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+The Project Gutenberg EBook of Renaissance in Italy, Volumes 1 and 2
+by John Addington Symonds
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: Renaissance in Italy, Volumes 1 and 2
+       The Catholic Reaction
+
+Author: John Addington Symonds
+
+Release Date: August 10, 2005 [EBook #16504]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK RENAISSANCE IN ITALY ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Ted Garvin, Chuck Greif and the Online
+Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+RENAISSANCE IN ITALY
+
+_THE CATHOLIC REACTION_
+
+In Two Parts
+
+BY
+
+JOHN ADDINGTON SYMONDS
+
+   'Deh! per Dio, donna,
+Se romper si potria quelle grandi ale?
+       *       *       *       *       *
+Tu piangi e taci; e questo meglio parmi'
+
+              SAVONAROLA: _De Ruina Ecclesia_
+
+
+
+
+PART I
+
+NEW YORK HENRY HOLT AND COMPANY 1887 _AUTHOR'S EDITION_
+
+
+
+
+PREFACE.
+
+
+At the end of the second volume of my 'Renaissance in Italy' I indulged
+the hope that I might live to describe the phase of culture which closed
+that brilliant epoch. It was in truth demanded that a work pretending to
+display the manifold activity of the Italian genius during the 15th
+century and the first quarter of the 16th, should also deal with the
+causes which interrupted its further development upon the same lines.
+
+This study, forming a logically-necessitated supplement to the five
+former volumes of 'Renaissance in Italy,' I have been permitted to
+complete. The results are now offered to the public in these two parts.
+
+So far as it was possible, I have conducted my treatment of the Catholic
+Revival on a method analogous to that adopted for the Renaissance. I
+found it, however, needful to enter more minutely into details regarding
+facts and institutions connected with the main theme of national
+culture.
+
+The Catholic Revival was by its nature reactionary. In order to explain
+its influences, I have been compelled to analyze the position of Spain
+in the Italian peninsula, the conduct of the Tridentine Council, the
+specific organization of the Holy Office and the Company of Jesus, and
+the state of society upon which those forces were brought to bear.
+
+In the list of books which follows these prefatory remarks, I have
+indicated the most important of the sources used by me. Special
+references will be made in their proper places to works of a subordinate
+value for the purposes of my inquiry.
+
+DAVOS PLATZ: _July_ 1886.
+
+_WORKS COMMONLY REFERRED TO IN THE TWO SUCCEEDING VOLUMES OF THIS
+BOOK_.
+
+SISMONDI.--Histoire des Republiques Italiennes du Moyen Age.
+RANKE.--History of the Popes. 3 vols. English edition: Bohn.
+CREIGHTON.--History of the Papacy during the Reformation. 2
+   vols. Macmillan.
+BOTTA.--Storia d'Italia. Continuata da quella del Guicciardini
+   sino al 1789.
+FERRARI.--Rivoluzioni d'Italia. 3 vols.
+QUINET.--Les Revolutions d'Italie.
+GALLUZZI.--Storia del Granducato di Toscana.
+PALLAVICINI.--Storia del Concilio Tridentino.
+SARPI.--Storia del Concilio. Vols. 1 and 2 of Sarpi's Opere.
+DENNISTOUN'S Dukes of Urbino. 3 vols.
+ALBERI.--Relazioni degli Ambasciatori Veneti.
+MUTINELLI.--Storia Arcana ed Aneddotica d'Italia. Raccontata
+   dai Veneti Ambasciatori. 4 vols. Venice. 1858.
+MUTINELLI.--Annali Urbani di Venezia.
+LITTA.--Famiglie Celebri Italiane.
+PHIUPPSON.--La Contre-Révolution Religieuse au XVIme Siècle
+   Bruxelles. 1884.
+DEJOB.--De l'Influence du Concile de Trente. Paris. 1884.
+GIORDANI.--Delia Venuta e Dimora in Bologna del Sommo Pontefice
+   Clemente VII. per la Coronazione di Carlo V., Imperatore. Bologna. 1832.
+BALBI.--Sommario della Storia d'Italia.
+CANTÙ.--Gli Eretici d'Italia. 3 vols. Torino. 1866.
+LLORENTE.--Histoire Critique de I'Inquisition d'Espagne. 4 vols.
+   Paris. 1818.
+LAVALLÉE.--Histoire des Inquisitions Religieuses. 2 vols. Paris.
+   1808.
+MCCRIE.--History of the Reformation in Italy. Edinburgh. 1827.
+TIRABOSCHI.--Storia della Letteratura Italiana.
+DE SANCTIS.--Storia della Letteratura Italiana. 2 vols.
+SETTEMBRINI.--Storia della Letteratura Italiana. 3 vols.
+CANTÙ.--Storia della Letteratura Italiana. Decreta, etc.,
+   Societatis Jesu. Avignon. 1827.
+CANTÙ.--Storia della Diocesi di Como. 2 vols.
+DANDOLO.--La Signora di Monza e le Streghe del Tirolo. Milano.
+   1855.
+BONGHI.--Storia di Lucrezia Buonvisi. Lucca. 1864.
+   Archivio Storico Italiano.
+BANDI LUCCHESI.--Bologna: Romagnoli. 1863.
+BERTOLOTTI.--Francesco Cenci e la sua Famiglia. Firenze. 1877.
+GNOLI.--Vittoria Accoramboni. Firenze: Le Monnier. 1870.
+DAELLI.--Lorenzino de'Medici. Milano. 1862.
+DE STENDHAL.--Chroniques et Nouvelles. Paris. 1855.
+GIORDANO BRUNO.--Opere Italiane (Wagner). 2 vols. Leipzig. 1830.
+JORDANUS BRUNUS.--Opera Latina. 2 vols. Neapoli. 1879.
+BRUNO.--Scripta Latina (Gförer). Stuttgart. 1836.
+BERTI.--Vita di Giordano Bruno. Firenze, Torino, Milano. 1868.
+BRUNNHOFER.--Giordano Bruno's Weltanschauung und Verhangniss.
+   Leipzig. 1882.
+PAOLO SARPI.--Opere. 6 vols. Helmstat. 1765.
+FRA FULGENZIO MICANZI--Vita del Sarpi.
+BIANCHI GIOVINI.--Biografia di Fra Paolo Sarpi. 2 vols. Bruxelles. 1836.
+   Lettere di Fra Paolo Sarpi. 2 vols. Firenze. 1863.
+CAMPBELL.--Life of Fra Paolo Sarpi. London: Molini and Green. 1869
+DEJOB.--Marc-Antoine Muret. Paris: Thorin. 1881.
+CHRISTIE.--Etienne Dolet. London: Macmillan. 1880.
+RENOUARD.--Imprimerie des Aides.
+TORQUATO TASSO.--Opere. Ed. Rosini. 33 vols. Pisa. 1822
+   and on.
+
+_WORKS REFERRED TO IN THIS BOOK_.
+
+TASSO.--Le Lettere. Ed. Guasti. 5 vols. Firenze. 1855.
+CECCHI.--T. Tasso e la Vita Italiana. Firenze. 1877.
+CECCHI.--T. Tasso. Il Pensiero e le Belle Lettere, etc. Firenze. 1877.
+D'OVIDIO.--Saggi Critici. Napoli. 1878.
+MANSO.--Vita di T. Tasso, in Rosini's edition, vol. 33.
+ROSINI.--Saggio sugli Amori di T. Tasso, in edition cited
+   above, vol. 33.
+GUARINI.--Il Pastor Fido. Ed. Casella. Firenze: Barbèra. 1866.
+MARINO.--Adone, etc. Napoli. 1861.
+CHIABRERA.--Ed. Polidori. Firenze: Barbèra. 1865.
+TASSONI.--La Secchia Rapita. Ed. Carducci. Firenze: Barbèra 1861.
+   Il Parnaso Italiano.
+BAINI.--Vita di G. P. L. Palestrina.
+FELSINA PITTRICE.--2 vols. Bologna. 1841.
+LANZI.--History of Painting in Italy. English Edition.
+   London. Bohn. Vol. 3.
+
+
+
+
+CONTENTS OF THE FIRST VOLUME.
+
+     CHAPTER I.
+
+     THE SPANISH HEGEMONY.
+
+     Italy in the Renaissance--The Five Great Powers--The Kingdom of
+     Naples--The Papacy--The Duchy of Milan--Venice--The Florentine
+     Republic--Wars of Invasion closed by the Sack of Rome in
+     1527--Concordat between Clement VII. and Charles V.--Treaty of
+     Barcelona and Paix des Dames--Charles lands at Genoa--His Journey
+     to Bologna--Entrance into Bologna and Reception by
+     Clement--Mustering of Italian Princes--Franceso Sforza replaced in
+     the Duchy of Milan--Venetian Embassy--Italian League signed on
+     Christmas Eve 1529--Florence alone excluded--The Siege of Florence
+     pressed by the Prince of Orange--Charles's Coronation as King of
+     Italy and Holy Roman Emperor--The Significance of this Ceremony at
+     Bologna--Ceremony in S. Petronio--Settlement of the Duchy of
+     Ferrara--Men of Letters and Arts at Bologna--The Emperor's Use of
+     the Spanish Habit--Charles and Clement leave Bologna in March
+     1530--Review of the Settlement of Italy affected by Emperor and
+     Pope--Extinction of Republics--Subsequent Absorption of Ferrara and
+     Urbino into the Papal States--Savoy becomes an Italian
+     Power--Period between Charles's Coronation and the Peace of Cateau
+     Cambresis in 1559--Economical and Social Condition of the Italians
+     under Spanish Hegemony--The Nation still exists in Separate
+     Communities--Intellectual Conditions--Predominance of Spain and
+     Rome--Both Cosmopolitan Powers--Leveling down of the Component
+     Portions of the Nation in a Common Servitude--The Evils of Spanish
+     Rule
+
+     CHAPTER II.
+
+     THE PAPACY AND THE TRIDENTINE COUNCIL.
+
+
+     The Counter-Reformation--Its Intellectual and Moral
+     Character--Causes of the Gradual Extinction of Renaissance
+     Energy--Transition from the Renaissance to the Catholic
+     Revival--New Religious Spirit in Italy--Attitude of Italians toward
+     German Reformation--Oratory of Divine Love--Gasparo Contarini and
+     the Moderate Reformers--New Religious Orders--Paul III.--His early
+     History and Education--Political Attitude between France and
+     Spain--Creation of the Duchy of Parma--Imminence of a General
+     Council--Review of previous Councils--Paul's Uneasiness--Opens a
+     Council at Trent in 1542--Protestants virtually excluded, and
+     Catholic Dogmas confirmed in the first Sessions--Death of Paul in
+     1549--Julius III.--Paul IV.--Character and Ruling Passions of G. P.
+     Caraffa--His Futile Opposition to Spain--Tyranny of His
+     Nephews--Their Downfall--Paul devotes himself to Church Reform and
+     the Inquisition--Pius IV.--His Minister Morone--Diplomatic Temper
+     of this Pope--His Management of the Council--Assistance rendered by
+     his Nephew Carlo Borromeo--Alarming State of Northern Europe--The
+     Council reopened at Trent in 1562--Subsequent History of the
+     Council--It closes with a complete Papal Triumph in 1563--Place of
+     Pius IV. in History--Pius V.--The Inquisitor Pope--Population of
+     Rome--Social Corruption--Sale of Offices and Justice--Tridentine
+     Reforms depress Wealth--Ascetic Purity of Manners becomes
+     fashionable--Catholic Reaction generates the
+     Counter-Reformation--Battle of Lepanto--Gregory XIII.--His
+     Relatives--Policy of enriching the Church at Expense of the
+     Barons--Brigandage in States of the Church--Sixtus V.--His Stern
+     Justice--Rigid Economy--Great Public Works--Taxation--The City of
+     Rome assumes its present form--Nepotism in the Counter-Reformation
+     Period--Various Estimates of the Wealth accumulated by Papal
+     Nephews--Rise of Princely Roman Families
+
+     CHAPTER III.
+
+     THE INQUISITION AND THE INDEX.
+
+     Different Spirit in the Holy Office and the Company of Jesus--Both
+     needed by the Counter-Reformation--Heresy in the Early
+     Church--First Origins of the Inquisition in 1203--S. Dominic--The
+     Holy Office becomes a Dominican Institution--Recognized by the
+     Empire--Its early Organization--The Spanish Inquisition--Founded in
+     1484--How it differed from the earlier Apostolical
+     Inquisition--Jews, Moors, New Christians--Organization and History
+     of the Holy Office in Spain--Torquemada and his Successors--The
+     Spanish Inquisition never introduced into Italy--How the Roman
+     Inquisition organized by Caraffa differed from it--_Autos da fé_ in
+     Rome--Proscription of suspected Lutherans--The Calabrian
+     Waldenses--Protestants at Locarno and Venice--Digression on the
+     Venetian Holy Office--Persecution of Free Thought in
+     Literature--Growth of the Index Librorum Prohibitorum--Sanction
+     given to it by the Council of Trent--The Roman Congregation of the
+     Index--Final Form of the Censorship of Books under Clement
+     VIII.--Analysis of its Regulations--Proscription of Heretical
+     Books--Correction of Texts--Purgation and Castration--Inquisitorial
+     and Episcopal Licenses--Working of the System of this Censorship in
+     Italy--Its long Delays--Hostility to Sound Learning--Ignorance of
+     the Censors--Interference with Scholars in their Work--Terrorism of
+     Booksellers--Vatican Scheme for the Restoration of Christian
+     Erudition--Frustrated by the Tyranny of the Index--Dishonesty of
+     the Vatican Scholars--Biblical Studies rendered nugatory by the
+     Tridentine Decree on the Vulgate--Decline of Learning in
+     Universities--Miserable Servitude of Professors--Greek dies
+     out--Muretus and Manutius in Rome--The Index and its Treatment of
+     Political Works--Machiavelli--_Ratio Status_--Encouragement of
+     Literature on Papal Absolutism--Sarpi's Attitude--Comparative
+     Indifference of Rome to Books of Obscene or Immoral
+     Tendency--Bandello and Boccaccio--Papal Attempts to control
+     Intercourse of Italians with Heretics
+
+     CHAPTER IV.
