for Ireland; be sure, that every blow stricken for liberty is +stricken also for Ireland; that not always the most noisy are the best +friends; and prudent activity is often better service than any show of +eloquent words. + +And so let me hope, that while it is sure that he who is for freedom is +for Ireland, it also will be found that Irish blood can never be against +liberty. + +And as to you all, gentlemen, let me hope that, however the advocates of +despotism may try to mislead public opinion in free America, the +uncorrupted noble instinct of the people will prove to the world that it +is not in vain, that the down-trodden spirit of liberty raises the sign +of distress towards you, and that the wronged and the oppressed can +confidently appeal for help, for justice and for redress, to the free +and powerful Republic of America. + +I thank you, gentlemen, for the patience with which you have listened +during this torrent of rain. It shows that your sympathy is warm and +sincere--one which cannot be cooled down or washed away. + + * * * * * + +XXXVI.--THE IDES OF MARCH. + + +[_Farewell Speech at St. Louis, March 15th_.] + +Ladies and gentlemen: To-day is the fourth anniversary of the Revolution +in Hungary. + +Anniversaries of Revolutions are almost always connected with the +recollection of some patriots, death-fallen on that day, like the +Spartans at Thermopylae, martyrs of devotion to their fatherland. + +Almost in every country there is some proud cemetery, or some modest +tomb-stone, adorned on such a day by a garland of evergreen, the pious +offering of patriotic tenderness. + +I past the last night in a sleepless dream. And my soul wandered on the +magnetic wings of the past, home to my beloved bleeding land, and I saw +in the dead of the night, dark veiled shapes, with the paleness of +eternal grief upon their brow, but terrible in the tearless silence of +that grief, gliding over the churchyards of Hungary, and kneeling down +to the head of the graves, and depositing the pious tribute of green and +cypress upon them; and after a short prayer rising with clenched fists, +and gnashing teeth, and then stealing away tearless and silent as they +came--stealing away, because the blood-hounds of my country's murderer +lurks from every corner on that night, and on this day, and leads to +prison those who dare to show a pious remembrance to the beloved. +To-day, a smile on the lips of a Magyar is taken for a crime of defiance +to tyranny, and a tear in his eye is equivalent to a revolt. And yet I +have seen, with the eye of my home-wandering soul, thousands performing +the work of patriotic piety. + +And I saw more. When the pious offerers stole away, I saw the honoured +dead half risen from their tombs, looking to the offerings, and +whispering gloomily, "still a cypress, and still no flower of joy! Is +there still the chill of winter and the gloom of night over thee, +fatherland? are we not yet revenged? and the sky of the east reddened +suddenly, and quivered with bloody flames, and from the far, far west, a +lightning flashed like a star-spangled stripe, and within its light a +young eagle mounted and soared towards the quivering flames of the east, +and as he drew near, upon his approaching, the flames changed into a +radiant morning sun, and a voice from above was heard in answer to the +question of the dead: + +"Sleep yet a short while; mine is the revenge. I will make the stars of +the west, the sun of the east; and when ye next awake, ye will find the +flower of joy upon your cold bed." + +And the dead took the twig of cypress, the sign of resurrection, into +their bony hands and lay down. + +Such was the dream of my waking soul, and I prayed, and such was my +prayer: "Father, if thou deemest me worthy, take the cup from my people, +and give it in their stead to me." And there was a whisper around me +like the word "Amen." Such was my dream, half foresight and half +prophecy; but resolution all. However, none of those dead whom I saw, +fell on the 15th of March. They were victims of the royal perjury which +betrayed the 15th of March. The anniversary of our revolution has not +the stain of a single drop of blood. + +We, the elect of the nation, sat on that morning busily but quietly in +the legislative hall of old Presburg, and without any flood of +eloquence, passed our laws in short words, that the people shall be +free; the burdens of feudality cease; the peasant become free +proprietor; that equality of duties, equality of rights, shall be the +fundamental law; and civil, political, social, and religious liberty, +the common property of all the people, whatever tongue it may speak, or +in whatever church pray, and that a national ministry shall execute +these laws, and guard with its responsibility the chartered ancient +independence of our Fatherland. + +Two days before, Austria's brave people in Vienna had broken its yoke; +and summing up despots in the person of its tool, old Metternich, drove +him away, and the Hapsburgs, trembling in their imperial cavern of +imperial crimes, trembling, but treacherous, and lying and false, wrote +with yard-long letters, the words, "Constitution" and "Free Press," upon +Vienna's walls; and the people in joy cheered the inveterate liars, +because the people knows no falsehood. + +On the 14th I announced the tidings from Vienna to our Parliament at +Presburg. The announcement was swiftly carried by the great democrat, +the steam-engine, upon the billows of the Danube, down to old Buda and +to young Pesth, and while we, in the House of Representatives, passed +the laws of justice and freedom, the people of Pesth rose in peaceful +but majestic manifestation, declaring that the people should be free. At +this manifestation, all the barriers raised by violence against the +laws, fell of themselves. Not a drop of blood was shed. A man who was in +prison because he had dared to write a book, was carried home in triumph +through the streets. The people armed itself as a National Guard, the +windows were illuminated, and bonfires burnt; and when these tidings +returned back to Presburg, blended with the cheers from Vienna, they +warmed the chill of our House of Lords, who readily agreed to the laws +we proposed. And there was rejoicing throughout the land. For the first +time for centuries the farmer awoke with the pleasant feeling that his +time was now his own--for the first time went out to till his field with +the consoling thought that the ninth part of his harvest will not be +taken by the landlord, and the tenth by the bishop. Both had fully +resigned their feudal portion, and the air was brightened by the lustre +of freedom, and the very soil budding into a blooming paradise. + +Such is the memory of the 15th of March, 1848. + +One year later there was blood, but also victory, over the land; the +people, because free, fought like demi-gods. Seven great victories we +had gained in that month of March. On this very day, the remains of the +first 10,000 Russians fled, over the frontiers of Transylvania, to tell +at home how heavily the blow falls from free Hungarian arms. It was in +that very month that one evening I lay down in the bed, whence in the +morning Windischgraetz had risen: and from the battle-field (Isaszeg) I +hastened to the Congress at Debreczin, to tell the Representatives of +the nation: "It is time to declare our national independence, because it +is really achieved. The Hapsburgs have not the power to contradict it +more." Nor had they. But Russia, having experienced by the test of its +first interference, that there was no power on earth caring about the +most flagrant violation of the laws of nations, and seeing by the +silence of Great Britain and of the United States, that she may dare to +violate those laws, our heroes had to meet a fresh force of nearly +200,000 Russians. No power cheered our bravely won independence, by +diplomatic recognition; not even the United States, though they always +professed their principle to be that they recognise every de-facto +government. We therefore had the right to expect a speedy recognition +from the United States. Our struggle rose to European height, but we +were left alone to fight for the world; and we had no arms for the new +battalions, gathering up in thousands with resolute hearts and empty +hands. + +The recognition of our independence being withheld, commercial +intercourse for procuring arms abroad was impossible--the gloomy feeling +of entire forsakedness spread over our tired ranks, and prepared the +field for the secret action of treachery; until the most sacrilegious +violation of those common laws of nations was achieved and the code of +"nature and of nature's God," was drowned in Hungary's blood. And I, +who on the 15th of March, 1848, saw the principle of full civil and +religious liberty triumphing in my native land--who, on the 15th of +March, 1849, saw this freedom consolidated by victories--one year later, +on the 15th of March, 1850, was on my sorrowful way to an Asiatic +prison. + +But wonderful are the works of Divine Providence. + +It was again in the month of March, 1851, that the generous +interposition of the United States cast the first ray of hope into the +dead night of my captivity. And on the 15th of March, 1852, the fourth +anniversary of our Revolution, guided by the bounty of Providence, here +I stand in the very heart of your immense Republic; no longer a captive, +but free in the land of the free, not only not desponding, but firm in +confidence of the future, because raised in spirits by a swelling +sympathy in the home of the brave, still a poor, a homeless exile, but +not without some power to do good to my country and to the cause of +liberty, as my very persecution proves. + +Such is the history of the 15th of March, in my humble life. Who can +tell what will be the character of the next 15th of March? + +Nearly two thousand years ago the first Caesar found a Brutus on the +Ides or 15th of March. May be that the Ides of March, 1853, will see the +last of the Caesars fall under the avenging might of a thousand-handed +Brutus--the name of whom is "the people"--inexorable at last after it +has been so long generous. The seat of Caesars was first in the south, +from the south to the east, from the east to the west, and from the west +to the north. That is their last abode. None was lasting yet. Will the +last, and worst, prove luckier? No, it will not. While the seat of +Caesars was tossed around and thrown back to the icy north, a new world +became the cradle of a new humanity, where in spite of the Caesars, the +genius of freedom raised (let us hope) an everlasting throne. The +Caesar of the north and the genius of freedom have not place enough upon +this earth for both of them; one must yield and be crushed beneath the +heels of the other. Which is it? Which shall yield?--America may decide. + +Allow me to add a few remarks in dry and plain words, on other subjects. +It is not necessary to explain why I am attacked by Russia, Austria, and +their allies. But some of you, gentlemen, may have felt surprised to see +that two Hungarians have joined in the attack, both of whom accepted of +the office of ministers from my hands, and held that office under my +good pleasure, and from my will, till we all three proceeded into exile +on the same evening. My two assailants now live and act under the +protection of Louis Napoleon, who did not permit me even to pass through +France. + +You may yet find perhaps some more joining them, but the number will not +be large. Oh! the bitter pangs of an exile's daily life are terrible. I +have seen many a character faltering under the constant petty care of +how to live, which stood firm like a rock under the storm of a quaking +world, therefore I should not be surprised to find yet some few joining +in those attacks, as I have neither means nor time to care for the wants +of individuals, not even of my own children. What I get is not mine, but +my country's; and must be employed to secure its future prospects; and +it may be that others may avail themselves of this circumstance, and +show some temporary compassion to private misfortune, _under the +condition of secession from me_, with the purpose of being then able +to say that the cause of Hungary is hopeless, because not even the +Hungarian exiles live in concord. That may happen thus with some few; +for hunger is painful: but few they will be. The immense majority of my +brother exiles will rather starve than yield to such a snare. + +There may be some also that will fall victims to the craft of skilful +aristocratic diplomatists, who would fain keep or get the reputation of +liberal men, but without the necessity of becoming really liberal. That +class of influential persons may give some hope--even some half +indefinite promise of support to the cause of Hungary (which they never +intend to fulfil), under the condition of a peaceful compromise with the +House of Austria upon a monarchical-aristocratical basis, and not in +that way which I have proclaimed openly in England, knowing that every +root of the monarchical principle is torn out from the breasts of the +people of Hungary, so that we can never be knit again. Therefore the +future of Hungary can only be republican, and there is no door to that +future, but to continue the struggle. There may perhaps be some few +honest but weak men, who, weary of a homeless life, would fain return +home, even under the condition of monarchical-aristocratical compromise +which some skilful diplomatists make glitter into their eyes. + +But as to those two who do good service to the tyrant of their and my +country, the very circumstance that they were silent when I (because a +prisoner) was not able to work much, but are trying to check my +endeavours, now that I am about to achieve something which can only +prove to be a benefit to Hungarians,--smaller or greater, but only a +benefit and in no case a harm; this very circumstance shows the nature +of their attacks. But as to the pretence, by which they try to lull to +sleep their own consciences, that was revealed to me by a copy of a +confidential communication of one of their silent associates to a +private circle of friends, where it is stated, that, as I have declared +exclusively for a republic, a party must be got up under the nominal +leadership of Bathyanyi, on a monarchical basis, _because my views +leave no hope to get home in an honourable manner, otherwise than by a +revolution_. + +That is the key of the dispute. As to myself, I am a republican, and +will never be a subject to a king, any more than be a king myself. But I +love my country too sincerely to favour the course I would pursue, on my +own private sentiments alone. I know the Hapsburg, and I know my +country. I have weighed my people's revolution, wishes and will, and +weighed the condition of the only possible success. Upon this basis I +act, and am happy to say that the considerate prudence of a statesman, +and the duties of a patriot, not only act in full harmony with my own +personal republican convictions, but indeed cannot allow me in any other +course. Either freedom and our popular rights have no future, not only +in Hungary, but indeed in Europe, or that future will be, can be, and +shall be only republican for the Hungarians. It is more than foolish to +think that either an insurrectionary war can be prevented in Europe, or +that that war can terminate otherwise than either by a consolidated +despotism or republicanism. No other issue is possible. Therefore, +however mean be the private motives of the hostility of those, my very +few Hungarian enemies, I pity them. Out of too great a desire to get +home, they have made their return in every case impossible. Not all the +power of earth could afford them security at home against the +indignation of the people. Not, if I succeed to liberate my country, +for the people will consider them as traitors, who have done all they +could to prevent that liberation; not, if I should fail, because then +the people will believe that their counter-machinations are what caused +me to fail. + +So much for them. But the confidence with which I look to the republican +freedom of Hungary has been confirmed, by considering how weak must the +case be of those who urge you to indifference, when they are forced to +resort to the argument that we have no chance of success. + +I have often answered that objection, which in itself is a distrust in +God, in justice, in right, and in the blessings of humanity. Allow me +to-day in addition, only one remark. Two days ago the rumour was spread +that Louis Napoleon was killed. It was remarkable to see how those who +countenance despotism, grew livid by despair, and how those who doubt +about our success rose in spirits and in confidence. Some time ago a +similar false rumour caused almost a commercial crisis in the cotton +market of New Orleans. Now how can the security of that cause be +trusted, where the mere possible death of a single individual, and of +such an individual, can so crush every calculation upon the solidity of +the peace of oppression? + +Allow me to draw your attention to a circumstance which one of your +countrymen, William Henry Trescott, of South Carolina, has recommended +to public attention, already in the year 1849, in his pamphlet, entitled +'A few Thoughts on the Foreign Policy of the United States.' The +position of the United States underwent an immense change, as soon as +your boundaries extended to the Pacific; extensive commercial relations +with Asia became a necessity. You feel it--the very movements now +commenced in respect to Japan bear witness to it. Let those movements be +completed, and whom will you meet? Russia. That is the old story. +Everybody who is willing to have some influence in the East must meet +Russia, whose sterling thought is to exclude all other powers from the +East. + +England is to you the competitor in the commerce of the East; and +competitors may well have a fair field for them both; but Russia is not +a competitor there, she is an _enemy_. Look to the Mediterranean +Sea, and remember the everlasting thought of Russia to crush Turkey, and +to get hold of Constantinople. What is the key of this eternal fond +desire, inherited from Peter the Great? It is not the mere desire of +territorial aggrandizement; the real key is, that it is only by the +possession of Constantinople that Russia, a great territorial power +already, can become also a great maritime power. The Mediterranean is +what Russia wants, to be the mistress of Europe, Asia, of Africa, and of +the world. But the Sultan, sitting on the Bosphorus, confines the navy +of the Czar to the Black Sea, an interior lake, without any outlet but +by the beautiful Bosphorus. Constantinople taken, it is Russia which +controls the Mediterranean:--a circumstance of such immense importance, +that Mr. Trescott says, it would be a sufficient reason for direct and +positive interference--that is, for war. + +There--there--_in Turkey, will be decided the fate of the world_. +Perhaps there will be not only the end, but also the beginning of the +end; and some American politicians say, the United States can do nothing +for Europe's liberty, but Turkey can,--holding only the Bosphorus +against an inroad from Sebastopol!--Turkey, with its brave four hundred +thousand men--the natural ally of all those European nations who will, +who must, struggle against Russian preponderance. How wonderful! The +Bosphorus in the hands of the Sultan, saves the world from Russian +dominion; and yet I am asked, what can America do for Europe? How many +men-of-war have you in the Mediterranean? I would you had more. Would +you had some other anchorage in the Mediterranean for your glorious +flag! Turkey has many a fine harbour, and a great deal of good will. The +Turkish Aghas now would not be afraid to see cheered, for instance, by +the inhabitants of Mytilene, the American flag, should it ever happen +that that flag were cast in protection around my humble self; nay, I am +sure they would smilingly join in the harsh but cordial "_khosh +guelden, sepa gueldin_," which is more than a thrice welcome in your +language. But the word welcome reminds me that I have to say to you +farewell--and that is a sad word in the place where I have met so warm a +welcome, but it must be done. Can I hope to have the consolation of +knowing that in bidding farewell to my namesake city, I leave +high-minded men, who, remembering that they have seen the Hungarian +exile on the Ides of March, will have faith in the future of freedom's +just cause, and make the central city of the great United Republic the +centre of numerous associations of the friends of Hungary in the Great +West, whence I confidently hope the sun of freedom will move towards the +East. + +Ladies and gentlemen, I bid you farewell, a heartfelt, affectionate +farewell. + +[From St. Louis, Kossuth proceeded farther south; but we do not find any +novelty in his speech at New Orleans, March 30th. The most notable thing +in that meeting, is the cordial pronouncement of the Hon. E. W. Moise, +in the name of the City Authorities and People of New Orleans, in favour +of Hungary and Governor Kossuth: thus distinctly showing that the +commercial metropolis of the South sympathizes with European liberty +equally as the North. But it is sufficient here to have indicated the +fact.] + + * * * * * + +XXXVII.--HISTORY OF KOSSUTH'S LIBERATION. + +[_Jackson, Mississippi--(Visit to Senator Foote) April 1st_.] + +Kossuth had felt it a duty of gratitude, on his return from New Orleans, +to visit Jackson, the chief city of Mississippi, in order to express his +thanks in person to Senator Foote, then Governor of the State, for +having moved a resolution in the Senate to send a steamer to +Constantinople for Kossuth, and afterwards, a resolution tendering to +him a cordial national welcome at Washington. On his proposing this +visit, he received an enthusiastic invitation from the citizens at +large, as was expounded to him by Governor Foote in a very cordial +speech, which ended with the words: + +In the name of the sovereign people of Mississippi, and by the special +request of those of our citizens whom you see before you and around you, +I now bid you welcome to our own Capital, and pray that a bounteous +Providence may vouchsafe to you and the sacred cause of which you are +the advocate, its most auspicious countenance and protection. + +Kossuth replied: + +Your Excellency has been pleased to bestow a word of approbation upon +the manner in which I have spoken and acted since I am here in the +United States, especially as to frankness: which frankness, on another +side, has occasioned much hostility toward me. Allow me, on the present +occasion, to exercise that same frankness. If I were less frank, I +should perhaps tell you I had a fond desire to see Mississippi, and +thank the citizens for sympathy to my country. But I claim not a merit +which I do not possess. I did not come to meet the people. My only +motive was one of gratitude toward YOU, sir. + +One anxiety has weighed upon my breast ever since I have been in the +United States, and that is, lest I lose the opportunity to say to you, +with a warm grasp of the hand, and in a few but heartfelt words, how +thankful I feel for the important part you have been pleased to take in +my liberation from captivity. I hope to God, you will never have reason +to regret what you have done for me. Allow me to state that there was +something Providential in the fact, and in the time of intercession in +my behalf. + +The Sultan is a generous man; I can bear testimony to that. When Russia +and Austria, proudly relying upon their armies and the flush of victory, +arrogantly demanded that we should be surrendered to the hangman of my +fatherland; and when the majority of the Divan (the great Council of +Turkey) taking a shortsighted view of the case, and influenced by the +impending danger, had already consented to the arrogant demand, and +when, in consequence thereof, the abandonment of our religion was +proposed as the only means to save our lives, then the Sultan, informed +of the matter, and following the noble impulse of his generous heart, +declared that he would prefer to perish rather than dishonour his +name--he would therefore accept the dangers of war rather than disregard +the great duty of humanity--thus if he be doomed to perish, he would at +least perish in an honourable way. By that noble resolution our lives +were saved. But European diplomacy stepped in, to convert the accorded +hospitality into a prison;[*] the Sultan being left alone, not +supported, not encouraged by any one soever, but assailed by +complications, ill advised by fear, and threatened by many, yielded at +last, but yielded with the intention to restore us to our natural +rights, as soon as he could be sure that he stood not forsaken and alone +in acknowledging the right of humanity. For a long while, no +encouragement came, and we lingered in our prison, forsaken and without +hope. You, sir, moved a resolution in the Senate of the United States. +In consequence thereof, the great Republic of the West, by its generous +offer, cast a ray of consolation into my prison, and gave encouragement +to the Sublime Porte. The English and the French governments, unwilling +to appear less liberal, both approved the course of the United States. +England made even a similar offer as America, and the Sultan, glad to +see that he was no longer alone in asserting what is right, agreed to +the offer, notwithstanding all the machinations of my enemies, and I and +my countrymen became free. + +[Footnote *: I am permitted to explain, that Kossuth had in view not the +action of one power only, but the total result of all the powers. While +the Sultan knew what the arms of Russia were meant for, and could not +learn whether the fleet of England was meant for anything but _a mere +show_ (for Sir Stratford Canning "had no orders" to _use_ it), +the practical advice of diplomacy was, not, to do what was just, but, to +make the least disgraceful and least dangerous compromise.] + +Now suppose, sir, you had not introduced that resolution then, and the +star-spangled flag had not been cast in protection around me--suppose +that the _coup d'etat_ of Louis Napoleon had found me in prison +still--that _coup d'etat_ which caused a change of the ministry in +England,--what would have been the consequence? England would probably +have remained indifferent, and France would have certainly opposed the +proposition of the United States--or rather, supported the cause of +Austria; and the Sultan abandoned by the constitutional powers of +Europe, would have been forced to make Kutaya what the arrogant despots +desired--a physical, or at least, a moral grave for me--and instead of +the new hope and fresh resolution which my liberation inspired into +nations groaning under the weight of a common oppression, there would be +now a gloom of despondency spread over all who united with me in spirit, +in resolution, and in sentiments. + +Therefore, in whatsoever I may yet be _useful through my regained +activity, it is due to you, sir_. Without the intercession of the +United States, there would have been no field of activity left me. + +Allow me now to speak on another matter connected with this. Among the +calumnies perpetually thrown out at me, is one which I cannot pass in +silence, because it charges me with ingratitude to the United States, +saying that I misuse the generosity of your country, which granted me +protection and an asylum, _upon my accepting the condition not to +meddle any more with politics_, but to abandon the cause to which I +have devoted my life--to retire from public life, and to lay down my +head to rest. + +Now, before God and man, this representation is entirely false. No such +condition was added to the generous offer of the United States; and I +declare, that however much I regard such an offer, had this condition +been attached, I would in no case, have accepted it. Life is of no value +to me, except inasmuch as I can do some service to my country's cause. + +Therefore, under the condition of forsaking my country, I would not +accept happiness--not liberty--not life. This I have said before. + +It is due from me to the honour of the Turkish Government to declare, +that the Sublime Porte not only attached no condition at all to my +liberation, but explicitly and officially intimated to me, that having +once decided to set us free, it was unwilling to do things by +halves;--we had therefore full and unrestricted liberty, on leaving +Turkey, to go and to stay where we pleased--to take such a course as we +chose, and that to that purpose, an American and an English vessel would +be ready at the Dardanelles, and it would depend on our choice, on board +of which we embarked. Indeed I have an official communication on the +part of the English Government in my hands, by which I was informed, +that the only reason why the appointed English vessel came not to the +Dardanelles was, that I and my associates had declared that we preferred +to embark on board the American ship. + +But again: in respect to that embarkation, I must state that, in the +resolution of the Congress, one word being contained which might have +been subject to different interpretation, I considered it my duty to +declare frankly to the legation of the United States at Constantinople, +that I neither was, nor would be, willing to assume the character of an +_emigrant_; but would only be considered an _exile_, driven +away by foreign violence from my native land, but not without the hope +to get home again to free and independent Hungary; therefore, that I not +only would not pledge my word to go directly to the United States, or to +remove thither permanently, but, upon regaining my liberty, intended to +devote it to win back for my country its sovereign independence, which +we had achieved and proclaimed, and which was wrested from us by the +most sacrilegious violation of the laws of nations. I got an answer +fully satisfactory on the part of your legation, assuring me that the +United States would never consent to give me a new prison, instead of +liberty; and that there was, and could be, no intention on the part of +the United States to restrain my freedom or my activity, beyond the +limits of your common laws, which are equally obligatory and equally +protective to every one, so long as he chooses to stay in the United +States. Upon this. I accepted thankfully the generous offer of the +United States. I wrote a letter of thanks to His Excellency the +President, and ordered my diplomatic agent in England to write a similar +one to the Honourable Secretary of State, expressing, that I considered +the struggle for our national independence not yet finished, and that I +would devote my regained liberty to the cause of my fatherland. + +_Nearly three months after these declarations_, the Mississippi +steam-ship arrived, and I embarked, having again, previously and on +board, constantly declared, that it was my fervent wish to visit the +United States, but not without previously visiting England, on board the +same frigate, if the favour should be granted to me; else on board +another ship from a Mediterranean port, if needs must be. This is the +true history of the case. + +I hope you will excuse me for having answered for once a +misrepresentation which charges me with bad faith and ingratitude, such +as neither have I merited, nor can I bear * * * + + * * * * * + +XXXVIII.--PRONOUNCEMENT OF THE SOUTH. + +[_Mobile, Alabama, April 3d_.] + +Ladies and gentlemen,--I did not expect to have either the honour of a +public welcome, or the opportunity of addressing such a distinguished +assembly at Mobile--not as if I had entertained the slightest doubt +about the generous sentiments of this enlightened community, but because +I am called by pressing duties to hasten back to the east of the United +States. Indeed only the accident of not finding a vessel ready to leave +when I arrived here, has enabled me to see the fair flower of your +generosity added to the garland of sympathy which the people of your +mighty Republic has given me, and which will shine from the banner of +resistance to all-encroaching despotism, that banner which the +expectations of millions call me to raise. + +But however unexpected my arrival, the congenial kindness of your warm +hearts left me not unnoticed and uncheered; and besides the joyful +consolation which I feel on this occasion, there is also important +benefit in the generous reception you honour me with. + +Firstly, because one of the United States Senators of Alabama, Mr. +Clemens, was pleased to pronounce himself not only opposed to my +principles, but hostile to my own humble self. I thank God for having +well deserved the hatred of Czars and Emperors; and so may God bless me, +as I will all my life try to deserve it still more; but I cannot equally +say, that I have deserved the inclemency of Mr. Clemens, though it be +not the least passionate of all. Well, ladies and gentlemen, after the +spontaneous sympathy which I here so unexpectedly meet, I may be +permitted to believe that it is not the State of Alabama, but Mr. +Clemens only whom I have to count amongst my persecutors and my enemies. + +Secondly, I must mention, that it is my good fortune not often to meet +arguments opposed to my arguments, but only personal attacks. Well, that +is the best acknowledgment which could have been paid to the justice of +my cause. For even if I were all that my enemies would like to make me +appear, would thereby the cause I plead and the principles I advocate be +less just, less righteous, and less true? Now amongst those personal +attacks there is one which says, that I am so impertinent as to dare +appeal from the government to the people: and that _I try to sow +dissension between the people and the government_. I declare in the +most solemn manner, this imputation to be entirely unfounded and +calumniatory. Who ever heard me say one single word of complaint or +dissatisfaction against your national government? When have I spoken +otherwise than in terms of gratitude, high esteem, and profound +veneration about the Congress and Government of the United States? and +how could I have spoken otherwise; being, as I am, indebted to Congress +and Government, for my liberation, for the most generous protection, and +for the highest honours a man was ever yet honoured with? And besides, +I have full reason to say that _it is entirely false to insinuate that +in political respects I had been disappointed with my visit to +Washington City_,--no, it is not respect alone, but the intensest +gratitude that I feel. The principles and sentiments of the Chief +Magistrate of your great republic, expressed to the Congress in his +official messages; the principles of your government so nobly +interpreted by the Hon. Secretary of State, at the congressional +banquet, confirming expressly the contents of his immortal letter to +Mons. Hulsemann; the further private declarations, in regard to the +practical applications of those governmental principles; all and +everything could but impress my mind with the most consoling +satisfaction and the warmest gratitude;--as may be seen in the letter of +thanks which on the eve of my departure I sent to His Excellency the +President and to both Houses of Congress. + +That being my condition, who can charge me with sowing dissension +between the people and the government, when I, accepting such +opportunities, as you also have been pleased kindly to offer to me, +plead the cause of my down-trodden country (for which both people and +government of the United States have manifested the liveliest sympathy;) +and advocate principles, entirely harmonizing with the official +declarations of your government? And what is it I say to the people in +my public addresses? I say, "the exigency of circumstances has raised +the question of foreign policy to the highest standard of +importance,--the question is introduced to the Congress, it must +therefore be brought to a decision, it cannot be passed in silence any +more. Your representatives in Congress take it for their noblest glory +to follow the sovereign will of the people; but to be able to follow it, +they must know it; yet they cannot know it without the people +manifesting its opinion in a constitutional way; since they have not +been elected upon the question of foreign policy, that question being +then not yet discussed. I therefore humbly entreat the sovereign people +of the United States to consider the matter, and to pronounce its +opinion, in such a way as it is consistent with law, and with their +constitutional duties and rights." May I not be tranquillized in my +conscience, that in speaking thus I commit no disloyal act, and do in no +way offend against the high veneration due from me to your constituted +authorities? + +If it be so, then the generous manifestation of your sympathy I am +honoured with in Mobile, is again a highly valuable benefit to my cause, +because it has such a character of spontaneity, that, here at least, no +misrepresentation can charge me with having even endeavoured to elicit +that high-minded manifestation from the metropolis of the State of +Alabama. + +So doubly returning my thanks for it, I beg leave to state what it is I +humbly entreat. + +Firstly, when the struggle which is to decide on the freedom of Europe +has once broken out, Hungary has resources to carry it on: but she wants +initial aid, because her finances are all grasped by our oppressors. You +would not refuse to me, a houseless exile, _alms_ and commiseration +if I begged for myself. Surely then you cannot refuse it for my bleeding +fatherland, when I beg of you, as individuals, trifling sums, such as +each can well spare, and the gift of which does not entangle your +country in any political obligation. + +Whatever may be my personal fate, millions would thank and coming +generations bless it as a source of happiness to them, as once the +nineteen million francs, 24,000 muskets, and thirty-eight vessels of war +which France gave to the cause of your own independence, have been a +source of happiness to you. I rely in that respect upon the republican +virtue which your immortal Washington has bequeathed to you in his +memorable address to M. Adet, the first French republican minister sent +to Washington. "_My anxious recollections and my best wishes are +irresistibly attracted whensoever in any country I see an oppressed +nation unfurl the banner of freedom_." + +So spoke Washington; and so much for _private_ material aid; to +which nothing is required but a little sympathy for an unfortunate +people, which even Mr. Clemens may feel, whatever his personal aversion +for the man who is pleading not his own, but his brave people's cause. + +As to the _political_ part of my mission, I humbly claim that the +United States may pronounce what is or should be the law of +nations--such as they can recognize consistently with the basis upon +which their own existence is established, and consistently with their +own republican principles. + +And what is the principle of such a law of nations, which you as +republicans can recognize? Your greatest man, your first President, +Washington himself, has declared in these words: "_Every nation has a +right to establish that form of government under which it conceives it +may live most happy, and no government ought to interfere with the +internal concerns of another._" + +And according to this everlasting principle, proclaimed by your first +President, your last President has again proclaimed in his last message +to the Congress, that "_the United States are forbidden to remain +indifferent to a case, in which the strong arm of a foreign power is +invoiced to repress the spirit of freedom in any country." + +It is this declaration that I humbly claim to be sanctioned by the +sovereign will of the people of the United States, in support of that +principle which Washington already has proclaimed. And in that respect, +I frankly confess I should feel highly astonished, if the Southern +States proved not amongst the first, and amongst the most unanimous to +join in such a declaration. Because, of all the great principles +guaranteed by your constitution, there is none to which the southern +states attach a greater importance,--there is none which they more +cherish,--than the principle of self-government; the principle that +their own affairs are to be managed by themselves, without any +interference from whatever quarter, neither from another state, though +they are all estates of the same galaxy, nor from the central +government, though it is an emanation of all the states, and represents +the south as well as the north, and the east and the west; nor from any +foreign power, though it be the mightiest on earth. + +Well, gentlemen, this great principle of self-government, is precisely +the ground upon which I stand. It is for the defence of this principle +that my nation rose against a world in arms; to maintain this principle +in the code of "nature and of nature's God," the people of Hungary spilt +their blood on the battlefield and on the scaffold. It is this principle +which was trodden down in Hungary by the centralization of Austria and +the interference of Russia. It is the principle which, if Hungary is not +restored to her sovereign independence, is blotted out for ever from the +great statute book of the nations, from the common law of mankind. + +Like a pestilential disease, the violation of the principle of +self-government will spread over all the earth until it is destroyed +everywhere, in order that despots may sleep in security, for they know +that this principle is the strongest stronghold of freedom, and +therefore it is hated by all despots and all ambitious men, and by all +those who have sold their souls to despotism and ambition. + +Gentlemen, you know well that the principle of self-government has two +great enemies--CENTRALIZATION and FOREIGN INTERFERENCE. Hungary is a +bleeding victim to both. + +You have probably perceived, gentlemen, that the great misfortune of +Europe is the spirit of centralization encroaching upon all municipal +institutions and destroying self-government, not only by open despotism, +but also under the disguise of liberty. Fascinated by this dangerous +tendency, even republican France went on to sweep away all the traces of +self-government, and this is the reason why all her revolutions could +not assert liberty for her people, and why she lies now prostrate under +the feet of a usurper, without glory, without merit, without virtue. + +Blind to their interests, the nations abandoned their real liberty, the +municipal institutions, for a nominal responsibility of ministers and +for parliamentary omnipotence. Instead of clinging to the principle of +self-government--the true breakwater against the encroachments of kings, +of ministers, of parliaments--they abandoned the principle which +enforces the real responsibility of ministers and raises the parliament +to the glorious position of the people's faithful servant; they +exchanged the real liberty of self-government for the fascinating +phantom of parliamentary omnipotence, making the elected of the people +the masters of the people, which, if it is really to be free, cannot +have any master but God. The old Anglo-Saxon municipal freedom has even +in England been weakened by this tendency; parliament has not only +fought against the prerogative of the crown, but has conquered the +municipal freedom of the country and of the borough. Green Erin sighs +painfully under this pressure, and English statesmen begin to be +alarmed. Hungary, my own dear fatherland, was the only country in Europe +which, amidst all adversaries, amidst all attacks of foreign +encroachment and all inducements of false new doctrines, remained +faithful to the great principle of self-government, at which the +perjurious dynasty of Austria has never ceased to aim deadly blows. To +get rid of these incessant attacks we availed ourselves of the condition +of Europe in 1848, and got our old national self-government guarantied +in a legal way, with the sanction of our then king, by substituting +_individual_ for collective responsibility