+
+     THE COMPANY OF JESUS.
+
+     Vast Importance of the Jesuits in the Counter-Reformation--Ignatius
+     Loyola--His Youth--Retreat at Manresa--Journey to
+     Jerusalem--Studies in Spain and Paris--First Formation of his Order
+     at Sainte Barbe--Sojourn at Venice--Settlement at Rome--Papal
+     Recognition of the Order--Its Military Character--Absolutism of the
+     General--Devotion to the Roman Church--Choice of Members--Practical
+     and Positive Aims of the Founder--Exclusion of the Ascetic,
+     Acceptance of the Worldly Spirit--Review of the Order's Rapid
+     Extension over Europe--Loyola's Dealings with his Chief
+     Lieutenants--Propaganda--The Virtue of Obedience--The _Exercitia
+     Spiritualia_--Materialistic Imagination--Intensity and
+     Superficiality of Religious Training--The Status of the
+     Novice--Temporal Coadjutors--Scholastics--Professed of the Three
+     Vows--Professed of the Four Vows--The General--Control exercised
+     over him by his Assistants--His Relation to the General
+     Congregation--Espionage a Part of the Jesuit System--Advantageous
+     Position of a Contented Jesuit--The Vow of Poverty--Houses of the
+     Professed and Colleges--The Constitutions and Declarations--Problem
+     of the _Monita Secreta_--Reciprocal Relations of Rome and the
+     Company--Characteristics of Jesuit Education--Direction of
+     Consciences--Moral Laxity--Sarpi's
+     Critique--Casuistry--Interference in Affairs of State--Instigation
+     to Regicide and Political Conspiracy--Theories of Church
+     Supremacy--Insurgence of the European Nations against the Company
+
+
+     CHAPTER V.
+
+     SOCIAL AND DOMESTIC MORALS I PART I.
+
+     How did the Catholic Revival affect Italian Society?--Difficulty of
+     Answering this Question--Frequency of Private Crimes of
+     Violence--Homicides and Bandits--Savage Criminal Justice--Paid
+     Assassins--Toleration of Outlaws--Honorable Murder--Example of the
+     Lucchese Army--State of the Convents--The History of Virginia de
+     Leyva--Lucrezia Buonvisi--The True Tale of the Cenci--The Brothers
+     of the House of Massimo--Vittoria Accoramboni--The Duchess of
+     Palliano--Wife-Murders--The Family of Medici
+
+
+     CHAPTER VI.
+
+     SOCIAL AND DOMESTIC MORALS: PART II.
+
+     Tales illustrative of Bravi and Banditti--Cecco Bibboni--Ambrogio
+     Tremazzi--Lodovico dall'Armi--Brigandage--Piracy--Plagues--The
+     Plagues of Milan, Venice, Piedmont--Persecution of the
+     Untori--Moral State of the Proletariate--Witchcraft--Its Italian
+     Features--History of Giacomo Centini
+
+
+
+
+RENAISSANCE IN ITALY.
+
+CHAPTER I.
+
+THE SPANISH HEGEMONY.
+
+
+     Italy in the Renaissance--The Five Great Powers--The Kingdom of
+     Naples--The Papacy--The Duchy of Milan--Venice--The Florentine
+     Republic--Wars of Invasion closed by the Sack of Rome in
+     1527--Concordat between Clement VII. and Charles V.--Treaty of
+     Barcelona and Paix des Dames--Charles lands at Genoa--His Journey
+     to Bologna--Entrance into Bologna and Reception by
+     Clement--Mustering of Italian Princes--Francesco Sforza replaced in
+     the Duchy of Milan--Venetian Embassy--Italian League signed on
+     Christmas Eve, 1529--Florence alone excluded--The Siege of Florence
+     pressed by the Prince of Orange--Charles's Coronation as King of
+     Italy and Holy Roman Emperor--The Significance of this Ceremony at
+     Bologna--Ceremony in S. Petronio--Settlement of the Duchy of
+     Ferrara--Men of Letters and Arts at Bologna--The Emperor's Use of
+     the Spanish Habit--Charles and Clement leave Bologna in March,
+     1530--Review of the Settlement of Italy effected by Emperor and
+     Pope--Extinction of Republics--Subsequent Absorption of Ferrara and
+     Urbino into the Papal States--Savoy becomes an Italian
+     Power--Period between Charles's Coronation and the Peace of Cateau
+     Cambresis in 1559--Economical and Social Condition of the Italians
+     under Spanish Hegemony--The Nation still Exists in Separate
+     Communities--Intellectual Conditions--Predominance of Spain and
+     Rome--Both Cosmopolitan Powers--Leveling down of the Component
+     Portions of the Nation in a Common Servitude--The Evils of Spanish
+     Rule.
+
+
+In the first volume of my book on _Renaissance in Italy_ I attempted to
+set forth the political and social phases through which the Italians
+passed before their principal States fell into the hands of despots, and
+to explain the conditions of mutual jealousy and military feebleness
+which exposed those States to the assaults of foreign armies at the
+close of the fifteenth century.
+
+In the year 1494, when Charles VIII. of France, at Lodovico Sforza's
+invitation, crossed the Alps to make good his claim on Naples, the
+peninsula was Independent. Internal peace had prevailed for a period of
+nearly fifty years. An equilibrium had been established between the five
+great native Powers, which secured the advantages of confederation and
+diplomatic interaction.
+
+While using the word confederation, I do not, of course, imply that
+anything similar to the federal union of Switzerland or of North America
+existed in Italy. The contrary is proved by patent facts. On a miniature
+scale, Italy then displayed political conditions analogous to those
+which now prevail in Europe. The parcels of the nation adopted different
+forms of self-government, sought divers foreign alliances, and owed no
+allegiance to any central legislative or administrative body. I
+therefore speak of the Italian confederation only in the same sense as
+Europe may now be called a confederation of kindred races.
+
+In the year 1630, when Charles V. (of Austria and Spain) was crowned
+Emperor at Bologna, this national independence had been irretrievably
+lost by the Italians. This confederation of evenly-balanced Powers was
+now exchanged for servitude beneath a foreign monarchy, and for
+subjection to a cosmopolitan elective priesthood.
+
+The history of social, intellectual, and moral conditions in Italy
+during the seventy years of the sixteenth century which followed
+Charles's coronation at Bologna, forms the subject of this work; but
+before entering upon these topics it will be well to devote one chapter
+to considering with due brevity the partition of Italy into five States
+in 1494, the dislocation of this order by the wars between Spain and
+France for supremacy, the position in which the same States found
+themselves respectively at the termination of those wars in 1527, and
+the new settlement of the peninsula effected by Charles V. in 1529-30.
+
+The five members of the Italian federation in 1494 were the kingdom of
+Naples, the Papacy, the Duchy of Milan, and the Republics of Venice and
+Florence. Round them, in various relations of amity or hostility, were
+grouped these minor Powers: the Republics of Genoa, Lucca, Siena; the
+Duchy of Ferrara, including Modena and Reggio; the Marquisates of Mantua
+and Montferrat; and the Duchy of Urbino. For our immediate purpose it is
+not worth taking separate account of the Republic of Pisa, which was
+practically though not thoroughly enslaved by Florence; or of the
+despots in the cities of Romagna, the March. Umbria, and the Patrimony
+of S. Peter, who were being gradually absorbed into the Papal
+sovereignty. Nor need we at present notice Savoy, Piemonte, and Saluzzo.
+Although these north-western provinces were all-important through the
+period of Franco-Spanish wars, inasmuch as they opened the gate of Italy
+to French armies, and supplied those armies with a base for military
+operations, the Duchy of Savoy had not yet become an exclusively Italian
+Power.
+
+The kingdom of Naples, on the death of Alfonso the Magnanimous in 1458,
+had been separated from Sicily, and passed by testamentary appointment
+to his natural son Ferdinand. The bastard Aragonese dynasty was Italian
+in its tastes and interests, though unpopular both with the barons of
+the realm and with the people, who in their restlessness were ready to
+welcome any foreign deliverer from its oppressive yoke. This state of
+general discontent rendered the revival of the old Angevine party, and
+their resort to French aid, a source of peril to the monarchy. It also
+served as a convenient fulcrum for the ambitious schemes of conquest
+which the princes of the House of Aragon in Spain began to entertain. In
+territorial extent the kingdom of Naples was the most considerable
+parcel of the Italian community. It embraced the whole of Calabria,
+Apulia, the Abruzzi, and the Terra di Lavoro; marching on its northern
+boundary with the Papal States, and having no other neighbors. But
+though so large and so compact a State, the semifeudal system of
+government which had obtained in Naples since the first conquest of the
+country by the Normans, the nature of its population, and the savage
+dynastic wars to which it had been constantly exposed, rendered it more
+backward in civilization than the northern and central provinces.
+
+The Papacy, after the ending of the schism and the settlement of
+Nicholas V. at Rome in 1447, gradually tended to become an Italian
+sovereignty. During the residence of the Popes at Avignon, and the
+weakness of the Papal See which followed in the period of the Councils
+(Pisa, Constance, and Basel), it had lost its hold not only on the
+immediate neighborhood of Rome, but also on its outlying possessions in
+Umbria, the Marches of Ancona, and the Exarchate of Ravenna. The great
+Houses of Colonna and Orsini asserted independence in their
+principalities. Bologna and Perugia pretended to republican government
+under the shadow of noble families; Bentivogli, Bracci, Baglioni. Imola,
+Faenza, Forlì, Rimíni, Pesaro, Urbino, Camerino, Città di Castello,
+obeyed the rule of tyrants, who were practically lords of these cities
+though they bore the titles of Papal vicars, and who maintained
+themselves in wealth and power by exercising the profession of
+_condottieri_. It was the chief object of the Popes, after they were
+freed from the pressing perils of General Councils, and were once more
+settled in their capital and recognized as sovereigns by the European
+Powers, to subdue their vassals and consolidate their provinces into a
+homogeneous kingdom. This plan was conceived and carried out by a
+succession of vigorous and unscrupulous Pontiffs--Sixtus IV., Alexander
+VI., Julius II., and Leo X.--throughout the period of distracting
+foreign wars which agitated Italy. They followed for the most part one
+line of policy, which was to place the wealth and authority of the Holy
+See at the disposal of their relatives, Riarios, Delia Roveres, Borgias,
+and Medici. Their military delegates, among whom the most efficient
+captain was the terrible Cesare Borgia, had full power to crush the
+liberties of cities, exterminate the dynasties of despots, and reduce
+refractory districts to the Papal sway. For these services they were
+rewarded with ducal and princely titles, with the administration of
+their conquests, and with the investiture of fiefs as vassals of the
+Church. The system had its obvious disadvantages. It tended to indecent
+nepotism; and as Pope succeeded Pope at intervals of a few years, each
+bent on aggrandizing his own family at the expense of those of his
+predecessors and the Church, the ecclesiastical States were kept in a
+continual ferment of expropriation and internal revolution. Yet it is
+difficult to conceive how a spiritual Power like the Papacy could have
+solved the problem set before it of becoming a substantial secular
+sovereignty, without recourse to this ruinous method. The Pope, a
+lonely man upon an ill-established throne, surrounded by rivals whom
+his elevation had disappointed, was compelled to rely on the strong arm
+of adventurers with whose interests his own were indissolubly connected.
+The profits of all these schemes of egotistical rapacity eventually
+accrued, not to the relatives of the Pontiffs; none of whom, except the
+Delia Roveres in Urbino, founded a permanent dynasty at this period; but
+to the Holy See. Julius II., for example, on his election in 1503,
+entered into possession of all that Cesare Borgia had attempted to grasp
+for his own use. He found the Orsini and Colonna humbled, Romagna
+reduced to submission; and he carried on the policy of conquest by
+trampling out the liberties of Bologna and Perugia, recovering the
+cities held by Venice on the coast of Ravenna, and extending his sway
+over Emilia. The martial energy of Julius added Parma and Piacenza to
+the States of the Church, and detached Modena and Reggio from the Duchy
+of Ferrara. These new cities were gained by force; but Julius pretended
+that they formed part of the Exarchate of Ravenna, which had been
+granted to his predecessors by Pepin and Charles the Great. He pursued
+the Papal line of conquest in a nobler spirit than his predecessors, not
+seeking to advance his relatives so much as to reinstate the Church in
+her dominions. But he was reckless in the means employed to secure this
+object. Italy was devastated by wars stirred up, and by foreign armies
+introduced, in order that the Pope might win a point in the great game
+of ecclesiastical aggrandizement. That his successor, Leo X., reverted
+to the former plan of carving principalities for his relatives out of
+the possessions of their neighbors and the Church, may be counted among
+the most important causes of the final ruin of Italian independence.
+
+Of the Duchy of Milan it is not necessary to speak at any great length,
+although the wars between France and Spain were chiefly carried on for
+its possession. It had been formed into a compact domain, of
+comparatively small extent, but of vast commercial and agricultural
+resources, by the two dynasties of Visconti and Sforza. In 1494 Lodovico
+Sforza, surnamed Il Moro, ruled Milan for his nephew, the titular Duke,
+whom he kept in gilded captivity, and whom he eventually murdered. In
+order to secure his usurped authority, this would-be Machiavelli thought
+it prudent to invite Charles VIII. into Italy. Charles was to assert his
+right to the throne of Naples. Lodovico was to be established in the
+Duchy of Milan. All his subsequent troubles arose from this transaction.
+Charles came, conquered, and returned to France, disturbing the
+political equilibrium of the Italian States, and founding a disastrous
+precedent for future foreign interference. His successor in the French
+kingdom, Louis XII., believed he had a title to the Duchy of Milan
+through his grandmother Valentina, daughter of Gian Galeazzo Visconti.
+The claim was not a legal one; for in the investiture of the Duchy
+females were excluded. It sufficed, however, to inflame the cupidity of
+Louis; and while he was still but Duke of Orleans, with no sure prospect
+of inheriting the crown of France, he seems to have indulged the fancy
+of annexing Milan. No sooner had he ascended the French throne than he
+began to act upon this ambition. He descended into Lombardy, overran the
+Milanese, sent Lodovico Sforza to die in a French prison, and initiated
+the duel between Spain and France for mastery, which ended with the
+capture of Francis I. at Pavia, and his final cession of all rights over
+Italy to Charles V. by the Treaty of Cambray.
+
+Of all the republics which had conferred luster upon Italy in its
+mediaeval period of prosperity Venice alone remained independent. She
+never submitted to a tyrant; and her government, though growing yearly
+more closely oligarchical, was acknowledged to be just and liberal.
+During the centuries of her greatest power Venice hardly ranked among
+Italian States. It had been her policy to confine herself to the lagoons
+and to the extension of her dominion over the Levant. In the fifteenth
+century, however, this policy was abandoned. Venice first possessed
+herself of Padua, by exterminating the despotic House of Carrara; next
+of Verona, by destroying the Scala dynasty. Subsequently, during the
+long dogeship of Francesco Foscari (1423-1457), she devoted herself in
+good earnest to the acquisition of territory upon the mainland. Then
+she entered as a Power of the first magnitude into the system of purely
+Italian politics. The Republic of S. Mark owned the sea coast of the
+Adriatic from Aquileia to the mouths of the Po; and her Lombard
+dependencies stretched as far as Bergamo westward. Her Italian neighbors
+were, therefore, the Duchy of Milan, the little Marquisate of Mantua,
+and the Duchy of Ferrara. When Constantinople fell in 1453, Venice was
+still more tempted to pursue this new policy of Italian aggrandizement.
+Meanwhile her growing empire seemed to menace the independence of less
+wealthy neighbors. The jealousy thus created and the cupidity which
+brought her into collision with Julius II. in 1508, exposed Venice to
+the crushing blow inflicted on her power by the combined forces of
+Europe in the war of the League of Cambray. From this blow, as well as
+from the simultaneous decline of their Oriental and Levantine commerce,
+the Venetians never recovered.
+
+When we turn to the Florentines, we find that at the same epoch, 1494,
+their ancient republican constitution had been fatally undermined by the
+advances of the family of Medici towards despotism. Lorenzo de'Medici,
+who enjoyed the credit of maintaining the equilibrium of Italy by wise
+diplomacy, had lately died. He left his son Piero, a hot-headed and rash
+young man, to control the affairs of the commonwealth, as he had
+previously controlled them, with a show of burgherlike equality, but
+with the reality of princely power. Another of his sons, Giovanni,
+received the honor of the Cardinalship. The one was destined to
+compromise the ascendency of his family in Florence for a period of
+eighteen years, the other was destined to re-establish that ascendency
+on a new and more despotic basis. Piero had not his father's prudence,
+and could not maintain himself in the delicate position of a commercial
+and civil tyrant. During the disturbances caused by the invasion of
+Charles VIII. he was driven with all his relatives into exile. The
+Medici were restored in 1512, after the battle of Ravenna, by Spanish
+troops, at the petition of the Cardinal Giovanni. The elevation of this
+man to the Papacy in 1513 enabled him to plant two of his nephews, as
+rulers, in Florence, and to pave the way whereby a third eventually rose
+to the dignity of the tiara. Clement VII. finally succeeded in rendering
+Florence subject to the Medici, by extinguishing the last sparks of
+republican opposition, and by so modifying the dynastic protectorate of
+his family that it was easily converted into a titular Grand Duchy.
+
+The federation of these five Powers had been artificially maintained
+during the half century of Italy's highest intellectual activity. That
+was the epoch when the Italians nearly attained to coherence as a
+nation, through common interests in art and humanism, and by the
+complicated machinery of diplomatic relations. The federation perished
+when foreign Powers chose Lombardy and Naples for their fields of
+battle. The disasters of the next thirty-three years (1494-1527) began
+in earnest on the day when Louis XII. claimed Milan and the Regno. He
+committed his first mistake by inviting Ferdinand the Catholic to share
+in the partition of Naples. That province was easily conquered; but
+Ferdinand retained the whole spoils for himself, securing a large
+Italian dependency and a magnificent basis of operations for the Spanish
+Crown. Then Louis made a second mistake by proposing to the visionary
+Emperor Maximilian that he should aid France in subjugating Venice. We
+have few instances on record of short-sighted diplomacy to match the
+Treaties of Granada and Blois (1501 and 1504), through which this
+monarch, acting rather as a Duke of Milan than a King of France,
+complicated his Italian schemes by the introduction of two such
+dangerous allies as the Austrian Emperor and the Spanish sovereign,
+while the heir of both was in his cradle--that fatal child of fortune
+Charles.
+
+The stage of Italy was now prepared for a conflict which in no wise
+interested her prosperous cities and industrious population. Spain,
+France, Germany, with their Swiss auxiliaries, had been summoned upon
+various pretexts to partake of the rich prey she offered. Patriots like
+Machiavelli perceived too late the suicidal self-indulgence which, by
+substituting mercenary troops for national militia, and by accustoming
+selfish tyrants to rely on foreign aid, had exposed the Italians
+defenceless to the inroads of their warlike neighbors. Whatever parts
+the Powers of Italy might play, the game was really in the hands of
+French, Spanish, and German invaders. Meanwhile the mutual jealousies
+and hatreds of those Powers, kept in check by no tie stronger than
+diplomacy, prevented them from forming any scheme of common action. One
+great province (Naples) had fallen into Spanish hands; another (Milan)
+lay open through the passes of the Alps to France. The Papacy, in the
+center, manipulated these two hostile foreign forces with some advantage
+to itself, but with ever-deepening disaster for the race. As in the days
+of Guelf and Ghibelline, so now again the nation was bisected. The
+contest between French and Spanish factions became cruel. Personal
+interests were substituted for principles; cross-combinations perplexed
+the real issues of dispute; while one sole fact emerged into
+distinctness--that, whatever happened, Italy must be the spoil of the
+victorious duelist.
+
+The practical termination of this state of things arrived in the battle
+of Pavia, when Francis was removed as a prisoner to Madrid, and in the
+sack of Rome, when the Pope was imprisoned in the Castle of S. Angelo.
+It was then found that the laurels and the profit of the bloody contest
+remained with the King of Spain. What the people suffered from the
+marching and countermarching of armies, from the military occupations of
+towns, from the desolation of rural districts, from ruinous campaigns
+and sanguinary battles, from the pillage of cities and the massacres of
+their inhabitants, can best be read in Burigozzo's _Chronicle of Milan_,
+in the details of the siege of Brescia and the destruction of Pavia, in
+the _Chronicle of Prato_, and in the several annals of the sack of Rome.
+The exhaustion of the country seemed complete; the spirit of the people
+was broken. But what soon afterwards became apparent, and what in 1527
+might have been thought incredible, was that the single member of the
+Italian union which profited by these apocalyptic sufferings of the
+nation, was the Papacy. Clement VII., imprisoned in the Castle of S.
+Angelo, forced day and night to gaze upon his capital in flames and hear
+the groans of tortured Romans, emerged the only vigorous survivor of the
+five great Powers on whose concert Italian independence had been
+founded. Instead of being impaired, the position of the Papacy had been
+immeasurably improved. Owing to the prostration of Italy, there was now
+no resistance to the Pope's secular supremacy within the limits of his
+authorized dominion. The defeat of France and the accession of a Spanish
+monarch to the Empire guaranteed peace. No foreign force could levy
+armies or foment uprisings in the name of independence. Venice had been
+stunned and mutilated by the League of Cambray. Florence had been
+enslaved after the battle of Ravenna. Milan had been relinquished,
+out-worn, and depopulated, to the nominal ascendency of an impotent
+Sforza. Naples was a province of the Spanish monarchy. The feudal
+vassals and the subject cities of the Holy See had been ground and
+churned together by a series of revolutions unexampled even in the
+mediaeval history of the Italian communes. If, therefore, the Pope could
+come to terms with the King of Spain for the partition of supreme
+authority in the peninsula, they might henceforward share the mangled
+remains of the Italian prey at peace together. This is precisely what
+they resolved on doing. The basis of their agreement was laid in the
+Treaty of Barcelona in 1529. It was ratified and secured by the Treaty
+of Cambray in the same year. By the former of these compacts Charles and
+Clement swore friendship. Clement promised the Imperial crown and the
+investiture of Naples to the King of Spain. Charles agreed to reinstate
+the Pope in Emilia, which had been seized from Ferrara by Julius II.; to
+procure the restoration of Ravenna and Cervia by the Venetians; to
+subdue Florence to the House of Medici; and to bestow the hand of his
+natural daughter Margaret of Austria on Clement's bastard nephew
+Alessandro, who was already designated ruler of the city. By the Treaty
+of Cambray Francis I. relinquished his claims on Italy and abandoned his
+Italian supporters without conditions, receiving in exchange the
+possession of Burgundy. The French allies who were sacrificed on this
+occasion by the Most Christian to the Most Catholic Monarch consisted
+of the Republics of Venice and Florence, the Dukes of Milan and Ferrara,
+the princely Houses of Orsini and Fregosi in Rome and Genoa, together
+with the Angevine nobles in the realm of Naples. The Paix des Dames, as
+this act of capitulation was called (since it had been drawn up in
+private conclave by Louise of Savoy and Margaret of Austria, the mother
+and the aunt of the two signatories), was a virtual acknowledgment of
+the fact that French influence in Italy was at an end.[1]
+
+The surrender of Italy by Francis made it necessary that Charles V.
+should put in order the vast estates to which he now succeeded as sole
+master. He was, moreover, Emperor Elect; and he judged this occasion
+good for assuming the two crowns according to antique custom.
+Accordingly in July, 1529, he caused Andrea Doria to meet him at
+Barcelona, crossed the Mediterranean in a rough passage of fourteen
+days, landed at Genoa on August 12, and proceeded by Piacenza, Parma and
+Modena to Bologna, where Clement VII. was already awaiting him. The
+meeting of Charles and Clement at Bologna was so solemn an event in
+Italian history, and its results were so important for the several
+provinces of the peninsula, that I may be excused for enlarging at some
+length upon this episode.
+
+[Footnote 1: It is significant for the future of Italy that both the
+ladies who drew up this agreement were connected with Savoy. Louise,
+Duchess of Angoulême, was a daughter of the house. Margaret, daughter of
+Maximilian, was Duchess Dowager of Savoy.]
+
+With pomp and pageantry it closed an age of unrivaled intellectual
+splendor and of unexampled sufferings through war. By diplomacy and
+debate it prescribed laws for a new age of unexpected ecclesiastical
+energy and of national peace procured at the price of slavery.
+Illustrious survivors from the period of the pagan Renaissance met here
+with young men destined to inaugurate the Catholic Revival. The compact
+struck between Emperor and Pope in private conferences, laid a basis for
+that firm alliance between Spain and Rome which seriously influenced the
+destinies of Europe. Finally, this was the last occasion upon which a
+modern Caesar received the iron and golden crowns in Italy from the
+hands of a Roman Pontiff. The fortunate inheritor of Spain, the Two
+Sicilies, Austria and the Low Countries, who then assumed them both at
+the age of twenty-nine, was not only the last who wielded the Imperial
+insignia with imperial authority, but was also a far more formidable
+potentate in Italy than any of his predecessors since Charles the Great
+had been.[2]
+
+
+[Footnote 2: In what follows regarding Charles V. at Bologna I am
+greatly indebted to Giordani's laboriously compiled volume: _Della
+Venuta e Dimora in Bologna del Sommo Pont. Clemente VII. etc._ (Bologna,
+1832).]