of ministers; having +experienced that a board of ministers, though responsible by law and +composed of our own countrymen, was naturally and necessarily in +practice irresponsible. When the tyrants of Austria, whom our +forefathers had elected in an ill-fated hour to be our constitutional +kings, saw that their designs of centralization were obstructed, they +forsook their honour, they broke their oath, they tore asunder the +compact by which they had become kings; the diadem had lost its +brightness for them if it was not to be despotic. + +They stirred up robbers and rebels against us: and when this failed, +then with all the forces of the empire attacked Hungary unexpectedly, +not thinking to meet with a serious opposition, because we had no army, +no arms, no ammunition, no money, no friends. They therefore declared +our constitution and our self-government, which we have preserved +through the adversities of ten centuries, at once and for ever +abolished. + +But my heart could not bear this sacrilege. I and my political friends, +we called our people to arms to defend the palladium of our national +existence, the privilege of self-government, and that political, civil, +and religious liberty, and those democratic institutions, which, upon +the glorious basis of self-government, we had succeeded to assert for +all the people of Hungary. And the people nobly answered my call. We +struck down the centralizing tyrant to the dust; we drove him and his +double-faced eagle out from our country; our answer to his impious +treachery was the declaration of our independence and his forfeiture of +the crown. + +Were we right to do so, or not? + +We were; and _we had accomplished already our lawful enterprise +victoriously_; we had taken our competent seat amongst the +independent nations on earth. But the other independent powers, and +alas! even the United States, lingered to acknowledge our dearly but +gloriously bought independence; and beaten Austria had time to take her +refuge under the shelter of the other principle, hostile to +self-government, of the sacrilegious principle of FOREIGN ARMED +INTERFERENCE. + +The Czar of Russia declared that the example of Hungary is dangerous to +the interests of absolutism! He interfered, and aided by treason, he +succeeded to crush freedom and self-government in Hungary, and to +establish a centralized absolutism there, where, through all the ages of +the past, the rule of despotism never had been established, and the +United States let him silently accomplish this violation of the common +law of nations. + +Gentlemen, the law of nations, upon which you have raised the lofty hall +of your independence, does not exist any more. The despots are united +and leagued against national self-government. They declare it +inconsistent with their divine (rather Satanic) rights; and upon this +basis all the nations of the European Continent are held in fetters; the +government of France is become a vanguard to Russia, St. Petersburg is +transferred to Paris, and England is forced to arm and to prepare for +self-defence at home. + +These are the immediate consequences of the downfall of the principle of +self-government in Hungary, by the violence of foreign interference. But +if this great principle is not restored to its full weight by the +restoration of Hungary's sovereign independence, then you will see yet +other consequences in your own country. _Your_ freedom and +prosperity is hated as dangerous to the despots of Europe. If you do not +believe me, believe at least what the organs of your enemies openly avow +themselves. Pozzo di Borgo, the great Russian diplomatist, and +Hulsemann, the little Austrian diplomatist, repeatedly in 1817 and 1823, +published that despotism is in danger, unless yourselves become a +king-ridden people. If you study the history of the Hungarian struggle, +you can also see the way by which the despots will carry their design. +The secret power of foreign diplomacy will foster amongst you the +principle of centralization; and, as is always the case, many who are +absorbed in some special aims of your party politics will be caught by +this snare; and when you, gentlemen of the south, oppose with energy +this tendency, dangerous to your dear principle of self-government, the +despots of Europe will first foment and embitter the quarrel and kindle +the fire of domestic dissensions, and finally they will declare that +your example is dangerous to order. Then foreign armed interference +steps in for centralization here, as for monarchy in the rest of +America. + +Indeed, gentlemen, if there is any place on earth where this prospect +should be considered with attention, with peculiar care, it is here in +the southern states of this great union, because their very existence is +based on the great principle of self-government. + +But some say there is no danger for the United States, in whatever +condition be the rest of the world. I am astonished to hear that +objection in a country, which, by a thousand ties, is connected with and +interested in the condition of the foreign world. + +It is your own government which prophetically foretold in 1827, that +_the absolutism of Europe will not be appeased until every vestige of +human freedom has been obliterated even here_. + +And is it upon the ruins of Hungary that the absolutist powers are now +about to realize this prophecy? + +You are aware of the fact that every former revolution in Europe was +accompanied by some constitutional concessions, promised by the kings to +appease the storm, but treacherously nullified when the storm passed. +Out of this false play constantly new revolutions arose. It is therefore +that Russian interference in Hungary was preceded by a proclamation of +the Czar,--wherein he declares "that insurrection having spread in every +nation with an audacity which has gained new force in proportion to the +concessions of the governments," every concession must be withdrawn; not +the slightest freedom, no political rights, and no constitutional +aspirations must be left, but everything levelled by the equality of +passive obedience and absolute servitude; he therefore takes the lead of +the allied despots, to crush the spirit of liberty on earth. + +It is this impious work, which was begun by the interference in Hungary, +and goes on spreading in a frightful degree; it is this impious work +which my people, combined with the other oppressed nations, is resolved +to oppose. It is therefore no partial struggle which we are about to +fight; it is a struggle of principles, the issues of which, according as +we triumph or fall, must be felt everywhere, but nowhere more than here +in the United States, because no nation on earth has more to lose by the +all-overwhelming preponderance of the absolutist principle than the +United States. If we are triumphant, the progress and development of the +United States will go on peacefully, till your Republicanism becomes the +ruling principle on earth (God grant it may soon become); but if we +fail, the absolutist powers, triumphant over Europe, will and must fall +with all their weight upon you, precisely because else you would grow to +such a might as would decide the destinies of the world. And since the +absolutistical powers, with Russia at their head, desire themselves to +rule the world, it is natural for her to consider you as their most +dangerous enemy, which they must try to crush, or else be crushed sooner +or later themselves. The _Pozzo di Borgos_ tell you so: the +_Hulsemanns_ tell you so: and it were indeed strange if the people +of the United States, too proudly relying upon their power and their +good luck, should indifferently regard the gathering of danger over +their head, and hereby invite it to come home to them, forcing them to +the immense sacrifices of war, whereas we now afford to them an +opportunity to prevent that danger, without any entanglement, and +without claiming from you any moral and material aid, except such as is +not only consistent with, but necessary to your interests. + +Allow me to make yet some remarks about the commercial interests as +connected with the cause I plead. Nothing astonishes me more than to see +those whose only guiding star is commerce, considering its interests +only from the narrow view of a small momentary profit, and disregarding +the threatening combination of next coming events. + +Permit me to quote in this respect one part of the public letter which +Mr. Calhoun, the son of the late great leader of the South, the +inheritor of his fame, of his principles, and of his interests, has +recently published. I quote it because I hope nobody will charge him +with partiality in respect to Hungary. + +Mr. Calhoun says: + +"There is a universal consideration that should influence the government +of the United States. The palpable and practical agricultural, +manufacturing, commercial and navigating interests, the pecuniary +interests of this country, will be promoted by the independence of +Hungary more than by any other event that could occur in Europe. If +Hungary becomes independent it will be her interest to adopt a liberal +system of commercial policy. There are fifteen millions of people +inhabiting what is or what was Hungary, and the country between her and +the Adriatic. These people have not now, and never had, any commerce +with the United States. Hungarian trade and commerce has been stifled by +the 'fiscal barriers' of Austria that encircle her. She has used but few +of American products. Your annual shipments of cotton and cotton +manufactures to Trieste and all other Austrian ports, including the +amount sent to Hungary, as well as Austria, has never exceeded nine +hundred thousand dollars per annum. All other merchandize and produce +sent by you to Austria and Hungary do not exceed one hundred thousand +dollars a year. Hungary obtains all her foreign imports through Austrian +ports. The import and transit duties levied by Austria are exceedingly +onerous, and nearly prohibitory as to Hungary of your cotton and cotton +goods." Hungary independent, and a market is at once opened for your +cotton, rice, tobacco, and manufactures of immense value. That market +is now closed to you, and has always been, by Austrian restrictions. And +can it be doubted that besides supplying the fifteen millions of +_industrious and intelligent_ people of Hungary (_and they are, +as a people, perhaps, the most intelligent of any in Europe_), the +adjacent and neighbouring countries, will not also be tempted to +encourage trade with you? Hungary needs your cotton. She is rich in +resources--mineral, agricultural, manufacturing, and of every kind. She +is rich in products for which you can exchange your cotton, rice, &c. +Will it, I ask, injuriously affect you if the English should compete +with you and send their manufactures of cotton thither? Not, I presume, +as long as the raw material is purchased from America; but in fact, your +market will be extended through her. "If therefore those of our +statesmen (says Mr. Calhoun), who can only be influenced by the almighty +dollar, will cypher up the value of this trade--this new market for our +products, worth perhaps twenty millions of dollars yearly--they may find +an excuse for incurring even the tremendous and awful risk of a war with +Austria, but which there is less danger of than there is with Governor +Brigham Young, in Utah. They may find a substantial interest involved +that is worth taking care of. Governor Kossuth may be assured it is of +more consequence than sympathy. It is a wonderfully sensitive nerve in +this country: it controls most of the others.--Sympathy, in this case, +can take care of itself. It does not require any nursing. The interests +involved should be attended to. It seems to me that this position as to +our commerce with Hungary cannot be attacked in front, in rear, or on +either flank. It is by far more forcible and powerful than the _ex +post facto_ argument in favour of the Mexican war, that it got us +California and its gold. So far as the general welfare of the country is +concerned, free trade with independent Hungary, and its certain ultimate +results, would be more invaluable than all the cargoes of gold that may +be brought from the Pacific coast, if ten times the present amount." + +That is the opinion of a distinguished American citizen, identified +chiefly with the interests of the South. + +As to me, I beg permission to sketch in a few lines the reverse of the +picture. If we fail in our enterprize to check the encroaching progress +of absolutism, if the despots of Europe succeed to accomplish their +plot, the chief part of which for Russia is to get hold of +Constantinople, and thus to become the controlling power of the +Mediterranean sea, what will be the immediate result of it in respect to +your commerce? + +No man of sound judgment can entertain the least doubt that the first +step of Russia will and must be, to exclude America from the markets of +Europe by the renewal of what is called the continental system. Not a +single bushel of wheat or corn, not a single pound of tobacco, not a +single bale of cotton, will you be permitted to sell on the continent of +Europe. The leagued despots must exclude you, because you are +republicans, and commerce is the conveyer of principles; they must +exclude you, because by ruining your commerce they ruin your prosperity, +and by ruining this they ruin your development, which is dangerous to +them. Russia besides must exclude you, because you are the most +dangerous rival to her in the European markets where you have already +beaten her. And it will be the more the interest of Russia to exclude +you, because by taking Constantinople, she will also become the master +of Asiatic and African regions, where also cotton is raised. + +Well, you say, perhaps, though you be excluded from the European +continent, England still remains to your cotton commerce.--Who could +guarantee that the English aristocracy will not join in the absolutist +combination, if the people of the United States, by a timely +manifestation of its sentiments, does not encourage the public opinion +of England itself? But suppose England does remain a market to your +cotton, you must not forget that if English manufacture is excluded from +all the coasts of Europe and of the Mediterranean, she will not buy so +much cotton from you as now, because she will lose so large a market for +cotton goods. + +Well, you say neither England nor you will submit to such a ruin of your +prosperity. Of course not; but then you will have a war, connected with +immense sacrifices; whereas now, you can prevent all that ruin, all +those sacrifices, and all that war. Is it not more prudent to prevent a +fire, than to quench it when your own house is already in flames? + +Ladies and Gentlemen, let me draw to a close. I most heartily thank you +for the honours of this unlooked-for reception, and for your generous +sympathy. I feel happy that the interests, political as well as +commercial, of the United States, are in intimate connexion with the +success of the struggle of Hungary for independence and republican +principles; and I bid you a sincere and cordial farewell, recalling to +your memory, and humbly recommending to your sympathy that toast, which +the more clement Senator of Alabama, Colonel King, as President of the +United States Senate, gave me at the Congressional Banquet, on the 7th +of January, in these words:-- + +"Hungary having proved herself worthy to be free, by the virtue and +valour of her sons, the law of nations and the dictates of justice alike +demand that she shall have fair play in her struggle for independence." + +It was the honourable Senator of Alabama who gave me this toast, +expressing his conviction that to this toast every American will +cordially respond. His colleague has not responded to it, but Mobile has +responded to it, and I take, with cordial gratitude, my leave of Mobile. + + * * * * * + +XXXIX.--KOSSUTH'S DEFENCE AGAINST CERTAIN MEAN IMPUTATIONS. + +[_Jersey City_.] + +Kossuth was here welcomed with an address by the Hon. D. S. Gregory, +whose guest he became. Great efforts had been made to prejudice the +public against him; notwithstanding which he was received with +enthusiasm. In the evening, in his speech at the Presbyterian Church, he +alluded to the attacks of his opponents as follows: + +Mr. Mayor, and Ladies and Gentlemen,--There have been some who, to the +great satisfaction of despots, and their civil and religious +confederates, have moved Heaven and Hell to lower my sacred mission to +the level of a stage-play; and to ridicule the enthusiastic outburst of +popular sentiments, by defaming its object and its aim. + +That was a sorrowful sight indeed. To meet opposition we must be +prepared. There is no truth yet but has been opposed: the car which +leads truth to triumph must pass over martyrs; that is the doom of +humanity. Mankind, though advanced in intellectual skill, is pretty much +the same in heart as it was thousands of years ago--if not worse; for +wealth and prosperity do not always improve the heart. It is sorrowful +to see that not even such a cause as that which I plead, can escape from +being dragged down insultingly into the mud. With the ancient Greeks, +the head of an unfortunate was held sacred even to the gods. Now-a-days, +with some,--but let us be thankful! only with some few degenerate +persons,--even calamity like ours is but an occasion for a bad joke. +Jesus Christ felt thirsty on the cross, and received vinegar and +wormwood to quench the thirst of his agony. Oh ye spirits of my +country's departed martyrs, sadden not your melancholy look at mean +insult. The soil which you watered by your blood will yet be free, and +that is enough! Ye will hear glad tidings about it when I join your +ranks. + +But now, as for myself. When I was in private life, I despised to become +rich, and sacrificed thousands to the public, and often saw my own +family embarrassed by domestic cares. I refused indemnifications, and +lived poor. When raised to the highest place in my country, and provided +with an allowance four times as great as your President's, I still lived +in my old modest way. I had millions at my disposal, yet I went into +exile penniless. Who now are _ye_, or what like proof have +_ye_ given of not adoring the "Almighty Dollar," who dare to insult +my honour and call me a sturdy beggar, and ask in what brewery I will +invest the money I get from Americans? And why? because I ask a poor +alms to prepare the approaching struggle of my country; because I cannot +and may not tell the public (which is to tell my country's enemy), how I +dispose of the sums which I receive. And Americans, pretending to be +republicans, pretending to sympathize with liberty, and wield that light +artillery of Freedom,--the Press,--try to put on me mean stigmas, in +order to make it impossible for me to aid the contest of Hungary for its +own and mankind's liberty. + +Indeed, it is too sad. The consul of ancient Rome, Spurius Postumius, +was once caught in a snare by the Samnites, and was ordered to pass +under the yoke with all his legions. When he hesitated to submit, a +captain cried to him: "Stoop, and lead us to disgrace for our country's +sake." And so he did. The word of the captain was true: our country may +claim of us, to submit even to degradations for its benefit. But I am +sorry that it is in America I had to learn, there are in a patriot's +life trials still bitterer than even that of exile. + +Well: I can bear all this, if it be but fruitful of good for my beloved +fatherland. But I look up to Almighty God, and ask in humility, whether +unscrupulous and mean suspicion shall succeed in stopping the flow of +that public and private aid to me, from republican America and from +American republicans, without which I cannot organize and combine our +forces. + +Mr. Mayor and citizens of Jersey, I indeed apprehend you will have much +disappointed those who endeavoured by ridicule to drive our cause out of +fashion. You have shown them to-day that the cause of liberty can never +be out of fashion with Americans. I thank you most cordially for it; the +more because I know that long before yesterday sympathy with the cause +of liberty has been in fashion with you. I am here on the borders of a +state noted for its fidelity and sacrifices in the struggle for your +country's freedom and independence: to which the State of New Jersey +has, in proportion to its population, sacrificed a larger amount of +patriotic blood and of property, than any other of your sister states. +I myself have read the acknowledgment of this in Washington's own yet +unedited hand-writings. And I know also that your state has the +historical reputation of having been a glorious battle-field in the +struggle for the freedom you enjoy. + +There may be some in this assembly with whom the sufferings connected +with one's home being a battle-field, may be a family tradition yet. But +is there a country in the world where such traditions are more largely +recorded than my own native land is? Is there a country, on the soil of +which more battles have been fought--and battles not only for ourselves, +but for all the Christian, all the civilized world? Oh, home of my +fathers! thou art the Golgotha of Europe. + +I defy all the demoniac skill of tyranny to find out more +tortures,--moral, political, and material,--than those which now weigh +down my fatherland. It will not bear them, it cannot bear them, but will +make a revolution, though all the world forsake us. But I ask, is there +not private generosity enough in America, to give me those funds, +through which my injured country would have to meet fewer enemies, and +win its rights with far less bloodshed; or shall the venom of calumny +cause you to refuse that, which, without impairing your private fortunes +or risking your public interests, would mightily conduce to our success? + +Allow me to quote a beautiful but true word which ex-Governor Vroom +spoke in Trenton last night. He said: "Let us help the man; his +principles are those engrafted into our Declaration of Independence. We +cannot remain free, should all Europe become enslaved by absolutism. The +sun of freedom is but one, on mankind's sky, and when darkness spreads +it will spread over all alike." The instinct of the people of Hungary +understood, that to yield at all to unjust violence, was to yield +everything; and to my appeals they replied, Cursed be he who yields! +Though unprepared, they fought; our unnamed heroes fought and +conquered,--until Russia and treachery came. And though now I am an +exile, again they will follow me; I need only to get back to them and +bring them something sharper than our nails to fight with for fatherland +and humanity; then in the high face of heaven we will fight out the +battle of freedom once more. This is my cause, and this my plea. It is +there in your hearts, written in burning words by God himself, who made +you generous by bestowing on you freedom. + + * * * * * + +XL.--THE BROTHERHOOD OF NATIONS. + +[_Newark_.] + +The Rev. Dr. Eddy introduced Kossuth to the citizens of Newark, and made +an address to him in their name. After this, Kossuth replied: + +Gentlemen,--It was a minister of the Gospel who addressed me in your +name: Let me speak to you as a Christian who considers it to be my +heartfelt duty to act, not only in my private but also in my public +capacity, in conformity with the principles of Christianity, as I +understand it. + +I have seen the people of the United States almost in every climate of +your immense territory. I have marked the natural influence of geography +upon its character. I have seen the same principles, the same +institutions assuming in their application the modifying influences of +local circumstances; I have found the past casting its shadows on the +present, in one place darker, in the other less; I have seen man +everywhere to be man, partaking of all aspirations, which are the bliss +as well as the fragility of nature in man,--but in one place the bliss +prevailing more and in the other the fragility. I saw now and then small +interests of the passing hour, less or more encroaching upon the sacred +dominion of universal principles; but so much is true, that wherever I +found a people, I found a great and generous heart, ready to take that +ground which by your very national position is pointed out to you as a +mission. Your position is to be a great nation; therefore your +necessity is to act like a great nation; or, if you do not, you will not +be great. + +To be numerous, is not to be great. The Chinese are eight times more +numerous than you, and still China is not great, for she has isolated +herself from the world. Nor does the condition of a nation depend on +what she likes to call herself. China calls herself "Celestial," and +takes you and Europe for barbarians. Not what we call ourselves, but how +we act, proves what we are. Great is that nation which acts greatly. +And give me leave to say, what an American minister of the Gospel has +said to me: "_Nations_, by the great God of the Universe, are +individualized, as well as men. He has given each a mission to fulfil, +and He expects every one to bear its part in solving the great problem +of man's capacity for self-government, which is the problem of human +destiny; and if any nation fails in this, He will treat it as an +unprofitable servant, a barren fig-tree, whose own end is to be rooted +up and burnt." + +Jonah sat under the shadow of his gourd rejoicing, in isolated, selfish +indifference, caring nothing for the millions of the Ninevites at his +feet. What was the consequence? God prepared a worm to smite the gourd, +that it withered. God has privileged you, the people of the United +States, to repose, not under a gourd, but beneath the shadow of a +luxuriant vine and the outspreading branches of a delicious fig-tree. +Give him praise and thanks! But are you, Jonah-like, on this account to +wrap yourselves up in the mantle of insensibility, caring nothing for +the nations smarting under oppression? stretching forth no hand for +their deliverance, not even so much as to protest against a conspiracy +of evil doers, and give an alms to aid deliverance from them? Are you to +hide your national talent in a napkin, or lend it at usury? Read the +Saviour's maxim: + +"_Do unto others as ye would that others do unto you!_" This is the +Saviour's golden rule, applicable to nations as well as to individuals. +Suppose when the United States were struggling for their independence, +the Spanish Government had interfered to prevent its achievement +--sending an armament to bombard your cities and murder your +inhabitants. What would your forefathers have thought--how felt? +Precisely as Hungary thought and felt when the Russian bear put down his +overslaughtering paw upon her. They would have invoked high heaven to +avenge the interference--and had there been a people on the face of the +earth to protest against it, that people would have shown out, like an +eminent star in the hemisphere of nations--and to this day you would +call it blessed. What you would have others do unto you, do so likewise +unto them. + +And though you met no foreign interference, yet you met far more than a +protest in your favour; you met substantial aid: thirty-eight vessels of +war, nineteen millions of money, 24,000 muskets, 4,000 soldiers, and the +whole political weight of France engaged in your cause. I ask not so +much, by far not so much, for oppressed Europe from you. + +It is a gospel maxim "_Be not partaker of other men's sins._" It is +alike applicable to individuals and nations. If you of the United States +see the great law of humanity outraged by another nation, and see it +_silently_, raising no warning voice against it, you virtually +become a party to the offence; as you do not reprove it, you embolden +the offender to add iniquity unto iniquity. + +Let not one nation be partaker of another nation's sins. When you see +the great law of humanity, the law upon which your national existence +rests, the law enacted in the Declaration of your Independence, outraged +and profaned, will you sit quietly by? If so (excuse me for saying) part +of the guilt is upon you, and while individuals receive their reward in +the eternal world, nations are sure to receive it here. There is +connection of cause and effect in a nation's destiny. + +A nation should not be a mere _lake_, a glassy expanse, only +reflecting foreign, light around--but a _river_, carrying its rich +treasures from the fountain to distant regions of the earth. + +A nation should not be a mere _light-house_, a stationary beacon, +erected upon the coast to warn voyagers of their danger--but a moving +_life-boat_, carrying treasures of freedom to the doors of +thousands and millions in their lands. + +I confess, gentlemen, that I shared those expectations, which the +nations of Europe have conceived from America. Was I too sanguine in my +wishes to hope, that in these expectations I shall not fail? So much I +dare say, that I conceived these expectations not without encouragement +on your own part. + +With this let me draw to a close. One word often tells more than a +volume of skilful eloquence. When crossing the Alleghany mountains, in a +new country, scarcely yet settled, bearing at every step the mark of a +new creation, I happened to see a new house in ruins. I felt astonished +to see a ruin in America. There must have been misfortune in that +house--the hand of God may have stricken him, thought I, and inquired +from one of the neighbours, "What has become of the man?" "Nothing +particular," answered he: "he went to the West--he was too comfortable +here. American pioneers like to be uncomfortable." It was but one word, +yet worth a volume. It made me more correctly understand the character +of your people and the mystery of your inner prodigious growth, than a +big volume of treatises upon the spirit of America might have done. The +instinct of indomitable energy, all the boundless power hidden in the +word "_go ahead_," lay open before my eyes. I felt by a glance what +immense things might be accomplished by that energy, to the honour and +lasting welfare of all humanity, if only its direction be not +misled--and I pray to God that he may preserve your people from being +absorbed in materialism. The proud results of egotism vanish in the +following generation like the fancy of a dream; but the smallest real +benefit bestowed upon mankind is lasting like eternity. People of +America! thy energy is wonderful; but for thy own sake, for thy future's +sake, for all humanity's sake, beware! Oh! beware from measuring good +and evil by the arguments of materialists. + +I have seen too many sad and bitter hours in my stormy life, not to +remember every word of true consolation which happened to brighten my +way. + +It was nearly four months ago, and still I remember it, as if it had +happened but yesterday, that the delegation, which came in December last +to New York, to tender me a cordial welcome from and to invite me to +Newark, called _me a brother, a brother in the just and righteous +appreciation of human rights and human destiny; brother in all the +sacred and hallowed sentiments of the human heart_. These were your +words, and yesterday the people of Newark proved to me that they are +your sentiments; sentiments not like the sudden excitement of passion, +which cools, but sentiments of brotherhood and friendship, lasting, +faithful, and true. + +You have greeted me by the dear name of brother. When I came, you +entitled me to the right to bid you farewell in a brother's way. And +between brethren, a warm grasp of hand, a tender tear in the eye, and +the word "_remember_," tells more than all the skill of oratory +could do. And remember, oh remember, brethren! that the grasp of my hand +is my whole people's grasp, the tear which glistens in my eyes is their +tear. They are suffering as no other people--for the world, the +oppressed world. They are the emblem of struggling liberty, claiming a +brother's love and a brother's aid from America, who is, happily, the +emblem of prosperous liberty! + +Let this word "_brother_," with all the dear ties comprized in that +word, be the impression I leave upon your hearts. Let this word, +"_brethren, remember!_" be my farewell. + + * * * * * + +XLI.--THE HISTORY AND HEART OF MASSACHUSETTS. + +[_Worcester,[*] Massachusetts_.] + +[Footnote *: "Heart of the Commonwealth," is the American title of the +town of Worcester.] + +Gentlemen,--Just as the Holy Scriptures are the revelation of religious +truth, teaching men how to attain eternal bliss, so history is the +revelation of eternal wisdom, instructing nations how to be happy, and +immortal on earth. Unaccountable changes may alter on a sudden the +condition of individuals, but in the life of nations there is always a +close concatenation of cause and effect--therefore history is the book +of life, wherein the past assumes the shape of future events. + +The history of old Massachusetts is full of instruction to those who +know how to read unwritten philosophy in written facts. Besides, to me +it is of deep interest, because of the striking resemblances between +your country's history and that of mine. In fact, from the very time +that the "colonial system" was adopted by Great Britain, to secure the +monopoly of the American trade, down to Washington's final +victories;--from James Otis, pleading with words of flame the rights of +America before the Supreme Court of Massachusetts, breathing into the +nation that breath of life out of which American Independence was born; +down to the Declaration of Independence, first moved by a son of +Massachusetts;--I often believe I read of Hungary when I read of +Massachusetts. But next, when the kind cheers of your generous-hearted +people rouse me out of my contemplative reveries, and looking around me +I see your prosperity, a nameless woe comes over my mind, because that +very prosperity reminds me that I am not at home. The home of my +fathers--the home of my heart--the home of my affections and of my +cares, is in the most striking contrast with the prosperity I see here. +And whence this striking contrast in the results, when there exists such +a striking identity in the antecedents? Whence this afflicting +departure from logical coherence in history? + +It is, because your struggle for independence met the good luck, that +monarchical France stipulated to aid with its full force America +struggling for independence, whereas republican America delayed even a +recognition of Hungary's independence at the crisis when it had been +achieved. However! the equality of results may yet come. History will +not prove false to poor Hungary, while it proves true to all the world. +I certainly shall never meet the reputation of Franklin, but I may yet +meet his good luck in a patriotic mission. It is not yet too late. My +people, like the damsel in the Scriptures, is but sleeping, and not +dead. Sleep is silent, but restores to strength. There is apparent +silence also in nature before the storm. We are downtrodden, it is true: +but was not Washington in a dreary retreat with his few brave men, +scarcely to be called an army, when Franklin drew nigh to success in his +mission? + +My retreat is somewhat longer, to be sure, but then our struggle went on +from the first on a far greater scale; and again, the success of +Franklin was aided by the hatred of France against England; so I am +told, and it is true; but I trust that the love of liberty in republican +America will prove as copious a source of generous inspiration, as +hatred of Great Britain proved in monarchical France. Or, should it be +the doom of humanity that even republics like yours are more mightily +moved by hatred than by love, is there less reason for republican +America to hate the overwhelming progress of absolutism, than there was +reason for France to hate England's prosperity? In fact, that prosperity +has not been lessened, but rather increased by the rending away of the +United States from the dominion of England; but the absorption of Europe +into predominant absolutism, would cripple your prosperity, because you +are no China, no Japan. + +America cannot remain unaffected by the condition of Europe, with which +you have a thousand-fold intercourse. A passing accident in Liverpool, a +fire in Manchester, cannot fail to be felt in America--how could then +the fire of despotic oppression, which threatens to consume all Europe's +freedom, civilization, and property, fail to affect in its results +America? How can it be indifferent to you whether Europe be free or +enslaved?--whether there exists a "Law of Nations," or no such thing any +more exists, being replaced by the caprice of an arrogant mortal who is +called "Czar?" No! either all the instruction of history is vanity, and +its warnings but the pastime of a mocking-bird, or this indifference is +impossible; therefore I may yet meet with Franklin's good luck. + +Franklin wrote to his friend Charles Thompson, after having concluded +the treaty of peace--"If we ever become ungrateful to those who have +served and befriended us, our reputation, and all the strength it is +capable of procuring, will be lost, and new dangers ensue." + +Perhaps I could say, poor Hungary has well served Christendom, has well +served the cause of humanity; but indeed we are not so happy as to have +served your country in particular. But you are generous enough to +permit our unmerited misfortunes to recommend us to your affections in +place of good service. It is beautiful to repay a received benefit, but +to bestow a benefit is divine. It is your good fortune to be _able_ +to do good to humanity: let it be your glory that you are _willing_ +to do it. + +Then what will be the tidings I shall have to bear back to Europe, in +answer to the expectations with which I was charged from Turkey, Italy, +France, Portugal, and England? Let me hope the answer will be fit to be +reanswered by a mighty hallelujah, at the shout of which the thrones of +tyrants will quake; and when they are fallen, and buried beneath the +fallen pillars of tyranny, all the Christian world will unite in the +song of praise--"Glory to God in Heaven, and peace to right-willing men +on earth, and honour to America, the first-born son of Liberty. For no +nation has God done so much as for her; for she proved to be well +deserving of it, because she was obedient to his Divine Law--She has +loved her neighbour as herself, and did unto others as, in the hour of +her need, she desired others to do unto herself." + +Gentlemen,--I know what weight is due to Massachusetts in the councils +of the nation; the history, the character, the intelligence, the +consistent energy, and the considerate perseverance of your country, +give me the security that when the people of Massachusetts raises its +voice and pronounces its will--it will carry its aim. + +I have seen this people's will in the manifestation of him whom the +people's well-deserved confidence has raised to the helm of its +Executive Government; I have seen it in the sanction of its Senators; I +have seen it in the mighty outburst of popular sentiments, and in the +generous testimonials of its sympathy, as I moved over this hallowed +soil. I hope soon to see it in the Legislative Hall of your +Representatives, and in the Cradle of American Liberty. + +I hope to see it as I see it now here, throbbing with warm, sincere, +generous, and powerful pulsation, in the very heart of your +Commonwealth. I know that where the heart is sound the whole body is +sound--the blood is sound throughout all the veins. Never believe those +to be right who, bearing but a piece of metal in their chests, could +persuade you, that to be cold is to be wise. Warmth is the vivifying +influence of the universe, and the warm heart is the source of noble +deeds. To consider calmly what you have to do is well. You have done +so. But let me hope that the heart of Massachusetts will continue to +throb warmly for the cause of liberty, till that which you judge to be +right is done, with that persistent energy, which, inherited from the +puritan pilgrims of the Mayflower, is a principle with the people of +Massachusetts. Remember the afflicted,--farewell. + + * * * * * + +XLII.--PANEGYRIC OF MASSACHUSETTS. + +[_Speech at Faneuil Hall_.] + +Kossuth entered Boston on the 27th April, escorted by twenty-nine +companies of infantry and four of artillery, in the midst of flags and +other festive display. He was welcomed by Gov. Boutwell at the State +House. In the afternoon he reviewed the troops on the common, in the +midst of an immense multitude. The members of the legislature and of the +council came in procession from the State House, and joined him in the +field. In the evening he was entertained at the Revere House, as the +guest of the Legislative Committee. + +On April 28th he was escorted by the Independent Cadets to the State +House, where Governor Boutwell received him with a brief but emphatic +speech, avowing that Kossuth had "imparted important instruction" to the +people of the United States. The governor then conducted Kossuth to the +Senate, where he was warmly welcomed by the President, General Wilson; +and thence again to the House of Representatives, where the Speaker, Mr. +Banks, addressed him in words of high honour, in the name of the +representatives. To each of these addresses Kossuth replied; but the +substance of his speeches has scarcely sufficient novelty to present +here. + +On the evening of the 29th of April it was arranged that he should speak +in Faneuil Hall. The hall filled long before his arrival, and an +incident occurred which deserves record. The crowd amused itself by +calling on persons present for speeches: among others Senator Myron +Lawrence was called for, who, after first refusing, stept on the +platform and declared that _he had some sins to confess_. He had +been guilty of thinking Kossuth to be what is called "a humbug;" but he +had seen him now, and thought differently. He had seen the modest, +truthful bearing of the man,--that he had no tricks of the orator, but +spoke straightforward. Mr. Lawrence now believed him to be sincere and +honest, and prayed Almighty God to grant him a glorious success. This +frank and manly acknowledgment was received with unanimous and hearty +applause. + +At eight o'clock Governor Boutwell, his council, and the committee of +reception, as also the vice-presidents and secretaries, received Kossuth +in Faneuil Hall.