+
+That Charles should have employed the galleys of Doria for the
+transhipment of his person, suite, and military escort from Barcelona,
+deserves a word of comment. Andrea Doria had been bred in the service of
+the French crown, upon which Genoa was in his youth dependent. He
+formed a navy of decisive preponderance in the western Mediterranean,
+and in return for services rendered to Francis in the Neapolitan
+campaign of 1528, he demanded the liberation of his native city. When
+this was refused, Doria transferred his allegiance to the Spaniard,
+surprised Genoa and reinstated the republic, magnanimously refusing to
+secure its tyranny for himself or even to set the ducal cap upon his
+head. Charles invested him with the principality of Melfi and made him a
+Grandee of Spain. By this series of events Genoa was prepared to accept
+the yoke of Spanish influence and customs, which pressed so heavily in
+the succeeding century on Italy.
+
+Charles had a body of 2000 Spaniards already quartered at Genoa, as well
+as strong garrisons in the Milanese, and a force of about 7000 troops
+collected by the Prince of Orange from the _débris_ of the army which
+had plundered Rome. While he was on his road from Genoa to Bologna, this
+force was already moving upon Florence. He brought with him as escort
+some 10,000 men, counting horse and infantry. The total of the troops
+which obeyed his word in Italy might be computed at about 27,000,
+including Spanish cavalry and foot-soldiers, German lansknechts and
+Italian mercenaries. This large army, partly stationed in important
+posts of defence, partly in movement, was sufficient to make every word
+of his a law. The French were in no position to interfere with his
+arrangements. His brother Ferdinand, King of Bohemia and Hungary, was
+engaged in a doubtful contest with Soliman before the gates of Vienna.
+He was himself the most considerable potentate in Germany, then
+distracted by the struggles of the Reformation. Italy lay crushed and
+prostrate, trampled down by armies, exhausted by impost and exactions,
+terrorized by brutal violence. That Charles had come to speak his will
+and be obeyed was obvious.
+
+To greet the king on his arrival at Genoa, Clement deputed two
+ambassadors, the Cardinals Ercole Gonzaga and Monsignor Gianmatteo
+Giberti, Bishop of Verona. Gonzaga was destined to play a part of
+critical importance in the Tridentine Council. Giberti had made himself
+illustrious in the Church by the administration of his diocese on a
+system which anticipated the coming ecclesiastical reforms, and was
+already famous in the world of letters by his generous familiarity with
+students.[3] Three other men of high distinction and of fateful future
+waited on their imperial master. Of these the first was Cardinal
+Alessandro Farnese, who succeeded Clement in the Papacy, opened the
+Tridentine Council, and added a new reigning family to the Italian
+princes. The others were the Pope's nephews, Alessandro de'Medici, Duke
+of Florence designate, and his cousin the Cardinal Ippolito de'Media.
+Six years later, Ippolito died at Itri, poisoned by his cousin
+Alessandro, who was himself murdered at Florence in 1537 by another
+cousin, Lorenzino de'Medici.
+
+[Footnote 3: See _Ren. in It._, vol. v. p. 357.]
+
+It had been intended that Charles should travel to Bologna from Parma
+through Mantua, where the Marquis Federigo Gonzaga had made great
+preparations for his reception. But the route by Reggio and Modena was
+more direct; and, yielding to the solicitations of Alfonso, Duke of
+Ferrara, he selected this instead. One of the stipulations of the Treaty
+of Barcelona, it will be remembered, had been that the Emperor should
+restore Emilia--that is to say, the cities and territories of Modena,
+Reggio, and Rubbiera--to the Papacy. Clement regarded Alfonso as a
+contumacious vassal, although his own right to that province only rested
+on the force of arms by which Julius II. had detached it from the Duchy
+of Ferrara. It was therefore somewhat difficult for Charles to accept
+the duke's hospitality. But when he had once done so, Alfonso knew how
+to ingratiate himself so well with the arbiter of Italy, that on taking
+leave of his guest upon the confines of Bologna, he had already secured
+the success of his own cause.
+
+Great preparations, meanwhile, were being made in Bologna. The misery
+and destitution of the country rendered money scarce, and cast a gloom
+over the people. It was noticed that when Clement entered the city on
+October 24, none of the common folk responded to the shouts of his
+attendants, _Viva Papa Clemente_! The Pope and his Court, too, were in
+mourning. They had but recently escaped from the horrors of the Sack of
+Rome, and were under a vow to wear their beards unshorn in memory of
+their past sufferings. Yet the municipality and nobles of Bologna
+exerted their utmost in these bad times to render the reception of the
+Emperor worthy of the luster which his residence and coronation would
+confer upon them. Gallant guests began to flock into the city. Among
+these may be mentioned the brilliant Isabella d'Este, sister of Duke
+Alfonso, and mother of the reigning Marquis of Mantua. She arrived on
+November 1 with a glittering train of beautiful women, and took up her
+residence in the Palazzo Manzoli. Her quarters obtained no good fame in
+the following months; for the ladies of her suite were liberal of
+favors. Jousts, masquerades, street-brawls, and duels were of frequent
+occurrence beneath her windows--Spaniards and Italians disputing the
+honor of those light amours. On November 3 came Andrea Doria with his
+relative, the Cardinal Girolamo of that name. About the same time,
+Cardinal Lorenzo Campeggi, Bishop of Bologna, returned from his legation
+to England, where (as students of our history are well aware) he had
+been engaged upon the question of Henry VIII.'s divorce from Katharine
+of Aragon. Next day Charles arrived outside the gate, and took up his
+quarters in the rich convent of Certosa, which now forms the Campo
+Santo.
+
+He was surrounded by a multitude of ambassadors and delegates from the
+Bolognese magistracy, by Cardinals and ecclesiastics of all ranks, some
+of whom had attended him from the frontier, while others were drawn up
+to receive him. November 5 was a Friday, and this day was reckoned lucky
+by Charles. He therefore passed the night of the 4th at the Certosa, and
+on the following morning made his solemn entry into the city. A
+bodyguard of Germans, Burgundians, Spaniards, halberdiers, lansknechts,
+men at arms, and cannoneers, preceded him. High above these was borne
+the captain-general of the imperial force in Italy, the fierce and cruel
+Antonio de Leyva, under whose oppression Milan had been groaning. This
+ruthless tyrant was a martyr to gout and rheumatism. He could not ride
+or walk; and though he retained the whole vigor of his intellect and
+will, it was with difficulty that he moved his hands or head. He
+advanced in a litter of purple velvet, supported on the shoulders of his
+slaves. Among the splendid crowd of Spanish grandees who followed the
+troops, it is enough to mention the Grand Marshal, Don Alvaro Osorio,
+Marquis of Astorga, who carried a naked sword aloft. He was armed, on
+horseback; and his mantle of cloth of gold blazed with dolphins worked
+in pearls and precious stones. Next came Charles, mounted on a bay
+jennet, armed at all points, and holding in his hand the scepter.
+Twenty-four pages, chosen from the nobles of Bologna, waited on his
+bridle and stirrups. The train was brought up by a multitude of secular
+and ecclesiastical princes too numerous to record in detail. Conspicuous
+among them for the historian were the Count of Nassau, Albert of
+Brandenburg, and the Marquis Bonifazio of Montferrat, the scion of the
+Eastern Paleologi. As this procession defiled through the streets of
+Bologna, it was remarked that Charles, with true Spanish haughtiness,
+made no response to the acclamations of the people, except once when,
+passing beneath a balcony of noble ladies, he acknowledged their salute
+by lifting the cap from his head.
+
+Clement, surrounded by a troop of prelates, was seated to receive him on
+a platform raised before the church of San Petronio in the great piazza.
+The king dismounted opposite the Papal throne, ascended the steps
+beneath his canopy of gold and crimson, and knelt to kiss the Pontiff's
+feet. When their eyes first met, it was observed that both turned pale;
+for the memory of outraged Rome was in the minds of both; and Caesar,
+while he paid this homage to Christ's Vicar, had the load of those long
+months of suffering and insult on his conscience. Clement bent down, and
+with streaming eyes saluted him upon the cheek. Then, when Charles was
+still upon his knees, they exchanged a few set words referring to the
+purpose of their meeting and their common desire for the pacification of
+Christendom. After this the Emperor elect rose, seated himself for a
+while beside the Pope, and next, at his invitation, escorted him to the
+great portal of the church. On the way, he inquired after Clement's
+health; to which the Pope replied somewhat significantly that, after
+leaving Rome, it had steadily improved. He tempered this allusion to his
+captivity, however, by adding that his eagerness to greet his Majesty
+had inspired him with more than wonted strength and courage. At the
+doorway they parted; and the Emperor, having paid his devotions to the
+Sacrament and kissed the altar, was conducted to the apartments prepared
+for him in the Palazzo Pubblico. These were adjacent to the Pope's
+lodgings in the same palace, and were so arranged that the two
+potentates could confer in private at all times. It is worthy of remark
+that the negotiations for the settlement of Italy which took place
+during the next six months in those rooms, were conducted personally by
+the high contracting parties, and that none of their deliberations
+transpired until the result of each was made public.
+
+The whole of November 5 had been occupied in these ceremonies. It was
+late evening when the Emperor gained his lodgings. The few next days
+were ostensibly occupied in receiving visitors. Among the first of these
+was the unfortunate ex-queen of Naples, Isabella, widow of Frederick of
+Aragon, the last king of the bastard dynasty founded by Alfonso. She was
+living in poverty at Ferrara, under the protection of her relatives, the
+Este family, On the 13th came the Prince of Orange and Don Ferrante
+Gonzaga, from the camp before Florence. The siege had begun, but had not
+yet been prosecuted with the strictest vigor. During the whole time of
+Charles's residence at Bologna, it must be borne in mind that the siege
+of Florence was being pressed. Superfluous troops detached from garrison
+duty in the Lombard towns were drafted across the hills to Tuscany.
+Whatever else the Emperor might decide for his Italian subjects, this at
+least was certain: Florence should be restored to the Medicean tyrants,
+as compensation to the Pope for Roman sufferings. The Prince of Orange
+came to explain the state of things at Florence, where government and
+people seemed prepared to resist to the death. Gonzaga had private
+business of his own to conduct, touching his engagement to the Pope's
+ward, Isabella, daughter and heiress of the wealthy Vespasiano Colonna.
+
+Meanwhile, ambassadors from all the States and lordships of Italy
+flocked to Bologna. Great nobles from the South--Ascanio Colonna, Grand
+Constable of Naples; Alfonso d'Avalos, Marquis of Vasto; Giovanni Luigi
+Caraffa, Prince of Stigliano--took up their quarters in adjacent houses,
+or in the upper story of the Public Palace. The Marquis of Vasto arrests
+our graze for a moment. He was nephew to the Marquis of Pescara (husband
+of Vittoria Colonna), who had the glory of taking Francis prisoner at
+Pavia, and afterwards the infamy of betraying the unfortunate Girolamo
+Morone and his master the Duke of Milan to the resentment of the Spanish
+monarch. What part Pescara actually played in that dark passage of plot
+and counterplot remains obscure. But there is no doubt that he employed
+treachery, single if not double, for his own advantage. His arrogance
+and avowed hostility to the Italians caused his very name to be
+execrated; nor did his nephew, the Marquis of Vasto, differ in these
+respects from the more famous chief of his house. This man was also
+destined to obtain an evil reputation when he succeeded in 1532 to the
+government of Milan. Here too may be noticed the presence at Bologna of
+Girolamo Morone's son, who had been created Bishop of Modena in 1529.
+For him a remarkable fate was waiting. Condemned to the dungeons of the
+Inquisition as a heretic by Paul IV., rescued by Pius IV., and taken
+into highest favor at that Pontiff's Court, he successfully manipulated
+the closing of the Tridentine Council to the profit of the Papal See.
+
+Negotiations for the settlement of Italian affairs were proceeding
+without noise, but with continual progress, through this month. The
+lodgings of ambassadors and lords were so arranged in the Palazzo
+Pubblico that they, like their Imperial and Papal masters, could confer
+at all times and seasons. Every day brought some new illustrious
+visitor. On the 22nd arrived Federigo Gonzaga, Marquis of Mantua, who
+took up his quarters in immediate proximity to Charles and Clement. His
+business required but little management. The house of Gonzaga was
+already well affected to the Spanish cause, and counted several captains
+in the imperial army. Charles showed his favor by raising Mantua to the
+rank of a Duchy. It was different with the Republic of Venice and the
+Duke of Milan. The Emperor elect had reasons to be strongly prejudiced
+against them both--against Venice as the most formidable of the French
+allies in the last war; against Francesco Maria Sforza, as having been
+implicated, though obscurely, in Morone's conspiracy to drive the
+Spaniards from Italy and place the crown of Naples on Pescara's head.
+Clement took both under his protection. He had sufficient reasons to
+believe that the Venetians would purchase peace by the cession of their
+recent acquisitions on the Adriatic coast, and he knew that the
+pacification of Italy could not be accomplished without their aid. In
+effect, the Republic agreed to relinquish Cervia and Ravenna to the
+Pope, and their Apulian ports to Charles, engaging at the same time to
+pay a sum of 300,000 ducats and stipulating for an amnesty to all their
+agents and dependents. It is not so clear why Clement warmly espoused
+the cause of Sforza. That he did so is certain. He obtained a
+safe-conduct for the duke, and made it a point of personal favor that he
+should be received into the Emperor's grace. This stipulation appears to
+have been taken into account when the affairs of Ferrara were decided
+at a later date against the Papal interests.
+
+Francesco Maria Sforza appeared in Bologna on the 22nd. This unfortunate
+bearer of one of the most coveted titles in Europe had lately lived a
+prisoner in his own Castello, while the city at his doors and the
+fertile country round it were being subjected to cruelest outrage and
+oppression from Spanish, French, Swiss, and German mercenaries. He was a
+man ruined in health as well as fortune. Six years before this date, one
+of his chamberlains, Bonifazio Visconti, had given him a slight wound in
+the shoulder with a poisoned dagger. From this wound he never recovered;
+and it was pitiable to behold the broken man, unable to move or stand
+without support, dragging himself upon his knees to Caesar's footstool.
+Charles appears to have discerned that he had nothing to fear and much
+to gain, if he showed clemency to so powerless a suitor. Franceso was
+the last of his line. His health rendered it impossible that he should
+expect heirs; and although he subsequently married a princess of the
+House of Denmark, he died childless in the autumn of 1535. It was
+therefore determined, in compliance with the Pope's request, that Sforza
+should be confirmed in the Duchy of Milan. Pavia, however, was detached
+and given to the terrible Antonio de Leyva for his lifetime. The
+garrisons of Milan and Como were left in Spanish hands; and the duke
+promised to wring 400,000 ducats as the price of his investiture, with
+an additional sum of 500,000 ducats to be paid in ten yearly
+instalments, from his already blood-sucked people. It will be observed
+that money figured largely in all these high political transactions.
+Charles, though lord of many lands, was, even at this early stage of his
+career, distressed for want of cash. He rarely paid his troops, but
+commissioned the captains in his service to levy contributions on the
+provinces they occupied. The funds thus raised did not always reach the
+pockets of the soldiers, who subsisted as best they could by marauding.
+Having made these terms, Francesco Maria Sforza was received into the
+Imperial favor. He returned to Milan, in no sense less a prisoner than
+he had previously been, and with the heart-rending necessity of
+extorting money from his subjects at the point of Spanish swords. In
+exchange for the ducal title, he thus had made himself a tax-collector
+for his natural enemies. Secluded in the dreary chambers of his castle,
+assailed by the execrations of the Milanese, he may well have groaned,
+like Marlowe's Edward--
+
+    But what are Kings, when regiment is gone,
+    But perfect shadows in a sunshine day?
+    My foemen rule; I bear the name of King;
+    I wear the crown; but am controlled by them.
+
+When he died he bequeathed his duchy to the crown of Spain. It was
+detached from the Empire, and became the private property of Charles and
+of his son, Philip II.
+
+During the month of December negotiations for the terms of peace in
+Italy went briskly forward. On the part of Venice, two men of the
+highest distinction arrived as orators. These were Pietro Bembo and
+Gasparo Contarini, both of whom received the honors of the Cardinalate
+from Paul III. on his accession. Of Bembo's place in Italian society, as
+the dictator of literature at this epoch, I have already sufficiently
+spoken in another part of my work on the Renaissance. Contarini will
+more than once arrest our notice in the course of this volume. Of all
+the Italians of the time, he was perhaps the greatest, wisest, and most
+sympathetic. Had it been possible to avert the breach between
+Catholicism and Protestantism, to curb the intolerance of Inquisitors
+and the ambition of Jesuits, and to guide the reform of the Church by
+principles of moderation and liberal piety, Contarini was the man who
+might have restored unity to the Church in Europe. Once, indeed, at
+Regensburg in 1541, he seemed upon the very point of effecting a
+reconciliation between the parties that were tearing Christendom
+asunder. But his failure was even more conspicuous than his momentary
+semblance of success. It was not in the temper of the times to accept a
+Concordat founded on however philosophical, however politic,
+considerations. Contarini will be remembered as a 'beautiful soul,' born
+out of the due moment, and by no means adequate to cope with the fierce
+passions that raged round him. Among Protestants he was a Catholic, and
+they regarded his half measures with contempt. Among Catholics he passed
+for a suspected Lutheran, and his writings were only tolerated after
+they had been subjected to rigorous castration at the hands of Papal
+Inquisitors.[4]
+
+On Christmas eve the ambassadors and representatives of the Italian
+powers met together in the chambers of Cardinal Gattinara, Grand
+Chancellor of the Empire, to subscribe the terms of a confederation and
+perpetual league for the maintenance of peace. From this important
+document the Florentines were excluded, as open rebels to the will of
+Charles and Clement. There was no justice in the rigor with which
+Florence was now treated. Her republican independence had hitherto been
+recognized, although her own internal discords exposed her to a virtual
+despotism. But Clement stipulated and Charles conceded, as a _sine qua
+non_ in the project of pacification, that Florence should be converted
+into a Medicean duchy. For the Duke of Ferrara, whom the Pope regarded
+as a contumacious vassal, and whose affairs were still the subject of
+debate, a place was specially reserved in the treaty. He, as I have
+already observed, had been taken under the Imperial protection; and a
+satisfactory settlement of his claims was now a mere question of time.
+On the evening of the same day, the Pope bestowed on Charles the Sword
+of the Spirit, which it was the wont of Rome to confer on the
+best-beloved of her secular sons at this festival. The peace was
+publicly proclaimed, amid universal plaudits, on the last day of the
+year 1529.
+
+[Footnote 4: See Ranke, vol. i. p. 153, note.]
+
+The chief affairs to be decided in the new year were the reduction of
+Florence to submission and the coronation of the Emperor. The month of
+January was passed in jousts and pastimes; ceremonial privileges were
+conferred on the University of Bologna; magnificent embassies from the
+Republic of S. Mark, glowing in senatorial robes of crimson silk, were
+entertained; and a singular deputation from the African court of Prester
+John obtained audience of the Roman Pontiff. Amid these festivities
+there arrived, on January 16, three delegates from Florence, who spent
+some weeks in fruitless efforts to obtain a hearing from the arbiters of
+Italy. Clement refused to deal with them, because their commonwealth was
+still refractory. Charles repelled them, because he wished to gratify
+the Pope, and knew that Florence remained staunch in her devotion to the
+French crown. The old proverb, 'Lilies with lilies,' the white lily of
+Florence united with the golden fleur-de-lys of France, had still
+political significance in this day of Italian degradation. Meanwhile
+Francis I. treated his faithful allies with lukewarm tolerance. The
+smaller fry of Italian potentates, worshipers of the rising sun of
+Spain, curried favor with their masters by insulting the republic's
+representatives. On their return to Florence, the ambassadors had to
+report a total diplomatic failure. But this, far from breaking the
+untamable spirit of the Signory and people, prompted them in February to
+new efforts of resistance and to edicts of outlawry against citizens
+whom they regarded as traitors to the State. Among the proscribed were
+Francesco Guicciardini, Roberto Acciaiuoli, Francesco Vettori, and
+Baccio Valori. Of these men Francesco Guicciardini, Francesco Vettori,
+and Baccio Valori were attendant at Bologna upon the Pope. They all
+adhered with fidelity to the Medicean party at this crisis of their
+country's fate, and all paid dearly for their loyalty. When Cosimo I.,
+by their efforts, was established in the duchy, he made it one of his
+first cares to rid himself of these too faithful servants. Baccio Valori
+was beheaded after the battle of Montemurlo in 1537 for practice with
+the exiles of Filippo Strozzi's party. Francesco Guicciardini, Francesco
+Vettori, and Roberto Acciaiuoli died in disgrace before the year
+1543--their only crime being that they had made themselves the ladder
+whereby a Medici had climbed into his throne, and which it was his
+business to upset when firmly seated. For the heroism of Florence at
+this moment it would be difficult to find fit words of panegyric. The
+republic stood alone, abandoned by France to the hot rage of Clement and
+the cold contempt of Charles, deserted by the powers of Italy, betrayed
+by lying captains, deluged on all sides with the scum of armies pouring
+into Tuscany from the Lombard pandemonium of war. The situation was one
+of impracticable difficulty. Florence could not but fall. Yet every
+generous heart will throb with sympathy while reading the story of that
+final stand for independence, in which a handful of burghers persisted,
+though congregated princes licked the dust from feet of Emperor and
+Pontiff.
+
+Charles had come to assume the iron and the golden crowns in Italy. He
+ought to have journeyed to Monza or to S. Ambrogio at Milan for the
+first, and to the Lateran in Rome for the second of these investitures.
+An Emperor of the Swabian House would have been compelled by precedent
+and superstition to observe this form. It is true that the coronation of
+a German prince as the successor of Lombard kings and Roman Augusti, had
+always been a symbolic ceremony rather than a rite which ratified
+genuine Imperial authority. Still the ceremony connoted many mediaeval
+aspirations. It was the outward sign of theories that had once exerted
+an ideal influence. To dissociate the two-fold sacrament from Milan and
+from Rome was the same as robbing it of its main virtue, the virtue of a
+mystical conception. It was tantamount to a demonstration that the
+belief in Universal Monarchy had passed away. By breaking the old rules
+of his investiture, Charles notified the disappearance of the mediaeval
+order, and proclaimed new political ideals to the world. When asked
+whether he would not follow custom and seek the Lombard crown in Monza,
+he brutally replied that he was not wont to run after crowns, but to
+have crowns running after him. He trampled no less on that still more
+venerable _religio loci_ which attached imperial rights to Rome.
+Together with this ancient piety, he swept the Holy Roman Empire into
+the dust-heap of archaic curiosities. By declaring his will to be
+crowned where he chose, he emphasized the modern state motto of _L'état,
+c'est moi_, and prepared the way for a Pope's closing of a General
+Council by the word _L'Eglise, c'est moi_. Charles had sufficient
+reasons for acting as he did. The Holy Roman Empire ever since the first
+event of Charles the Great's coronation, when it justified itself as a
+diplomatical expedient for unifying Western Christendom, had existed
+more or less as a shadow. Charles violated the duties which alone gave
+the semblance of a substance to that shadow. As King of Italy, he had
+desolated the Lombard realm of which he sought the title. As Emperor
+elect, he had ravished his bride, the Eternal City. As suitor to the
+Pope for both of his expected crowns, he stood responsible for the
+multiplied insults to which Clement had been so recently exposed. No
+Emperor had been more powerful since Charles the Great than this Charles
+V., the last who took his crowns in Italy. It was significant that he
+man in whose name Rome had suffered outrage, and who was about to detach
+Lombardy from the Empire, was by his own will invested at Bologna. The
+citizens of Monza were accordingly bidden to send the iron crown to
+Bologna. It arrived on February 20, and on the 22nd Charles received it
+from the hands of Clement in the chapel of the palace. The Cardinal who
+performed the ceremony of unction was a Fleming, William Hencheneor, who
+in the Sack of Rome had bought his freedom for the large sum of 40,000
+crowns. On this auspicious occasion he cut off half the beard which he
+still wore in sign of mourning!
+
+The Duke and Duchess of Urbino made their entrance into Bologna on the
+same day. Francesco Maria della Rovere, Duke of Urbino, Prefect of Rome,
+and Captain General of the armies of the Church, was one of the most
+noted warriors of that time. Yet victory had rarely crowned his brows
+with laurels. Imitating the cautious tactics of Braccio, and emulating
+the fame of Fabius Cunctator, he reduced the art of war to a system of
+manoeuvres, and rarely risked his fortune in the field. It was chiefly
+due to his dilatory movements that the disaster of the Sack of Rome was
+not averted. He had been expelled by Leo X. from his duchy to make room
+for Lorenzo de'Medici, and report ran that a secret desire to witness
+the humiliation of a Medicean Pontiff caused him to withhold his forces
+from attacking the tumultuary troops of Bourbon. Francesco Maria was a
+man of violent temper; nineteen years before, he had murdered the Pope's
+Legate, Cardinal Francesco Alidosi, with his dagger, in the open
+streets of Bologna. His wife, Eleanora Ippolita Gonzaga, presided with
+grace over that brilliant and cultivated Court which Castiglione made
+famous by his _Cortegiano_. The Duke and Duchess survive to posterity in
+two masterpieces of portraiture by the hand of Titian which now adorn
+the Gallery of the Uffizzi.
+
+February 24, which was the anniversary of Charles's birthday, had been
+fixed for his coronation as Emperor in San Petronio. This church is one
+of the largest Gothic buildings in Italy. Its façade occupies the
+southern side of the piazza. The western side, on the left of the
+church, is taken up by the Palazzo Pubblico. In order to facilitate the
+passage of the Pope and Emperor with their Courts and train of princes
+from the palace to the cathedral, a wooden bridge wide enough to take
+six men abreast was constructed from an opening in the Hall of the
+Ancients. The bridge descended by a gradual line to the piazza,
+broadened out into a platform before the front of San Petronio, and then
+again ascended through the nave to the high altar. It was covered with
+blue draperies, and so arranged that the vast multitudes assembled in
+the square and church to see the ceremony had free access to it on all
+sides. On the morning of the 24th, the solemn procession issued from the
+palace, and defiled in order down the gangway. Clement was borne aloft
+by Pontifical grooms in their red liveries. He wore the tiara and a cope
+of state fastened by Cellini's famous stud, in which blazed the
+Burgundian diamond of Charles the Bold. Charles walked in royal robes
+attended by the Count of Nassau and Don Pietro di Toledo, the Viceroy of
+Naples, who afterwards gave his name to the chief street in that city.