[*] When applause had ceased, the Governor addressed +Kossuth as follows:-- + +[Footnote *: Faneuil Hall is entitled by the Americans "the cradle of +American Liberty."] + +Gentlemen,--We have come from the exciting and majestic scenes of the +reception which the people of Massachusetts have given to the exiled son +of an oppressed and distant land, that on this holy spot, associated in +our minds with the eloquence, the patriotism, the virtue of the +revolution, we may listen to his sad story of the past and contemplate +his plans and hopes for the future. And shall these associations which +belong to us, and this sad story which belongs to humanity, fail to +inspire our souls and instruct our minds in the cause of freedom? Europe +is not like a distant ocean, whose agitations and storms give no impulse +to the wave that gently touches our shore. The introduction of steam +power and the development of commercial energy are blending and +assimilating our civilities and institutions. Europe is nearer to us in +time than the extreme parts of this country are to each other. As all of +us are interested in the prevalence of the principles of justice among +our fellow men, _so_, as a nation, we are interested in the +prevalence of the principles of justice among the nations and states of +Europe. + +Never before was the American mind so intelligently directed to European +affairs. We have not sought, nor shall we seek, the control of those +affairs. But we may scan and judge their character and prepare ourselves +for the exigencies of national existence to which we may be called. _I +do not hesitate to pronounce the opinion that the policy of Europe will +have a visible effect upon the character, power, and destiny of the +American Republic_. That policy as indicated by Russia and Austria, +is the work of centralization, consolidation and absolutism. American +policy is the antagonist of this. + +We are pledged to liberty and the sovereignty of States. Shall a +contest between our own principles and those of our enemies awaken no +emotions in us? We believe that government should exist for the +advantage of the individual members of the body politic, and not for the +use of those who, by birth, fortune, or personal energy, may have risen +to positions of power. We recognize the right of each nation to +establish its own institutions and regulate its own affairs. Our +revolution rests upon this right, and otherwise is entirely +indefensible. The policy of this nation, as well foreign as domestic, +should be controlled by American principles, that the world may know we +have faith in the government we have established. While we cannot adopt +the cause of any other people, or make the quarrels of European nations +our own, it is our duty to guard the principles peculiar to America, as +well as those entertained by us in common with the civilized world. + +One principle, which should be universal in States as among individual +men is, that each should use his own in such a way as not to injure that +which belongs to another. _Russia violated this principle when she +interfered in the affairs of Hungary_, and thus weakened the +obligations of other States to respect the sovereignty of the Russian +Empire. + +The independent existence of the continental States of Europe, is of +twofold importance to America. Important politically, important +commercially. + +As independent States they deprive Russia, the central and absorbing +power of Europe, of the opportunity on the Mediterranean to interfere in +the politics and civilities of this Continent. Russia and the United +States are as unlike as any two nations which ever existed. If Russia +obtains control of Europe by the power of arms, and the United States +shall retain this Continent by the power of its principles, war will be +inevitable. As inevitable as it was in former days that war should arise +between Carthage and Rome,--Carthage, which sought to extend her power +by commerce, and Rome, which sought to govern the world by the sword. +The independence of the States of Europe is then the best security for +the peace of the world. If these States exist, it must be upon one +condition only--that each State is permitted to regulate its own +affairs. If the voice of the United States and Great Britain is silent, +will Russia allow these States to exist upon this principle?--Has she +not already partitioned Poland--menaced Turkey--divided with the Sultan +the sovereignty of Wallachia--infused new energy into the despotic +councils of Austria--and finally aided her in an unholy crusade against +the liberties of Hungary? Have we not then an interest in the affairs of +Europe? And if we have an interest, ought we not to use the rights of an +independent State for its protection? + +The second consideration is commercial. + +Centralization, absolutism, destroys commerce. The policy of Russia +diminishes production and limits markets. Whenever she adds a new State +to her dominions the commerce of the world is diminished. Great Britain +and the United States, which possess three-fourths of the commercial +marine of the globe, are interested to prevent it. Our commerce at this +moment with despotic States is of very little importance, and its +history shows that in every age it has flourished in proportion to the +freedom of the people. + +These, gentlemen, are poor words and barren thoughts upon the great +European question of the time. A question which America in her own name, +and for herself, must meet at some future day, if now she shall fail to +meet it firmly, upon well settled principles of national law, for the +protection and assistance of other States. + +I have done. The exiled patriot shall speak for himself. Not for +himself only, nor for the land and people of Hungary he loves so well, +but for Europe, and America even, he speaks. Before you he pleads your +own cause. It is to a just tribunal I present a noble advocate. And to +him it shall be a bright spot in the dreary waste of the exile's life, +that to-night he pleads the cause of Hungary and humanity, where once +Otis and Adams, and Hancock and Quincy, pleaded the cause of America and +liberty. + +I present to you Governor Kossuth of Hungary. + +In reply to Governor Boutwell, when the tumultuous applause had +subsided, Kossuth spoke, in substance as follows:-- + +He apologized for profaning Shakespeare's language in Faneuil Hall, the +cradle of American liberty. Yet he ventured to criticize that very +phrase; for liberty ought not to be _American_, but _human_; +else it is no longer a right, but a privilege; and privilege can nowhere +be permanent. The nature of a privilege (said he) is exclusiveness, that +of a principle is communicative. Liberty is a principle: its community +is its security; exclusiveness is its doom. + +What is aristocracy? It is exclusive liberty; it is privilege; and +aristocracy is doomed, because it is contrary to the destiny of men. As +aristocracy should vanish within each nation, so should no nation be an +aristocrat among nations. Until that ceases, liberty will nowhere be +lasting on earth. It is equally fatal to individuals as to nations, to +believe themselves beyond the reach of vicissitudes. By this proud +reliance, and the isolation resulting therefrom, more victims have +fallen than by immediate adversities. You have grown prodigiously by +your freedom of seventy-five years; but what is seventy-five years as a +charter of immortality? No, no, my humble tongue tells the records of +eternal truth. A _privilege_ never can be lasting. Liberty +restricted to one nation never can be sure. You may say, "We are the +prophets of God;" but you shall not say, "God is only our God." The Jews +said so, and their pride, old Jerusalem, lies in the dust. Our Saviour +taught all humanity to say, "Our Father in heaven," and his Jerusalem is +lasting to the end of days. + +"There is a community in mankind's destiny"--that was the greeting which +I read on the arch of welcome on the Capitol Hill of Massachusetts. I +pray to God, the Republic of America would weigh the eternal truth of +those words, and act accordingly; liberty in America would then be sure +to the end of time; but if you say, "American Liberty," and take that +grammar for your policy, I dare to say the time will yet come when +humanity will have to mourn a new proof of the ancient truth, that +without community national freedom is never sure. + +However, the cradle of American Liberty is not only famous from the +reputation of having been always on the lists of the most powerful +eloquence; it is still more conspicuous for having seen that eloquence +attended by practical success. To understand the mystery of this rare +circumstance one must see the people of New England, and especially the +people of Massachusetts. + +In what I have seen of New England there are two things, the evidence of +which strikes the observer at every step--prosperity and intelligence. I +have seen thousands assembled, following the noble impulses of a +generous heart: almost the entire population of every town, of every +village where I passed, gathered around me, throwing flowers of +consolation on my path. I have seen not a single man bearing that mark +of poverty upon himself which in old Europe strikes the eye sadly at +every step. I have seen no ragged poor--have seen not a single house +bearing the appearance of desolated poverty. The cheerfulness of a +comfortable condition, the result of industry, spreads over the land. +One sees at a glance that the people work assiduously, not with the +depressing thought just to get through the cares of a miserable life +from day to day by hard toil, but they work with the cheerful +consciousness of substantial happiness. And the second thing which I +could not fail to remark, is the stamp of intelligence impressed upon +the very eyes and outward appearance of the people at large. I and my +companions have seen them in the factories, in the workshops, in their +houses, and in the streets, and could not fail a thousand times to think +"how intelligent this people looks." It is to such a people that the +orators of Faneuil Hall had to speak, and therein is the mystery of +success. They were not wiser than the public spirit of their audience, +but they were the eloquent interpreters of the people's enlightened +instinct. + +No man can force the harp of his own individuality into the people's +heart, but every man may play upon the chords of his people's heart, who +draws his inspiration from the people's instinct. Well, I thank God for +having seen the public spirit of the people of Massachusetts, bestowing +its attention on the cause I plead, and pronouncing its verdict. In +respect to the question of national intervention, his Excellency the +high-minded Governor of Massachusetts wrote a memorable address to the +Legislature; the Joint Committee of the Legislative Assembly, after a +careful and candid consideration of the subject, not only concurred in +the views of the Executive government, but elucidated them in a report, +the irrefutable logic and elevated statesmanship of which will for ever +endear the name of Hazewell to oppressed nations; and the Senate of +Massachusetts adopted the resolutions proposed by the Legislative +Committee. After such remarkable and unsolicited manifestations of +conviction, there cannot be the slightest doubt that all these Executive +and Legislative proceedings not only met the full approbation of the +people of Massachusetts, but were the solemn interpretation of public +opinion. A spontaneous outburst of popular sentiment tells often more +in a single word than all the skill of elaborate eloquence could; as +when, amidst the thundering cheers of a countless multitude, a man in +Worcester greeted me with the shout: "_We worship not the man, but we +worship the principle_." It was a word, like those words of flame +spoken in Faneuil Hall, out of which liberty in America was born. That +word reveals the spirit, which, applying eternal truth to present +exigencies, moves through the people's heart--that word is teeming with +the destinies of America. + +Give me leave to mention, that having had an opportunity to converse +with leading men of the great parties, which are on the eve of an +animated contest for the Presidency--I availed myself of that +opportunity, to be informed of the principal issues, in case the one or +the other party carries the prize; and having got the information +thereof, I could not forbear to exclaim--"All these questions together +cannot outweigh the all-overruling importance of _foreign policy_." +It is there, in the question of foreign policy, that the heart of the +immediate future throbs. Security and danger, prosperity and stagnation, +peace and war, tranquillity and embarrassment--yes, life and death, will +be weighed in the scale of Foreign Policy. It is evident things are come +to the point where they were in ancient Rome, when old Cato never spoke +privately or publicly about whatever topic, without closing his speech +with these words: "_However, my opinion is that Carthage must be +destroyed_"--thus advertising his countrymen, that there was one +question outweighing in importance all other questions, from which +public attention should never for a moment be withdrawn. + +Such, in my opinion, is the condition of the world now. Carthage and +Rome had no place on earth together. Republican America and +all-overwhelming Russian absolutism cannot much longer subsist together +on earth. Russia active--America passive--there is an immense danger in +that fact; it is like the avalanche in the Alps, which the noise of a +bird's wing may move and thrust down with irresistible force, growing +every moment. I cannot but believe it were highly time to do as old Cato +did, and finish every speech with these words--"_However, the law of +nations should be maintained, and absolutism not permitted to become +omnipotent._" + +It is however a consolation to me to know, that the _chief_ +difficulty with which I have to contend,--viz. the overpowering +influence of domestic questions with you,--is neither lasting, nor in +any way an argument against the justice of our cause. + +Another difficulty which I encounter is rather curious. Many a man has +told me that if I had only not fallen into the hands of +_abolitionists_ and _free soilers_, they would have supported +me; and had I landed somewhere in the South, instead of at New York, I +should have met quite different things from that quarter; but being +supported by the free-soilers, of course I must be opposed by the South. +On the other side, I received a letter, from which I beg leave to quote +a few lines:-- + +"You are silent on the subject of slavery. Surrounded as you have been +by slaveholders ever since you put your foot on English soil, if not +during your whole voyage from Constantinople, and ever since you have +been in this country surrounded by them, whose threats, promises, and +flattery made the stoutest hearts succumb, your position has put me in +mind of a scene described by the apostle of Jesus Christ, when the devil +took him up into a high mountain," &c. + +Now, gentlemen, thus being charged from one side with being in the hands +of abolitionists, and from the other side with being in the hands of +slaveholders, I indeed am at a loss what course to take, if these very +contradictory charges were not giving me the satisfaction to feel that I +stand just where it is my duty to stand--on a truly American ground. + +And oh, have I not enough upon these poor shoulders, that I am desired +yet to take up additional cares? If the cause I plead be just, if it is +worthy of your sympathy, and at the same time consistent with the +impartial consideration of your own moral and material interests, (which +a patriot never should disregard, not even out of philanthropy,) then +why not weigh that cause in the scale of its own value, and not in a +foreign one? Have I not difficulties enough before me here, that I am +desired to increase them with my own hands?--Father Mathew goes on +preaching temperance, and he may be opposed or supported on his own +ground; but who ever thought of opposing him because he takes not into +his hands to preach fortitude or charity? And indeed, to oppose or to +abandon the cause I plead, only because I mix not with the agitation of +an interior question, is a greater injustice yet, because to discuss the +question of foreign policy I have a right,--my nation is an object of +that policy; we are interested in it;--but to mix with interior party +movements I have no right, not being a citizen of the United States. + +[After this Kossuth proceeded to urge, as in former speeches, that the +interests of American commerce were not opposed to, but were identified +with, the cause of Hungary and of European Liberty. He also adduced new +considerations, which are afterwards treated more fully in his speech at +Buffalo.] + + * * * * * + +XLIII.--SELF-GOVERNMENT OF HUNGARY. + +[_Banquet in Faneuil Hall_.] + +On April 30th, Kossuth was entertained at a Grand Banquet, by the +Governor and Council, and the Members of the two Houses. Eight hundred +and seventy tickets besides were issued, and were all taken up. The +Honourable Henry Wilson, President of the Senate, was President for the +evening. It is not possible here to print all the speeches, but it may +be noted that Governor Boutwell, in reply to a toast, elicited +affirmative replies from the guests to many questions directed to show +the necessity of American armed interference on the side of Hungary. +Also, the venerable Josiah Quincy, aged eighty, in reply to a toast, +declared that liberty remained only in the United States and Great +Britain, and that in Great Britain herself the spirit of freedom is +weakened. "Let Great Britain fail and be beaten down, and all the navies +of Europe will be bristling against the United States." Finally, +President Wilson, introducing the guest of the evening, said:-- + +"Gentlemen, allow me to present to you the illustrious guest of +Massachusetts, Governor Kossuth. He has won our admiration as a man by +the advocacy of the cause of his country, and he has won all our hearts +by the purity of his principles." + +Kossuth, in reply, noticed that the toast with which he had been +honoured was almost entirely personal; and while disclaiming merit, he +was nevertheless induced to advert to personal incidents, (now generally +known,) as,--how he published in MS. the Hungarian debates,--was +unlawfully imprisoned for it, and learned English in prison by means of +Shakespeare; how when he was necessarily released, the government +imposed an unlawful censorship on his journal, which journal +nevertheless became the basis of the great and extensive reforms which +received their completion in the laws of March and April, 1848. After +this he proceeded as follows:-- + +Gentlemen, allow me to say a few words on the ancient institutions of +Hungary. I have often heard it said that the people of Europe are +incapable of self-government. Let me speak of the people of Hungary, to +show whether they are capable of self-government or not. In thirty-six +years, with God's help, and through your generous aid, the free people +of Hungary will celebrate the 1000th anniversary of the establishment of +their home--the millennium of Hungary in Europe. Yes, gentlemen, may I +hope that celebration will take place under the blessings of liberty in +the year 1889? + +It is a long period--one thousand years--and Oh! how it has teemed with +adversities to my countrymen! and yet through this long time, amid all +adversities there was no period when the people of Hungary did not +resist despotism. Our boast is, that through the vicissitudes of a +thousand years there was not a moment when the popular will and the +legal authorities had sanctioned the rule of absolutism. And, gentlemen, +what other people, for 1000 years, has not consented to be ruled by +despotism? Even in the nineteenth century I am glad to look back to the +wisdom of our fathers through a thousand years--who laid down for +Hungarian institutions a basis which for all eternity must remain true. +This basis was upon that Latin proverb _nil de nobis, sine +nobis_--"nothing about us without us." That was, to claim that every +man should have a full share in the sovereignty of the people and a full +share in the rights belonging to his nation. In other times a theory was +got up to convince the people that they might have a share in +_legislation_ just so far as to control that legislation, but +denying the right of the people to control the _executive_ power. +The Hungarian people never adopted that theory. They ever claimed a full +share in the _executive_ as well as in the legislative and judicial +power. Out of this idea of government rose the municipal system of +Hungary. In respect to Hungarian aristocracy, you must not consider it +in the same light as the aristocracy of England. The word +_nobleman_ in Hungary originally was equivalent to _soldier_. +Every man who defended his country was a nobleman, and every man who had +a vote was called to defend his country. I believe the duty of +defending a man's country, and also political right, should be common. + +After our people had conquered a home, the leaders took the lion's +share, of course. But it should be considered that those who had the +largest share of the property, were compelled to furnish soldiers +according to the extent of their possessions. Therefore such men gave a +part of their land to people to cultivate, and desired aid of them +whenever the necessity for war came. So all who defended their country +were considered noblemen. Hungary was divided into fifty-two counties, +but not counties like yours--some of them were so populous as to be +comparable to your States, containing perhaps half a million or more of +people, and those who became the aristocracy in some of these counties +amounted to 35,000. In every county was a fortress, and whenever defence +became necessary, the rich men went into these fortresses under their +own banner, and the others went under the King's colours, and were +commanded by the sheriff of the county, who might be here Governor--at +least who was the chief of the Executive. Certain of the cities were +raised to constitutional rights. A smaller city, if surrounded by +fortifications, or if an important post, was represented in the Diet, +whilst larger places, if not posts of importance for national defence, +were represented only by the County Delegates. Every place that had the +elements of defence had political rights. So it came to pass that the +aristocracy were not a few men, but half a million. I had contended to +beat down this barrier of aristocracy. Before the Revolution, in +municipal governments only the nobility had a share--they only were the +men who could vote: but the change was easy. The frame of +self-government was ready. We had only to say, _the people_ instead +of _the nobility_ had the right to vote; and so, in one day, we +buried aristocracy, never to rise again. Each county elected its +Representatives to the Diet, and had the right of intercourse with other +counties by means of letters on all matters of importance to these +counties; and therefore our fifty-two primary councils were normal +schools of public spirit. We elected our Judicatory and Executive, and +the government had not a right to send instructions or orders to our +Executive; and if an order came which we considered to be inconsistent +with our constitutional rights, it was not sent to the Executive, but to +the Council; and therefore the arbitrary orders of the Government could +not be executed, because they came not into the hands of the Executive. +Thus were our Councils barriers against oppression. + +When the French took Saragossa, it was not enough to take the city--they +had to take every house. So also _we_ went on, and though some +counties might accept the arbitrary orders of the government, some +resisted; and, by discussing in their letters to the other counties the +points of right, enlightened them; and it was seen that when the last +house in Saragossa had been beaten down, the first stood erect again. In +consequence of the democratic nature of our institutions, our Councils +were our Grand Juries. But after having elected our Judges, we chose +several men in every county meeting, of no public office, but +conspicuous for their integrity and knowledge of the law, to assist the +Judges in their administration. + +Believe me, these institutions had a sound basis, fit to protect a +nation against an arbitrary government which was aiming at +centralization and oppression. Now, these counties having contended +against the Austrian Government, it did everything to destroy them. The +great field was opened in the Diet of 1847. Having been elected by the +county of Pest, I had the honour to lead the party devoted to national +rights and opposed to centralization and in defence of municipal +authority. It was my intention to make it impossible that the Government +should in future encroach upon the liberties of the people. We had the +misfortune in Hungary to be governed by a Constitutional King, who at +the same time was the absolute monarch of another realm--by birth and +interests attached to absolutism and opposed to constitutional +government. It was difficult to be an absolute monarch and behave as +King of Hungary. There is on record a speech of mine, spoken in the +Hungarian Diet, about the inconsistency of these two attributes in one +man--that either Austria must become constitutional, or Hungary +absolutistical. That speech virtually made the Revolution of 1848 at +Vienna. After this Revolution, I was sent to Vienna to ask that our +laws be established, releasing the people from feudal rights and +demanding a constitutional ministry. Then it was that a circumstance +occurred, to which I heard an allusion in the toast offered to me. I was +told the King would grant our request; only, there was agitation in +Vienna, and it would look as if the King were yielding to pressure. If +the people would be quiet, the King would sanction our laws. Then I +said, that if the King would give his sanction to our legislative +measures, peace would be made for the House of Austria in twenty-four +hours. But when that consent was given in one Chamber, in another +Chamber that wicked woman, Sophia, the mother of the present Emperor, +who calls himself King of Hungary--no, he does _not_ call himself +King of Hungary, for he thinks the national existence of Hungary is +blotted out--plotted how to ruin my people and destroy that sanction +which was nothing but a necessary means to secure a just cause. Next +came the Hungarian ministry--and, strange to say, I saw myself placed +close to the throne. + +When in Vienna, after the sanction was granted, steps were taken to +retract it; I went to the Arch-Duke Stephen, the Palatine of Hungary, +the first constitutional authority of Hungary,--the elective viceroy, +and told him he ought to return to Hungary if he wished to preserve his +influence. + +He answered that he could not return to Hungary, for if the King did not +sanction our laws--he (the Arch-Duke Stephen) might be proclaimed King +instead of the Emperor of Austria, and he would never dethrone his +cousin. + +I answered, that he spoke like an honest man, but perhaps the time would +come when he would find an empty seat on that throne, and he had better +take it, for I could assure him, if he did not, no other man ever would +with the consent of the people. When five months later, in Hungary, we +met for the last time, he called me to his house on a stormy night, and +desired of me to know what would be the issue of matters. I answered: I +can see no issue for you, but the crown or else the scaffold, and then +for the people a Republic. But even from this alternative I will relieve +you: for you the crown, for me the scaffold, if the Hungarian +independence is not achieved.--I make no hesitation here to confess that +such was the embarrassed state of Hungarian affairs that I should have +felt satisfied for him to have accepted the crown. Remember that your +fathers did not design at first to sever the ties which bound the +colonies to England, but circumstances forced the issue. So it was with +us. We asked at first only Democratic institutions, but when it was +possible we were glad to throw away our Kings. + +The Arch-Duke did not accept, but was rather a traitor to his country. +Such is the connection of tyrants with each other, they desire not to +prevent others from oppressing. He is now an exile like myself. If he +had accepted the proposal, no doubt the independence of Hungary would +have been recognized by even Russia, especially if he had formed a +family alliance with despotism, and then for centuries the establishment +of a Republic would have been impossible; whereas, now, as sure as there +is a God in Heaven, no King will ever rule Hungary; but it must be one +of those Republics, wherein Republicanism is not a mere romance but a +reality, founded upon the basis of municipal authorities, to which the +people are attached. We could never have such a movement as disgraced +France in December. + +Excuse me, gentlemen, if I abuse your kindness. I am anxious to make +known my ideas upon the future organization of my country. The +organization which alone we could propose, is one founded upon the +sovereignty of the people, not only in a _legislative_ capacity +--for it is not enough that we know that sovereignty by casting +a vote once in three or four years: we must feel it every day, +everywhere. The sovereignty of the people asserts, that men have certain +rights, not depending on any power, but natural rights. I mean such as +religious liberty--free thought--a free press, and the right of every +family to regulate its own affairs: but not only every family; also +every town, city, and county. Our sovereignty shall be such, that the +higher government will have no power to interfere in the domestic +concerns of any town, city, or county. These are the principles upon +which our government will be founded--not only sovereignty in +Legislation, but a particular share in the executive Government.--Judge +whether such a people is worthy to meet the sympathy of Republicans like +you, who have shown to the world that a nation may be powerful without +centralization. Believe me, there is harmony in our _ancient_ +principles and your _recent_ ones. Judge whether my people is +capable of self-government. + +The venerable gentleman (Josiah Quincy) spoke a word about England. I +believe the Anglo-Saxon race must have a high destiny in the history of +mankind. It is the only race, the younger brother of which is free while +the elder brother has also some freedom. You, gentlemen, acknowledge +that from the mother country you obtained certain of your principles of +liberty--free thought and speech, a free press, &c.--and I am sure, +gentlemen, the English people are proud of liberty. Called to pronounce +against the league of despots, if the Republican United States and +constitutional England were in concord, what would be the consequence? + +I answer, it would be exactly as when the South American Republic was +threatened--as when Russia forbade American vessels to approach within a +hundred miles of its American shores. I have often met in the United +States an objection against an alliance with England; but it is chiefly +the Irish who are opposed to being on good terms with England. In +respect to the Irish, if I could contribute to the future unity in +action of the United States and England, I should more aid the Irish +than by all exclamations against one or other. If the United States and +England were in union, the continent of Europe would be republican. +Then, though England remained monarchical, Ireland would be freer than +now. If I were an Irishman, I would not have raised the standard of +_Repeal_, which offended the people of England, but the standard of +municipal _self-government_ against parliamentary omnipotence--not +as an Irish question, but as a common question to all--and in this +movement the people of England and Scotland would have joined; and now +there would have been a Parliament in England, in Ireland, and Scotland. +Such is the geographical position of Great Britain, that its countries +should be, not one, but united; each with its own Parliament, but still +one Parliament for all. If I could contribute to get England to oppose +the encroachments of absolutism, I should be doing more to aid Ireland, +in aiding freedom, than if I so acted as to induce England to look +indifferently at the approach of absolutism. I was glad to hear the +words of that venerable gentleman (Josiah Quincy). They brought to my +mind the words of John Adams, first minister of the United States to +England. When he addressed the King, he said:--"_He would be happy +could he restore entire esteem, confidence, and affection between the +United States and England_," and King George III. replied: "_I was +the last to conform to the separation, and I am the first to meet the +friendship of the United States. Let the communities of language, +religion, and blood have their full and natural effect._" + +'Let this precedent, belonging to the intelligence not of to-day +only--let those words become now considered of particular interest to +both countries, and it would be of the greatest benefit to mankind. +There is nothing more necessary to secure the freedom of Europe than +consent to act together, on the part of the United States and England. + +It is not necessary to say how far they will go, but only necessary to +say they will do as much as their interests allow, and what may be +necessary that the law of nations should be protected and not abandoned. + +When I was in England nothing gave me more delight than to hear +delegations addressing me, mention your Washington, and confess +themselves sorry that he had to manifest his greatness in contending +against England; but they were more proud to see the greatness of such a +man, than not to have been opposed by him. They entrusted me to bring +word to the United States, that they wished to be united to you for the +benefit of all Humanity. + +I was charged particularly by one hundred men connected with commerce at +Manchester--the least wealthy of whom was _worth_, as they express +it in England, L10,000 a year--these gentlemen told me it would be a +great result of my mission in the United States, if I could convince +Americans that Englishmen thought all differences had vanished; and they +desired to go hand in hand with the people of the United States, as +regards foreign policy. Now, I have observed in New England less +objection to the policy of an alliance with England than in many other +parts of the United States, and I take it for an evidence of the +intelligence and liberality of the people. + +I know, gentlemen, you have been pleased to honour me, not for myself +(for the people of Massachusetts are not man-worshippers, but reverence +principles only)--therefore I cannot better express my thanks than to +pledge my word, relying, as on another occasion of deep interest I said, +_upon the justice of our cause, the blessing of God, iron wills, stout +arms, and good swords_--and upon your generous sympathy, to do all in +my power, with my people, for my country and for humanity; for which +indeed in my heart, though, it is somewhat old, there is yet warmth. + +After many other toasts, President Wilson called on Judge Hoar to speak. +The reply of the Judge had several striking sentences. He closed by +saying to Kossuth: + +"It is because you, Sir, have learned the truth that _Peace is the +first interest of no people,--that there are other things more sacred +than human life,--that without Justice and Freedom life is only a +mockery, and peace a delusion and a burden,_--it is _because_, +when tyranny had terminated every duty of a subject, you too[*] have +dared to become the MOST NOTORIOUS REBEL of our time, _therefore_ +does Massachusetts welcome you to the home of Hancock and of Adams, and +the majestic spirit of Washington sheds its benediction upon the scene." + +[Footnote *: The Judge alludes to Hancock and Adams, who were excepted +by name as "notorious rebels," from General Gage's proclamation of +amnesty.] + + * * * * * + +XLIV.--RUSSIA THE ANTAGONIST OF THE U.S. + +[_Salem, May 6_.] + +Ladies and gentlemen,--When four years ago, the tidings of our struggle +made the scarcely before known name of Hungary familiar to you, sympathy +for a nobly defended noble cause moved your hearts to rejoice at our +victories, to feel anxiety about our dangers. Yet, so long as our +struggle was but a domestic contest, a resistance against oppression by +a perjurious king, you had no reason to think that the sympathy you felt +for us, being a generous manifestation of the affections of free men, +was at the same time an instinctive presentiment of a policy, which you +in your national capacity will be called upon by circumstances, not only +to consider, but, as I firmly believe, also to adopt. + +You were far from anticipating that the issue of our struggle would +become an opportunity for your country to take that position which +Divine Providence has evidently assigned to you; I mean the position of +a power, not restricted in its influence to the Western Hemisphere, but +reaching across the earth. You had not thought that it is the struggle +of Hungary which will call on you to fulfil the prophecy of Canning; who +comprehended, that it is the destiny of the New World to redress the +balance of power in the Old. + +The universal importance of our contest has been but late revealed. It +has been revealed by the interference of Russia, by our fall, and by its +more threatening results. + +Now, it has become evident to all thinking men, that the balance of +power cannot be redressed unless Hungary is restored to national +independence. Consequently if it be your own necessity to weigh in the +scale of the powers on earth, if it be your destiny to redress the +balance of power, the cause of Hungary is the field where this destiny +will have to be fulfilled. + +And it is indeed your destiny. Russian diplomacy could never boast of a +greater and more fatal victory than it had a right to boast, should it +succeed to persuade the United States not to care about her--Russia +accomplishing her aim to become the ruling power in Europe; the ruling +power in Asia; the ruling power of the Mediterranean sea. That would be +indeed a great triumph to Russian diplomacy, greater than her triumph +over Hungary; a triumph dreadful to all humanity, but to nobody more +dreadful than to your own future. + +All sophistry is in vain, gentlemen; there can be no mistake about it. +Russian absolutism and Anglo-Saxon constitutionalism are not rival but +antagonist powers. They cannot long continue to subsist together. +Antagonists cannot hold equal position; every additional strength of the +one is a comparative weakening of the other. One or the other must +yield. One or the other must perish or become dependent on the other's +will. + +You may perhaps believe that that triumph of diplomacy is impossible in +America. But I am sorry to say, that it has a dangerous ally, in the +propensity to believe, that the field of American policy is limited +geographically; that there is a field for American, and there is a field +for European policy, and that these fields are distinct, and that it is +your interest to keep them distinct. + +There was a time in our struggle, when, if a man had come from America, +bringing us in official capacity the tidings of your brotherly greeting, +of your approbation and your sympathy, he would have been regarded like +a harbinger of heaven. The Hungarian nation, tired out by the hard task +of dearly but gloriously bought victories, was longing for a little +test, when the numerous hordes of Russia fell upon us in the hour of +momentary exhaustion. Indignation supplied the wanted rest, and we rose +to meet the intruding foe; but it was natural that the nation looked +around with anxiety, whether there be no power on earth raising its +protesting voice against that impious act of trampling down the law of +nations, the common property of all humanity? no power on earth to cheer +us by a word of approbation of our legitimate defence? Alas! no such +word was heard. We stood forsaken and alone! It was upon that ground of +forsakenness that treason spread its poison into our ranks. They told my +nation, "Your case is hopeless. Kossuth has assured you that if you +drive out the Austrians from your territory, and declare your +independence, it perhaps will be recognized by the French Republic, +probably by England, and certainly by America; but look! none has +recognized you; not even the United States, though with them it was from +the time of Washington always a constant principle to recognize every +government. You are not recognized. You are forsaken by the whole world. +Kossuth has assured you, that it is impossible the constitutional powers +of the world should permit without a word of protest Russia to interfere +with the domestic concerns of Hungary; and look! Russia has interfered, +the laws of nations are broken, the political balance of power is upset. +Russia has assumed the position of a despotic arbiter of the condition +of the world, and still nobody has raised a single word of protest in +favour of Hungary's just and holy cause." Such was the insinuation, +which Russian diplomacy, with its wonted subterraneous skill, instilled +drop by drop into my brave people's manly heart; and alas! I could not +say that the insinuation was false. _The French Republic_, instead +of protesting against the interference of Russia, _followed its +example and interfered itself at Rome_. _Great Britain_, instead +of protesting, _checked Turkey in her resolution to oppose that new +aggrandizement of Russia_; and _the United States of America_ +remained silent, instead of protesting against the violation of those +"laws of nature and of nature's God," in the maintenance of which nobody +can be more interested than the great Republic of America. + +In short, it was by our feeling forsaken, that the skill of our enemies +spread despondency through our ranks; and this despondency, not the arms +of Russia, caused us to fall. Self-confidence lost is more than half a +defeat. Had America sent a diplomatic agent to Hungary, greeting us +amongst the independent powers on earth, recognizing our independence, +and declaring Russian interference to be contrary to the laws of +nations, that despondency, that loss of self-confidence, had never +gained ground among us; without this, treason would have been +impossible, and without treason all the disposable power of Russia would +never have succeeded to overcome our arms;--never! I should rather have +brought the well-deserved punishment home to her, should have shaken her +at home. Poland--heroic, unfortunate Poland would now be free, Turkey +delivered from the nightmare now pressing her chest, and I, according to +all probability, should have seen Moscow in triumph, instead of seeing +Salem in exile! + +Well, there is a just God in heaven, and there will yet be justice on +earth;--the day of retribution will come! + +Such being the sad tale of my fatherland, which, by a timely token of +your brotherly sympathy might have been saved, and which now has lost +everything except its honour, its trust in God, its hope of +resurrection, its confidence in my patriotic exertions, and its steady +resolution to strike once more the inexorable blow of retribution at +tyrants and tyranny;--if the cause I plead were a particular cause, I +would place it upon the ground of well-deserved sympathy, and would try +to kindle into a flame of excitement the generous affections of your +hearts: and I should succeed. + +But since a great crisis, which is universally felt to be approaching, +enables me to claim for my cause a universality not restricted by the +geographical limits of a country or even of Europe itself, or by the +moral limits of nationalities, but possessing an interest common to all +the Christian world; it is calm, considerate conviction, and _not_ +the passing excitement of generous sentiments, which I seek. I hope +therefore to meet the approbation of this intelligent assembly, when +instead of pleasing you by an attempt at eloquence, for which, in my +sick condition, I indeed have not sufficient freshness of mind--I enter +into some dry but not unimportant considerations, which the citizens of +Salem, claiming the glory of high commercial reputation, will kindly +appreciate. + +Gentlemen, I have often heard the remark, that if the United States do +not care for the policy of the world, they will continue to grow +internally, and will soon become the mightiest realm on earth, a +Republic of a hundred millions of energetic freemen, strong enough to +defy all the rest of the world, and to control the destinies of mankind. +And surely this is your glorious lot; but _only under the +condition_, that no hostile combination, before you have in peace and +in tranquillity grown so strong, arrests by craft and violence your +giant-course; and this again is possible, only under the condition that +Europe become free, and the league of despots become not sufficiently +powerful to check the peaceful development of your strength. But Russia, +too, the embodiment of the principle of despotism, is working hard for +the development of _her_ power. Whilst you grow internally, her +able diplomacy has spread its nets all over the continent of Europe. +There is scarcely a Prince there but feels honoured to be an underling +of the great Czar; the despots are all leagued against the freedom of +the nations: and should the principle of absolutism consolidate its +power, and lastingly keep down the nations, then it must, even by the +instinct of self-preservation, try to check the further development of +your Republic. In vain they would have spilt the blood of millions, in +vain they would have doomed themselves to eternal curses, if they +allowed the United States to become the ruling power on earth. They +crushed poor Hungary, because her example was considered dangerous. How +could they permit you to become so mighty, as to be not only dangerous +by your example, but by your power a certain ruin to despotism? They +will, they must, do everything to check your glorious progress. Be +sure, as soon as they have crushed the spirit of freedom in Europe, as +soon as they command all the forces of the Continent, they will marshal +them against you. Of course they will not lead their fleets and armies +at once across the Ocean. They will first damage your prosperity by +crippling your commerce. They will exclude America from the markets of +Europe, not only because they fear the republican propagandism of your +commerce, but also because Russia requires those markets for her own +products. + +[He proceeded to argue, that Russian policy, like that of the Magyars in +their time of barbarism, is essentially encroaching and warlike; that to +be _feared_, is often more important to Russia than to enjoy a +particular market; that the Russian system of commerce is, and must be, +prohibitory to republican traffic; that England alone in Europe has +large commerce with America, and that the despots, if victorious on the +continent, would make it their great object to damage, cripple, and ruin +both these kindred constitutional nations. He continued:] + +The despots are scheming to muzzle the English lion. You see already how +they are preparing for this blow--that Russia may become mistress of +Constantinople, by Constantinople mistress of the Mediterranean, and by +the Mediterranean of three-quarters of the globe. Egypt, Macedonia, +Asia-Minor, the country and early home of the cotton plant, are then the +immediate provinces of Russia, a realm with twenty million serfs, +subject to its policy and depending on its arbitrary will. + +Here is a circumstance highly interesting to the United States. +Constantinople is the key to Russia. To be preponderant, she knows it is +necessary for her to be a maritime power. The Black Sea is only a lake, +like Lake Leman; the Baltic is frozen five months in a year. These are +all the seas she possesses. Constantinople is the key to the palace of +the Czars. Russia is already omnipotent on the Continent; once master of +the Mediterranean, it is not difficult to see that the power which +already controls three-quarters of the world, will soon have the fourth +quarter. + +Whilst the victory of the nations of Europe would open to you the +markets, till now closed to your products, the consolidation of +despotism destroys your commerce unavoidably. If your wheat, your +tobacco, your cotton, were excluded from Europe but for one year, there +is no farm, no plantation, no banking-house, which would not feel the +terrible shock of such a convulsion. + +And hand-in-hand with the commercial restrictions you will then see an +establishment of monarchies from Cape Horn to the Rio Grande del Norte. +Cuba becomes a battery against the mouth of the Mississippi; the +Sandwich Islands a barrier to your commerce on the Pacific; Russian +diplomacy will foster your domestic dissensions and rouse the South +against the North, and the North against the South, the sea-coast +against the inland States, and the inland States against the sea-coast, +the Pacific interests against the Atlantic interests; and when discord +paralyzes your forces, then comes at last the foreign interference, +preceded by the declaration, that the European powers having, with your +silent consent, inscribed into the code of international law, the +principle that every foreign power has the right to interfere in the +domestic affairs of any nation when these become a dangerous example, +and your example and your republican principles being dangerous to the +absolutist powers, and your domestic dissensions dangerous to the order +and tranquillity of Europe, and therefore they consider it their "duty +to interfere in America." And Europe being oppressed, you will have, +single-handed, to encounter the combined forces of the world! I say no +more about this subject. America will remember then the poor exile, if +it does not in time enter upon that course of policy, which the +intelligence of Massachusetts, together with the young instinct of Ohio, +are the foremost to understand and to advance. + +A man of your own State, a President of the United States, John Quincy +Adams, with enlarged sagacity, accepted the Panama Mission, to consider +the action of the Holy Alliance upon the interests of the South American +Republics. + +Now, I beg you to reflect, gentlemen, how South America is different +from Europe, as respects your own country. Look at the thousand ties +that bind you to Europe. In Washington, a Senator from California, a +generous friend of mine, told me he was _thirty_ days by steamer +from the Seat of Government. Well, you speak of distance--just give me +a good steamer and good sailors, and you will in _twenty_ days see +the flag of freedom raised in Hungary. + +I remember that when one of your glorious Stars (Florida, I think it +was) was about to be introduced, the question of discussion and +objection became, that the distance was great. It was argued that the +limits of the government would be extended so far, that its duties could +not be properly attended to. The President answered, that the distance +was not too great, if the seat of government could be reached in thirty +days. So far you have extended your territory; and I am almost inclined +to ask my poor Hungary to be accepted as a Star in your glorious galaxy. +She might become a star in this immortal constellation, since she is not +so far as thirty days off from you. + +What little English I know, I learned from your Shakespeare, and I +learned from him that "there are more things in heaven and earth than +are dreamed of in our philosophy." Who knows what the future may bring +forth? I trust in God that all nations will become free, and that they +will be united for the internal interests of humanity, and in that +galaxy of freedom I know what place the United States will have. + +One word more. When John Quincy Adams assumed for the United States the +place of a power on earth, he was objected to, because it was thought +possible that that step might give offence to the Holy Alliance. His +answer was in these memorable words: "The United States must take +counsel of their rights and duties, and not from their fears." + +The Anglo-Saxon race represents constitutional governments. If it be +united for these, we shall have what we want, Fair Play; and, relying +"upon our God, the justness of our cause, iron wills, honest hearts and +good swords," my people will strike once more for freedom, independence, +and for Fatherland. + + * * * * * + +XLV.--THE MARTYRS OF THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. + +[_Lexington, May 11th_.] + +Kossuth having been invited to visit the first battle fields of the +Revolution, was accompanied by several members of the State Committee, +on May 11th, to West Cambridge, Lexington, and Concord. He had already +visited Bunker Hill on the 3d of May, but we have not in these pages +found room for his speech there. At West Cambridge he was addressed by +the Rev. Thomas Hill, and replied: at Lexington also he received two +addresses, and the following was his reply:-- + +Gentlemen,--It has been often my lot to stand upon classical ground, +where the whispering breeze is fraught with wonderful tales of devoted +virtue, bright glory, and heroic deeds. And I have sat upon ruins of +ancient greatness, blackened by the age of centuries; and I have seen +the living ruins of those ancient times, called men, roaming about the +sacred ground, unconscious that the dust which clung to their boots, was +the relic of departed demigods--and I rose with a deep sigh. Those +demigods were but men, and the degenerate shapes that roamed around me, +on the hallowed ground, were also not less than men. The decline and +fall of nations impresses the mark of degradation on nature itself. It +is sad to think upon--it lops the soaring wings of the mind, and chills +the fiery arms of energy. But, however dark be the impression of such +ruins of vanished greatness upon the mind of men who themselves have +experienced the fragility of human fate, thanks to God, there are bright +spots yet on earth, where the recollections of the past, brightened by +present prosperity, strengthen the faith in the future of mankind's +destiny. Such a spot is this. + +Gentlemen, should the reverence which this spot commands allow a smile, +I might feel inclined to smile at the eager controversy whether it was +at Lexington or Concord that the fire of the British was first returned +by Americans. Let it be this way or that way,--it will neither increase +nor abate the merit of the martyrs who fell here. It is with their blood +that the preface of your nation's history is written. Their death was, +and always will be, the first bloody revelation of America's destiny; +and Lexington, the opening scene of a revolution, of which Governor +Boutwell was right to say, that it is destined to change the character +of human governments, and the condition of the human race. + +Should the Republic of America ever lose the consciousness of this +destiny, that moment would be just so surely the beginning of America's +decline, as the 19th of April, 1775, was the beginning of the Republic +of America. + +Prosperity is not always, gentlemen, a guarantee of the future, if it be +not accompanied with a constant resolution to obey the call of the +genius of the time. Nay, material prosperity is often the mark of real +decline, when it either results in, or is connected with, a moral +stagnation in the devoted attachment to principles. Rome was never +richer, never mightier, than under Trajan, and still it had already the +sting of death in its very heart. + +To me, whenever I stand upon such sacred ground as this, the spirits of +the departed appear like the prophets of future events. The language +they speak to my heart is the revelation of Providence. + +The struggle of America for independence was providential. It was a +necessity. Those circumstances which superficial consideration takes for +the motives of the glorious Revolution, were but accidental +opportunities for it. Had those circumstances not occurred, others would +have occurred, and might have presented perhaps a different opportunity; +but the Revolution would have come. It was a necessity, because the +colonies of America had attained that lawful age in the development of +all the elements of national existence, which claims the right to stand +by itself, and cannot any longer be led by a child's leading-strings, be +the hand which leads it a mother's or a step-mother's. Circumstances and +the connection of events were such, that this unavoidable emancipation +had to pass the violent concussion of severe trials. The immortal glory +of your forefathers was, that they did not shrink to accept the trial, +and were devoted and heroic to sacrifice themselves to their country's +destiny. And the monuments you erect to their memory, and the religious +reverence with which you cherish the memory, are indeed well deserved +tributes of gratitude. + +But allow me to say, there is a tribute which those blessed spirits are +still more eager to claim from you as the happy inheritance of the +fruits they have raised for you; it is, the tribute of always remaining +_true to their principle_; devoted to the destiny of your country, +which destiny is to become the corner-stone of LIBERTY on earth. Empires +can be only maintained by the same virtue by which they have been +founded. Oh! let me hope that, while the recollections connected with +this hallowed ground, inspire the heart of a wandering exile with +consolation, with hope, and with perseverance (from the very fact that I +have stood here, brought with the anxious prayers and expectations of +the Old World's oppressed millions), you will see the finger of God +pointing out the appropriate opportunity to act your part in America's +destiny, by maintaining the laws of _Nature and of Nature's God_, +for which your heroes fought and your martyrs died; and to regenerate +the world. + + "Proclaiming freedom in the name of God," + +till--to continue in the beautiful words of your Whittier-- + + ----"Its blessings fall + Common as dew and sunshine over all." + +[From Lexington Kossuth proceeded to Concord, and was there addressed by +the well-known author, Ralph Waldo Emerson. His reply was at greater +length, and on the same subject as at Lexington; yet a part of it may +here be printed.] + +Kossuth said:-- + +In my opinion, there is not a single event in history so distinctly +marked to be providential--and providential with reference to all +humanity--as the colonization, revolution, and republicanism of the now +United States of America. + +This immense continent being peopled with elements of European +civilization, could not remain a mere appendix to Europe. But when it is +connected with Europe by a thousand social, moral, and material ties, by +blood, religion, language, science, civilization, and commerce, to +believe that it can rest isolated in politics from Europe, would be just +such a fault as it was that England did not believe in time the +necessity of America's independence. Yes, gentlemen, this is so sure to +me, that I would pledge life, honour, and everything dear to man's heart +and honourable to man's memory, that either America must take her +becoming part in the political regeneration of Europe, or she herself +must yield to the pernicious influence of European politics. There was +never yet a more fatal mistake, than it would be to believe, that by not +caring about the political condition of Europe, America may remain +unaffected by the condition of Europe. I could perhaps understand such +an opinion, if you would or could be entirely isolated from Europe; but +as you are not isolated, as you cannot be, as you cannot even have the +will to be (for that very will would be a paradox, a logical absurdity, +impossible to be carried out, being contrary to the eternal laws of God, +which he for nobody's sake will change); therefore to believe that you +can go on to be connected with Europe in a thousand respects, and still +remain unaffected by its social and political condition, would be indeed +a fatal delusion. + +You stretch out your gigantic hands a thousandfold every day over the +waves; your relations with Europe are not only commercial as with Asia, +they are also social, moral, spiritual, intellectual; you take Europe +every day by the hand. How then could you believe, that if that hand of +Europe, which you grasp every day, remains dirty, you can escape from +soiling your own hands? The cleaner they are, all the more will the +filth of old Europe stick to them. There is no possible means to escape +from being soiled, than to help us, Europeans, to wash the hands of our +old world. + +You have heard of the ostrich, that when persecuted by an enemy, it is +wont to hide its head, leaving its body exposed; it believes that by not +regarding it, it will not be seen by the enemy. That curious aberration +is worthy of reflection. It is _typical_. + +Yes, gentlemen, either America will _re_generate the condition of +the old world, or it will be _de_generated by the condition of the +old world. + +Sir, I implore you (Mr. Emerson), give me the aid of your philosophical +_analysis_, to impress the conviction upon the public mind of your +nation that the Revolution, to which CONCORD was the preface, is full of +a higher destiny--of a destiny broad as the world, broad as humanity +itself. Let me entreat you to apply the analytic powers of your +penetrating intellect, to disclose the character of the American +Revolution, as you disclose the character of self-reliance, of spiritual +laws, of intellect, of nature, or of politics. Lend the authority of +your judgment to the truth, that the destiny of American revolution is +not yet fulfilled; that the task is not yet completed; that to stop half +way, is worse than would have been not to stir: repeat those words of +deep meaning which once you wrote about the monsters that looked +backward, and about the walking with reverted eye, while the voice of +the Almighty says, "_up and onward for ever more_," while moreover +the instinct of your people, which never fails to be right, answered the +call of destiny by taking for its motto the word _ahead_. + +Indeed, gentlemen, the monuments you raised to the heroic martyrs who +fertilized with their hearts' blood the soil of liberty--these monuments +are a fair tribute of well-deserved gratitude, gratifying to the spirits +who are hovering around us and honourable to you. Woe to the people +which neglect to honour its great and good men; but believe me, +gentlemen, those blessed spirits would look down with saddened brows to +this free and happy land, if ever they were doomed to see that the happy +inheritors of their martyrdom imagined that the destiny to which that +martyr blood was consecrated, is accomplished, and its price fully paid +in the already achieved results, because the living generation dwells +comfortably and makes TWO DOLLARS out of _one_. + +No, gentlemen, the stars in the sky have a higher aim than merely to +illumine the night-path of some lonely wanderer. The course your nation +is called to run, is not yet half performed. Mind the fable of +Atalanta: it was a golden apple thrown into her way which made her fall +short in her race. + +Two things I have met here in these free and mighty United States, which +I am at a loss how to make concord. The two things I cannot harmonize +are:--First, that all your historians, all your statesmen, all your +distinguished orators, who wrote or spoke, characterize it as AN ERA in +mankind's history, destined to change the condition of the world, upon +which it will rain an everflowing influence. And secondly, in +contradiction to this universally adopted creed, I have met in many +quarters a propensity to believe that it is conservative wisdom not to +take any active part in the regulation of the outward world. + +These two things do not agree. If that be the destiny of America, which +you all believe to be, then that destiny can never be fulfilled by +acting the part of passive spectators, and by this very passivity +granting a charter to ambitious Czars to dispose of the condition of the +world. + +I have met distinguished men trusting so much to the operative power of +your institutions and of your _example_, that they really believe +they will make their way throughout the world merely by their _moral +influence_. But there is one thing those gentlemen have disregarded +in their philanthropic reliance; and that is, that the ray of the sun +never yet made its way by itself through well-closed shutters and +doors--they must be drawn open, that the blessed rays of the sun may get +in. I have never yet heard of a despot who yielded to the moral +influence of liberty. The ground of Concord itself is an evidence of it; +the doors and shutters of oppression must be opened by bayonets, that +the blessed rays of your institutions may penetrate into the dark +dwelling-house of oppressed humanity. + +There are men who believe the position of a power on earth will come to +you by itself; but oh! do not trust to this fallacy; a position never +comes by itself; it must be taken, and taken it never will be by +passivity. + +The martyrs who have hallowed by their blood the ground of Concord, +trusted themselves and occupied the place Divine Providence assigned +them. Sir, the words are yours which I quote. You have told your people +that they are now men, and must accept in the highest mind the same +destiny, that they are not minors and invalids in a protected corner; +but guides, redeemers, and benefactors, advancing on chaos and on the +dark. + +I pray God to give to your people the sentiment of the truth you have +taught. + +Your people, fond of its prosperity, loves peace. Well, who would not +love peace; but allow me again, sir, to repeat with all possible +emphasis, the great word you spoke, "Nothing can bring you peace but the +triumph of principles." + + * * * * * + +XLVI.--CONDITION OF EUROPE. + +[_Last Speech in Boston_.] + +On May 14th, Kossuth, in obedience to a distinct invitation, delivered, +in Faneuil Hall, the following ample Speech or Lecture, on the present +condition of Europe. + +Ladies and gentlemen,--The gigantic struggle of the first French +Revolution associated the name of FRANCE so much with the cause of +freedom in Europe, that all the world got accustomed to see it take the +lead in the struggle for European liberty; and to look to it as a power +entrusted by Providence with the initiation of revolutions; as a power, +without the impulse of which, no liberal movement had any hope on the +European continent. + +I, from my earliest days, never shared that opinion. I felt always more +sympathy with the Anglo-Saxon character and Anglo-Saxon institutions, +which raised England, notwithstanding its monarchy and its aristocracy, +to a position prouder than Rome ever held in its most glorious days: and +which, free from monarchical and aristocratical elements here in +America, lie at the foundation of a political organization, upon which +the first true democratic Republic was consolidated and developed into +freedom, power, and prosperity, in such a short time, as to make it a +living wonder to the contemporary age, and a book full of instruction to +the coming generations. + +However, that opinion about the French initiative prevailed in Europe, +and it was a great misfortune; for you know that France has always as +yet forsaken the movement which it raised in Europe, and the other +nations acting not spontaneously, but only following the impulse which +the French had imparted to them, faltered and stopped at once, as soon +as the French failed them. With that opinion of the French supremacy, no +revolution in Europe could have a definite, happy issue. + +Freedom never yet was given to nations as a gift, but only as a reward, +bravely earned by one's own exertions, own sacrifices, and own toil; and +never will, never shall it be attained otherwise. + +I speak therefore out of profound conviction, when I say that, though +the heart of the philanthropist must feel pained at the new hard trials +to which the French nation is, and will yet be exposed, by the momentary +success of Louis Napoleon Bonaparte's inglorious usurpation, still that +very fact will prove advantageous to the ultimate success of liberty in +Europe. Louis Napoleon's _coup d'etat_, much against his will, has +emancipated Europe from its reliance upon France. The combined +initiative of nations has succeeded to the initiative of France; +spontaneity and self-reliance have replaced the depending on foreign +impulse and reliance upon foreign aid. France is reduced to the level +amongst nations, obliged to join general combinations, instead of +regulating them; and this I take for a very great advantage. Many have +wondered at the momentary success of Louis Napoleon, and are inclined to +take it for an evidence that the French nation is either not capable or +not worthy to be free. But that is a great fallacy. The momentary +success of Louis Napoleon is rather an evidence that France is +_thoroughly democratic_. All the revolutions in France have +resulted in the preponderance of that class which bears the denomination +of _bourgeoisie_. Amongst all possible modifications of +oppression, none is more detested by the people than oppression by an +Assembly. The National Assembly of France was the most treacherous the +world has ever yet known. Issued from universal suffrage, it went so far +as to abolish universal suffrage, and every day of its existence was a +new blow stricken at democracy for the profit of the bourgeoisie. Louis +Napoleon has beaten asunder that Assembly, which the French democracy +had so many reasons to hate and to despise, and the people applauded him +as the people of England applauded Cromwell when he whipped out the Rump +Parliament. + +But by what means was Louis Napoleon permitted to do even what the +people liked to see done? By no other means, but by flattering the +principle of Democracy; he restored the universal suffrage; it is an +execrable trick, to be sure--it is a shadow given for reality; but still +it proves that the democratic spirit is so consolidated in France, that +even despotic ambition must flatter it. Well, depend upon it, this +democracy, which the victorious usurper feels himself constrained to +flatter in the brightest moments of his triumph--this democracy will +either make out of Louis Napoleon _a tool_, which in spite of +itself serves the democracy, or it will crush him. + +France is the country of sudden changes, and of unthought of accidents. +I therefore will not presume to tell the events of its next week, but +one alternative I dare to state: Louis Napoleon either falls or +maintains himself. The fall of Louis Napoleon, even if brought about by +the old monarchical parties, can have no other issue than a Republic--a +Republic more faithful to the community of freedom in Europe than all +the former Revolutions have been. Or if Louis Napoleon maintains +himself, he can do so only either by relying upon the army, or by +flattering the feelings and interests of the masses. If he relies upon +the army, he must give to it glory and profit, or, in other words, he +must give to it war. Well, a war of France, against whomsoever it be, or +for whatever purposes, is the best possible chance for the success of a +European Revolution. Or if Louis Napoleon relies upon the feelings of +the masses--as indeed he appears willing to do--in that case, in spite +of himself, he becomes a tool in the hands of democracy; and if, by +becoming such, he forsakes the allegiance of his masters--the league of +absolutistical powers--well, he will either be forced to attack them, or +be attacked by them. + +So much for France; now as to ITALY. + +Italy! the sunny garden of Europe, whose blossoms are blighted by the +icy north wind from St. Petersburg--Italy, that captured nightingale, +placed under a fragrant bush of roses, beneath an ever blue sky! Italy +was always the battlefield of the contending principles, since, hundreds +of years ago, the German emperors, the kings of Spain, and the kings of +France, fought their private feuds, their bloody battles on her much +coveted soil; and by their destructive influence, kept down all +progress, and fostered every jealousy. By the recollections of old, the +spirit of liberty was nowhere so dangerous for European absolutism as in +Italy. And this spirit of republican liberty, this warlike genius of +ancient Rome, was never extinguished between the Alps and the Faro. + +We are taught by the scribes of absolutism to speak of the Italians as +if they were a nation of cowards, and we forget that the most renowned +masters of the science of war, the greatest generals up to our day, were +Italians,--Piccolomini, Montecucculi, Farnese, Eugene of Savoy, Spinola, +and Bonaparte--a galaxy of names whose glory is dimmed only by the +reflection that none of them fought for his own country. As often as the +spirit of liberty awoke in Italy, the servile forces of Germany, of +Spain, and of France poured into the country, and extinguished the +glowing spark in the blood of the people, lest it should once more +illumine the dark night of Europe. Frederic Barbarossa destroyed Milan +to its foundations, when it attempted to resist his imperial +encroachments by the league of independent cities; and led the plough +over the smoking ruins. Charles the Fifth had to gather all his powers +around him to subdue Florence, when it declared itself a democratic +republic. Napoleon extinguished the last remnants of republican +self-government by crushing the republics of Venice, Genoa, Lucca, +Ragusa, and left only, to ridicule republicanism, the commonwealth of +San Marino untouched. The Holy Alliance parted the spoils of Napoleon, +riveted afresh the iron fetters which enslave Italy, and forged new +spiritual fetters; prevented the extension of education, and destroyed +the press, in order that the Italians should not remember their past. + +Every page, glorious in their history for twenty-five centuries, is +connected with the independence of Italy; every stain upon their honour +is connected with foreign rule. And the burning minds of the Italians, +though all spiritual food is denied to them, cannot be taught not to +remember their past glory and their present degradation. Every stone +speaks of the ancient glory; every Austrian policeman, every French +soldier, of the present degradation. The tyrants have no power to unmake +history, and to silence the feelings of the nation. And amongst all the +feelings powerful to stir up the activity of mankind, there is none more +penetrating than unmerited degradation, which impels us to redeem our +lost honour. What is it therefore that keeps those petty tyrants of +Italy, who are jealous of one another, on their tottering thrones, +divided as they are among themselves, whilst the revolutionizing spirit +of liberty unites the people? It is only the protection of Austria, +studding the peninsula with her bayonets and with her spies. And Austria +herself can dare this, only because she relies upon the assistance of +Russia. She can send her armies to Italy, because Russia guards her +eastern dominions. Let Russia stand off, and Austria is unable to keep +Italy in bondage; and the Italians, united in the spirit of +independence, will easily settle their account with their own weak +princes. Keep off the icy blast which blows from the Russian snows, and +the tree of freedom will grow up in the garden of Europe; though cut +down by the despots, it will spring anew from the roots in the soil, +which was always genial for the tree. Remember that no insurrection of +Italians has been crushed by their own domestic tyrants without foreign +aid; remember that one-third of the Austrian army which occupies Italy +are Hungarians who have fought against and triumphed over the +yellow-black flag of Austria--under the same tri-colour which, having +the same colours for both countries, show emblematically that Hungary +and Italy are but two wings of the same army, united against a common +enemy. Remember that even now neither the Pope nor the little Princes of +middle Italy can subsist without an Austrian and a French garrison; and +remember that Italy is a half isle, open from three sides to the +friendship of all who sympathize with civil and religious liberty on +earth; but from the sea not open to Russia and Austria, because they are +not maritime powers; and so long as England is conscious of the basis of +its power, and so soon as America gets conscious of the condition upon +which its future depends, Austria and Russia will never be allowed to +become maritime powers. + +And when you feel instinctively that the heart of the Roman must rage +with fury when he looks back into the mirror of his past,--that the +Venetian cannot help to weep tears of fire and of blood from the +Rialto;--when you feel all this, then look back how the Romans have +fought in 1849, with a heroism scarcely paralleled in the most glorious +day of ancient Rome. And let me tell, in addition, upon the certainty of +my own positive knowledge, that the world never yet has seen such +complete and extensive revolutionary organization as that of Italy +to-day--ready to burst out into an irresistible storm at the slightest +opportunity, and powerful enough to make that opportunity, if either +foreign interference is checked, or the interfering foreigners occupied +at home. The revolution of 1848 has revealed and developed the warlike +spirit of Italy. Except a few wealthy proprietors, already very +uninfluential, the most singular unanimity exists, both as to aim and to +means. There is no shade of difference of opinion, either to what is to +be done or how to do it. All are unanimous in their devotion to the +Union and Independence of Italy. With France or against France, by the +sword, at all sacrifices, without compromise, they are bent on renewing +the battle over and over again, with the confidence that, even without +aid, they will triumph in the long run. + +The difficulty in Italy is not how to make a revolution, but how to +prevent its untimely outbreak; and still even in that respect there is +such a complete discipline as the world never yet has seen. In Rome, +Romagna, Lombardy, Venice, Sicily, and all the middle Italy, there +exists an invisible government, whose influence is everywhere +discernible. It has eyes and hands in all departments of public service, +in all classes of society--it has its taxes voluntarily paid--its +organized force, its police, its newspapers regularly printed and +circulated, though the possession of a single copy would send the holder +to the galleys. The officers of the existing government convey the +missives of the invisible government, the diligences transport its +agents. One line from one of these agents opens to you the galleries of +art, on prohibited days--gives you the protection of uniformed +officials. + +That this is the condition of all Italy is shown on one side, in the +fact that there the King of Naples holds fettered in dungeons 25,000 +patriots, and Radetzky has sacrificed nearly 4,000 political martyrs on +the scaffold; still the scaffold continues to be watered with blood, and +still the dungeons receive new victims, evidently proving what spirit +exists in the people of Italy. + +And still Americans doubt that we are on the eve of a terrible +revolution; and they ask, What use can I make of any material aid? when +Italy is a barrel of powder, which the slightest spark may light. + +In respect to foreign rule, GERMANY is more fortunate than Italy. From +the times of the treaty of Verdun, when it separated from France and +Italy, through the long period of more than a thousand years, no foreign +power ever has succeeded to rule over Germany; such is the resistive +power of the German people to guard its national existence. The tyrants +who swayed over them were of their own blood. But to subdue German +liberty, those tyrants were always anxious to introduce foreign +institutions. First, they swept away the ancient Germanic right, the +common law so dear to the English and American, an eternal barrier +against the encroachments of despotism, and substituted for it the iron +rule of the imperial Roman law. The rule of papal Rome over the minds of +Germany crossed the mountains together with the Roman law, and a +spiritual dependency was to be established all over the world. The wings +of the German eagle were bound, that it should not soar up to the sun of +truth. But when the oppression became too severe, the people of Germany +rose against the power of Rome;--not the princes,--though they too were +oppressed: but the son of the miner of Eisenach, the poor friar, Martin +Luther, defied the Pope on his throne, and at his bidding the people of +Germany proved, that it is strong enough to shake off oppression; that +it is worthy, and that it knows how, to be free. And again, when the +French, under their Emperor, whose genius comprehended everything except +freedom, extended their moral sway over Germany, when the princes of +Germany thronged around the foreign despot, begging kingly crowns from +the son of the Corsican lawyer, with whom the Emperors were happy to +form matrimonial alliances--with the man who had no other ancestors than +his genius,--then it was again the people, which did not join in the +degradation of its rulers, but jealous to maintain their national +independence, turned the foreigner out though his name was Napoleon, and +broke the yoke asunder, which weighed as heavily upon their princes as +upon themselves. And still there are men in America who despair of the +vitality of the Germans, of their indomitable power to resist +oppression, of their love of freedom, and of their devotion to it, +proved by a glorious history of two thousand years. The German race is a +power, the vitality and influence of which you can trace through the +_world's_ history for two thousand years; you can trace it through +the history of science and heroism, of industry, and of bold +enterprizing spirit. Your own country, your own national character, bear +the mark of German vitality. Other nations, now and then, were great by +some great men--the German people was always great by itself. + +But the German princes cannot bear independence and liberty; they had +rather themselves become slaves, the underlings of the Czar, than allow +that their people should enjoy some liberty. An alliance was therefore +formed, which they blasphemously called the Holy Alliance,--with the +avowed purpose to keep the people down. The great powers guaranteed to +the smaller princes--whose name is Legion, for they are many,--the power +to fleece and torment their people, and promised every aid to them +against the insurrection of those, who would find that for liberty's +sake it is worth while to risk their lives and property. It was an +alliance for the oppression of the nations, not for the maintenance of +the princely prerogative. When the Grand-Duke of Baden, in a fit of +liberality, granted his people the liberty of the press, the Emperor of +Austria and the King of Prussia abolished the law, though it had been +carried unanimously by the Legislature of Baden and sanctioned by the +prince.--The Holy Alliance had guaranteed to the princes the power to +oppress, but not the power to benefit their people. + +But though the great powers interfered often in the principalities and +little kingdoms of Germany, indeed as often as the spirit of liberty +awoke, yet they themselves avoided every occasion which would have +forced them to request the aid of their allies, and especially of +Russia. They knew too well, that to accept foreign aid against their own +people, was nothing else than to lose independence, and was morally the +same as to kneel down before the Czar and to take the oath of +allegiance. A government which needs foreign aid against its own people, +avows that it cannot stand without foreign aid. Take that foreign +aid--interference!