+Before him went the Marquis of Montferrat, bearing the scepter; Philip,
+Duke of Bavaria, carrying the golden orb; the Duke of Urbino, with the
+sword; and the Duke of Savoy, holding the imperial diadem. This Duke of
+Savoy was uncle to Francis I. and brother-in-law to Charles--- his wife,
+Beatrice, being a sister of the Empress, and his sister, Louise, mother
+of the French king. This double relationship made his position during
+the late wars a difficult one. Yet his territory had been regarded as
+neutral, and in the pacification of Italy he judged it wise to adhere
+without reserve to the victorious King of Spain. It was noticed that
+Ferrante di Sanseverino, Prince of Salerno, though known to be in
+Bologna, occupied no post of distinction in the imperial train. He was
+closely related to the Emperor by his mother, Maria of Aragon, and had
+done good service in the recent campaigns against Lautrec. The reason
+for this neglect does not appear. But it may be mentioned that some
+years later he espoused the French cause, and was deprived of his vast
+hereditary fiefs. In his ruin the poet Bernardo, father of Torquato
+Tasso, was involved.
+
+To enumerate all the nobles of Spain, Italy and Germany, with the
+ambassadors from England, France, Scotland, Hungary, Bohemia and
+Portugal; who swelled the Imperial _cortège_; to describe the series of
+ceremonies by which Charles was first consecrated as a deacon, anointed,
+dressed and undressed, and finally conducted to the Pope for coronation;
+to narrate the breaking of the bridge at one point, and the squabbles
+between the Genoese and Sienese delegates for precedence, would be
+superfluously tedious. The day was well-nigh over when at length Charles
+received the Imperial insignia from the Pope's hands. _Accipe gladium
+sanctum, Accipe virgam, Accipe pomum, Accipe signum gloriae_! As Clement
+pronounced these sentences, he gave the sword, the scepter, the globe,
+and the diadem in succession to the Emperor, who knelt before him.
+Charles bent and kissed the Papal feet. He then rose and took his throne
+beside the Pope. It was placed two steps lower than that of Clement. The
+ceremony of coronation and enthronization being now complete, Charles
+was proclaimed: _Romanorum Imperator semper augustus, mundi totius
+Dominus, universis Dominis, universis Principibus et Populis semper
+venerandus_. When Mass was over, Pope and Emperor shook hands. At the
+church-door, Charles held Clement's stirrup, and when the Pope had
+mounted, he led his palfrey for some paces, in sign of filial
+submission.
+
+The month of March was distinguished by the arrival of illustrious
+visitors. The Duchess of Savoy, with an escort of eighteen lovely maids
+of honor, made her pompous entry on the 4th, and took up her quarters in
+the Palazzo Pepoli. On the 6th came the Duke of Ferrara, for whom
+Charles had procured a safe-conduct from the Pope. During the Emperor's
+stay at Bologna, Alfonso d'Este had been assiduous in paying him and his
+Court small attentions, sending excellent provisions for the household
+and furnishing the royal table with game and every kind of delicacy. The
+settlement of his dispute with the Holy See was the only important
+business that remained to be transacted. Charles prevailed upon both
+Clement and Alfonso to state their cases in writing and to place them in
+the hands of jurisconsults, to report upon. There is little doubt that
+his own mind was already made up in favor of the duke; but he did not
+pass sentence until the following December, nor was the decision
+published before April in the year 1531. The substance of the final
+agreement was as follows. Modena, Reggio and Rubbiera were declared
+fiefs of the Empire, seeing that they had not been included in Pepin's
+gift of the Exarchate. Charles confirmed their investiture to Alfonso,
+in return for a considerable payment to the Imperial Chancery. He had
+previously conferred the town of Carpi, forfeited by Alberto Pio as a
+French adherent, on the Duke. Ferrara remained a fief of the Church, and
+Clement consented to acknowledge Alfonso's tenure, upon his disbursement
+of 100,000 ducats. This decision saved Modena to the bastard line of
+Este, when Pope Clement VIII. seized Ferrara as a lapsed fief in 1598.
+In the sixty-seven years which passed between the date of Charles's
+coronation and the extinction of the duchy, Ferrara enjoyed the fame of
+the most brilliant Court in Italy, and shone with the luster conferred
+on it by men like Tasso and Guarini.
+
+The few weeks which now remained before Charles left Bologna were spent
+for the most part in jousts and tournaments, visits to churches, and
+social entertainments. Veronica Gambara threw her apartments open to the
+numerous men of letters who crowded from all parts of Italy to witness
+the ceremony, of Charles's coronation. This lady was widow to the late
+lord of Correggio, and one of the two most illustrious women of her
+time.[5] She dwelt with princely state in a palace of the Marsili; and
+here might be seen the poets Bembo, Mauro, and Molza in conversation
+with witty Berni, learned Vida, stately Trissino, and noble-hearted
+Marcantonio Flaminio. Paolo Giovio and Francesco Guicciardini, the chief
+historians of their time, were also to be found there, together with a
+host of literary and diplomatic worthies attached to the Courts of
+Urbino and Ferrara or attendant on the train of cardinals, who, like
+Ippolito de'Medici, made a display of culture. Meanwhile the
+Dowager-Marchioness of Mantua and the Duchess of Savoy entertained
+Italian and Spanish nobles with masqued balls and carnival processions
+in the Manzoli and Pepoli palaces. Frequent quarrels between hot-blooded
+youths of the rival nations added a spice of chivalrous romance to
+love-adventures in which the ladies of these Courts played a too
+conspicuous part. What still remained to Italy of Renaissance splendor,
+wit, and fashion, after the Sack of Rome and the prostration of her
+wealthiest cities, was concentrated in this sunset blaze of sumptuous
+festivity at Bologna. Nor were the arts without illustrious
+representatives. Francesco Mazzola, surnamed Il Parmigianino, before
+whose altar-piece in his Roman studio the rough soldiers of Bourbon's
+army were said to have lately knelt in adoration, commemorated the hero
+of the day by painting Charles attended by Fame who crowned his
+forehead, and an infant Hercules who handed him the globe. Titian, too,
+was there, and received the honor of several sittings from the Emperor.
+His life-sized portrait of Charles in full armor, seated on a white
+war-horse, has perished. But it gave such satisfaction at the moment
+that the fortunate master was created knight and count palatine, and
+appointed painter to the Emperor with a fixed pension. Titian also
+painted portraits of Antonio de Leyva and Alfonso d'Avalos, but whether
+upon this occasion or in 1532, when he was again summoned to the
+Imperial Court at Bologna, is not certain. From this assemblage of
+eminent personages we notice the absence of Pietro Aretino. He was at
+the moment out of favor with Clement VII. But independently of this
+obstacle, he may well have thought it imprudent to quit his Venetian
+retreat and expose himself to the resentment of so many princes whom he
+had alternately loaded with false praises and bemired with loathsome
+libels.
+
+[Footnote 5: See _Ren. in It._ vol. v. p. 289.]
+
+People observed that the Emperor in his excursions through the streets
+of Bologna usually wore the Spanish habit. He was dressed in black
+velvet, with black silk stockings, black shoes, and a black velvet cap
+adorned with black feathers. This somber costume received some relief
+from jewels used for buttons; and the collar of the Golden Fleece shone
+upon the monarch's breast. So slight a circumstance would scarcely
+deserve attention, were it not that in a short space of time it became
+the fashion throughout Italy to adopt the subdued tone of Spanish
+clothing. The upper classes consented to exchange the varied and
+brilliant dresses which gave gayety to the earlier Renaissance for the
+dismal severity conspicuous in Morone's masterpieces, in the magnificent
+gloom of the Genoese Brignoli, and in the portraits of Roman
+inquisitors. It is as though the whole race had put on mourning for its
+loss of liberty, its servitude to foreign tyrants and ecclesiastical
+hypocrites. Nor is it fanciful to detect a note of moral sadness and
+mental depression corresponding to these black garments in the faces of
+that later generation. How different is Tasso's melancholy grace from
+Ariosto's gentle joyousness; the dried-up precision of Baroccio's
+Francesco Maria della Rovere from the sanguine joviality of Titian's
+first duke of that name! One of the most acutely critical of
+contemporary poets felt the change which I have indicated, and ascribed
+it to the same cause. Campanella wrote as follows:
+
+    Black robes befit our age. Once they were white;
+      Next many-hued; now dark as Afric's Moor,
+      Night-black, infernal, traitorous, obscure,
+      Horrid with ignorance and sick with fright.
+    For very shame we shun all colors bright,
+      Who mourn our end--the tyrants we endure,
+      The chains, the noose, the lead, the snares, the lure--
+      Our dismal heroes, our souls sunk in night.
+
+In the midst of this mirth-making there arrived on March 20 an embassy
+from England, announcing Henry VIII.'s resolve to divorce himself at any
+cost from Katharine of Aragon. This may well have recalled both Pope and
+Emperor to a sense of the gravity of European affairs. The schism of
+England was now imminent. Germany was distracted by Protestant
+revolution. The armies of Caesar were largely composed of mutinous
+Lutherans. Some of these soldiers had even dared to overthrow a colossal
+statue of Clement VII. and grind it into powder at Bologna; and this
+outrage, as it appears, went unpunished. The very troops employed in
+reducing rebellious Florence were commanded by a Lutheran general; and
+Clement began to fear that, after Charles's departure, the Prince of
+Orange might cross the Apennines and expose the Papal person to the
+insults of another captivity in Bologna. Nor were the gathering forces
+of revolutionary Protestants alone ominous. Though Soliman had been
+repulsed before Vienna, the Turks were still advancing on the eastern
+borders of the Empire. Their fleets swept the Levantine waters, while
+the pirate dynasties of Tunis and Algiers threatened the whole
+Mediterranean coast with ruin. Charles, still uncertain what part he
+should take in the disputes of Germany, left Bologna for the Tyrol on
+March 23. Clement, on the last day of the month, took his journey by
+Loreto to Rome.
+
+It will be useful, at this point, to recapitulate the net results of
+Charles's administration of Italian affairs in 1530. The kingdom of the
+Two Sicilies, with the Island of Sardinia and the Duchy of Milan, became
+Spanish provinces, and were ruled henceforth by viceroys. The House of
+Este was confirmed in the Duchy of Ferrara, including Modena and Reggio.
+The Duchies of Savoy and Mantua and the Marquisate of Montferrat, which
+had espoused the Spanish cause, were undisturbed. Genoa and Siena, both
+of them avowed allies of Spain, the former under Spanish protection, the
+latter subject to Spanish coercion, remained with the name and empty
+privileges of republics. Venice had made her peace with Spain, and
+though she was still strong enough to pursue an independent policy, she
+showed as yet no inclination, and had, indeed, no power, to stir up
+enemies against the Spanish autocrat. The Duchy of Urbino, recognized
+by Rome and subservient to Spanish influence, was permitted to exist.
+The Papacy once more assumed a haughty tone, relying on the firm
+alliance struck with Spain. This league, as years went by, was destined
+to grow still closer, still more fruitful of results.
+
+Florence alone had been excepted from the articles of peace. It was
+still enduring the horrors of the memorable siege when Clement left
+Bologna at the end of May. The last hero of the republic, Francesco
+Ferrucci, fell fighting at Gavignana on August 2. Their general,
+Malatesta Baglioni, broke his faith with the citizens. Finally, on
+August 12, the town capitulated. Alessandro de'Medici, who had received
+the title of Duke of Florence from Charles at Bologna, took up his
+residence there in July, 1531, and held the State by help of Spanish
+mercenaries under the command of Alessandro Vitelli. When he was
+murdered by his cousin in 1537, Cosimo de'Medici, the scion of another
+branch of the ruling family, was appointed Duke. Charles V. recognized
+his title, and Cosimo soon showed that he was determined to be master in
+his own duchy. He crushed the exiled party of Filippo Strozzi, who
+attempted a revolution of the State, exterminated its leaders, and
+contrived to rid himself of the powerful adherents who had placed him on
+the throne. But he remained a subservient though not very willing ally
+of Spain; and when he expelled Alessandro Vitelli from the fortress that
+commanded Florence, he admitted a Spaniard, Don Juan de Luna, in his
+stead. During the petty wars of 1552-56 which Henri II. carried on with
+Charles V. in Italy, Siena attempted to shake off the yoke of a Spanish
+garrison established there in 1547 under the command of Don Hurtado de
+Mendoza. The citizens appealed to France, who sent them the great
+Marshal, Piero Strozzi, brother of Cosimo's vanquished enemy Filippo.