--away, and it falls. + +The dynasties of Austria and Prussia were aware of this. They therefore +yielded, as often as their encroachments met a firm resistance from the +people. When my nation so resolutely resisted in 1823 the attempt to +abolish the constitution, Prince Metternich himself advised the Emperor +Francis to yield, and even humbly to apologize to the Diet of 1825. The +King of Prussia granted even a kind of constitution rather than claim +the assistance of the Czar. Herein you may find the explanation of the +fact that the continent of Europe is not yet republican. The spirit of +freedom, when roused by oppression, was lulled into sleep by +constitutional concessions. The Czar of Russia was well aware, that this +system of compromise prevents his intruding into the domestic concerns +of Europe, which would lead him to the sovereign mastership over all; he +therefore did everything to push the sovereigns to extremities. But this +did not succeed, until by a palace-revolution in Vienna a weak and cruel +youth was placed on the throne of Austria, and a passionate woman got +the reins of government in her hand, and an unprincipled, reckless +adventurer was ready to carry out every imperial whim, regardless of the +honour of his country and the interests of his master. Russia at last +got her aim. Rather than acknowledge the rights of Hungary, they bowed +before the Czar, and gave up the independence of the Austrian throne; +they became the underlings of a foreign power, rather than allow that +one of the peoples of the European Continent should be really free. +Since the fall of Hungary, Russia is the real sovereign of all Germany; +for the first time Germany has a foreign master! and you believe that +Germany will bear that in the nineteenth century which it never yet has +borne? Bear that in fulness of age which it never bore in childhood? +Soon after, and through the fall of Hungary, the pride of Prussia was +humiliated. Austrian garrisons occupied Hamburg; Schleswig-Holstein was +abandoned, Hessia was chastised, and all that is dear to Germans +purposely affronted. Their dreams of greatness, their longing for unity, +their aspirations of liberty, were trampled down into the dust, and +ridicule was thrown upon all elevation of mind, upon all manifestation +of patriotism. Hassenburg, convicted of forgery by the Prussian courts, +became Minister in Hessia; the once outlawed Schwarzenbeg, and Bach, a +renegade republican, Ministers of Austria. The peace of the graveyard, +which tyrants, under the name of order, are trying to enforce upon the +world, has for its guardians outlawed reprobates, forgers, and +renegades. Could you believe that with such elements the spirit of +liberty can be crushed? Tyrants know that to habituate nations to +oppression, the moral feeling of the people has to be killed. But could +you really believe that the moral feeling of such a people as the +German, stamped in the civilization of which it was one of the +generating elements, can be killed, or that it can bear for a long while +such an outrage? Do you think that the people which met the insolent +bulls of the Pope in Rome by the Reformation and the thirty years' war, +and the numberless armies of Napoleon by a general rising--that this +people will tamely submit to the Russian influence, more arrogant than +the Papal pretensions, more disastrous than the exactions of the French +Empire? They broke the power of Rome and of Paris; will they agree to be +governed by St. Petersburg? Those who are accustomed to see in history +only the Princes, will say Aye, but they forget that since the +Reformation it is no longer the Princes who make the history, but the +People; they see the tops of the trees are bent by the powerful northern +hurricane, and they forget that the stem of the tree is unmoved. +Gentlemen, the German princes bow before the Czar, but the German people +will never bow before him. + +Let me sum up the philosophy of the present condition of Germany in +these few words: 1848 and 1849 have proved that the little tyrants of +Germany cannot stand by themselves, but only by their reliance upon +Austria and Prussia. These again cannot stand by themselves, but only by +their reliance upon Russia. Take this reliance away, by maintaining the +laws of nations against the principle of interference,--(for the joint +powers of America and England can maintain them)--and all the despotic +governments, reduced to stand by their own resources of power, must fall +before the never yet subdued spirit of the people of Germany, like +rotten fruit touched by a gale. + +Let me now speak about the condition of my own dear native land. I hope +not to meet any contradiction when I say that no condition can and will +endure, which is so bad, so insupportable, that, by trying to change it, +a people can lose nothing, and may gain everything. No condition can and +will endure, the maintenance of which is contrary to every interest of +every class. A revolution on the contrary is unavoidable, when every +interest of every class wishes and requires it. I will first speak of +the lower, and still the most powerful of all, of the material interest. + +There are some countries, where, however insupportable the condition of +the masses, still the government has an ally in the mighty and +influential class of bankers, who lend their money to support despotism, +and in those who have invested their fortunes in the shares of these +loans, negotiated by bankers, who speculate on and with the fortunes of +small capitalists. That class of men, partly tools of oppression, +partly the fools of the tools, exists not in Hungary. We have no such +bankers in Hungary, and but a very small inconsiderable number who have +invested their fortunes in such loan-shares. And even the few who had +been playing in the fatal loan-share game have withdrawn from it, at any +price, because they feared to lose all. From that quarter therefore the +House of Austria has no ally in Hungary. + +As to our former aristocracy, a class influential by its connections, +and by its large landed property: you remember that, when we succeeded +to abolish the feudal charges, and converted millions of our countrymen, +of different religion and different language, out of leaseholders into +free landed proprietors, we guaranteed an indemnification to the +landowners for what they lost. From a farm of about thirty-five to fifty +acres of land, the farmer had to work one hundred and two days a year +for the landowner; to give him the ninth part of all his crops, half a +dollar in ready money, besides particular fees for shopkeeping, brewery, +mill, &c. We freed the people from all the encumbrances, and, thanks to +God! that benefit never more can be torn from the people's hands. The +aristocracy consented to it, because we had guaranteed full +indemnification. The very material existence of this class of former +landowners is depending on that indemnification, to defray their debts, +(which they formerly had the habit wantonly to contract,) and to provide +for the cultivation of their own large allodial property, which they +formerly cultivated by the hands of their leaseholders, but now have to +invest capital into. + +Now this indemnification, amounting to one hundred millions of dollars, +the House of Austria never can realize. You know, with its centralized +government, which is always very expensive, with its standing army of +600,000 men, the only support of its precarious existence, with its army +of spies and secret police, with its system of corruption and robbery, +with its fourteen hundred millions of debt, with its eternal deficit in +its current expenditures, with its new loans to pay the interest of the +old, and an unavoidable bankruptcy impending,--this indemnification +Austria never can pay to the former aristocracy of Hungary. The only +means to get this indemnification is the restoration of Hungary to its +independence by a new revolution. Independent Hungary can pay it, +because it has no debts, will want no large standing armies, and will +have a cheap administration, because not centralized, but municipal, the +people governing itself in and through municipalities, the cheapest of +all governments. + +Hungary has already pointed out the fund, out of which that +indemnification can and will be paid, without any imposition upon the +people, or any loss to the commonwealth. Hungary has large State lands, +belonging to and administered by the commonwealth. I have mathematically +proved that the landed property of the State, sold in small parcels to +those who have yet no land, connected with a banking operation founded +upon that property itself, to facilitate the payment of the price, is +more than sufficient for that indemnification; besides, a small land tax +(which the new owners of that immense property, divided into small +farms, will have to pay, as other landed proprietors), will yield more +revenue to the Commonwealth than all the proceeds of domestic +administration. + +This my proposition, having been submitted to the National Assembly, was +accepted and approved, and has attached to the Revolution the numerous +class of farm-labourers who have not yet their own farms, but who +contemplated with the liveliest joy this benevolent provision, which +Austria can never execute; since, financially ruined as she is, she +cannot be contented either with the tax revenue or the banking +arrangement, to defray the indemnification; she sells the stock whenever +she can find a man to buy it. + +But here is a remarkable fact, proving how little is the future of +Austria contemplated as sure even by its votaries. When any one is +willing to sell landed property in Hungary, foreign bankers, Austrian +capitalists buy it readily at an enormous price, because they know that +private transactions will be respected by our revolution; but _from +the Government_, nobody buys a single acre of land, because every man +knows that such a transaction must be considered void. Nay more, not +even as a gift is an estate accepted by any one from the present +government. Haynau himself was offered in reward a large landed property +by the government; he did not accept it, but preferred a comparatively +small sum of money, not amounting to one-tenth of the value of the +offered land, and he bought from a private individual a landed property, +for the money, because that, being a private transaction, is sure to +stand: whereas in the future of the Austrian government in Hungary not +even its Haynaus have confidence. + +The manufacturing interests in Hungary anxiously wish, and must wish, a +revolution, because manufacturing industry is entirely ruined now by +Austria. All favour, encouragement, and aid, which the national +government imparted to industry, is not only withdrawn, but replaced by +the old system,--which is, neither to allow Hungary free trade, so as to +buy manufactured articles where they can be had in the best quality or +at the cheapest price, nor to permit manufacturing at home; but to +preserve Hungary in the position of a colonial market--a condition +always regarded as insupportable, and sufficient motive for a +revolution, as you yourselves from your own history know. + +The commercial interest anxiously desire a revolution, because there +exists, in fact, no active commerce in Hungary, the Hungarian commerce +being degraded into a mere broker-ship of Vienna. + +All those who have yet in their hands the Hungarian bank notes issued by +my government, must wish a revolution; because Austria, alike foolish as +criminal, has declared them to be without value--thus they cannot be +restored to value but by a revolution. The amount of those bank notes in +the hands of the people is yet about twenty millions of dollars. No +menaces, no cruelty can induce the people to give it up to the usurper; +they put it into bottles and bury it in the earth. They say: it is good +money when Kossuth comes home. But while no menaces of Austria can +induce the people to give up this treasure of our impending revolution, +a single line of mine, sent home, is obeyed, and the money is treasured +up where I have designated. + +Do you now understand, gentlemen, by what motive I say that once at home +in command--if once our struggle is commenced, I do not want your +material aid, and neither wish nor would accept all your millions--but +that I want your material aid to get home, and to get home _in such a +way_ as will inspire confidence in my people, by seeing me bring home +the only thing which it has not--ARMS! + +But I am asked, where will I land? That, of course, I will not +say--perhaps directly at Vienna, like a Montgolfier, in a balloon; but +one thing I may say, because that is no secret:--remember that all Italy +is a sea-coast, and that Italy has the same enemy as Hungary--that Italy +is the left wing of that army of which Hungary is the right wing, and +that in Italy 40,000 Hungarian soldiers exist, as also, in general, in +the Austrian army 140,000 Hungarians. More I can, and will not say on +the subject. + +But I will say that all the amount of taxation the people of Hungary +formerly had to pay was but four and a half million dollars, and now it +has to pay sixty-five million dollars; that landowners offer their land +to the government, to get rid of the land tax, which is larger than all +the revenue; that we have raised 600,000 hundredweight of tobacco--now, +the monopoly of tobacco being introduced, the people no longer smokes +and has burnt its tobacco seed. We have raised 120 million gallons of +wine. Gentlemen, I come not to interfere with the domestic concerns of +America. I have no opinion about the Maine liquor-law. For myself I am +very fond of water, but still may say it is my opinion, it will be many +years before the Maine liquor-law will pass through all Europe. Well, +gentlemen, I was about to say, one half of the vineyards are cut +down;--hundreds of thousands live upon horticulture and fruit +cultivation; yet the trees are cut down to escape the heavy taxation +laid upon them. The stamp tax is introduced, the most insupportable to +freemen--village is divided from village, town from town, city from +city, by custom-lines--the poor peasant woman, bringing a dozen of eggs +to the market, has to pay the consumption-tax, before she is permitted +to enter; and when she brings medicine home for her sick child she has +again to pay before permitted to enter her home. + +And besides this material oppression, and the daily and nightly +vexations connected with it,--the Protestants deprived of the +self-government of their church and school, for which they have thrice +taken up arms victoriously in three centuries,--the Roman Catholics +deprived of the security of their church property,--the people of every +race deprived of its nationality, because there exists no public life +wherein to exert it, no national existence, no constitution, no +municipalities, no native law, no native officials, no security of +person and of property, but arbitrary power, martial law, and the +hangman and the jail,--and on the other side Hungarian patriotism, +Hungarian honour, Hungarian heroism, Hungarian vitality, stamped in the +vicissitudes of one thousand years, and _the consciousness that we +have beaten Austria_, when we had no army, no money, no friends, and +the knowledge that now we have an army, and for home purposes have money +in the safe-guarded bank notes, and have America for a friend; and in +addition to all this, the confidence of my people in my exertions, and +the knowledge of these exertions; of which my people is quite as well +informed as yourselves, nay, more, because it sees and knows what I do +at home, whereas you see only what I do here--well, if with all this you +still doubt about the struggle in Europe being nigh, and still despair +of its chance of success, then God be merciful to my poor brains, I know +not what to think. + +Some here take me for a visionary. Curious, indeed, if that man who, a +poor son of the people, took the lead in abolishing feudal injustices a +thousand years old, created a currency of millions in a moneyless +nation, and suddenly organized armies out of untrained masses of +civilians; directed a revolution so as to fix the attention of the whole +world upon Hungary, beat the old, well-provided power of Austria, and +crushed its future by his very fall, and forsaken, abandoned, in his +very exile is feared by Czars and Emperors, and trusted by foreign +nations as well as his own--if that man be a visionary, then for so much +pride I may be excused that I would like to look face to face into the +eyes of a practical man on earth. + +Gentlemen, I had many things yet to say. The condition, change, and +prospects of Europe are not spoken of so easily, as you have seen, when +only the condition of my own country is touched. I don't know that I +shall succeed, but I will try to say something about TURKEY. + +Turkey! which deserves your sympathy because it is the country of +municipal institutions, the country of religious toleration. Turkey, +when she extended her sway over Transylvania and half of Hungary, never +interfered with the way in which the inhabitants chose to govern +themselves; she even allowed those who lived within her dominions to +collect there the taxes voted by independent Hungary, with the aim to +make war against the Porte. Whilst in the other parts of Hungary, +Protestantism was oppressed by the Austrian policy, and the Protestants +several times compelled to take up arms for the defence of religious +liberty in Transylvania, under the sovereignty of the Porte the +Unitarians got political rights, and Protestantism grew up under the +protecting wings of the Ottoman power. + +The respect for municipal institutions is so deeply rooted in the minds +of the Turks, that at the time when they became masters of the Danubian +provinces of Moldavia and Wallachia, they voluntarily excluded +themselves from all political rights in the newly acquired provinces; +and up to the present day, they do not allow that a mosque should be +built, or that a Turk should dwell and own landed property across the +Danube. They do not interfere with the taxation or with the internal +administration of these provinces; and the last organic law of the +Empire, the Tanzimat, is nothing but the re-declaration of the rights of +municipalities, guaranteeing them against the centralizing encroachment +of the Pashas. Whilst Czar Nicholas is about to convert the Protestant +population of Livonia and Estland to the Greek church by force and by +alluring promises, the liberal Sultan Abdul Medjid grants full religious +liberty to all sects of Protestantism. But we are accustomed to look +upon Turkey as upon a third-rate power, only because in 1828 it was +defeated by Russia. Let us now see how the balance stood at that time, +and how it stands now. + +In 1828 the Turkish population was full of hatred on account of the +extermination of the Janissaries. The Christian population were ready to +rise against the government, on account of the events of the Greek war. +Albania was in revolt, because it was opposed to the system of +conscriptions for regular military service. Anatolia was discontented on +the same ground. Mehemet Ali possessed Egypt, and paralyzed the action +of the government in Arabia and Syria. Servia had just laid down arms, +but had not yet concluded peace. The Danubian principalities, though +unfavourable to Russia, were not hearty in support of the Porte, and +remained apathetic under the occupation of Russia. The revenue did not +exceed 400,000,000 piastres (20,000,000 dollars), and was insufficient +for a second campaign. The new army was not yet organized, and amounted +only to 32,000 men, without tried generals. The fleet had been destroyed +at Navarino. The foreign diplomatists had left the empire, and the +capital was exposed to an attack of the enemy. In such a position no +European government could have risked a war. + +Russia had just defeated Persia, and by this victory got access to the +Asiatic provinces of the Turkish empire; it had therefore to defend the +frontiers on both sides. Russia had not yet entered into Circassia, and +could therefore rally all her forces; she had not yet abolished the +Poland of 1815, and could leave it without garrisons; she had not yet +roused the hatred or the jealousies of Europe. She had engaged all the +natural allies of the Porte into a combination for rousing the +populations of her enemy, and by her diplomacy she gained the power of +bringing her fleet into the Mediterranean, for blockading the ports of +Turkey; and Navarino opened for her the Black Sea, where she had +thirteen men-of-war. Not disturbed by the Porte, by Circassia, by +Poland, by France, or by England, she had prepared two years for this +war, whilst her enemy, passing through a terrible crisis, was without +money, without an organized army, without a fleet, without other +resources than the feeble Mussulman population on the seat of war. + +Twenty-four years have altered the balance.--Turkey has now the +enthusiastic support of her Mussulman population. The Christian +population, with the only exception of Bulgaria, partakes of this +enthusiasm. All the warlike tribes, from Albania to Kurdistan, are now +supporting the authority of the Sultan. Mehemet Ali is gone; Arabia and +Syria are again under the dominion of the Sultan. Servia has made peace, +and has become the support of Turkey, offering her, in case of a Russian +war, 80,000 men. The Principalities have become the enemies of Russia; +they had too long to suffer from her oppression. The public revenue has +doubled. Turkey has organized a regular army of 200,000 men, equal to +any other, and besides, the militia, She has distinguished +generals--Omer Pasha, Gruyon. Her fleet is equal to the Russian fleet in +the Black Sea, and her steam-fleet superior to the Russian. She has for +allies all the people from the Caucasus to the Carpathians. The +Circassians, the Tartars under Emir Mirza, the Cossacks of the Dobroja, +by whom the electric shock is transmitted to Poland and Hungary, form an +unbroken chain, by which the spark is carried into the heart of Europe, +where all the combustible elements wait for the moment of explosion. +Twenty-four years ago Turkey was believed to be in a decaying state; it +is now stronger than it has been for the last hundred years. + +Russia, during this time, has been unable to overcome the resistance of +Circassia; and, cut off from her south-eastern provinces, she cannot +attack Turkey in the rear. The Caucasian lines furnished her, in 1828, +with 30,000 men; Poland with 100,000; the two countries require now an +army of observation and occupation of 200,000 men; the Danubian +principalities absorb again 50,000. + +The Russian fleet remains as it was in 1828--thirteen men-of-war then, +thirteen now: and whilst, in 1828, she had scarcely an enemy in Europe, +she has now scarcely one friend, except the kings. All her enemies, whom +she has defeated one by one, have combined against her--Poland, Hungary, +the Danubian principalities, Turkey, Circassia. + +Where is now the force of Russia! Does she not remind us of the golden +image of Nebuchadnezzar, standing on feet of clay? + +And yet, gentlemen, this Russia can make doubtful the struggle in +Europe--not because powerful in arms, but because it stands ready to +support tyrants, when nations are tired out in a struggle, or before +they have time to make preparations for resistance: then only is Russia +a power to be feared. Well, gentlemen, shall not America stand up, and +with powerful voice forbid Russia to interfere when nations have shaken +off their domestic tyrants? Gentlemen, remember that Peter the Czar left +a last will and testament to the people, that Russia must take +Constantinople. Why? that Russia might be a great power: and that it may +be so Constantinople is necessary, because no nation can be a great +power which is not a maritime power. Now see how Turkey has grown in +twenty-four years. The more Russia delays, the stronger Turkey becomes, +and therefore is Russia in haste to fulfil the destiny of being a +maritime power. + +You can now see why is my fear, that this week, or this month, or this +year, Russia will attack Turkey, and we shall not be entirely prepared: +but though you do not give us "material aid," still we must rise when +Turkey is attacked, because we must not lose its 400,000 soldiers. The +time draws nigh when you will see more the reason I have to hasten these +preparations, that they may be complete, whenever through the death of +Nicholas or Louis Napoleon or a thousand other things,--most probably a +war between Russia and Turkey,--we want to take time by the forelock. + +But, gentlemen, let me close. I am often told, let only the time come +when the Republican banner is unfurled in the Old World, then we shall +see what America will do. Well, gentlemen, your aid may come too late to +be rendered beneficial. Remember 1848 and 1849. Had the nations of +Europe not your sympathy? Were your hearts less generous than now? It +was not in time--it came after, not before. Was your government not +inclined to recognize nations? It sent Mr. Mann to Hungary to +_inquire_--would that when he inquired he had been authorized to +_recognize_ our achieved independence! + +Gentlemen, let me end. Before all, let me thank you for your generous +patience. This is my last meeting. Whatever may be my fate, so much I +can say, that the name of Boston and Massachusetts will remain a dear +word and a dear name, not only to me but to my people for all time. And +whatever my fate, I will, with the last breath of my life, raise the +prayer to God that he may bless you, and bless your city and bless your +country, and bless all your land, for all the coming time and to the end +of time; that your freedom and prosperity may still grow and increase +from day to day; and that one glory should be added to the glory which +you already have: the glory that America, Republican America, may unite +with her other principles the principle of Christian brotherly love +among the family of nations; and so may she become the corner stone of +Liberty on earth! That is my farewell word to you. + + * * * * * + +XLVII.--PRONOUNCEMENT OF ALL THE STATES. + +[_Albany, May 20th_.] + +On May 20th, Kossuth was received in Albany, the chief city of New York +State, by Governor Hunt, in the name of the citizens. In reply to his +address, Kossuth then addressed the audience substantially as follows:-- + +Gentlemen,--More than five months have passed since my landing in New +York. The novelty has long since subsided, and emotion has died away. +The spell is broken which distance and misfortune cast around my name. +The freshness of my very ideas is worn out. Incessant toils spread a +languor upon me, unpleasant to look upon. The skill of intrigues, +aspersing me with calumny; wilful misrepresentations, pouring cold water +upon generous sympathy; Louis Napoleon's momentary success, shaking the +faith of cold politicians in the near impendency of a European struggle +for liberty; and in addition to all this, the Presidential election, +absorbing public attention, and lowering every high aspiration into the +narrow scope of party spirit, busy for party triumph; all these +circumstances, and many besides too numerous to record, joined to make +it _probable_ that the last days of my wanderings on American soil +would be entirely different from those in which the hundred thousands of +the "Empire City,"[*] thundered up to the high heaven the cheers of +their hurrahs, till they sounded like a defiance of a free people to the +proud despots of the world. And yet, notwithstanding all these +disadvantageous concurrencies, NO change has taken place in the public +spirit of America. I may have lost in your kind estimation of my humble +self, but my cause has not lost. It is standing higher than ever it +stood, and the future in your country's policy is ensured to it. + +[Footnote *: New York.] + +Gentlemen, present bounty will never weaken in my mind the thankful +appreciation of former benefits. The generous manifestation of sympathy +I met on my arrival, will always remain recorded with unfading gratitude +in my heart; but no just man can feel offended when I say, that it is +the manner of the "_farewell_" which decides upon the value of the +"_welcome_." The result of my endeavours in America will not be +measured by how I was received when I came, but by how I am treated when +I leave. You know, "All's well that ends well," and to be well, things +must end well. And being about to close my task in America, I cannot +help to say, that the generous reception you have honoured me with, is +doubly gratifying to my countrymen, who have watched with intense +interest my progress in America--and doubly dear to my heart, because it +is an evidence that the "_farewell_" given to the wandering +exile's, course, confirms the expectations which the _"welcome"_ +had roused. + +The warm reception Albany has given me is like the point upon the letter +_"i"_--it decides its meaning. The metropolis of the Empire State +gave abundantly the first flowers to the garland of America's sympathy +for the condition of the Old World. Many a flower was added to it from +many a place. Wherever there is a people there was a new garden of +sympathy: and wherever be the obligations I owe--and gladly own--to many +a quarter of the United States, it is but a tribute due to justice +publicly to avow, that _Ohio_, with the bold resolution of its +youthful strength, and _Massachusetts_, with its consistent +traditional energy, stood pre-eminent in the decided comprehension of +America's destiny--and now the Capitol of the Empire State winds up the +garland of America. _New York_ achieves what New York has begun, +and thus, in leaving America, I have an answer to bring to Europe's +oppressed millions; and the answer is satisfactory, because I know what +position America will take in the approaching crisis of the world. + +There are moments in the national life of a people, when to adopt a +certain course becomes a natural necessity: and in such moments the +people always gets instinctively conscious of the necessity, and answers +it by adopting a direction spontaneously. That direction is decisive. It +must be followed: and it is followed. Pre-eminent patriots, joining in +the people's instinct, may become either the interpreters or the +executors of it; but they can neither impart their own direction to the +people, nor alter that which public opinion has fixed. There are no +other means to become a great man and a great patriot but by becoming +the impersonification of the public sentiment, conscious of a surpassing +public necessity. Those who would endeavour to measure great things by +a small individual scale, would always fall short in their calculations, +and be left behind. + +There have been already several such moments in your country's brief but +glorious history. I will only mention your glorious Revolution of 1775. +Who made that Revolution? The People; the unarmed heroes; the Public +Opinion. If the question had been left to the decision of some few, +though the best and the wisest of all, _they never would have advised +a struggle_; but would have arranged matters diplomatically. You +remember what anxious endeavours were made to prove that it was not the +Americans who fired the first shot, and how exculpations were sent to +England with protestations of allegiance. All those little steps were +vain. The people felt that it was time to become an independent nation; +and feeling the necessity of the moment, it took a direction by itself, +and made the Revolution by itself. + +Now-a-days it is of an equally pregnant necessity to the United States, +to take the position of a power on earth. Nobody can hereafter make the +people believe that it is possible for America to remain unaffected by +the condition of the Old World,--to advise that the United States shall +still abstain from mixing up their concerns with those of Europe. The +question to be decided is not whether America shall mix its concerns +with those of the Old World; because that is done. But the question is, +whether the United States shall take a seat in the great Amphictyonic +Council of the nations or not? And whether it shall be permitted to some +crowned mortals to substitute the whims of their ambition in the place +of international law;--to set up and to upset the balance of power as +they please; and to regulate the common concerns of the world? And shall +the United States accept whatever the Czar may be pleased to decide +about those common concerns? And shall the United States silently look +on, however the Czar may grow upon the ruins of common international +law, to an all-overwhelming preponderance? + +That is the question. And that being the question, the people has +answered it, and has pronounced about it in a manner too positive and +too evident to be mistaken. It is already more than a year ago, that a +distinguished American diplomatist publicly advertised his +fellow-statesmen, "that it is the popular voice which will henceforth +decide, without appeal, the great coming questions in your foreign +policy, before the Executive or Congress can consider them." Some have +reproached me for unprecedented arrogance in trying to change the +hereditary policy of the United States. But it is not so. I did but +engage public attention to consider the exigencies of time and +circumstances. The _finger of the clock_ only shows the hour, but +makes not the time. And so did I. And allow me to say, that the coming +of such a time was already anticipated by many of your own +fellow-citizens, long before my humble name, or even the name of my +country, was known in America. Please to read the works of your own +distinguished countryman WAYLAND, who for more than thirty years was +engaged at one of your high schools in the noble task of instilling +sound political principles and enlightened patriotism into the heart and +mind of your rising generation. You will find that already in 1825, +after having spoken of the effects which this country might produce upon +the politics of Europe simply by her example, he thus proceeds:-- + +"It is not impossible, however, that this country may be called to exert +an influence still more direct on the destinies of men. Should the +rulers of Europe make war upon the principles of our Constitution, +because its existence '_may operate as an example_,' or should a +universal appeal be made to arms on the question of civil and religious +liberty, it is manifest that we must take no secondary part in the +controversy. The contest will involve the civilized world, and the blow +will be struck which must decide the fate of men for centuries to come. +Then will the hour have arrived, when, uniting with herself the friends +of Freedom throughout the world, this country must breast herself to the +shock of congregated nations. Then will she need the wealth of her +merchants, the powers of her warriors, and the sagacity of her +statesmen. Then on the altar of our God, let each one devote himself to +the cause of the human race, and in the name of the Lord of Hosts go +forth unto the battle! If need be, let our choicest blood flow freely, +for life itself is valueless when such interests are at stake. Then, +when a world in arms is assembling to the conflict, may this country be +found fighting in the vanguard for the liberties of man! God himself has +summoned her to the contest, and she may not shrink back. For this hour +may He by His grace prepare her!" + +Thus wrote a learned American Patriot as early as 1825; and he stands +high even to-day in the estimation of his fellow-citizens; and no man +ever charged him with being presumptuously arrogant for having shown +such a perspective of coming necessities to America. His profound +sagacity, pondering the logical issue of America's position, has +penetrated into the hidden mystery of future events; and he has seen his +country summoned, by God himself, to fight in the vanguard for mankind's +civil and religious liberty. + + * * * * * + +XLVIII.--SOUND AND UNSOUND COMMERCE. + +_Speech at Buffalo.]_ + +On the 27th of May thirty thousand persons assembled in the Park at +Buffalo, where Kossuth had a magnificently enthusiastic reception. In +the evening he was escorted to American Hall by the mayor and others. +For a portion only of his Speech, in reply to the address of the Hon. +Thomas Love, can we here find room. + +The Austrian minister (said he) has left the United States. Proud +Austria has no longer a representative here, but down-trodden Hungary +has. The Chevalier Hulsemann has at last taken his departure, without +even a chivalrous farewell; the Secretary of State let him depart, +without either alarm or regret. + +"All right!" gentlemen. Two years ago there was much alarm in certain +quarters, when the idea of such a rupture was first suggested. Five +months ago, when in one of my public addresses I wished a good journey +to Mr. Hulsemann, some thought it rather presumptuous. But now that he +has left, no man cares about it, scarcely any man takes notice of it. +The time may yet come, when Mr. Hulsemann's masters will be fully aware, +that what he is pleased to call _the Kossuth episode_ is a serious +drama--a drama in which, I trust, America will so act its part, that in +the catastrophe justice and freedom shall triumph, violence and +oppression shall fall. + +In my many speeches I have dwelt largely on the necessity that there is +for America to act this part. I have not concealed that I am informed +that many gentlemen of commerce are timid concerning it, and I have +ventured to warn this young but great republic against _materialism_. +But commerce involves this danger only when it is bent on +instant profit at any price, and cares nothing for the future, +nothing about that solidity of commercial relations on which permanent +prosperity depends. Adventurous _money-hunting_ is not commerce. +Commerce, republican commerce, raised single cities to the position of +mighty powers on earth, and maintained them there for centuries. It is +merchants whose names shine with immortal lustre from the glorious book +of Venice and Genoa. Commerce, as I understand it, does indeed apply its +finger to the pulsations of present conjunctures, but not the less fixes +its eye steadily on the future. Its heart warms with noble patriotism +and philanthropy, connecting individual profit with the development of +natural resources and of national welfare; so that it spreads over the +multitudes like a dew of Heaven upon the earth, which blossoms through +it with the flower of prosperity. _Such_ a commercial spirit is a +rich source of national happiness;--a guarantee of a country's future, a +pillar of its power, a vehicle of civilization and convoyer of its +principles. + +Let me exemplify the difference between that noble beneficent spirit of +commerce and the merely material money hunting, which falsely usurps the +name of commerce. + +Since the fatal arithmetical skill of Rothschilds has found out how to +gain millions by negotiating, out of the pockets of the public, loan +after loan for the despots, to oppress the blind-folded nations, a sort +of speculation has gained ground in the Old World, worthy of the +execration of humanity--I mean the speculation in _loan +shares_;--the paper commerce called stock-jobbing. It is the +shame-brand upon our century's brow, that such a commerce is become a +political power on earth; and unscrupulous gamesters, speculating upon +the ruin of their neighbours, hold the political thermometer of peace +and war in their criminal hands. But it is not commerce--it deserves not +the name of commerce--it does not contribute to public welfare--it does +not augment the elements of public prosperity--it is but immoral +GAMBLING, which transfers an unproductive imaginary wealth from one hand +into another, without augmenting the stock of national property:--that +is not commerce: and _it is a degradation of the character of a +nation, when the interests of that speculation have the slightest +influence, or are made of the slightest consideration in the regulation +of a country's policy_. Such an example has its full weight with +every other kind of mere money-hunting. It would be the greatest fault +to regulate a country's policy according to the momentary interests of +worshippers of the almighty dollar, who look but for a momentary profit, +not caring for their fatherland and humanity--nothing for the +principles--nothing about the tears and execration of millions, if only +that condition remains intact which gives them individual profit--though +that condition be the misfortune of a world. Wherever that class of +money-hunters is influential, there is a disease in the constitution of +the community. It is vain to complain against the dangerous doctrines of +socialism, so long as such money-hunters have any influence upon +politics. The genus of Rothschilds has done more for the spread of +socialism than its most passionate sectarians. + +Take on the other side the contrasting fact of the Erie Canal. I +remember well that some were terrified, when in the councils of the +Empire State first was started the idea of that gigantic enterprise. And +now when we hear that its nett proceeds amount to about three millions +of dollars a year--when we see the almost unbroken line of boats on +it--when we see Buffalo becoming the heart of the West, the pulsation of +which conveys the warm tide of life to the East; and by the +communication of that artery, bringing the wonderful combination of the +great western lakes into immediate connection with the Atlantic, and +through the Atlantic with the Old World--when we see Buffalo, though at +four hundred miles distance from the ocean, without a navigable river, +living, acting, and operating like a seaport; and New York, situated on +the shores of the Atlantic, acting as if it were the metropolis of the +West--when we consider how commerce becomes a magic wand, and transforms +a world of wilderness into a garden of prosperity, and spreads the +blessing of civilization where some years ago only the wild beasts and +the Indian roamed--then indeed we bow with reverential awe before the +creating power of that commerce. We feel that the spirit of it is not a +mere money-hunting, but a mighty instrumentality of Providence for the +moral and social benefit of the world; and we at once feel that the +interests of such a commerce underlie so much the foundation of your +country's future, that not only are they entitled to enter into the +regulating considerations of your country's policy, but they must +enter--they must have a decisive weight--and they will have it, whatever +be the declamations of learned politicians who have so much looked to +the authority of past times that they have found no time to see the +imperious necessity of present exigencies. + +There are still some who advise you to follow the policy of separation +from Europe, which Washington wisely advised in his days--wisely, +because it was a necessity of those times. I have on many occasions +adduced arguments against this, which to me are quite convincing. Yet to +some minds custom is of so much more power than argument, that I could +not forbear to feel some uneasiness. But to-day, gentlemen, I no longer +feel such uneasiness. I am entirely tranquillized. I want no more +arguments, because I have the knowledge of facts, and to those who still +advocate the policy of separatism I will say, "Have you seen the city of +Buffalo? Go! and look at it; when you have seen what Buffalo is, +consider what are the interests which created that city, and are +personified by that city; then trace those interests back to New York, +and from New York across the Atlantic to the Old World; and again, the +returning interests of intercourse from the Old World to New York and +hence to Buffalo, and from Buffalo to the West, and then speak of the +wisdom of separatism!"--What exists, exists. The facts will laugh at your +reflections; they will tell you that, they cannot be undone. They will +tell you that you are like Endymion, whom Diana made sleep until the +twig on which he leaned his head had become a tree. They, will tell you +that you could as well reduce Buffalo to the log-house of MIDDEAU and +LANE; the mighty democrat the steam-engine to the horse on the back of +which EZRA METCALF brought the first public mail to the sixteen +dwelling-houses, which some forty years ago composed all Buffalo; you +could as well reduce the Erie Canal to where it was when GOVERNOR MORRIS +first mentioned the idea of tapping Lake Erie, or reduce the West to a +desert, and western New York to the condition in which Washington saw it +when journeying towards the Far West. + +All this you could as easily do as adhere any longer to the policy of +separatism, or persuade the people of the United States not to take any +part in the great political transactions of the Old World. + +In that respect, gentlemen, I am entirely tranquillized; and +tranquillized also I am in this respect, that it is impossible the +active sympathies of your people should not side with freedom and right +against oppression and violence. That will be done. I want no assurance +about it,--being an imperative corollary of existing facts. Public +opinion is aroused to the appreciation of these facts and of their +necessary exigencies. The only thing which I in that respect have yet to +desire, is, to see the people of the United States persuaded that _it +is time_ to prepare _already_ to meet those exigencies; and that +it is wise not to let themselves be overtaken by impending events. + +[Kossuth then proceeded to speak of subjects elsewhere very fully +treated, and continued:] + +Once more, I repeat, a _timely_ pronouncement of the United States +would avert and prevent a second interference of Russia. She must +sharpen the fangs of her Bear, and get a host of other beasts into her +menagerie, before she will provoke the Eagle of America. But beware, +beware of loneliness. If your protest be delayed too long, you will +have to fight alone against the world: while now, you will only have to +watch, and others will fight. + +Allow me to ask, are the United States interested in the laws of +nations? can they permit any interpolation in the code of these laws +without their consent? I am told by some that America had best not +intermeddle with European politics, and that you have always avoided to +meddle with them. But it is not so. Those who make this assertion forget +history--they forget that the United States have always claimed and +asserted the right to have their competent weight and authority about +the maritime law of nations--it was one of your Presidents who held this +emphatic language to the Potentates of Europe: + +"_We cannot consent to interpolations in the maritime code of nations +at the mere will and pleasure of other Governments--we deny the right of +any such interpolation, to any one or all the nations of the earth +without our consent--we claim to have a voice in all alterations of that +code_." + +Thus spoke the United States, at a time when they were not yet so +powerful as they are now. And they thus spoke not for themselves only, +but for all the nations on earth. And to what purpose did they speak +these words so full of dignity and full of effect? For the maintenance +of the laws of nations, or one part of them, the maritime code. +Dauntless and full of resolution, _they_ alone vindicated natural +rights for every nation on earth, while Europe sacrificed them. +_They_ vindicated for every nation the proud motto they have +emblazoned on their banner--"_Free Trade and Sailors' Rights_," and +_free ships and free goods_: + +Now who can any longer charge me that I advance a new policy, with that +precedent before your eyes? Would you be willing to resign, now that you +are powerful, in respect to other parts of the laws of nations, that +which you have boldly taken in respect to one part of them, when you +were yet comparatively weak? Or would you do less for the end than you +have done for the means? + +The maritime part of the international code is no end, but only a means +to an end. No ship takes sail for the purpose merely of sailing on the +ocean, but for the purpose of arriving somewhere. The ocean is but the +highway, and not the intended terminus. Russian intervention in Hungary +has blocked up your terminus: and the maritime code would be of no +avail, if the other provisions of international law are to be still +blotted out from the code of nations by Russian ambition. Let the +slightest eruption of the political volcano in Europe take place, and +you will see. You might have seen already during our past struggle, that +your proud principle of "_free ships, free goods_" is a mere +mockery unless the other parts of the laws of nations are also +maintained. + +That is what I claim from the young and dauntless nation of America. I +claim that she shall not abandon that position in the proud days of her +power, which she so boldly took in the days of her feebleness. Or are +you already declining? Has your prodigious prosperity weakened instead +of strengthening your nation's nerves? So young! and a Republic! and +already declining! when its opposing principle, Russia, rises so boldly +and so high! Oh, no! God forbid! That would be a sorrowful sight, +fraught with the grief of centuries for all humanity! + + * * * * * + +XLIX.