+Cosimo through these years supported the Spanish cause with troops and
+money, hoping to guide events in his own interest. At length, by the aid
+of Gian Giacomo Medici, sprung from an obscure Milanese family, who had
+been trained in the Spanish methods of warfare, he succeeded in subduing
+Siena. He now reaped the fruits of his Spanish policy. In 1557 Philip
+II. conceded the Sienese territory, reserving only its forts, to the
+Duke of Florence, who in 1569 obtained the title of Grand Duke of
+Tuscany from Pope Pius V. This title was confirmed by the Empire in 1575
+to his son Francesco.
+
+Thus the republics of Florence and Siena were extinguished. The Grand
+Duchy of Tuscany was created. It became an Italian power of the first
+magnitude, devoted to the absolutist principles of Spanish and Papal
+sovereignty. The further changes which took place in Italy after the
+year 1530, turned equally to the profit of Spain and Rome. These were
+principally the creation of the Duchy of Parma for the Farnesi
+(1545-1559), of which I shall have to speak in the next chapter; the
+resumption of Ferrara by the Papacy in 1597, which reduced the House of
+Este to the smaller fiefs of Modena and Reggio; the acquisition of
+Montferrat by Mantua in 1536; the cession of Saluzzo to Savoy in 1598,
+and the absorption of Urbino into the Papal domains in 1631.
+
+It was hoped when Charles and Clement proclaimed the pacification of
+Italy at Bologna on the last day of 1529, that the peninsula would no
+longer be the theater of wars for supremacy between the French and
+Spaniards. This expectation proved delusive; for the struggle soon broke
+out again. The people, however, suffered less extensively than in former
+years; because the Spanish party, supported by Papal authority, was
+decidedly predominant. The Italian princes, whether they liked it or
+not, were compelled to follow in the main a Spanish policy. At length,
+in 1559, by the Peace of Cateau Cambresis signed between Henri II. and
+Philip II., the French claims were finally abandoned, and the Spanish
+hegemony was formally acknowledged. The later treaty of Vervins, in
+1598, ceded Saluzzo to the Duchy of Savoy, and shut the gates of Italy
+to French interference.
+
+Though the people endured far less misery from foreign armies in the
+period between 1630 and 1600 than they had done in the period from 1494
+to 1527, yet the state of the country grew ever more and more
+deplorable. This was due in the first instance to the insane methods of
+taxation adopted by the Spanish viceroys, who held monopolies of corn
+and other necessary commodities in their hands and who invented imposts
+for the meanest articles of consumption. Their example was followed by
+the Pope and petty princes. Alfonso II. of Ferrara, for instance, levied
+a tenth on all produce which passed his city gates, and on the capital
+engaged in every contract. He monopolized the sale of salt, flour,
+bread; and imposed a heavy tax on oil. Sixtus V. by exactions of a like
+description and by the sale of numberless offices, accumulated a vast
+sum of money, much of which bore heavy interest. He was so ignorant of
+the first principle of political economy as to lock up the accruing
+treasure in the Castle of S. Angelo. The rising of Masaniello in Naples
+was simply due to the exasperation of the common folk at having even
+fruit and vegetables taxed. In addition to such financial blunders, we
+must take into account the policy pursued by all princes at this epoch,
+of discouraging commerce and manufactures. Thus Cosimo I. of Tuscany
+induced the old Florentine families to withdraw their capital from
+trade, sink it in land, create entails in perpetuity on eldest sons, and
+array themselves with gimcrack titles which he liberally supplied. Even
+Venice showed at this epoch a contempt for the commerce which had
+brought her into a position of unrivaled splendor. This wilful
+depression of industry was partly the result of Spanish aristocratic
+habits, which now invaded Italian society. But it was also deliberately
+chosen as a means of extinguishing freedom. Finally, if war proved now
+less burdensome, the exhaustion of Italy and the decay of military
+spirit rendered the people liable to the scourge of piracy. The whole
+sea-coast was systematically plundered by the navies of Barbarossa and
+Dragut. The inhabitants of the ports and inland villages were carried
+off into slavery, and many of the Italians themselves drove a brisk
+trade in the sale of their compatriots. Brigandage, following in the
+wake of agricultural depression and excessive taxation, depopulated the
+central provinces. All these miseries were exacerbated by frequent
+recurrences of plagues and famines.
+
+It is characteristic of the whole tenor of Italian history that, in
+spite of the virtual hegemony which the Spaniards now exercised in the
+peninsula, the nation continued to exist in separate parcels, each of
+which retained a certain individuality. That Italy could not have been
+treated as a single province by the Spanish autocrat will be manifest,
+when we consider the European jealousy to which so summary an exhibition
+of force would have given rise. It is also certain that the Papacy,
+which had to be respected, would have resisted an openly declared
+Spanish despotism. But more powerful, I think, than all these
+considerations together, was the past prestige of the Italian States.
+Europe was not prepared to regard that brilliant and hitherto respected
+constellation of commonwealths, from which all intellectual culture,
+arts of life, methods of commerce, and theories of political existence
+had been diffused, as a single province of the Spanish monarchy. The
+Spaniards themselves were scarcely in a position to entertain the
+thought of reducing the peninsula to bondage _vi et armis_. And if they
+had attempted any measure tending to this result, they would undoubtedly
+have been resisted by an alliance of the European powers. What they
+sought, and what they gained, was preponderating influence in each of
+the parcels which they recognized as nominally independent.
+
+The intellectual and social life of the Italians, though much reduced in
+vigor, was therefore still, as formerly, concentrated in cities marked
+by distinct local qualities, and boastful of their ancient glories. The
+Courts of Ferrara and Urbino continued to form centers for literary and
+artistic coteries. Venice remained the stronghold of mental unrestraint
+and moral license, where thinkers uttered their thoughts with tolerable
+freedom, and libertines indulged their tastes unhindered. Rome early
+assumed novel airs of piety, and external conformity to austere patterns
+became the fashion here. Yet the Papal capital did not wholly cease to
+be the resort of students and of artists. The universities maintained
+themselves in a respectable position--- far different, indeed, from that
+which they had held in the last century, yet not ignoble. Much was
+being learned on many lines of study divergent from those prescribed by
+earlier humanists. Padua, in particular, distinguished itself for
+medical researches. This was the flourishing time, moreover, of
+Academies, in which, notwithstanding nonsense talked and foolish tastes
+indulged, some solid work was done for literature and science. The names
+of the Cimento, Delia Crusca, and Palazzo Vernio at Florence, remind us
+of not unimportant labors in physics, in the analysis of language, and
+in the formation of a new dramatic style of music. At the same time the
+resurgence of popular literature and the creation of popular theatrical
+types deserve to be particularly noticed. It is as though the Italian
+nation at this epoch, suffocated by Spanish etiquette, and poisoned by
+Jesuitical hypocrisy, sought to expand healthy lungs in free spaces of
+open air, indulging in dialectical niceties and immortalizing
+street-jokes by the genius of masqued comedy.
+
+This most ancient and intensely vital race had given Europe the Roman
+Republic, the Roman Empire, the system of Roman law, the Romance
+languages, Latin Christianity, the Papacy, and, lastly, all that is
+included in the art and culture of the Renaissance. It was time,
+perhaps, that it should go to rest a century or so, and watch uprising
+nations--the Spanish, English, French, and so forth--stir their stalwart
+limbs in common strife and novel paths of pioneering industry.
+
+After such fashion let us, then, if we can contrive to do so, regard
+the Italians during their subjection to the Church and Austria. Were it
+not for these consolatory reflections, and for the present reappearance
+of the nation in a new and previously unapprehended form of unity, the
+history of the Counter-Reformation period would be almost too painful
+for investigation. What the Italians actually accomplished during this
+period in art, learning, science, and literature, was indeed more than
+enough to have conferred undying luster on such races as the Dutch or
+Germans at the same epoch. But it would be ridiculous to compare
+Italians with either Dutchmen or Germans at a time when Italy was still
+so incalculably superior. Compared with their own standard, compared
+with what they might have achieved under more favorable conditions of
+national independence, the products of this age are saddening. The
+tragic elements of my present theme are summed up in the fact that Italy
+during the Counter-Reformation was inferior to Italy during the
+Renaissance, and that this inferiority was due to the interruption of
+vital and organic processes by reactionary forces.
+
+It would not be just to condemn Spain and the Papacy because, being
+reactionary powers, they quenched for three centuries the genial light
+of Italy. We must rather bear in mind that both Spain and the Papacy
+were at that time cosmopolitan factors of the first magnitude, with
+perplexing world-problems confronting them. Charles bore upon his
+shoulders the concerns of the Empire, the burden of the German
+revolution, and the distracting anxiety of a duel with Islam. When his
+son bowed to the yoke of government, he had to meet the same
+perplexities, complicated with Netherlands in revolt, England in
+antagonism, and France in dubious ferment. A succession of Popes were
+hampered by painful European questions, which the instinct of
+self-preservation taught them to regard as paramount. They were fighting
+for existence; for the Catholic creed; for their own theocratic
+sovereignty. They held strong cards. But against them were drawn up the
+battalions of heresy, free thought, political insurgence in the modern
+world. The _Zeitgeist_ that has made us what we are, had begun to
+organize stern opposition to the Church. It was natural enough that both
+the Spanish autocrat and the successor of S. Peter should at this crisis
+have regarded Italian affairs as subordinate in importance to wider
+matters which demanded their attention. Yet if we shift our point of
+view from this high vantage-ground of Imperial and Papal anxieties, and
+place ourselves in the center of Italy as our post of observation, it
+will be apparent that nothing more ruinous for the prosperity of the
+Italian people could have been devised than the joint autocracy accorded
+at Bologna to two cosmopolitan but non-national forces in their midst.
+An alien monarchy greedy for gold, a panic-stricken hierarchy in terror
+for its life, warped the tendencies and throttled the energies of the
+most artistically sensitive, the most heroically innovating of the
+existing races. However we may judge the merits of the Spaniards, they
+were assuredly not those which had brought Italy into the first rank of
+European nations. The events of a single century proved that, far from
+being able to govern other peoples, Spain was incapable of
+self-government on any rational principle. Whatever may have been the
+policy thrust upon the chief of Latin Christianity in the desperate
+struggle with militant rationalism, the repressive measures which it
+felt bound to adopt were eminently pernicious to a race like the
+Italians, who showed no disposition for religious regeneration, and who
+were yet submitted to the tyranny of ecclesiastical discipline and
+intellectual intolerance at every point.
+
+The settlement made by Charles V. in 1530, and the various changes which
+took place in the duchies between that date and the end of the century,
+had then the effect of rendering the Papacy and Spain omnipotent in
+Italy. These kindred autocrats were joined in firm alliance, except
+during the brief period of Paul IV.'s French policy, which ended in the
+Pope's complete discomfiture by Alva in 1557. They used their aggregated
+forces for the riveting of spiritual, political, and social chains upon
+the modern world. What they only partially effected in Europe at large,
+by means of S. Bartholomew massacres, exterminations of Jews in Toledo
+and of Mussulmans in Granada, holocausts of victims in the Low
+Countries, wars against French Huguenots and German Lutherans, naval
+expeditions and plots against the state of England, assassinations of
+heretic princes, and occasional burning of free thinkers, they achieved
+with plenary success in Italy. The center of the peninsula, from Ferrara
+to Terracina, lay at the discretion of the Pope. The Two Sicilies,
+Sardinia and the Duchy of Milan, were absolute dependencies of the
+Spanish crown. Tuscany was linked by ties of interest, and by the
+stronger bonds of terrorism, to Spain. The insignificant principalities
+of Mantua, Modena, Parma could not do otherwise than submit to the same
+predominant authority. It is not worth while to take into account the
+tiny republics of Genoa and Lucca. Their history through this period,
+though not so uneventful, is scarcely less insignificant than that of
+San Marino. Venice alone stood independent, still powerful enough to
+extinguish Bedmar's Spanish conspiracy in silence, still proud enough to
+resist the encroachments of Paul V. with spirit, yet sensible of her
+decline and spending her last energies on warfare with the Turk.
+
+At the close of the century, by the Peace of Vervins in 1598 and two
+subsequent treaties, Spain and France settled their long dispute. France
+was finally excluded from Italy by the cession of Saluzzo to Savoy,
+while Savoy at the same moment, through the loss of its Burgundian
+provinces, became an Italian power. The old antagonism which, dating
+from the Guelf and Ghibelline contentions of the thirteenth century,
+had taken a new form after the Papal investiture of Charles of Anjou
+with the kingdoms of Sicily and Naples, now ceased. That antique
+antagonism of parties, alien to the home interests of Italy, had been
+exasperated by the rivalry of Angevine and Aragonese princes; had
+assumed formidable intensity after the invasion of Charles VIII. in
+1494; and had expanded under the reigns of Louis XII. and Francis I.
+into an open struggle between France and Spain for the supremacy of
+Italy. It now was finally terminated by the exclusion of the French and
+the acknowledged overlordship of the Spaniard. But though peace seemed
+to be secured to a nation tortured by so many desolating wars of foreign
+armies, the Italians regarded the cession of Saluzzo with despondency.
+The partisans of national independence and political freedom had become,
+however illogically, accustomed to consider France as their ally.[6]
+They now beheld the gates of Italy closed against the French; they saw
+the extinction of their ancient Guelf policy of calling French arms into
+Italy. They felt that rest from strife was dearly bought at the price of
+prostrate servitude beneath Spanish and Austrian Hapsburgs, Spanish
+Bourbons, and mongrel princelings bred by crossing these stocks with
+decaying scions of Italian nobility. As a matter of fact, this was the
+destiny which lay before them for nearly two centuries after the
+signing of the Peace of Vervins.