--RUSSIA AND THE BALANCE OF POWER. + +[_Syracuse_.] + +At Syracuse, in New York State, Kossuth was received with an address of +the usual cordiality by the ex-Mayor, Harvey Baldwin. Of his ample reply +a portion may here be presented to the reader. After alluding to +Dionysius and Timoleon, he came back to the subject of Russian +interference in Hungary, and declared that he would not appeal to their +passions, but to their calm reason, although he approved of excitement +in a good cause, and at any rate trusted that Truth and Hope would never +be out of fashion at Syracuse. He continued:-- + +Gentlemen, as the destination of laws in a well-regulated community is +to uphold right, justice, and security of every individual, rich or +poor, powerful or weak, and to protect his life against violence and his +property against the encroachments of fraud and crime--so the +destination of the laws of _nations_ is to secure the independence +even of the smallest States, from the encroachments of the most powerful +ones. Force will prevail instead of right, so long as _all_ +independent nations do not unite for the maintenance of those laws upon +which the security of all nations rests. + +I say _all_ nations, because weakness is always comparative, not +absolute. A combination of several leagued powers can reduce to the +condition of comparative weakness even the strongest power on earth. +Without the law of nations there is therefore no security for nations. +But the European powers have long ago substituted for the rule of +justice the so-called _balancing system_--that is to say, the +political balance of power among nations. That system is iniquitous, for +it is founded, not upon the national _right_ even of the smallest +nation to be maintained in its independence, but upon the natural +jealousy of the great powers. With this system the independence of the +smallest States is not sure by right and by law, but only depends on the +consideration that the absorption of such smaller States might +aggrandize one of the great powers too much. In this system humanity is +taken for nothing--the mutual jealousy of the powerful is all, and the +implicit guarantee for the security of the weaker ceases, wherever the +powerful can devise a plan of spoliation which leaves the relative +forces of the spoliators the same as before. It is thus the world has +seen the partition of Poland--that most iniquitous--most guilty +spoliation ever witnessed. + +The balancing system would have protected Poland from absorption by +_one_ power, but it has not protected it from partition between +these rival powers. Formerly, separate leagues between several States +have been as a protecting barrier against the ambition of a single +powerful oppressor. In the case of Poland, the world saw with +consternation a confederacy of great powers formed to perpetrate those +very acts of spoliation which hitherto had been prevented by similar +means. I therefore am certainly no advocate of this false system of +political balance of power, and I believe the time will come when that +idol will be thrown down from the place which it usurps, and law and +right will be restored to their sovereign sway. But still I may say, it +is an imperious necessity for all the world in general, as also for the +United States, that something should be done to prevent the measureless +territorial aggrandizement of one single power, chiefly when that power +is the mighty antagonist of your own Republic, as indeed Russia is. + +I have on many occasions spoken of the necessary antagonism between +despotic Russia and republican America. Allow me here to recapitulate +some facts concerning Russia. + +No man familiar with the history of the last hundred years is ignorant +that the Czars of Russia take it for their destiny to rule the world. It +is their hereditary policy, in which they are brought up from generation +to generation, till that infatuation becomes a point of their character. +To come to that aim--Russian preponderance steps forth alike with +protocols, with emissaries, and with war--in two directions westward and +eastward, against Europe and against Asia. + +As to Europe, after having completed her arrondisement on the +Baltic--her earnest aim is partly direct conquest, and partly sovereign +preponderance. Direct conquest, so far as the Sclave race is spread; +which the Czars desire to unite under their despotic sceptre. To attain +that end, the house of Romanoff has started the idea of Pansclavism, the +idea of union of the Sclavish nationality under Russian +protectorate.--Protectorate is always the first step which Russia takes +when desiring to conquer. + +She has styled that ambitious design the regeneration of the Sclave +nationality; and to blindfold those deluded nations that they may not +see that without independence and freedom no nationality exists, she has +flattered their ambition with the prospect of dominion over the world. +The Latin race had its turn, and the German race had, and now it is the +Sclave race which is called to rule and master the world. Such was the +Satanic temptation of pride, by which Russia advanced in that ambitious +scheme. I will not now speak of the mischief she has succeeded to do in +that respect: I will only mark the fact that the ambition of Russia aims +at the direct dominion of Europe, so far as it is inhabited by the +Sclave race. The slightest knowledge of geography is sufficient to make +it understood that this would be such an accession to the power of +Russia, that, were they united under one man's despotic will, the +independence of the rest of Europe, should even Russia prudently decline +a direct conquest of it, would be but a mockery. The Czar would be +omnipotent over it, as indeed he is near to be already, at least on the +Continent. + +Yet, without the conquest of Constantinople, Russia could never carry +the idea of Pansclavism: for in European Turkey a vast stock of the +Sclavonic race dwells, from Bulgaria over Servia and Bosnia down to +Montenegro, and across through Rumelia. Moreover, the conquest of +Constantinople is the hereditary leading idea of Russian policy. Peter, +called the Great, the founder of the Russian Empire, in making it from a +half-Asiatic a European State, bequeathed this policy as a sacred legacy +to all his posterity, in his political testament, which is the Magna +Charta of Russian power and despotism. All his successors have +energetically followed that inherited direction. Alexander movingly +avowed that Constantinople _is the key to his own house_, and his +brother did and does more than all his predecessors to get that key. + +When the Empress Catharine visited the recently conquered Krimea, +Potemkin raised to her honour a triumphal arch, with the motto--"Hereby +is the road to Constantinople." Czar Nicholas has since learned that it +is by Vienna, rather. Russia therefore decided to get rid of this +obstacle, and to convert it out of an obstacle into a TOOL. A direct +conquest would have been dangerous, because it would have met the +opposition of all Europe. Russia therefore tried it first by monetary +influence, and had pretty well advanced in it. Metternich himself was a +pensioner to Russia. But the watchful, independent spirit of +constitutional Hungary still hindered the practical result of that +bribery. + +And, mark well, gentlemen, in consequence of the geographical situation +of her dominions, and being also sovereigns of Hungary, it was chiefly +the house of Austria which was considered to be and cherished as the +great bulwark against Russia--charged especially with a jealous +guardianship of Turkish rights. And indeed had the house of Austria +comprehended the conditions of her existence, attached Hungary to +herself by respecting her independence and her constitutional rights, +and developed the power of her hereditary dominions, and placed herself +upon a constitutional basis, she could have maintained her respectable +position of guardianship for centuries. Russia was aware of that fact. + +It is the intrigue of Russia, which by money and emissaries for years +before infused the notion of Pansclavism among the Bohemians, Poles, +Croats, Serbs, under the crown of Austria, equally as among the Sclave +population of Turkey; which encouraged Austria to attack Hungary, by +promising her aid in case of need. If Austria succeeded, the +constitutional life of Hungary, in many ways so offensive to Russia, was +overthrown: if Austria failed, she became a dependency of Russia. And +by the unwarrantable carelessness of some powers, the complicity of +others, the latter alternative is achieved. Austria, who was to have +_balanced_ Russia, is thrown into her scale: instead of being a +barrier, she is her vanguard, and her tool--her high road to +Constantinople, her auxiliary army to flank it. + +It would be not without interest to sketch the history of Russia step by +step, advancing towards that aim by war and by emissaries, and by +diplomatic corruption and corrupted diplomacy, from the time of Mahomet +Baltadji, of cursed memory, through all subsequent wars--at the treaties +of Kutsuk Kaynardje, Balta Liman, Jassy, Bucharest, Ackierman, +Adrianople, Unkhiar Iskelessi, down to the treaty as to the Dardanelles +and the Bosphorus, and to the treaty of commerce which made two-thirds +of Constantinople itself in their daily bread dependent upon Russian +wheat, to the amount of thirty-five millions of piastres a year, while +Turkish wheat was rotting in the stores of Asia Minor. By each of these +treaties Russia advanced its frontiers, and pressed Constantinople more +closely within its iron grasp; with such perseverant consistency +pursuing her aim, that even in other political transactions, apparently +unconnected with Turkey, it was constantly this which she kept in view. + +As for instance, at the conference of Tilsit, when she surrendered +continental Europe to the momentary domains of Napoleon, provided Turkey +were consigned to her. And still she did not succeed--and still +Stamboul stands a barrier to her dominion over the world. And why did +she not succeed? Because the European powers, conscious of the fact +that the conquest of Constantinople involves their own submission to +Russia, have in the last instant always prevented it, by uniting to +treat the Eastern question as one of life and death for their own +independence. + +The whole Anglo-Saxon race are bound by every consideration of policy to +check the ambitious encroachments of Russia. It is not in Europe only, +but in Asia, that you meet her. She knows that her dominion over the +world must be short, while the Anglo-Saxon race bold a mighty empire in +India. Moreover, you yourselves, by the extension of your territory to +the Pacific Ocean, are drawn by a thousand natural ties of activity to +Asia. Your expedition to Japan has a world of meaning in it. Great +powers _must_ have broad views in their policy: you cannot contain +your activity, nor therefore your policy, within a domestic circle of +your own. You are for the world what Germany is for Europe. As without +the freedom of Hungary, Europe cannot _become_ free, so without the +freedom of Germany, Europe cannot _remain_ free; for Germany is the +heart of Europe. You, by having extended your dominion to the Pacific, +become the heart of the world. You are brought into the compass of +Russian hatred and Russian ambition. Either you or Russia must fall. + +The balance of power, and thereby the independence of the world, has +been overthrown by the connivance of the great powers at the overthrow +of Hungary; and it can only be restored by the restoration of Hungary. +As for Austria, she never more can be restored--she is not only doomed, +she is dead. No skill, no tending can revive her. Having previously +broken every tie of affection and of allegiance, she cannot maintain +even a vegetable life, but by Russian aid. Let the reliance upon that +aid relax, and there is no power on earth which could prevent the +nations who groan under her oppressive and degrading tyranny from +shattering to pieces the rotten building of her criminal existence. And +as to my nation, I declare solemnly, that should we be left forsaken and +alone to fight once more the battle of deliverance for the world, and +should we in consequence of it fail in that honourable strife, we will +rather choose to be Russians than subject to the house of +Austria--rather submit to open, manly force of the Czar, than to the +heart-revolting perjury of the Hapsburg--rather be ruled directly by the +master, than submit to the shame of being ruled by his underlings. The +fetters of force may be broken once, but the affection of a morally +offended people to a perjurious dynasty can never be restored. Russia +we hate with inconceivable hatred, but the House of Hapsburg we hate and +we despise. + +I have been often asked, what may be, amidst the present conjunctures, +an opportunity to renew our struggle for liberty? and I have answered +that the very oppression of our country, the heroism of my people, our +resolute will, and the intolerable condition of the European Continent, +is an opportunity in itself; but if too cautious men, having too little +faith in the destiny of mankind, desire yet another opportunity, there +is the prospect of a war between Turkey and Russia. This is a fatality, +pointed out by the situation of Russia, and by the pressing motives, +heaped up since the time of Peter the Great: and Russia will hasten to +try the decisive blow, since she knows that Turkey becomes more powerful +every day. Now, gentlemen, that will be an imperious opportunity to +raise once more the standard of freedom in Hungary; and, so may God +bless us, we are prepared for it. We cannot allow that our natural ally, +Turkey, be flanked from the frontiers of Hungary at the order of the +Czar. Turkey, by curious change of circumstances, having become +necessary to European freedom and civilization, will find the kindred +race of the Magyars to aid her, and by aiding her, to save the world. + +The only question is, will the United States remain indifferent at the +overthrow of the balance of power on earth? No, they will not, they +cannot remain indifferent. Their position on the coast of the Pacific +answers "No." Their Republican principle answers "No." The voice of the +people, clustering in thundering manifestations around my own humble +self, answer "No." You yourself, Sir, in the name of the people of +Syracuse, which is but one tone in the mighty harmony of all the +people's voice, have told me "No." + +Before these assurances, and upon the conditions of your destiny, I +rely; and I venture humbly to advise you to strengthen your fleet in the +Mediterranean. Sir, look for a port of your own, not depending upon the +smiles of petty Italian despots, but one where the stripes and stars of +America will be able to protect the principles of FREE SHIPS, FREE +GOODS. Determine the character of your country's future administration +from a broad American view, and not from any petty considerations of +small party follies. With these humble suggestions I cordially thank you +for your sympathy, and bid you an affectionate farewell! + + * * * * * + +L.--RETROSPECT AND PROSPECT. + +[_Utica._] + +At Utica, in New York State, the elegant Saloon of the Museum was +arranged for Kossuth's reception: and the Hon. W. Bacon made a powerful +address to him. Kossuth in the course of his reply, said:-- + +Ladies and gentlemen,--The history and the institutions of the United +States were not only the favourite study of my life, from my early +youth, strengthening my conviction that with centralization and with +parliamentary omnipotence, which absorb all independence of municipal +life, there is no practical freedom possible:--but the history and +institutions of the United States exerted also a real influence upon the +resolution of my people to resist oppression, and not to shrink before +the dangers and sacrifices of a terrible conflict. + +Never yet was there a people against which all the arts of hell had been +combined worse than against the people of Hungary in 1848. Neither +dreaming to attack any, nor suspecting to be attacked, never yet was a +people less prepared for a war of defence, or more surprised by the +danger than my country was. + +In those frightful days, when many of the stoutest hearts prepared +mourningly to submit to the imperious necessity, I called Hungary to +arms; and while on the one side I pronounced a curse against those who +would forsake the fatherland, and were willing to bow cowardlike before +a sacrilegious violence, and accept the degradation of servitude,--on +the other side, in order to cheer up the manly resolution of my +countrymen, I pointed to the heart-raising example of your history. And +that history became the guiding star to us, from the lustre of which we +have drawn self-reliance and resolution to bear up against all danger +and all adversities. + +But while we on our part readily yielded to the heart-ennobling +influence of your history, we were disappointed in some expectations +which we derived from it. We saw that you were not forsaken in the hour +of need; yet your grievances were by far less heart-stirring than ours, +and should _you_ have failed in the noble enterprize of +independence, such a failure, at that time, would by no means have +teemed with such immediate results of positive mischiefs to the world +outside of you, as every considerate mind might have foreseen from +_our_ fall. + +I therefore confess that I trusted to that instruction also of your +history, and hoped that should we prove worthy of the attention of the +world, that attention would not be restricted to a mere looking at our +contest with barren sympathies. But allow me to mention that it was not +from America alone that I hoped our struggle would not be regarded with +indifference: the example of former political transactions in Europe +entitled me to just expectations from other quarters also in that +respect. + +When Greece heroically rose to assert its independence, Great Britain, +France, and even Russia herself, interposed together to pacify the two +contending parties, on the basis of the establishment of an independent +Greece. And so very anxious were those great powers to stop the effusion +of blood, that they solemnly declared they would insist upon the +pacification, should even the conflicting parties decline to consent to +the proposed arrangements. And thus Greece took its seat among the +independent States, though that was possible only by reducing the +territory of the Ottoman Empire, the integrity of which was considered +essential to the equilibrium of political power on earth. + +Besides, what were those powers which interposed their mediation in +favour of bleeding Greece? It was Russia, despotical as she is: it was +legitimist France, then scarcely to be called constitutional; for it was +before the revolution of 1830: and it was the ministry of Great Britain, +then, if I am not mistaken, a Tory one. + +Now was I not entitled with this precedent before my eyes, to hope that +the bloody struggle in Hungary would not be regarded with indifference? +We had not risen from any reckless excitement to assert new rights, or +to experiment on new theories; we should have been contented to keep +what we lawfully possessed. It was not we who broke the peace; we were +assailed with a perjury more sacrilegious than the world has ever +seen:--we merely took up arms to defend ourselves against national +extermination, against the nameless cruelties inflicted upon our +people,--men, women, children,--by fire, murder, war, and royal perjury. +And besides, when we took up arms in legitimate defence, it so happened +that in France there was a republic established which proclaimed the +principle of universal fraternity; and there was in England a ministry +claiming to be liberal, which on a former occasion had solemnly vouched +its word to the British parliament, that _constitutional independence +of any country, great or small, would never be a matter of indifference +to the English government;_ adding emphatically, that _whoever +might be in office, conducting the affairs of Great Britain, he would +not perform his duty if he were inattentive to the interests of such +States._ Am I to blame for having thought that there is and should be +morality in politics? + +And besides, there was republican America, quite in another shape than +she was twenty years before, at the time of the war of independence in +Greece. Then she had not yet extended her sway to the Pacific, and was +not yet exposed to be so much affected by the political issues of Europe +and Asia as she now is: then she had not yet a population of more than +twenty millions, who now are in the necessity to claim the position of a +power on earth: then she was indeed a new world teeming with the +mysteries of the future, but yet was far from being what she is to-day; +nay, even the Erie Canal, the great artery which now acts as a +miraculous link between Europe and the interior of your republic, was +only about to be completed at the time. And still what mighty sympathy! +a sympathy warm in expression, and not barren in facts, thrilled through +all America, much like that which I now meet, and pervaded even your +_national_ councils:--would I were entitled to say, much like as +now! Although the question of Greece was of course worthy of all +interest (as the cause of liberty always and everywhere is), yet it was +only an isolated cause, and by no means of such surpassing influence +upon the condition of the world as the cause of Hungary was, and is. + +And yet I was disappointed in the expectation which I derived from your +own history, that a just cause will find supporters and never will be +forsaken by all. Oh, we were forsaken, gentlemen! We were forsaken even +at the crisis, when, single-handed, we had defeated our cruel enemy. And +Russia, that personification of despotism, stepped in with its iron +weight, tearing to pieces the law of nations, and overthrowing upon our +ruins the balance of power on earth. + +That Russia, if invited, would snatch at the opportunity to gain +preponderance amongst the powers on earth--of this I entertained not the +slightest doubt; but I must confess, I did not believe either that +Austria would claim, or that the other powers of the earth, and chiefly +Great Britain and America, would permit the intervention of Russia. I +could not believe that Austria would resort to this desperate remedy, +because (and it is a remarkable circumstance which I mention now for the +first time) it was Austria which but a few years before, when, in the +transactions with Turkey, the question of foreign interference for the +maintenance of the integrity of the Turkish empire was agitated in the +councils of the world (and from which you of course were excluded, as to +the present day you always yet have been, as if you were nothing but a +patch of earth); yes, it was Austria, which objecting that the guarantee +of interference should be even claimed, pronounced in a solemn +diplomatic note these memorable words:-- + +_"A State ought never to accept, and still less request, of another +State, a service for which it is unable to offer in return a strict +reciprocity; else by accepting such favour she loses the flower of her +own independence--a State accepting such a favour becomes a mediatized +State: it makes an act of submission to the will of the State which +takes the charge of its defence; this State becomes a protector, and to +be dependent upon a protector is insupportable."_ + +Thus spoke Austria. How then could I imagine that the same Austria which +thus spoke would accept the degradation of Russian interference? And +should even the house of Austria, ruled by a guilty woman, under the +name of a witless, cruel child, be willing thus to ruin itself; how +could I imagine that England, that America, that the World, would allow +such a preponderance to Russia as makes her almost the mistress over the +world; at least opens the way to become such? No, that indeed I could +not imagine. + +And still it was done. We fell, not "unwept, unhonoured, and unsung," +but still we fell. Well: sad though be our fate, it is but a trial, and +no death. Perhaps it was necessary that the destinies of mankind should +be fulfilled. I have an unbroken faith in Him, the Heavenly Father of +all; the heart of mortal men may break, but what he does, that is well +done. + +The ways of Providence are mysterious. The car of destiny goes on +unrestrained, and the weight of its wheels often crushes the happiness +of generations; floods of tears and of blood often mark its track. +Mankind looks up to heaven, and while measuring eternity with the rule +of the passing moment, sometimes despairs of the future, and believes +the sun of Freedom sunk for ever! It is a delusion: it is the folly of +anxiety! Night is the darkest before dawn, and the misfortune of the +moment often leads to the happiness of eternity. + +Yes, gentlemen! the ways of Providence are miraculous. Let me cast a +look backwards into the last struggles for freedom in Europe, that their +history may become the book of future, and that, when we perceive the +salutary action of Providence even in our misfortunes, we may be +strengthened in our faith in the future freedom, and that you may see +that for us, down-trodden but not broken, there is full reason to pursue +our way, not only with the resoluteness of duty, but also with the +cheerfulness of a sure success, courageous as strength, untired as +perseverance, unshaken as religious faith, self-sacrificing as maternal +love, cautious as wisdom, but resolute as desperation itself. + +But where is the action of Providence visible in the failure of 1848? is +your question. Gentlemen, I will tell you. The continent of Europe was +afflicted with three diseases in 1848--monarchical inclination, +centralization, and the antagonism of nationalities. With such elements +and in such direction, deception was unavoidable, lasting liberty was +not to be achieved. + +It was the lot of the peoples to be freed from these diseases, because +God had designed the peoples to freedom and not to deception; therefore +the revolution of 1848 had to fail, but it was still not a mere accident +in history; it was a necessary step in the development of mankind's +destiny, and it will shine for ever in history as a glorious preparation +for the ultimate triumph of liberty, to carry which a positive, +practical direction is necessary. And that now exists. + +France, Germany, and Italy are no more to fight for the deception of +monarchical principles, not for the triumph of dynasties, but for +republics. Hungary took this direction already in 1849, by dethroning +the Hapsburgs. France, Germany, and Italy will not follow in the track +of centralization. Hungary never followed it. And the governments may +ally themselves for the oppression of the world's liberty;--they have +already allied themselves--but nations will no more rise in arms against +one another. They will rise, not to dominate, but to be independent and +free. Instead of the antagonism of nationalities, it is now the idea of +the solidarity and fraternity of nations, which is become the character +of our times. And this is to be the source of our success in future; +this explains the fear of the tyrants which manifests itself in such +blind rage. This is the direction which I pursue; this is the secret of +the sympathy of the people, unparalleled yet in history, which I met in +both hemispheres, and of the coalition of despots, aristocrats, and +ambitious intriguers, to persecute me. + +I hope, gentlemen, with these considerations before your eyes, you will +not share in the opinions of those who despair of the cause of freedom +in Europe, because the revolution of 1848 has failed. + + * * * * * + +LI.--THE TRIPLE BOND. + +[_Address before the German Citizens of New York_.] + +At the Broadway Tabernacle, on Wednesday evening, Kossuth delivered a +farewell address, before the German citizens of New York. It was spoken +in the German language, and was received with the hearty plaudits of an +immense assemblage. A small portion only of it can here find place. + +Dear friends,--Allow me to address you with this sweet name of brotherly +love, hallowed by deep feeling, by the power of principles, and by the +combination of circumstances,--but likewise weighty in regard to the +determination linked to it in my grateful heart, in life as in death, to +serve the cause faithfully which you honour by such generously noble +sympathy. + +To me this moment is one of solemn importance. I stand at the close of +my wanderings in America. My words are those of farewell. + +In these six months I have been enriched by many an experience. I had +much to unlearn, but I have likewise learnt much. + +Whatever be the result of my exertions, so much is sure, that they have +linked more closely the hearts of the Germans and Hungarians, and have +matured the instinct of solidarity into self-conscious conviction. This +result alone is worth a warm utterance of thanks; it will heavily weigh +in the future of the world. + +And this result, dear friends, is it not achieved? The hearts of the +German and the Hungarian are linked more closely; they throb like the +hearts of twins which have rested under the same mother's breast; they +throb like the hearts of brothers, who, hand in hand, attain the baptism +of blood; they throb like the hearts of two comrades, on the eve of the +battle, decided to hold together like the blade and the handle. + +The echo of this harmony of German song fills yet the air of this hall; +it thrills yet through the soul of the ladies and through the bosom of +the resolute men. Let the word harmony between the Germans and +Hungarians be the consecration of the present moment, which melts +together our feelings, in order that, self-conscious of the sublime aim, +which unites our nations and us all in brotherhood, we may unite in +intention, unite in resolution, unite in endurance, unite in activity +for the aim which fills your souls and mine. + +And what is this aim which thrills through our bosoms like a magnetic +current? The aim is the solidarity and independence of nations;--the +freedom of our people--their liberation from the yoke of tyranny. + +With this aim before my eyes and decided resolution in my heart, I feel +here amidst you as Werner Stauffacher felt, when, in the hour of the +night, on the Ruettli, God above him and the sword in his hand, he made +the covenant with his two friends against tyrannical Austria. + +Let this meeting here become the symbol of a similar covenant; three[*] +were the men who made it, and Switzerland became free. Let us three +nations make a similar covenant, and the world becomes free. Germany, +Hungary, and Italy! hurrah for the new Ruettli-covenant! God increase the +number of them, as he increased the number of those on the Ruettli, and +our triune band, strong in itself, will readily greet every one, and +meet him as a brother, having the same rights in the great council of +the Amphictyons, where the nations will give their verdict against +tyrants and tyranny, on the battle-field, with the thunder of the +cannons and the clashing of swords; and will put the independence of +every nation under the common guarantee of all, in order that every one +of them may regulate her own domestic affairs, without foreign +interference, and every people may govern itself, not acknowledging any +master but the Almighty. They, will increase the members of this +covenant, but Germany, Hungary, and Italy, they are neighbours, and have +the same enemy. Hurrah! for the new covenant of Stauffacher! + +[Footnote *: Werner Stauffacher, Walter Fuerst, and Arnold of the Melchthal; +November 11th, 1307.] + +Now, by the God who led my people from the prairies of far Asia to the +banks of the Danube--of the Danube, whose waves have brought religion, +science, and civilization from Germany to us, and in whose waves the +tears of Germany and Hungary are mingled; by the God who led us, when on +the soil watered by our blood we were the bulwark of Christendom; by the +God who gave strength to our arm in the struggle for freedom, until our +oppressor, this godless House, which weighed so heavily on the liberties +of Germany for centuries, was humbled, and sunk down to be the underling +of the Muscovite Czar; by the ties of common oppression which tortures +our nation--by the ties of the same love of liberty, and of the same +hatred of tyranny which boils in the veins of our people--by the +remembrance of the day[*] when the Germans of Vienna rose to bar the way +toward Hungary against the hirelings of despotism--and by the blood +which flowed on the plain of Schwechat[**] from Hungarian hearts for the +deliverance of Vienna; by the Almighty Eye which watches the fate of +mankind--by all these, I pledge myself, I pledge that the people of +Hungary will keep this covenant honestly, faithfully, and truly, in life +and death. + +[Footnote *: October 5th, 1848] +[Footnote **: October 30th, 1848] + +I tender the brother-hand of Hungary to the German people, because I am +convinced that it is essentially necessary for the freedom and +independence of my country. Destined as we are to be the vanguard of +freedom, I know well that as long as Germany remains enslaved, even the +victory of our liberty would remain insecure; as long as Germany remains +an army, whose power is wielded by the criminal hand of the house of +Hapsburg; as long as Russia has nothing to fear from Germany, because +the two masters of Germany are but underlings of Russia--obeying the +command of their master, because he maintains them on their tottering +thrones against their own people; so long Russia will always have the +arrogance to throw her despotic sword into the scale against the freedom +of the world. + +I am not the first who say it, that the freedom of Germany is the +condition of the liberty of the world; history tells it with a thousand +tongues, every statesman acknowledges it, and all the despots know it. + +Twenty years past, when the German Princes recovered from the stunning +blow of the July Revolution, by finding out that LOUIS PHILIPPE was not +in earnest with his phrases of liberty, when, in the year 1832, they +united to enslave the German people, and to retract the concessions +which they had given in the fright of their hearts; when they curtailed +all the Constitutional guarantees, then HENRY LYTTON BULWER, the same +who was Ambassador in Washington during the last year, rose in the +English Parliament, and claimed that England should not permit the +liberty and independence of the German people to be crushed. He claimed +the attention of the world to the great truths that _the peace of +Europe cannot be secured without a strong Germany, and that Germany +cannot be strong without freedom._ A free Germany is a bulwark +against the encroachments of France and the arrogance of Russia. +Germany enslaved, is either the prey of the former or the tool of the +other. His prophecy is fulfilled; Germany is become half the prey and +wholly the tool of Russia. Who then can calculate on security and peace +and freedom, as long as Germany is thus enslaved. + +You see, dear friends, that the brotherly union with Germany must be of +sacred importance to me, and that my heart must beat as fervently for +Germany's freedom, as for that of my own people. Therefore, I +necessarily wished to bequeath the care of the seed which I have sown, +to men urged to this task of love, not only by enlightened American +patriotism--not only by the conscience of right and duty and prudence, +but likewise especially by love for their old German fatherland. And do +I not express only the sentiments of your own hearts, when I say, "The +German may wander from his father's house, and may build for himself a +new home in a distant country, yet he ever loves truly and faithfully +his own old German fatherland"? + +I request you to exert your influence, that the idea of the solidarity +of the struggle for European liberty may be well understood, and that +preparations be made to support the revolution, whenever it breaks out. +There is nothing more dangerous than to say: "The Hungarian, the +Italian, or the German fights; let us see whether he succeeds; if he +succeeds, we too will try the same." By the isolation of the nations the +combined despots become victorious. Let everybody support Liberty, +wherever she struggles. But, on the other side, the forces of the +revolution cannot so pledge and tie themselves, as to be thrown into the +abyss by every ill-combined premature outbreak. _Not an_ "EMEUTE," +_but a_ REVOLUTION _is our aim_; and therefore the leaders of +the movement of the different nations must combine either in a +simultaneous outbreak, or to mutual support; and in this combination +there must be absolute freedom and equality. + +There are persons in this country who did me the honour to mention that +I would lead the German movement. No! gentlemen; that would be a +presumptuous arrogance, even if it were practical, which it is not. This +idea itself is the most antagonistical to my principles. No!--No! No +foreign interference with the domestic affairs of a nation. I will not +bear it in Hungary, nor obtrude it abroad. Full independence is my +watchword. + +But you will ask who are, or who were, the leaders of Germany, with whom +I still combine? The question is easily answered; you will acknowledge +them from their works. Whoever comes to tender me his hand as a +confederate, I do not ask who he is, where he comes from?--but I ask, +"What do you weigh? what power do you command? what forces have you +organized? or what are your prospects or means of organization?" and +then I inquire into the truth myself. I judge the vitality of the +intention, and accept or decline the proffered brotherly alliance of +mutual support. + +This is my way. I do not think that Germany will ever combine under the +leadership of one man; but there are many Germans in the different parts +of Germany who enjoy the confidence of their countrymen, and have a +leading influence. Every one of these can act in his sphere. I, my +friends, will be always ready to combine with every one who does, and +who has some forces to tender to the league. I do not care for names, +for petty party disputes, or for those which belong to the domestic +questions. + +[Kossuth proceeded, in assent to a special request, to give his advice +as to the method of proceeding suitable to the German voters in America; +and closed by saying:] + +Those are the principles, my dear friends, which should lead you, +according to my humble opinion, in the present crisis. And if you take +into kind consideration my bequest, and exert your influence and active +aid on behalf of the movement for freedom in Europe, I can but assure +you, for my grateful farewell, that there are hundreds of thousands in +Europe who take those words for their device, which the other day, the +German singers sang, as if from the depth of my heart. + + "And never shall rest the shield and the spear, + Till destroyed we see, and laid in the dust, + The enemies all." + +May God help me! This is my oath, and this oath my farewell! + + * * * * * + +LII.--THE FUTURE OF NATIONS. + +[_A Lecture in New York_.] + +The following Lecture was delivered at the Broadway Tabernacle by +request of a large number of ladies and gentlemen of New York, for the +purpose of obtaining the means necessary to secure to the exiled family +of Kossuth, consisting of his aged mother, his sisters and their +children, an establishment by which they might earn an independent +livelihood. + +The New York 'Evening Post' says of the Lecture:-- + +"Kossuth appears nowhere greater than in this able discourse. His +comprehensive politics, his beautiful sympathies, his power over +language, his poetic imagination, his magnetic and melting earnestness +of purpose, are blended with that depth of religious feeling which gives +to his character as a patriot the sanctity and unction of the prophet. +His moral and intellectual faculties are shown in harmony, working out +the great and beneficent purposes of his commanding will. + +"It would be difficult to select any portion of this speech as better +than another, and we therefore commend the whole to the reader's careful +examination." + +Ladies and gentlemen,--During six months I appeared many times before +the tribunal of public opinion in America. This evening I appear before +you in the capacity of a working man. My aged mother, tried by more +sufferings than any living being on earth, and my three sisters, one of +them a widow with two fatherless orphans, together a homeless family of +fourteen unfortunate souls, have been driven by the Austrian tyrant from +their home, that Golgotha of murdered right, that land of the oppressed, +but also of undesponding braves, and the land of approaching revenge. +When Russian violence, aided by domestic treason, succeeded to +accomplish what Austrian perjury could not achieve, and I with bleeding +heart went into exile, my mother and all my sisters were imprisoned by +Austria; but it having been my constant maxim not to allow to whatever +member of my family any influence in public affairs, except that I +intrusted to the charitable superintending of my youngest sister the +hospitals of the wounded heroes, as also to my wife the cares of +providing for the furniture of these hospitals, not even the foulest +intrigues could contrive any pretext for the continuation of their +imprisonment. And thus when diplomacy succeeded to fetter my patriotic +activity by the internation to far Asia, after some months of unjust +imprisonment, my mother and sisters and their family have been released; +and though surrounded by a thousand spies, tortured by continual +interference with their private life, and harassed by insulting police +measures, they had at least the consolation to breathe the native air, +to see their tears falling upon native soil, and to rejoice at the +majestic spirit of our people, which no adversities could bend and no +tyranny could break. + +But at last by the humanity of the Sultan, backed by American +generosity, seconded by England, I once more was restored to personal +freedom, and by freedom to activity. Having succeeded to escape the +different snares and traps which I unexpectedly met, I considered it my +duty publicly to declare that the war between Austrian tyranny and the +freedom of Hungary is not ended yet, and swore eternal resistance to the +oppressors of my country, and declared that, faithful to the oath sworn +solemnly to my people, I will devote my life to the liberation of my +fatherland. Scarcely reached the tidings of this my after resolution the +bloody Court of Vienna, than two of my sisters were again imprisoned; my +poor old mother escaping the same cruelty only on account that bristling +bayonets of the bloodhounds of despotism, breaking in the dead of night +upon the tranquil house, and the persecution of my sisters, hurried away +out of Hungary to the prisons of Vienna, threw her in a half-dying +condition upon a sick bed. Again no charge could be brought against the +poor prisoners, because, knowing them in the tiger's den, and surrounded +by spies, I not only did not communicate any thing to them about my +foreign preparations and my dispositions at home, but have expressly +forbidden them to mix in any way with the doings of patriotism. + +But tyrants are suspicious. You know the tale about Marcius. He dreamt +that he cut the throat of Dionysius the tyrant, and Dionysius condemned +him to death, saying that he would not have dreamt such things in the +night if he had not thought of it by day. Thus the Austrian tyrant +imprisoned my sisters, because he suspected that, being my sisters, they +must be initiated in my plans. At last, after five months of +imprisonment, they were released, but upon the condition that they, as +well as my mother and all my family, shall leave our native land. Thus +they became exiles, homeless, helpless, poor. I advised them to come to +your free country--the asylum of the oppressed, where labour is +honoured, and where they must try to live by their honest work. + +They followed my advice, and are on their way; but my poor aged mother +and my youngest sister, the widow with the two orphans, being stopped by +dangerous sickness at Brussels, another sister stopped with them to +nurse them. The rest of the family is already on the way--in a sailing +ship of course, I believe, and not in a steamer. We are poor. My mother +and sisters will follow so soon as their health permits. + +I felt the duty to help them in their first establishment here. For this +I had to work, having no means of my own. + +Some generous friends advised me to try a lecture for this purpose, and +I did it. I will not act the part of crying complainants about our +misfortunes; we will bear them. Let me at once go to my task. + + * * * * * + +There is a stirring vitality of busy life about this your city of New +York, striking with astonishment the stranger's mind. How great is the +progress of Humanity! Its steps are counted by centuries, and yet while +countless millions stand almost at the same point where they stood, and +some even have declined since America first emerged out of an unexplored +darkness which had covered her for thousands of years, like the gem in +the sea; while it is but yesterday a few pilgrims landed on the wild +coast of Plymouth, flying from causeless oppression, seeking but for a +place of refuge and of rest, and for a free spot in the wilderness to +adore the Almighty in their own way; still, in such a brief time, +shorter than the recorded genealogy of the noble horse of the wandering +Arab; yes, almost within the turn of the hand, out of the unknown +wilderness a mighty empire arose, broad as an ocean, solid as a +mountain-rock, and upon the scarcely rotted roots of the primitive +forest, proud cities stand, teeming with boundless life, growing like +the prairie's grass in spring, advancing like the steam-engine, baffling +time and distance like the telegraph, and spreading the pulsation of +their life-tide to the remotest parts of the world; and in those cities +and on that broad land a nation, free as the mountain air, independent +as the soaring eagle, active as nature, and powerful as the giant +strength of millions of freemen. + +How wonderful! What a present--and what a future yet! + +Future?--then let me stop at this mysterious word--the veil of +unrevealed eternity! + +The shadow of that dark word passed across my mind, and amid the bustle +of this gigantic bee-hive, there I stood with meditation alone. + +And the spirit of the immovable Past rose before my eyes, unfolding the +misty picture-rolls of vanished greatness, and of the fragility of human +things. + +And among their dissolving views, there I saw the scorched soil of +Africa, and upon that soil Thebes with its hundred gates, more splendid +than the most splendid of all the existing cities of the world; Thebes, +the pride of old Egypt, the first metropolis of arts and sciences, and +the mysterious cradle of so many doctrines which still rule mankind in +different shapes, though it has long forgotten their source. There I saw +Syria with its hundred cities, every city a nation, and every nation +with an empire's might. Baalbec, with its gigantic temples, the very +ruins of which baffle the imagination of man, as they stand like +mountains of carved rocks in the desert where for hundreds of miles not +a stone is to be found, and no river flows, offering its tolerant back +to carry a mountain's weight upon, and yet there they stand, those +gigantic ruins; and as we glance at them with astonishment, though we +have mastered the mysterious elements of nature, and know the +combination of levers, and how to catch the lightning, and to command +the power of steam and of compressed air, and how to write with the +burning fluid out of which the thunderbolt is forged, and how to drive +the current of streams up the mountain's top, and how to make the air +shine in the night like the light of the sun, and how to dive to the +bottom of the deep ocean, and how to rise up to the sky--though we know +all this, and many things else, still, looking at the temples of +Baalbec, we cannot forbear to ask what people of giants was that, which +could do what neither the efforts of our skill nor the ravaging hand of +unrelenting time can undo, through thousands of years. And then I saw +the dissolving picture of Nineveh, with its ramparts now covered with +mountains of sand, where Layard is digging up colossal winged bulls, +huge as a mountain, and yet carved with the nicety of a cameo; and then +Babylon, with its wonderful walls; and Jerusalem, with its unequalled +temple; Tyrus, with its countless fleets; Arad, with its wharves; and +Sidon, with its labyrinth of work-shops and factories; and Ascalon, and +Gaza, and Beyrout, and farther off Persepolis, with its world of +palaces. + +All these passed before my eyes as they have been, and again they passed +as they now are, with no trace of their ancient greatness, but here and +there a ruin, and everywhere the desolation of tombs. With all their +splendour, power, and might, they vanished like a bubble, or like the +dream of a child, leaving but for a moment a drop of cold sweat upon the +sleeper's brow, or a quivering smile upon his lips; then, this wiped +away, dream, sweat, smile--all is nothingness. + +So the powerful cities of the ancient greatness of a giant age; their +very memory but a sad monument of the fragility of human things. + +And yet, proud of the passing hour's bliss, men speak of the future, and +believe themselves insured against its vicissitudes! + +And the spirit of history rolled on the misty shapes of the past before +the eyes of my soul. After those cities of old came the nations of old. +The Assyrians, the Chaldeans, the war-like Philistines, the commercial +republics of Phoenicia and the Persians, ruling from the Indus to the +Mediterranean, and Egypt becoming the centre of the universe, after +having been thousands of years ago the cradle of its civilization. + +Where is the power, the splendour, and the glory of all those mighty +nations? All has vanished without other trace than such as the foot of +the wanderer leaves upon the dust. + +And still men speak of the future with proud security! + +And yet they know that Carthage is no more, though it ruled Spain, and +ruled Africa beyond the pillars of Hercules down to Cerne, an immense +territory, blessed with all the blessings of nature, which Hannon filled +with flourishing cities, of which now no trace remains. + +And men speak of the future, though they know that such things as heroic +Greece once did exist, glorious in its very ruins, and a source of +everlasting inspiration in its immortal memory. + +Men speak of the future, and still they can rehearse the powerful +colonies issued from Greece, and the empires their heroic sons have +founded. And they can mark out with a finger on the map, the +unparalleled conquests of Alexander; how he crossed victoriously that +desert whence Semiramis, out of a countless host, brought home but +twenty men; and Cyrus, out of a still larger number, only seven men. But +he (Alexander) went on in triumph, and conquered India up to the +Hydaspes as he conquered before Tyrus and Egypt, and secured with +prudence what he had conquered with indomitable energy. + +And men speak of the future, though they know that such a thing did +exist as Rome, the Mistress of the World--Rome rising from atomic +smallness to immortal greatness, and to a grandeur absorbing the +world--Rome, now having all her citizens without, and now again having +all the world within her walls; and passing through all the vicissitudes +of gigantic rise, wavering decline, and mournful fall. And men speak of +the future still with these awful monuments of fragility before their +eyes! + +But it is the sad fate of Humanity that, encompassing its hopes, fears, +contentment, and wishes, within the narrow scope of momentary +satisfaction, the great lesson of history is taught almost in vain. +Whatever be its warnings, we rely on our good fortune; and we are +ingenious in finding out some soothing pretext to lull down the dreadful +admonitions of history. Man, in his private capacity, consoles the +instinctive apprehension of his heart with the idea that his condition +is different from what warningly strikes his mind. The patriot feels +well, that not only the present, but also the future of his beloved +country, has a claim to his cares; but he lulls himself into +carelessness by the ingenious consolation that the condition of his +country is different--that it is not obnoxious to those faults which +made other countries decline and fall; that the time is different; the +character and spirit of the nation are different, its power not so +precarious, and its prosperity more solid; and that, therefore, it will +not share the same fate of those which vanished like a dream. And the +philanthropist, also, whose heart throbs for the lasting welfare of all +humanity, cheers his mind with the idea that, after all, mankind at +large is happier than it was of yore, and that this happiness ensures +the future against the reverses of olden times. + +That fallacy, natural as it may be, is a curse which weighs heavily on +us. Let us see in what respect our age is different from those olden +times. Is mankind more virtuous than it has been of yore? Why, in this +enlightened age, are we not looking for virtuous inspirations to the +god-like characters of these olden times? If we take virtue to be love +of the laws, and of the Fatherland, dare we say that our age is more +virtuous? If that man is to be called virtuous, who, in all his acts, +is but animated by a regard to the common good, and who, in every case, +feels ready to subordinate his own selfish interest to public +exigencies--if that be virtue (as indeed it is), I may well appeal to +the conscience of mankind to give an impartial verdict upon the +question, if our age be more virtuous than the age of Codrus or of +Regulus, of Decius and of Scaevola. Look to the school of Zeno, the +stoics of immortal memory; and when you see them contemning alike the +vanity of riches and the ambition of personal glory, impenetrable to the +considerations of pleasure and of pain, occupied only to promote public +welfare and to fulfil their duties toward the community; when you see +them inspired in all their acts by the doctrine that, born in a society, +it is their duty to live for the benefit of society; and when you see +them placing their own happiness only upon the happiness of their +fellow-men--then say if our too selfish, too material age can stand a +comparison with that olden period. When you remember the politicians of +ancient Greece, acknowledging no other basis for the security of the +commonwealth than virtue, and see the political system of our days +turning only upon manufactures, commerce, and finances, will you say +that our age is more virtuous? When, looking to your own country--the +best and happiest, because the freest of all--you will not dissimulate +in your own mind what considerations influence the platforms of your +political parties; and then in contra-position will reflect upon those +times when Timon of Athens, chosen to take part in his country's +government, assembled his friends and renounced their friendship, in +order that he might not be tempted by party considerations or by +affections of amity, in his important duties toward the commonwealth. +Then, having thus reflected, say, "Take you our own age to be more +virtuous, and therefore more ensured against the reverses of fortune, +than those older times?" + +But perhaps there is a greater amount of private happiness, and by the +broad diffusion of private welfare, the security of the commonwealth is +more lasting and more sure? + +Caraccioli, having been ambassador in England, when returned to Italy, +said, "that England is the most detestable country in the world, because +there are to be found twenty different sorts of religion, but only two +kinds of sauces with which to season meat." + +There is a point in that questionable jest. Materialism! curse of our +age! Who can seriously speak about the broad diffusion of happiness in a +country where contentment is measured according to how many kinds of +sauces we can taste? My people is by far not the most material. We are +not much given to the cupidity of becoming rich. We know the word +"enough." The simplicity of our manners makes us easily contented in our +material relations; we like rather to be free than to be rich; we look +for an honourable profit, that we may have upon what to live; but we +don't like to live for the sake of profit; augmentation of property and +of wealth with us is not the aim of our life--we prefer tranquil, +independent mediocrity to the incessant excitement and incessant toil of +cupidity and gain. Such is the character of my nation; and yet I have +known a countryman of mine who blew out his brains because he had no +means more to eat daily _pates de foi gras_ and drink champagne. +Well, that was no Hungarian character, but, though somewhat +eccentrically, he characterized the leading feature of our century. + +Indeed, are your richest money-kings happier than Fabricius was, when he +preferred his seven acres of land, worked by his own hands, to the +treasures of an empire? Are the ladies of to-day, adorned with all the +gorgeous splendour of wealth, of jewels, and of art, happier than those +ladies of ancient Rome have been, to whom it was forbidden to wear silk +and jewelry, or drive in a carriage through the streets of Rome? Are the +ladies of to-day happier in their splendid parlours, than the Portias +and the Cornelias have been in the homely retirement of their modest +nurseries? Nay; all that boundless thirst of wealth, which is the ruling +spirit of our age, and the moving power of enterprising energy, all this +hunting after treasures, and all its happiest results, have they made +men nobler, better, and happier? Have they improved their soul, or even +their body and their health, at least so much that the richest of men +could eat and digest two dinners instead of one? Or has the insatiable +thirst of material gain originated a purer patriotism? has it made +mankind more devoted to their country, more ready to sacrifice for +public interest? If that were the case, then I would gladly confess the +error of my doubts, and take the pretended larger amount of happiness +for a guarantee of the future of the commonwealth. But, ladies and +gentlemen! a single word--the manner in which we use it, distorting its +original meaning, often characterizes a whole century. You all know the +word "_idiot_;" almost every living language has adopted it, and +all languages attach to it the idea that an "idiot" is a poor, ignorant, +useless wretch, nearly insane. Well, "idiot" is a word of Greek +extraction, and meant with the Greek a man who cared nothing for the +public interest, but was all devoted to the selfish pursuit of private +profit, whatever might have been its results to the community. Oh! what +an immense, what a deplorable change must have occurred in the character +of Humanity, till unconsciously we came to the point, that by what name +the ancient Greeks would have styled those European money-kings, who, +for a miserable profit, administer to the unrelenting despots their +eternal loans, to oppress nations with, we now apply that very name to +the wretched creatures incapable to do any thing for themselves. We bear +compassion for the idiots of to-day, but the modern editions of Greek +idiotism, though loaded with the bloody scars of a hundred thousand +orphans, and with the curse of millions, stand high in honour, and go +on, proudly glorying in their criminal idiotism, heaping up the gold of +the world. + +But I may be answered, after all, though our age be not so virtuous, and +though the large accumulation in wealth has in reality not made mankind +happier; still, it cannot be denied, you are in a prosperous condition, +and prosperity is a solid basis of your country's future. Industry, +navigation, commerce, have so much developed, they have formed so many +ties by which every citizen is linked to his country's fate, that your +own material interest is a security to your country's future. + +In loving your own selves you love your country, and in loving your +country you love your own selves. This community of public and private +interest will make you avoid the stumbling-block over which others fell. +Prosperity is, of course, a great benefit; it is one of the aims of +human society; but when prosperity becomes too material, it does not +always guarantee the future. Paradoxical as it may appear, too much +prosperity is often dangerous, and some national misfortune is now and +then a good preservative of prosperity. For great prosperity makes +nations careless of their future; seeing no immediate danger, they +believe no danger possible; and then when a danger comes, either by +sudden chance or by the slow accumulation of noxious elements, then, +frightened by the idea that in meeting the danger their private property +might be injured or lost, selfishness often prevails over patriotism, +and men become ready to submit to arrogant pretensions, and compromise +with exigencies at the price of principles, and republics flatter +despots, and freemen covet the friendship and indulgence of tyrants, +only that things may go on just as they go, though millions weep and +nations groan; but still, things should go on just as they go, because +every change may claim a sacrifice, or affect our thriving private +interest. Such is often the effect of too great, of too secure +prosperity. Therefore, prosperity alone affords yet no security. + +You remember the tale of Polycrates. He was the happiest of men; good +luck attended every one of his steps; success crowned all he undertook, +and a friend thus spoke to him: "Thou art too happy for thy happiness to +last. Appease the anger of the Eumenides by a voluntary sacrifice, or +deprive thyself of what thou most valuest among all that thou +possessest." Polycrates obeyed, and drew from his finger a precious +jewel, of immense value, dear to his heart, and threw it into the sea. +Soon after a fish was brought to his house, and his cook found the +precious ring in the belly of the fish; but the friend who advised him +hastened to flee from the house, and shook the dust of its threshold +from his shoes, because he feared a great mischief must fall upon that +too prosperous house. There is a deep meaning in that tale of +Polycrates. + +Machiavel says, that it is now and then necessary to recall the +constituting essential principles to the memory of nations. And who is +charged by Providence with this task? Misfortune! It was the battles of +Cannae and of Thrasymene which recalled the Romans to the love of their +fatherland; nations had till now, about such things, no other teacher +than misfortune. They should choose to have a less afflicting one. They +can have it. To point this out will be the final object of my remarks, +but so much is certain, that prosperity alone is yet no security for the +future, even of the happiest commonwealth. Those ancient nations have +been also prosperous. They were industrious, as your nation is; their +land has been covered with cities and villages, well-cultivated fields, +blessed with the richest crops, and crowded with countless herds spread +over immense territories, furrowed with artificial roads; their +flourishing cities swarmed with artists, and merchants, and workmen, and +pilots, and sailors, like as New York does. Their busy labourers built +gigantic water-works, digged endless canals, and carried distant waters +through the sands of the desert; their mighty, energetic spirit built +large and secure harbours, dried the marshy lakes, covered the sea with +vessels, the land with living beings, and spread a creation of life and +movement along the earth. Their commerce was broad as the known world. +Tyre exchanged its purple for the silk of Serica; Cashmere's soft +shawls, to-day yet a luxury of the wealthiest, the diamonds of Golconda, +the gorgeous carpets of Lydia, the gold of Ophir and Saba, the aromatic +spices and jewels of Ceylon, and the pearls and perfumes of Arabia, the +myrrh, silver, gold dust, and ivory of Africa, as well as the amber of +the Baltic and the tin of Thule, appeared alike in their commerce, +raising them in turn to the dominion of the world, and undoing them by +too careless prosperity. The manner and the shape of one or the other +art, of one or other industry, has changed; the steam-engine has +replaced the rowing-bench, and cannon replaced the catapult; but, as a +whole, even your country, which you are proud to hear styled "the living +wonder of the world"--yes, even your country in the New World, and +England in the Old--England, that gigantic workshop of industry, +surrounded with a beautiful evergreen garden; yes, all the dominions of +the Anglo-Saxon race, can claim no higher praise of its prosperity, than +when we say, that you have reproduced the grandeur of those ancient +nations, and nearly equal their prosperity. And what has become of them? +A sad skeleton. What remains of their riches, of their splendour, and +of their vast dominions? An obscure recollection; a vain memory. Thus +fall empires; thus vanish nations, which have no better guardians than +their prosperity. But "we have," will you say, "we have a better +guardian--our freedom, our republican institutions; our confederation +uniting so many glorious stars into one mighty galaxy--these are the +ramparts of our present, these our future security." + +Well, it would ill become me to investigate if there be nothing "rotten +in the state of Denmark," and certainly I am not the man who could feel +inclined to undervalue the divine power of liberty; to underrate the +value of your democratic institutions, and the vitality of your glorious +Union. It is to them I look in the solitary hours of meditation, and +when, overwhelmed with the cares of the patriot, my soul is groaning +under nameless woes, it is your freedom's sunny light which dispels the +gloomy darkness of despondency; here is the source whence the +inspiration of hope is flowing to the mourning world, that down-trodden +millions at the bottom of their desolation still retain a melancholy +smile upon their lips, and still retain a voice in their bleeding chest, +to thank the Almighty God that the golden thread of freedom is not yet +lost on earth. Yes, ladies and gentlemen, all this I feel, and all this +I know, reflecting upon your freedom, your institutions, and your Union; +but casting back my look into the mirror of the past, there I see upon +mouldering ground, written with warning letters, the dreadful truth, +that all this has nothing new; all this has been; and all this has never +yet been proved sufficient security. Freedom is the fairest gift of +Heaven; but it is not the security of itself. Democracy is the +embodiment of freedom, which in itself is but a principle. But what is +the security of democracy? And if you answer, "The Union is;" then I +ask, "And where is the security of the Union?" Yes, ladies and +gentlemen, Freedom is no new word. It is as old as the world. Despotism +is new, but Freedom not. And yet it has never yet proved a charter to +the security of nations. Republic is no new word. It is as old as the +word "Society." Before Rome itself, republics absorbed the world. There +were in all Europe, Africa and Asia Minor, but republics to be found, +and many among them democratic. Men had to wander to far Persia if they +would have desired to know what sort of thing a monarch is. And all they +have perished; the small ones by foreign power, the large ones by +domestic vice. And union, and confederacy, the association of +societies--a confederate republic of republics, is also no new +invention. Greece has known it and flourished by it, for a while. Rome +has known it; by such associations she attacked the world. The world has +known them; with them it defended itself against Rome. The so-called +Barbarians of Europe, beyond the Danube and the Rhine, have known it; it +was by a confederacy of union that they resisted the ambitious mistress +of the world. Your own country, America, has known it; the traditionary +history of the Romans of the West, of those six Indian Nations, bears +the records of it, out of an older time than your ancestors settled in +this land; the wise man of the Onondaga Nation has exercised it long +before your country's legislators built upon that basis your independent +home. And still it proved in itself alone no security to all those +nations who have known it before you. Your own fathers have seen the +last of the Mohawks burying his bloody tomahawk in the namesake flood, +and have listened to the majestic words of Logan, spoken with the +dignity of an Aemilius, that there exists no living being on earth in +the veins of whom one drop of the blood of his race did flow. Well, had +history nothing else to teach us, than that all what the wisdom of man +did conceive, and all that his energy has executed through the +innumerable days of the past, and all that we take to be glorious in +nations and happy to men, cannot so much do as to ensure a future even +to such a flourishing commonwealth as yours; then weaker hearts may well +ask, What good is it to warn us of a fatality which we cannot escape; +what good is it to hold up the mournful monuments of a national +mortality to sadden our heart, if all that is human must share that +common doom? Let us do as we can, and so far as we can, and let the +future bring what it may. But that would be the speech of one having no +faith in the all-watching Eye, and regarding the eternal laws of the +universe not as an emanation of a bountiful Providence, but of a blind +fatality, which plays at hazard with the destinies of men. I never will +share such blasphemy. Misfortune came over me, and came over my house, +and came over my guiltless nation; still I never have lost my trust in +the Father of all. I have lived the days when the people of my oppressed +country went along weeping over the immense misfortune that they cannot +pray, seeing the downfall of the most just cause and the outrageous +triumph of the most criminal of all crimes on earth; and they went along +not able to pray, and weeping that they are not able to pray. I +shuddered at the terrible tidings in the desolation of my exile; but I +could pray, and sent the consolation home, that I do not despair; that I +believe in God, and trust to His bountiful providence, and ask them who +of them dares despair when I do not? I was in exile, as I am now, but +arrogant despots were debating about my blood, my infant children in +prison, my wife, the faithful companion of my sorrows and my cares, +hunted like a noble deer, and my sisters in the tyrant's fangs, red with +the blood of my nation, and the heart of my aged mother breaking, about +the shattered fortunes of her house, and all of them at last homeless +wanderers, cast to the winds, like the yellow leaves of a fallen tree; +and my fatherland, my dear, beloved fatherland, half murdered, half in +chains, and humanity nearly all oppressed, and those who are not yet +oppressed looking with compassion at our sad fate, but taking it for +wise policy not to help, and the sky of freedom dark on our horizon, and +darkening fast over all, and nowhere a ray of hope; a lustre of +consolation nowhere; and still I did not despair; and my faith to God, +my trust to Providence has spread over my down-trodden land. + +I therefore, who do not despair of my own country's future, though it be +overwhelmed with misfortunes, I certainly have an unwavering faith in +the destinies of Humanity; and though the mournful example of so many +fallen nations instructs us, that neither the diffusion of knowledge, +nor the progress of industry, neither prosperity, nor power, nay, not +even freedom itself, can secure a future to nations, still I say there +is one thing which can secure it; there is one law, the obedience to +which would prove a rock upon which the freedom and happiness of nations +may rest sure to the end of their days. And that law, ladies and +gentlemen, is the law proclaimed by our Saviour; that rock is the +unperverted religion of Christ. But while the consolation of this +sublime truth falls meekly upon my soul like as the moonlight falls upon +the smooth sea, I humbly claim your forbearance, ladies and gentlemen; I +claim it in the name of the Almighty Lord, to hear from my lips a +mournful truth. It may displease you; it may offend; but still truth is +truth. Offended vanity may blame me; power may frown at me, and pride +may call my boldness arrogant, but still truth is truth, and I, bold in +my unpretending humility, will proclaim that truth; I will proclaim it +from land to land and from sea to sea; I will proclaim it with the faith +of the martyrs of old, till the seed of my word falls upon the +consciences of men. Let come what come may, I say with Luther: God help +me, I cannot otherwise. Yes, ladies and gentlemen, the law of our +Saviour, the religion of Christ, can secure a happy future to nations. +But, alas! there is yet no Christian people on earth--not a single one +among all. I have spoken the word. It is harsh, but true. Nearly two +thousand years have passed since Christ has proclaimed the eternal +decree of God, to which the happiness of mankind is bound, and has +sanctified it with His own blood, and still there is not one single +nation on earth which would have enacted into its law-book that eternal +decree. Men believe in the mysteries of religion, according to the creed +of their church; they go to church, and they pray and give alms to the +poor, and drop the balm of consolation into the wounds of the afflicted, +and believe they do all that the Lord commanded to do, and believe they +are Christians. No! Some few may be, but their nation is not--their +country is not; the era of Christianity has yet to come, and when it +comes, then, only then, will be the future of nations sure. Far be it +from me to misapprehend the immense benefit which Christian religion, +such as it already is, has operated in mankind's history. It has +influenced the private character of men, and the social condition of +millions; it was the nurse of a new civilization, and softening the +manners and morals of men, its influence has been felt even in the worst +quarter of history--in war. The continual massacres of the Greek and +Roman kings and chiefs, and the extermination of nations by them--the +all-devastating warfare of the Timurs and Gengis Khans--are in general +not more to be met with; only my own dear fatherland was doomed to +experience once more the cruelties of the Timurs and Gengis Khans out of +the sacrilegious hands of the dynasty of Austria, which calumniates +Christianity by calling itself Christian. But though that beneficial +influence of Christianity we have cheerfully to acknowledge, yet it is +still not to be disputed that the law of Christ does yet nowhere rule +the Christian world. + +Montesquieu himself, whom nobody could charge to be partial for +republics, avows that despotism is incompatible with the Christian +religion, because the Christian religion commands meekness, and +despotism claims arbitrary power to the whims and passions of a frail +mortal; and still it is more than 1,500 years since the Christian +religion became dominant, and through that long period despotism has +been pre-eminently dominant; you can scarcely show one single truly +democratic republic of any power which had subsisted but for a hundred +years, exercising any influence upon the condition of the world. +Constantine, raising the Christian religion to Rome's imperial throne, +did not restore the Romans to their primitive virtues. Constantinople +became the sewer of vice; Christian worship did not change the despotic +habits of Kings. The Tituses, the Trajans, the Antonines, appeared +seldom on Christian thrones; on the contrary, mankind has seen, in the +name of religion, lighted the piles of persecution, and the blazing +torches of intolerance; the earth overspread with corpses of the million +victims of fanaticism; the fields watered with blood; the cities wrapped +in flames, and empires ravaged with unrelenting rage. Why? Is it +Christian religion which caused these deplorable facts, branding the +brow of partly degraded, partly outraged Humanity? No. It was precisely +the contrary; the fact that the religion of Christ never yet was +practically taken for an all-overruling law, the obedience to which, +outweighing every other consideration, would have directed the policy of +nations--that fact is the source of evil, whence the oppression of +millions has overflowed the earth, and which makes the future of the +proudest, of the freest nation, to be like a house built upon sand. + +Every religion has two parts. One is the dogmatical, the part of +worship; the other is the moral part. + +The first, the dogmatic part, belonging to those mysterious regions +which the arm of human understanding cannot reach, because they belong +to the dominion of belief, and that begins where the dominion of +knowledge ends--that part of religion, therefore, the dogmatic one, +should be left to every man to settle between God and his own +conscience. It is a sacred field, whereon worldly power never should +dare to trespass, because there it has no power to enforce its will. +Force can murder; it can make liars and hypocrites, but no violence on +earth can force a man to believe what he does not believe. Yet the +other part of religion, the moral part, is quite different. That +teaches duties toward ourselves and toward our fellow-men. It can be, +therefore, not indifferent to the human family: it can be not +indifferent to whatever community, if those duties be fulfilled or not, +and no nation can, with full right, claim the title of a Christian +nation, no government the title of a Christian government, which is not +founded upon the basis of Christian morality, and which takes it not for +an all-overruling law to fulfil the moral duties ordered by the religion +of Christ toward men and nations, who are but the community of men, and +toward mankind, which is the community of nations. Now, look to those +dread pages of history, stained with the blood of millions, spilt under +the blasphemous pretext of religion; was it the intent to vindicate the +rights, and enforce the duties of Christian morality, which raised the +hand of nation against nation, of government against government? No: it +was the fanaticism of creed, and the fury of dogmatism. Nations and +governments rose to propagate their manner to worship God, and their own +mode to believe the inscrutable mysteries of eternity; but nobody has +yet raised a finger to punish the sacrilegious violation of the moral +laws of Christ, nobody ever stirred to claim the fulfilment of the +duties of Christian morality toward nations. There is much speaking +about the separation of Church and State, and yet, on close examination, +we shall see that there was, and there is, scarcely one single +government entirely free from the direct or indirect influence of one or +other religious denominations; scarcely one which would not at least +bear a predilection, if not countenance with favour, one or another +creed--but creed, and always creed. The mysteries of dogmatism, and the +manner of worship, enter into these considerations; they enter even into +the politics, and turn the scales of hatred and affection; but certainly +there is not one single nation, not one single government, the policy of +which would ever have been regulated by that law of morality which our +Saviour has promulgated as the eternal law of God, which shall be obeyed +in all the relations of men to men. But you say, of the direct or +indirect amalgamation of Church and State, proved to be dangerous to +nations in Christian and for Christian times, because it affected the +individual rights of men, and among them, the dearest of all, the +liberty of conscience and the freedom of thought. Well, of this danger, +at least, the future of your country is free; because here, at least, in +this, your happy land, religious liberty exists. Your institutions left +no power to your government to interfere with the religion of your +citizens. Here every man is free to worship God as he chooses to do. + +And that is true, and it is a great glory of your country that it is +true. It is a fact which entitles to the hope that your nation will +revive the law of Christ, even on earth. However, the guarantee which +your Constitution affords to religious liberty is but a negative part of +a Christian government. There are, besides that, positive duties to be +fulfilled. He who does no violence to the conscience of man, has but the +negative merit of a man doing no wrong; but as he who does not murder, +does not steal, and does not covet what his neighbour's is, but by not +stealing, not murdering, not coveting what our neighbour's is, we did +yet no positive good; a man who does not murder has not yet occasion to +the title of virtuous man. And here is precisely the infinite merit of +the Christian religion. While Moses, in the name of the Almighty God, +ordered but negative degrees toward fellow-men, the Christian religion +commands positive virtue. Its divine injunctions are not performed by +not doing wrong; it desires us to do good. The doctrine of Jesus Christ +is sublime in its majestic simplicity. "Thou shalt love God above all, +and love thy neighbour as thou lovest thyself." + +This sublime doctrine is the religion of love. It is the religion of +charity. "Though I speak with the tongues of angels, and have not +charity, I am become as sounding brass and tinkling cymbals. Though I +have the gift of prophecy, and understand all mysteries and all +knowledge, and have all faith, so that I could remove mountains, and +have not charity, I am nothing. And though I bestow all my goods to +feed the poor, and give my body to be burned, and have not charity, it +profiteth me nothing." Thus speaks the Lord, and thus speaking He gives +the law, "Do unto others as thou desirest others to do unto thee." Now, +in the name of Him who gave this law to humanity, to build up the +eternal bliss and temporal happiness of mankind, in the name of that +Eternal Legislator, I ask, is in that _charity_, in that +fundamental law of Christianity, any limit of distinction drawn in man +in his personal, and man in his national capacity? Is it but a law for a +man where he is alone, and can do but little good? Is it no law more +where two are together, and can do more good? No law more when millions +are together? Am I in my personal adversities; is my aged mother in her +helpless desolation; are my homeless sisters whom you feed to-day, that +they may work to-morrow; are we your neighbours, unto whom you do as you +would others in a similar position do unto yourself? And is every one of +my down-trodden people a neighbour to every one of you? but all my +people collectively, is it _not_ a neighbour to you? And is my +nation not a neighbour to your nation? Is my down-trodden land not a +neighbour to your down-trodden land? Oh! my God, men speak of the +Christian religion and style themselves Christians, and yet make a +distinction between virtue in private life and virtue in public life; as +if the divine law of Charity would have been given only for certain +small relations, and not for all the relations between men and men. + +"There he is again, with his eternal complaints about his country's +wrongs;" may perhaps somebody remark: "This is an assembly of charity, +assembled to ease his private woes of family; and there he is again +speaking of his country's wrongs, and alluding to our foreign policy, +about which he knows our views to be divided." Thus I may be charged. + +My "private family woes!" But all my woes and all the woes of my family, +are concentrated in the unwarrantable oppression of my fatherland. You +are an assembly of charity, it is true, and the Almighty may requite you +for it; but being a charitable assembly, can you blame me that the +filial and fraternal devotion of my heart, in taking with gratitude the +balm of consolation which your charity pours into the bleeding wounds of +my family, looks around to heal those wounds, the torturing pains of +which you ease, but which cannot be cured but by justice and charity +done to my fatherland. Shall this sad heart of mine be contented by +leaving to my homeless mother and sisters the means to have their bread +by honest labour, their daily bread salted with the bitter tears of +exile; and shall I not care to leave them the hope that their misfortune +will have an end; that they will see again their beloved home; that they +will see it independent and free, and live where their fathers lived, +and sleep the tranquil sleep of death in that soil with which the ashes +of their fathers mingle? Shall I not care to give the consolation to my +aged mother, that when her soon departing soul, crowned with the garland +of martyrdom, looks down from the home of the blessed, the united joy of +the heavens will thrill through her immortal spirit, seeing her dear, +dear Hungary free? Your views are divided on the subject, it may be; +but can your views be divided upon the subject that it is the command of +God to love your neighbours as you love yourselves? That it is the duty +of Christians, that it is the fundamental principle of the Christian +religion, to do unto others as you desire others to do unto you? And if +there is, if there can be no difference of opinion in regard to the +principle; if no one in this vast assembly--whatever be the platform of +his party--ever would disclaim this principle, will any one blame me +that in the name of Christ I am bold to claim the application of that +principle? I should not speak of politics! Well, I have spoken of +Christianity. Your politics either agree with the Law of Christ, or they +do not agree with it. If they don't agree, then your politics are not +Christian; and if they agree, then I cause no division among you. + +And I shall not speak of my people's wrongs! Oh! my people--thou heart +of my heart, thou life of my life--to thee are bent the thoughts of my +mind, and they will remain bent to thee, though all the world may frown. +To thee are pledged all the affections of my heart, and they will be +pledged to thee as long as one drop of blood throbs within this heart. +Thine are the cares of my waking hours; thine are the dreams of my +restless sleep. Shall I forget thee, but for a moment! Never! Never! +Cursed be the moment, and cursed be I in that moment, in which thou +wouldst be forgotten by me! + +Thou art oppressed, O my fatherland! because the principles of +Christianity have not been executed in practice; because the duties of +Christianity have not been fulfilled; because the precepts of +Christianity have not been obeyed; because the law of Christianity did +not control the policy of nations; because there are many impious +governments to offend the law of Christ, but there was none to do the +duties commanded by Christ. + +Thou art fallen, O my country, because Christianity has yet to come; but +it is not yet come--nowhere! Nowhere on earth! And with the sharp eye of +misfortune piercing the dark veil of the future, and with the tongue of +Cassandria relating what I see, I cry it out to high Heaven, and shout +it out to the Earth--"Nations, proud of your momentary power; proud of +your freedom; proud of your prosperity--your power is vain, your freedom +is vain, your industry, your wealth, your prosperity are vain; all these +will not save you from sharing the mournful fate of those old nations, +not less powerful than you, not less free, not less prosperous than +you--and still fallen, as you yourself will fall--all vanished as you +will vanish, like a bubble thrown up from the deep! There is only the +law of Christ, there are only the duties of Christianity, which can +secure your future, by securing at the same time humanity." + +Duties must be fulfilled, else they are an idle word. And who would +dispute that there is a positive duty in that law, "Love thy neighbour +as thou lovest thyself. Do unto others as thou wouldst that others do +unto thee." Now, if there are duties in that law comprised, who shall +execute them, if free and powerful nations do not execute them? No +government can meddle with the private relations of its millions of +citizens so much as to enforce the positive virtue of Christian charity, +in the thousand-fold complications of private life. That will be +impossible; and our Saviour did not teach impossibilities. By +commanding charity toward fellow-men in human relations, He commanded it +also to governments. It is in their laws toward their own citizens; it +is in their policy toward other nations, that governments and nations +can fulfil those duties of Christianity; and what they can, that they +should. How could governments hope to see their own citizens and other +nations observing toward them the positive duties of Christian morality, +when they themselves do not observe them against others; when oppressed +nations, the victims, not of their own faults, but of the grossest +violation of the law of Christ, look in vain around to find out a nation +among Christian nations, and a government among Christian governments, +doing unto them, in the hour of their supreme need, as the Saviour said +that it is duty to do unto others in every case? + +Yes, gentlemen, as long as the principles of Christian morality are not +carried up into the international relations--as long as the fragile +wisdom of political exigencies overrules the doctrines of Christ, there +is no freedom on earth firm, and the future of no nation sure. But let a +powerful nation like yours raise Christian morality into its public +conduct, that nation will have a future against which the very gates of +hell itself will never prevail. The morality of its policy will react +upon the morality of its individuals, and preserve it from domestic +vice, which, without that prop, ever yet has attended too much +prosperity, and ever yet was followed by a dreadful fall. The morality +of its policy will support justice and freedom on earth, and thus +augmenting the number of free nations, all acting upon the same +principle, its very future will be placed under the guarantee of them +all, and preserve it from foreign danger--which is better to prevent +than to repel. And its future will be placed under the guarantee of the +Almighty himself, who, true to His eternal decrees, proved through the +downfall of so many mighty nations, that He always punished the fathers +in the coming generations; but alike bountiful as just, will not and +cannot forsake those to whom He gave power to carry out His laws on +earth, and who willingly answered His divine call. Power in itself never +yet was sure. It is right which makes power firm; and it is community +which makes right secure. The task of PETER'S apostolate is +accomplished--the Churches are founded in the Christian world. The task +of PAUL'S apostolate is accomplished--the abuses of fanaticism and +intolerance are redressed. But the task of him whom the Saviour most +loved, is not yet accomplished. The gospel of charity rules not yet the +Christian world; and without charity, Christianity, you know, is "but +sounding brass and a tinkling cymbal." + +Oh! Charity, thou fairest gift of Heaven! thou family link between +nations; thou rock of their security; thou deliverer of the oppressed; +when comes thy realm? Where is the man whom the Lord has chosen to +establish thy realm? Who is the man whom the Lord has chosen to realize +the religion, the tenets of which the most beloved disciple of the +Saviour has recorded from his divine lips? who is the man to reform, not +Christian creeds, but Christian morality? Man! No; that is no task for +a man, but for a nation. Man may teach a doctrine; but that doctrine of +Charity is taught, and taught with such sublime simplicity, that no +sectarist yet has disputed its truth. Historians have been quarrelling +about mysteries, and lost empires through their disputes. The Greeks +were controversially disputing whether the Holy Ghost proceeds from the +Father alone, or from the Father and Son; and Mahomet battered the walls +of Byzantium, they heard it not; he wrested the cross from Santa Sophia; +they saw it not, till the cimeter of the Turk stopped the rage of +quarrel with the blow of death. In other quarters they went on disputing +and deciding with mutual anathemas the question of transfiguration and +many other mysteries, which, being mysteries, constitute the private +dominion of belief; but the doctrine of charity none of them disputes; +there they all agree; nay, in the idle times of scholastical subtility, +they have been quarrelling about the most extravagant fancies of a +scorched imagination. Mighty folios have been written about the problem, +how many angels could dance upon the top of a needle without touching +each other? The folly of subtility went so far as to profane the sacred +name of God, by disputing if He, being omnipotent, has the power to sin? +If, in the holy wafer, He be present dressed or undressed? If the +Saviour would have chosen the incarnation in the shape of a gourd, +instead of a man, how would he have preached, how acted miracles, and +how had been crucified? And when they went to the theme of investigating +if it was a whip or a lash with which the angels have whipped St. Jerome +for trying to imitate in his writings the pagan Cicero, it was but after +centuries that Abbot Cartaut dared to write that if St. Jerome was +whipped at all, he was whipped for having _badly_ imitated Cicero. +Still, the doctrine of Christian charity is so sublime in its +simplicity, that not even the subtility of scholasticism dared ever to +profane it by any controversy, and still that sublime doctrine is not +executed, and the religion of charity not realized yet. The task of this +glorious progress is only to be done by a free and powerful nation, +because it is a task of action, and not of teaching. Individual man can +but execute it in the narrow compass of the small relations of private +life; it is only the power of a nation which can raise it to become a +ruling law on earth; and before this is done, the triumph of +Christianity is not arrived--and without that triumph, the freedom and +prosperity even of the mightiest nation is not for a moment safe from +internal decay, or from foreign violence. + +Which is the nation to achieve that triumph of Christianity by +protecting justice out of charity? Which shall do it, if not yours? Whom +the Lord has blessed above all, from whom He much expects, because He +has given her much. + +Ye Ministers of the Gospel, who devote your lives to expound the eternal +truths of the book of life, remember my humble words, and remind those +who, with pious hearts, listen to your sacred words, that half virtue is +no virtue at all, and that there is no difference in the duties of +charity between public and private life. + +Ye Missionaries, who devote your lives to the propagation of +Christianity, before you embark for the dangers of far, inhospitable +shores, remind those whom you leave, that the example of a nation +exercising right and justice on earth by charity, would be the mightiest +propagandism of Christian religion. + +Ye Patriots, loving your country's future, and anxious about her +security, remember the admonitions of history--remember that the +freedom, the power, and the prosperity in which your country glories, is +no new apparition on earth; others also had it, and yet they are gone. +The prudence with which your forefathers have founded this commonwealth, +the courage with which you develop it, other nations also have shown, +and still they are gone. + +And ye ladies; ye fairest incarnation of the spirit of love, which +vivifies the universe, remember my words. The heart of man is given into +your tender hands. You mould it in its infancy. You imprint the lasting +mark of character upon man's brow, You ennoble his youth; you soften the +harshness of his manhood; you are the guardian angels of his hoary age. +All your vocation is love, and your life is charity. The religion of +charity wants your apostolate, and requires your aid. It is to you I +appeal, and leave the sublime topic of my humble reflections to the +meditations of your Christian hearts. + +And thus, my task of to-day is done. Man shall earn the means of life by +the sweat of his brow. Thus shall my family. Your charity of to-day has +opened the way to it. The school which my mother, if God spares her +life, will superintend, and in which two of my sisters will teach, and +the humble farm which my third sister and her family shall work, will be +the gift of your charity to-day. + +A stony weight of cares is removed from my breast. Oh! be blessed for +it, be thanked for it, in the name of them all who have lost every +thing, but not their trust to God, and not the benefit of being able to +work. My country will forgive me that I have taken from her the time of +one day's work--to give bread to my aged mother and to my homeless +sisters, the poor victims of unrelenting tyranny. Returning to Europe, I +may find my own little children in a condition that again the father +will have to take the spade or the pen into his hand to give them bread. + +And my fatherland will again forgive me, that that time is taken from +her. That is all what I take from her; nothing else of what is given, or +what belongs to her. And the day's work which I take from my country, I +will restore it by a night's labour. To-day, the son and the brother has +done his task; you have requited his labour by a generous charity; the +son and brother thanks you for it, and the patriot, to resume his task, +bids you a hearty, warm farewell. + + + +APPENDICES TO KOSSUTH'S SPEECHES. + + +Appendix I.--_Extracts from a Letter to the 'Daily News,' dated +January 17th, 1852_, by Sabbas Vucovics, _late Minister of Justice +in Hungary, in answer to_ Count Casimir Bathyanyi. + +So early as the commencement of the Serbian insurrection, the popular +suspicion gained ground that the insurrection had been stirred up by the +secret intrigues of the court, and confidence in the truth and good +faith of the King disappeared accordingly. The nation, however, still +indulged the hope that a weak King, though betrayed into ambiguous +proceeding, would not permit himself to be carried away into a flagrant +breach of the constitution. This was the time when the King, in the +opinion of the people, was kept distinct from the Camarilla. But when +the Austrian ministry openly attempted to deprive Hungary of its +ministries of war and finance, when the base game of the degradation and +restoration of Jellachich was played, and when the Hungarian army, +fighting in the name of the King against the insurrections of the +Serbians and Croats, became aware that the balls of that same King +thinned their ranks from the hostile camp, the nation arrived at the +universal conviction that the Hapsburg dynasty were only pursuing their +old absolute tendencies, and that they wanted to force Hungary into +self-defence, in order, under the pretext of rebellion, to deprive it of +all its constitutional rights and guarantees. It needs no proof that a +loud indignation, and even hatred of the dynasty, spread far and wide in +the country, in consequence of these intrigues and proceedings. In spite +of this natural excitement, and of the war itself, carried on by the +nation with an increasing enthusiasm of hatred of the House of Austria, +no party in the country urged a declaration of _decheance_ or +forfeiture against the dynasty. Even all the faithless acts recorded in +the letter of Count Casimir Bathyanyi, and the cruelties committed in +the name of that court in Lower Hungary and Transylvania, did not turn +the scales in this direction. The Pragmatic Sanction was still +considered as good in law; and the many precedents of our history, when +the nation and its kings went to war with each other, and ultimately +settled their disputes by solemn pacts confirming the constitution of +the land, conveyed the notion that a reconciliation was even then not +impossible. + +Without these precedents and reminiscences of history, and only guided +by the universal feeling of the country against the dynasty, the +Hungarian parliament would have pronounced the forfeiture of the House +of Austria so far back as October, 1848, when Jellachich was appointed +absolute plenipotentiary of the King in Hungary, with discretionary +power of life and death; or in December, 1848, when in Olmuetz the +succession of the Hungarian throne was changed and determined, without +the concurrence of the nation through the Diet. To force the nation and +its parliament to the last step in this momentous crisis, the court +itself broke the dynastic tie. + +This was done by the imposition of the constitution of the 4th of March, +1849, by which the House of Austria itself annihilated the Pragmatic +Sanction, treating free and independent Hungary with the arrogance of a +conqueror. The nation, more irritated by this act than by any preceding +event, saw that the hour was come, beyond which further to defer the +dethronement of the dynasty would be alike incompatible with the laws +and the honour of Hungary. _All the channels of public opinion, the +public press, the popular meetings, and even the head quarters of the +army, resounded with emphatic declarations of the impossibility of +reconciliation with the dynasty. The garrison of Komorn_--the most +important fortress of the country--_petitioned the government for the +declaration of forfeiture_. Most assuredly no party manoeuvres were +wanted in this universal excitement, caused by the constitution of the +4th of March, to carry a parliamentary resolution of forfeiture. + +When the proposition of forfeiture was made on the 14th of April, 1849, +in the House of Representatives, only eight members voted against it, in +a house never attended by less than from 220 to 240 members. The House +of Magnates adopted this resolution without opposition. The press of all +shades of opinion, though enjoying the most unlimited freedom, also +declared for the resolution of the Diet. It was moreover received +throughout the whole country with patriotic assent and determination. If +there was a party opposed to the forfeiture, how came it that it did not +hold it to be a duty to declare its opposition in the Diet or through +the press? + +When the intelligence of the unfortunate battle of Temeswar reached the +Governor Kossuth, who was then in the fortress of Arad, he immediately +summoned a council of the ministry to deliberate on measures of public +safety still possible. At this council, in which all the ministers took +part, it was resolved to invest Goergei, who stood alone at the head of +an unconquered army, with full powers for negotiating a peace. It was, +moreover, resolved to dissolve the government, which could not be +carried on in any fixed place of safety under the existing +circumstances. We did not, however, insert in the instrument investing +Goergei with full power (and despatched to him immediately) the +abdication of the government. On the same day--it was the 11th of +August, 1849--Goergei declared in the presence of some of the ministers +who had assembled at Csanyi's (who was one of them), that he could not +accept the commission because the resignation of the government was not +contained in it, while he was sure that the enemy would enter into no +negotiations with him, so long as Kossuth and his ministry were thought +to be behind him. The ministers who were present, after a short +deliberation, considering it to be their duty not to stand in the way of +the negotiation which had been resolved on as necessary, accordingly +sent their resignation to the governor, _whom they requested to resign +as well_. The governor soon after sent his abdication for +countersignature by these members of the ministry, and accordingly the +government formally dissolved itself, after having done so _de +facto_ in the previous council of ministers. I must mention the +circumstance that _in the governor's instrument of abdication +conditions were proscribed to Goergei, which were not inserted in the +original instrument of authorization, issued by the full council_. +These conditions were, the preservation of the nationality and the +autonomy of Hungary. Four ministers took part in this resignation of the +governor, as above stated, Aulich, Csanyi, Horvath, and I. Two of the +ministers, Szemere and [Casimir] Bathyanyi, were absent when the formal +declaration of the abdication was discussed at Csanyi's residence. I +have not mentioned among the ministers our late colleague, the finance +minister Dushek, because his treachery, which was afterwards brought to +light, excludes him from our ranks. From all these circumstances, it +will be manifest how unjust the reproaches of Count Casimir Bathyanyi +are, that no new cabinet council was held. + +It is notorious that Goergei abused the full powers with which he was +entrusted, instead of procuring the preservation of Hungary by a +negotiation for peace, by an ignominious treachery to his native +country. From that very moment the power conferred on him by the +above-mentioned instrument, and the conditional abdication of the +government, consequently and legally reverted to him who had invested +him with it. To deny this, would be to recognize in the foreign rule +which crushed Hungary, in consequence of that treachery, legitimate +right and lawful power. + +I, however, perfectly agree with the noble count, that the nation, once +more restored to its constitutional existence, and free from foreign +yoke, will have the unlimited right to dispose of all the affairs of the +country, and consequently of the executive power. To assert a contrary +opinion would be a crime against the nation. Not over a liberated nation +(which, of course, would have the right to choose whom it will), but +over a nation crushed by an usurping power, the claims of Kossuth, as +elected Governor of Hungary, are, I submit, lawful. + +Republican principles have not been proclaimed at Kossuth's dictation as +the aim of our national exertions. They were, during our struggle, the +well-ascertained and deep-rooted sentiment of the country, and Kossuth +could only faithfully represent the proclaimed will and feeling of the +nation, by inscribing them on his banner. Immediately after the +declaration of independence, all the manifestations of the national will +were unanimous in the desire for a republic. The ministry, which was +nominated by the Governor as a consequence of that legislative act, +declared in both houses of the Diet, that its efforts would be directed +to the establishment of a republic. Both houses joined in this +declaration, and in the government no opposition whatever was manifested +against it. One of the first acts of the new government was to remove +the crown from all national scutcheons, and from the great seal of +Hungary. The press in all its shades developed republican principles. +The new semi-official paper bore the name of _The Republic_. It is +true that the government was only provisional, for the war continued, +and the definite decision of this question depended on unforeseen +circumstances. We should have preferred almost any settlement to the +necessity of a subjection to the Austrian dynasty; and at the price of +emancipation from that detested power, the nation would even have been +prepared, for the sake of aid, to choose a king from another race; but +certainly if it had been the unaided victor in the struggle, never. +Monarchical government would have been for us the resort of expediency. +The government of our wishes and principles was "The Republic." + +I do not feel at all convinced, as the noble count asserts, that the +institutions and habits of Hungary are incompatible with a democratic +republic. I find, on the contrary, traits in them which lead me to an +opposite conclusion. The aggregate character of the numerous nobility +which resigned its privileges in the Diet of 1847-48 of its own accord, +and which was in its nature more a democratic than an aristocratic body, +because neither territorial wealth nor rank interfered with or disturbed +the equality of its rights,--the national antipathy to the system of an +upper house, which was considered as a foreign institution, because it +had been introduced under the Austrian dynasty,--the immemorial custom +of periodically electing all officials, and even the judges,--the +detestation in which bureaucracy and all the instruments of +centralization were held in all ages, while the attachment to the +municipal self-government was ineradicable,--the fact that, in +consequence of the laws which had been sanctioned in April, 1848, the +county authorities, formerly only elected from the "nobility," were +democratically reconstituted, and exercised their functions in this form +till the catastrophe of Vilagos, without the slightest collision between +the different classes of society,--the peaceful election of the +representatives of the last Diet conducted almost on the principle of +universal suffrage,--all these facts unmistakeably prove that the germ +of democracy lay in our institutions, and that these could receive a +democratic development without any concussion. Those characteristic +_traits_ of our nation, which have been so often misrepresented as +signs of an aversion to a republic, and which may be more properly +called civic virtues; as, for example, our respect for law, our +antipathy to untried political theories, our attachment to traditional +customs, and our pride in the history of our country, are no obstacles +to, but rather guarantees, and even conditions of a republic, which is +to be national and enduring. It would indeed be an unprecedented event +in history, if staunch royalism could be the characteristic of a country +which, like Hungary, has found in its kings for three hundred years the +inexorable foes of its liberties, and which in that time, for its +defence, had to wage six bloody wars against the dynasty. + +As to the criticisms by the noble count of the personal character of +Kossuth, I take leave to assert that a great majority of the Hungarian +nation do not share his opinion. It is not my task to appear as a +personal advocate, and I wish, therefore, to advert only to one point of +his attack, which may seem to be based on facts. The noble count +asserts that Kossuth has attained to power _by doubtful means_. I +am amazed at this assertion, knowing, as I do, that Kossuth was proposed +by Count Louis Bathyanyi, and nominated by the King, with the universal +applause of the nation, to the Ministry of Finance. After the +resignation of the first Hungarian ministry, he was freely and +unanimously elected by the Diet to the Presidency of the Committee of +Defence, and after the declared forfeiture of the dynasty to the +Governorship of the country. I know no more honourable means by which a +man can be raised to power. + +S. VUKOVICS, + +Late Minister of Justice of Hungary. + +_London, January 17, 1852_. + + * * * * * + +Appendix II.--_Extracts from a Letter to the 'Times,' dated December +9th, 1851, by_ Bartholomew Szemere, _late Minister of the Interior +in Hungary; in answer to_ Prince Esterhazy. + +I shall now proceed to give a succinct account of what took place from +April 14, when the new acts received the Royal sanction, to December, +1848. You may be assured that I shall conceal nothing that tended to +change the relations between Hungary and Austria. + +The Prime Minister was already nominated when Jellachich was raised to +the dignity of Ban of Croatia by a Royal decree which the Premier was +not even asked to countersign. The Hungarian ministers, nevertheless, +for the sake of peace, overlooked this irregular proceeding. + +By a decree, dated June 10, 1848, the King made known to all whom it +might concern, that all the troops stationed within the kingdom of +Hungary, whether Hungarians or Austrians, were placed under the orders +of the Hungarian Minister of War, and that all the Hungarian fortresses +were under the jurisdiction of the said Minister. Yet at this very time +officers of the Imperial and Royal army were taking an active part in +the rebellion of the Serbs and Valachs, while General Mayerhofer was +enlisting recruits in the principality of Servia, and sending them to +assist the rebels. The people thus beheld with astonishment civil war +break out, and saw with still greater astonishment that Imperial +officers were fighting on both sides. + +Jellachich, as a functionary of the Hungarian Crown, refused to obey the +Hungarian ministry, and illegally summoned a Croatian Diet to meet at +Agram on June 5. In consequence of these proceedings, Ferdinand V., by a +decree dated June 10, 1848, deprived him, as a rebel, of all his civil +and military offices and dignities, but at the same time sent him, +through his Minister of War, Latour, field officers, artillery and +ammunition. + +The troubles increased daily. The Hungarian ministry requested the +Archduke John to act us mediator. He accepted the office, but did +nothing. + +The Diet met on July 2. The Palatine, as the representative of the +Sovereign in the speech from the Throne, said that, as several districts +were in a state of open rebellion, the principal objects to which, in +the name of His Majesty, he should direct the attention of the Diet were +the finances and the defences of the country, and that bills relating to +these objects would be brought in by the Ministers. He then proceeded as +follows:--"His Majesty has learned with painful feelings, that although +he only followed the dictates of his own gracious inclination, when, at +the request of the faithful Hungarian people, he gave his sovereign +sanction to the laws enacted by the last Diet--laws which the common +weal, according to the exigencies of the present age, rendered +imperatively necessary--there are, nevertheless, a number of seditious +agitators, especially in the annexed territories and the Hungarian +districts of the Lower Danube, who, by false reports and terrorism, have +excited the different religious sects and races speaking different +languages against each other, and, by mendaciously affirming that the +above-mentioned laws are not the free expressions of His Majesty's Royal +will, have stirred up the people to offer an armed opposition to the +execution of the law, and to the legally constituted authorities. And, +moreover, that some of these agitators have even proceeded so far in +their iniquitous course as to spread the report that this armed +opposition has been made in the interests of the dynasty, and with the +knowledge, and connivance of His Majesty or of the members of His +Majesty's Royal house. I therefore, in order that all the inhabitants of +the kingdom, without distinction as to creed or language, may have their +minds set at rest, hereby declare, in conformity with the sovereign +behest of His Majesty our most gracious King, and in his sovereign name +and person, that it is His Majesty's firm and steadfast determination to +defend with all his Royal power and authority the unity and integrity of +His Royal Hungarian crown against every attack from without, and every +attempt at disruption and separation that may be made within the +kingdom, and at the same time inviolably to maintain the laws which have +received the Royal sanction. And while His Majesty will not suffer any +one to curtail the liberties assured to all classes by the law, His +Majesty, as well as all the members of His Royal dynasty, strongly +condemns the audacity of those who venture to affirm that any illegal +act whatsoever or any disrespect of the constituted authorities can be +reconcileable with His Majesty's sovereign will, or at all compatible +with the interests of the Royal dynasty." + +It thus clearly appears that the King acknowledged the validity and the +inviolability of the acts passed by the Diet of 1847-8 three months +after they had been sanctioned. + +Relying on the sincerity of the Royal asseverations, the Diet humbly +requested that His Majesty would be graciously pleased to render the +country happy by his presence. It was, in fact, the general wish that +the King should come to Hungary; even the most radical journals loudly +declared that if he came he would be received with enthusiasm bordering +on madness. + +Meanwhile the rebellion of the Croats, Serbs, and Valachs, was spreading +daily, and that, too, _in the name of the Sovereign_. Generals, +colonels, and other field officers of the Imperial army were at the head +of it, without any one of them being summoned by the King to answer for +his conduct. The eyes of the too credulous natives were now opened, and +still more when the King refused to sanction the acts for the levying of +troops and raising of funds for the suppression of the rebellion, +although the Diet had been convened chiefly for this purpose. + +I must here observe that at this period nothing whatever had occurred +that could serve as a pretext for the dynasty to support the rebellion. +The Diet, it is true, would not consent that the troops that were to be +levied should be draughted into the old regiments; but it was obviously +impossible for the Diet to consent to any such measures at a period when +the rebels were everywhere led by Imperial officers, when the Austrian +troops stationed in Hungary, although they had been placed under the +orders of the Hungarian Ministry, refused to fight against those rebels, +and the commanders of fortresses to receive orders from the Hungarian +War-office. + +On the 8th of September a deputation from the Hungarian Diet earnestly +entreated His Majesty to sanction two acts relating to the levying of +troops and taxes. The King refused; but in his answer to the address of +the deputation said, "I trust that no one will hereby suppose that I +have the intention to set aside or infringe the existing laws. This, I +repeat, is far from my intention. On the contrary, it is my firm and +determined will to maintain, in conformity with my coronation oath, the +laws, the integrity, and the rights of the kingdom, under my Hungarian +crown." + +The King made this solemn declaration on the 8th of September, and on +the 9th of September Jellachich crossed the Drave with 48,000 men to +wage war in the King's name on the Hungarian Diet and Ministry. The King +had, moreover, on _the 4th of September_, affixed his sign manual +to a letter or Royal mandate addressed to Jellachich, and revoking the +decree by which he had been deprived of his civil and military offices +and dignities. His Majesty, in this letter, also expressed his high +approbation of the Ban's conduct. By a Royal decree, dated October 3, +the constitution was suspended, martial law proclaimed, and Jellachich, +the rebel, appointed His Majesty's Plenipotentiary Commissary for the +kingdom of Hungary, and invested with unlimited authority to act, in the +name of His Majesty, within the said kingdom. + +Hungary, so far from commencing the revolution, was not even prepared to +meet the invasion of the Croatian Ban. He was defeated near +Stuhlweissenburg by the Landsturm. The Hungarian Government only began +to organize regular troops in October. + +That the Diet did not recognize a decree that suspended the constitution +and invested Jellachich with the dictatorship, will be found quite +natural, if not by you, at least by every Englishman who cherishes +constitutional freedom, the more so as its proceedings on this occasion +were founded on legal right, viz., on act 4, sect. 6, of 1847-8, which +expressly ordains that "the annual session of the Diet shall not be +closed, nor the Diet itself dissolved, before the budget for the ensuing +year has been voted." + +From this short but faithful account of what actually occurred, it +clearly appears that the Hungarian nation had not recourse to arms until +the Ban of Croatia entered the Hungarian territory with an +Austrian-Croatian army. It is also an undeniable fact that until the +promulgation of the Austrian Charter in March, 1849--by which, with a +stroke of the pen, the independence of Hungary was destroyed, its +constitution abolished, and its territories dismembered--the Hungarian +nation never demanded anything else than the maintenance of the laws and +institutions which its Sovereign had sanctioned and sworn to maintain +inviolate. It was however precisely for the purpose of destroying these +laws and institutions that the dynasty began the war. This, of course, +they did not venture to avow. It was necessary to conceal the real +motives of their perfidious conduct from the civilized world. Hence in +their public proclamations they always alleged some pretext or +other--all of them equally groundless. At the commencement they said +that it was only an insignificant faction they had to deal with; but +when they saw that the whole nation was arrayed in arms against them, +they declared it was for the suppression of demagogueism, propagated by +foreigners, chiefly Poles, that their armies had entered Hungary; and to +give a colour to this pretext they industriously spread the report that +there were 20,000 Poles in the ranks of the Hungarians. When however it +became notorious that no more than 1,000 Poles were fighting under our +national standard, the Austrian dynasty appeared as the +_soi-disant_ champion and judge of the various nationalities or +races. This answered well enough until the system of centralization +showed too clearly that an attempt would be made to Germanize these +nationalities; when the dynasty again veered about, and, leaving +"nationalities" in the lurch, took up the peasantry. We consequently +find the Austrian Government assuring the Washington Cabinet (in the +note of July 4, 1851) that they had waged war on Hungary in order to +crush a turbulent aristocracy that "preach democracy with their tongues, +while their whole lives consist in the daily exercise over their +fellow-men of arbitrary power in the most repugnant form." This last +pretext, so ostentatiously put forth, loses, however, even its +plausibility when contrasted with the policy of the dynasty in 1848, for +it is an undoubted fact that, although the reforms effected in our +_political_ institutions at that period were consented to by the +dynasty without much hesitation, it required the most energetic +remonstrances on the part of the Diet to obtain the Royal sanction to +the act for the liberation of the peasants from feudal bondage. + +It is precisely to the fact of all classes, without distinction, being +equally aware of the cabals of the dynasty, that may be ascribed the +success of the Hungarian insurrection. It was not _one_ man, nor a +party, nor a conspiracy, nor terrorism, that awakened that spontaneous +enthusiasm with which the people rushed to arms. Kossuth may have been +the rallying cry; but he was not the cause of the war. For several +months the people had witnessed the equivocal conduct of the dynasty; +had seen that its words were belied by its deeds; had seen that the +rebels were everywhere led by Imperial officers; and finally beheld +Jellachich, a high functionary of the Hungarian Crown, invade the +country at the head of an Austro-Croatian army. It was then, and not +till then, that the nation cried, as with one voice--_the King is a +traitor_. From that day began the Hungarian revolution. On that day +the monarchical feeling was extinguished. What no one had thought it +possible to accomplish was accomplished by the dynasty itself. + + * * * * * + +APPENDIX III.--_Extracts from a Letter to the 'Daily News,' in +February, 1852, by a_, "HUNGARIAN EXILE," _in reply to a Letter +from_ SZEMERE, _to the 'London Examiner_.' + +[I am personally acquainted with the accomplished and intelligent +"Exile;" but as he is absent from England, I cannot obtain permission to +publish his name.] + +It was more than two months after the civil war had been raging in the +Banat and Transylvania that the question of giving fresh troops for the +suppression of the Italian war was brought before the Assembly at Pesth, +July 22, 1846. Now, what are the accusations M. Szemere brings forth +against Kossuth in reference to the Italian question? The pith of M. +Szemere's reasoning is, that the ministry agreed, in the protocol of +July 5, upon construing the Pragmatic Sanction as binding Hungary to +protect the integrity of Austria; "yet that Kossuth, as the organ of the +ministry, spoke in a way as if he did not approve of the policy, and +sought to make the public believe that the protocol was merely a moral +demonstration:" further, that when the opposition denied the obligation +of Hungary to defend Austria, the ministry refused to enter into any +discussion on an acknowledged principle of constitutional law. + +In order to show the utter hollowness of this attack, it may be +sufficient to look at the date and circumstances M. Szemere talks of. +The protocol in question was agreed upon on July 5th, the day when the +parliament met to provide for the defence of the country. The members, +inexperienced in foreign politics and ignorant of the cabals of courts, +although presuming that the civil war was kindled in Vienna, were at +first blinded by the royal convocation of the Diet to provide for the +safety of the country; putting, moreover, implicit confidence in the +sagacity and goodwill of the ministry. When however Kossuth opened the +debate on the Italian question, July 22, affairs looked quite different +from what they appeared to be when the protocol was drawn up. The +treachery of the dynasty broke upon the mind of the most careless, and +its connexions with the leaders of the rebellious tribes had become +undeniable facts. It was during that short time, from July 5 to July 22, +that our national forces met in the Serbian entrenchments of St. Thomas, +Foeldvar, and Turia, regular Austrian soldiers: Meyerhofe, the Austrian +consul at Belgrade, was openly recruiting bands of Servians to reinforce +the insurgents; nay, it became even evident that General Bechtold, +appointed by His Majesty to lead the faithful Hungarians against the +rebellious Serbs, led them on in order to get them the sooner decimated +and broken. Some members of the opposition, headed by General Perczel, +declaimed loudly against the cowardly and fallacious policy of the +ministry, resolving to compel ministers to resign or to induce them to +take some more efficacious measures. In short, during this space of +time, the government and people found themselves in quite a new +position. Kossuth, in concert with the ministry, moved a levy of 200,000 +men (July 11), which motion the Assembly hailed with unparalleled +enthusiasm, and which the people witnessed with approval, as affording a +guarantee of their liberties. It was in the midst of these moments of +excitement and temporary distress that Kossuth, as the most popular +member of the cabinet, was pointed out as the person most fitted to +undertake the very difficult task of speaking on the Italian question +alluded to by M. Szemere. Public opinion, aided by the opposition of the +house, was convinced that Austria, after having subjugated the +Lombard-Venetians with Hungarian troops, would then turn to Hungary, the +enslavement of which might more easily be executed by the country's +being bereft of a number of stout arms indispensable to her own defence. +Kossuth therefore, as a man of true liberal principles, while +acknowledging the ground to be right upon which the opposition moved, +professed in the speech alluded to that he had agreed then with his +colleagues in respect to the Italian question, on the ground that the +moral power of the protocol would suffice, although as a private +individual he could not help rejoicing at the victories of the Italian +people. Now, I submit it to every enlightened Englishman to decide +whether Kossuth evinced a want of civic virtue in declaring that, as a +man who wished freedom for himself, he could not rejoice in the sending +of troops to subjugate another people struggling against the same +tyrant? + +Referring to the policy of the ministry, M. Szemere says "that Count +Louis Bathyanyi declared, on the 31st March, that the obligation +enjoined by the Pragmatic Sanction was such that Hungary was bound +thereby to defend the territorial integrity of the Austrian monarchy, +but that they (the ministers) would carefully avoid interfering in the +internal affairs of the states that constituted this monarchy." +Irrespective of this--that Count Bathyanyi explained the policy in +March, when Hungary enjoyed perfect peace, whereas the debate on the +Italian question happened in the midst of most threatening civil wars +carried on directly by Austria--it must be remembered that if by the 1st +article of the Pragmatic Sanction Hungary was bound to afford aid to +Austria _etiam contra vim externam_, that same article provided +that the States composing the realm of Hungary were to be preserved by +the monarch _aeque indivisibiliter_ as his hereditary estates; and +that by the 3d article of that celebrated law the Sovereign promised, +for himself and his successors, to compel his subjects of every state +and degree to observe the laws and rights of Hungary. It is therefore +evident that the infraction of this law, by the countenance and aid +furnished to the Serbs (as also to Jellachich), fully exonerated the +Hungarians from sending troops to Italy before they had provided for the +safety of their country, and fully justified them and their responsible +minister for drawing the attention of their Sovereign to it in the +address to the Crown. M. Szemere talks of protecting the integrity of +the Austrian empire, and carefully avoiding to interfere with the +internal affairs of other states. The Czar may indeed exclaim, with M. +Szemere, that in sending his Cossacks into Hungary he never intended to +interfere in our internal affairs. + +The second charge, as to Kossuth's striving to concentrate in his person +all power and authority, is, I fear, indicative of the animus which +prompted M. Szemere to write these letters, namely, jealousy of his +great countryman. The charge, however, is entirely without foundation: +and the only question is, as to how Kossuth acquired such unbounded +influence over his countrymen of every rank and station. The means by +which Kossuth gained such an ascendancy over his colleagues, M. Szemere +himself must own, were, the implicit confidence the country placed in +his patriotism, and the conviction it had acquired of his genius and +indefatigable activity. In moments of extreme danger no name was heard +but that of Kossuth. I am far from asserting that all Kossuth has done +is exempt from censure; but it must, on the other hand, be admitted that +all that was grand in our revolution happened by his instrumentality. +His mere appearance, as, for instance, in Debreczin, January, 1849, when +the second danger seemed to overwhelm the country, roused the frightened +people of the Thesis, who crowded under the national standard and +shattered to pieces the Austrian forces. + +The fall of Hungary can only be traced to the following three +circumstances:--1st. That it was not believed that European diplomacy +would allow Russian intervention. 2d. That our plan of warfare, directed +by the council of war, and not by Kossuth, wanted that concentration +which could alone have ensured success. 3d. That the character of +Goergei, whom our generals never accused of treacherous designs, was a +mystery: nay, the patriotic General Perczel, who proclaimed loudly +Goergei's treachery from the very beginning, had the satisfaction to be +laughed at and hooted down. To impute these disastrous circumstances to +Kossuth alone, is to render one's self guilty of the greatest perversion +of generally acknowledged and incontrovertible facts. + +A HUNGARIAN EXILE. + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Select Speeches of Kossuth, by Kossuth + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK SELECT SPEECHES OF KOSSUTH *** + +***** This file should be named 10691.txt or 10691.zip ***** +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: + https://www.gutenberg.org/1/0/6/9/10691/ + +Produced by Keren Vergon, Rich Magahiz and PG Distributed Proofreaders + +Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions +will be renamed. + +Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no +one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation +(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without +permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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