+
+[Footnote 6: See, for instance, temp. Henri IV., _Sarpi's Letters_, vol.
+i. p. 233.]
+
+Yet the cession of Saluzzo was really the first dawn of hope for Italy.
+It determined the House of Savoy as an Italian dynasty, and brought for
+the first time into the sphere of purely Italian interests that province
+from which the future salvation of the nation was to come. From 1598
+until 1870 the destinies of Italy were bound up with the advance of
+Savoy from a duchy to a kingdom, with its growth in wealth, military
+resources and political self-consciousness, and with its ultimate
+acceptance of the task, accomplished in our days, of freeing Italy from
+foreign tyranny and forming a single nation out of many component
+elements. Those component elements by their diversity had conferred
+luster on the race in the Middle Ages, by their jealousies had wrecked
+its independence in the Renaissance, and by their weakness had left it
+at the period of the Counter-Reformation a helpless prey to Papal and
+Spanish despotism.
+
+The leveling down of the component elements of the Italian race beneath
+a common despotism, which began in the period I have chosen for this
+work, was necessary perhaps before Italy could take her place as a
+united nation gifted with constitutional self-government and
+independence. Except, therefore, for the sufferings and the humiliations
+inflicted on her people; except for their servitude beneath the most
+degrading forms of ecclesiastical and temporal tyranny; except for the
+annihilation of their beautiful Renaissance culture; except for the
+depression of arts, learning, science, and literature, together with the
+enfeeblement of political energy and domestic morality; except for the
+loathsome domination of hypocrites and persecutors and informers; except
+for the Jesuitical encouragement of every secret vice and every servile
+superstition which might emasculate the race and render it subservient
+to authority;--except for these appalling evils, we have no right
+perhaps to deplore the settlement of Italy by Charles V. in 1530, or the
+course of subsequent events. For it is tolerably certain that some such
+leveling down as then commenced was needed to bring the constituent
+States of Italy into accord; and it is indubitable, as I have had
+occasion to point out, that the political force which eventually
+introduced Italy into the European system of federated nations, was
+determined in its character, if not created, then. None the less, the
+history of this period (1530-1600) in Italy is a prolonged, a solemn, an
+inexpressibly heart-rending tragedy.
+
+It is the tragic history of the eldest and most beautiful, the noblest
+and most venerable, the freest and most gifted of Europe's daughters,
+delivered over to the devilry that issued from the most incompetent and
+arrogantly stupid of the European sisterhood, and to the cruelty,
+inspired by panic, of an impious theocracy. When we use these terms to
+designate the Papacy of the Counter-Reformation, it is not that we
+forget how many of those Popes were men of blameless private life and
+serious views for Catholic Christendom. When we use these terms to
+designate the Spanish race in the sixteenth century, it is not that we
+are ignorant of Spanish chivalry and colonizing enterprise, of Spanish
+romance, or of the fact that Spain produced great painters, great
+dramatists, and one great novelist in the brief period of her glory. We
+use them deliberately, however, in both cases; because the Papacy at
+this period committed itself to a policy of immoral, retrograde, and
+cowardly repression of the most generous of human impulses under the
+pressure of selfish terror; because the Spaniards abandoned themselves
+to a dark fiend of religious fanaticism; because they were merciless in
+their conquests and unintelligent in their administration of subjugated
+provinces; because they glutted their lusts of avarice and hatred on
+industrious folk of other creeds within their borders; because they
+cultivated barren pride and self-conceit in social life; because at the
+great epoch of Europe's reawakening they chose the wrong side and
+adhered to it with fatal obstinacy. This obstinacy was disastrous to
+their neighbors and ruinous to themselves. During the short period of
+three reigns (between 1598 and 1700) they sank from the first to the
+third grade in Europe, and saw the scepter passing in the New World from
+their hands to those of more normally constituted races. That the
+self-abandonment to sterilizing passions and ignoble persecutions which
+marked Spain out for decay in the second half of the sixteenth century,
+and rendered her the curse of her dependencies, can in part be ascribed
+to the enthusiasm aroused in previous generations by the heroic conflict
+with advancing Islam, is a thesis capable of demonstration. Yet none the
+less is it true that her action at that period was calamitous to herself
+and little short of destructive to Italy.
+
+After the year 1530 seven Spanish devils entered Italy. These were the
+devil of the Inquisition, with stake and torture-room, and war declared
+against the will and soul and heart and intellect of man; the devil of
+Jesuitry, with its sham learning, shameless lying, and casuistical
+economy of sins; the devil of vice-royal rule, with its life-draining
+monopolies and gross incapacity for government; the devil of an insolent
+soldiery, quartered on the people, clamorous for pay, outrageous in
+their lusts and violences; the devil of fantastical taxation, levying
+tolls upon the bare necessities of life, and drying up the founts of
+national well-being at their sources; the devil of petty-princedom,
+wallowing in sloth and cruelty upon a pinchbeck throne; the devil of
+effeminate hidalgoism, ruinous in expenditure, mean and grasping,
+corrupt in private life, in public ostentatious, vain of titles,
+cringing to its masters, arrogant to its inferiors. In their train these
+brought with them seven other devils, their pernicious offspring:
+idleness, disease, brigandage, destitution, ignorance, superstition,
+hypocritically sanctioned vice. These fourteen devils were welcomed,
+entertained, and voluptuously lodged in all the fairest provinces of
+Italy. The Popes opened wide for them the gates of outraged and
+depopulated Rome. Dukes and marquises fell down and worshiped the golden
+image of the Spanish Belial-Moloch--that hideous idol whose face was
+blackened with soot from burning human flesh, and whose skirts were
+dabbled with the blood of thousands slain in wars of persecution. After
+a tranquil sojourn of some years in Italy, these devils had everywhere
+spread desolation and corruption. Broad regions, like the Patrimony of
+S. Peter and Calabria, were given over to marauding bandits; wide tracks
+of fertile country, like the Sienese Maremma, were abandoned to malaria;
+wolves prowled through empty villages round Milan; in every city the
+pestilence swept off its hundreds daily; manufactures, commerce,
+agriculture, the industries of town and rural district, ceased; the
+Courts swarmed with petty nobles, who vaunted paltry titles; and
+resigned their wives to cicisbei and their sons to sloth: art and
+learning languished; there was not a man who ventured to speak out his
+thought or write the truth; and over the Dead Sea of social putrefaction
+floated the sickening oil of Jesuitical hypocrisy.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER II.
+
+THE PAPACY AND THE TRIDENTINE COUNCIL.
+
+
+     The Counter-Reformation--Its Intellectual and Moral
+     Character--Causes of the Gradual Extinction of Renaissance
+     Energy--Transition from the Renaissance to the Catholic
+     Revival--New Religious Spirit in Italy--Attitude of Italians toward
+     German Reformation--Oratory of Divine Love--Gasparo Contarini and
+     the Moderate Reformers--New Religious Orders--Paul III.--His early
+     History and Education--Political Attitude between France and
+     Spain--Creation of the Duchy of Parma--Imminence of a General
+     Council--Review of previous Councils--Paul's Uneasiness--Opens a
+     Council at Trent in 1542--Protestants virtually excluded, and
+     Catholic Dogmas confirmed in the first Sessions--Death of Paul in
+     1549--Julius III.--Paul IV.--Character and Ruling Passions of G.P.
+     Caraffa--His Futile Opposition to Spain--Tyranny of his
+     Nephews--Their Downfall--Paul Devotes himself to Church Reform and
+     the Inquisition--Pius IV.--His Minister Morone--Diplomatic Temper
+     of this Pope--His Management of the Council--Assistance rendered by
+     his nephew Carlo Borromeo--Alarming State of Northern Europe--The
+     Council reopened at Trent in 1562--Subsequent History of the
+     Council--It closes with a complete Papal Triumph in 1563--Place of
+     Pius IV. in History--Pius V.--The Inquisitor Pope--Population of
+     Rome--Social Corruption--Sale of Offices and Justice--Tridentine
+     Reforms depress Wealth--Ascetic Purity of Manners becomes
+     fashionable--- Piety--The Catholic Reaction generates the
+     Counter-Reformation--Battle of Lepanto--Gregory XIII.--His
+     Relatives--Policy of Enriching the Church at Expense of the
+     Barons--Brigandage in States of the Church--Sixtus V.--His Stern
+     Justice--Rigid Economy--Great Public Works--Taxation--The City of
+     Rome assumes its present form--Nepotism in the Counter-Reformation
+     Period--Various Estimates of the Wealth accumulated by Papal
+     Nephews--Rise of Princely Roman Families.
+
+
+It is not easy to define the intellectual and moral changes which passed
+over Italy in the period of the Counter-Reformation[7]; it is still
+less easy to refer those changes to distinct causes. Yet some analysis
+tending toward such definition is demanded from a writer who has
+undertaken to treat of Italian culture and manners between the years
+1530 and 1600.
+
+In the last chapter I attempted to describe the depth of servitude to
+which the States of Italy were severally reduced at the end of the wars
+between France and Spain. The desolation of the country, the loss of
+national independence, and the dominance of an alien race, can be
+counted among the most important of those influences which produced the
+changes in question. Whatever opinions we may hold regarding the
+connection between political autonomy and mental vigor in a people, it
+can hardly be disputed that a sudden and universal extinction of liberty
+must be injurious to arts and studies that have grown up under free
+institutions.
+
+But there were other causes at work. Among these a prominent place
+should be given to an alteration in the intellectual interests of the
+Italians themselves. The original impulses of the Renaissance, in
+scholarship, painting, sculpture, architecture, and vernacular poetry,
+had been exhausted.
+
+[Footnote 7: I may here state that I intend to use this term
+Counter-Reformation to denote the reform of the Catholic Church, which
+was stimulated by the German Reformation, and which, when the Council of
+Trent had fixed the dogmas and discipline of Latin Christianity, enabled
+the Papacy to assume a militant policy in Europe, whereby it regained a
+large portion of the provinces, that had previously lapsed to Lutheran
+and Calvinistic dissent.]
+
+Humanism, after recovering the classics and forming a new ideal of
+culture, was sinking into pedantry and academic erudition. Painting and
+sculpture, having culminated in the great work of Michelangelo, tended
+toward a kind of empty mannerism. Architecture settled down into the
+types fixed by Palladio and Barozzi. Poetry seemed to have reached its
+highest point of development in Ariosto. The main motives supplied to
+art by mediaeval traditions and humanistic enthusiasm were worked out.
+Nor was this all. The Renaissance had created a critical spirit which
+penetrated every branch of art and letters. It was not possible to
+advance further on the old lines; yet painters, sculptors, architects,
+and poets of the rising generation had before their eyes the
+masterpieces of their predecessors, in their minds the precepts of the
+learned. All alike were rendered awkward and self-conscious by the sense
+of laboring at a disadvantage, and by the dread of academical
+censorship.
+
+In truth, this critical spirit, which was the final product of the
+Renaissance in Italy, favored the development of new powers in the
+nation: it hampered workers in the elder spheres of art, literature, and
+scholarship; but it set thinkers upon the track of those investigations
+which we call scientific. I shall endeavor, in a future chapter, to show
+how the Italians were now upon the point of carrying the ardor of the
+Renaissance into fresh fields of physical discovery and speculation,
+when their evolution was suspended by the Catholic Reaction. But here
+it must suffice to observe that formalism had succeeded by the operation
+of natural influences to the vigor and inventiveness of the national
+genius in the main departments of literature and fine art.
+
+If we study the development of other European races, we shall find that
+each of them in turn, at its due season, passed through similar phases.
+The mediaeval period ends in the efflorescence of a new delightful
+energy, which gives a Rabelais, a Shakspere, a Cervantes to the world.
+The Renaissance riots itself away in Marinism, Gongorism, Euphuism, and
+the affectations of the Hôtel Rambouillet. This age is succeeded by a
+colder, more critical, more formal age of obedience to fixed canons,
+during which scholarly efforts are made to purify style and impose laws
+on taste. The ensuing period of sense is also marked by profounder
+inquiries into nature and more exact analysis of mental operations. The
+correct school of poets, culminating in Dryden and Pope, holds sway in
+England; while Newton, Locke, and Bentley extend the sphere of science.
+In France the age of Rabelais and Montaigne yields place to the age of
+Racine and Descartes. Germany was so distracted by religious wars, Spain
+was so down-trodden by the Inquisition, that they do not offer equally
+luminous examples.[8] It may be added that in all these nations the end
+of the eighteenth and the beginning of the nineteenth centuries are
+marked by a similar revolt against formality and common sense, to which
+we give the name of the Romantic movement.
+
+[Footnote 8: With regard to Germany, see Mr. T. S. Perry's acute and
+philosophical study, entitled _From Opitz to Lessing_ (Boston).]
+
+Quitting this sphere of speculation, we may next point out that the
+European system had undergone an incalculable process of transformation.
+Powerful nationalities were in existence, who, having received their
+education from Italy, were now beginning to think and express thought
+with marked originality. The Italians stood no longer in a relation of
+uncontested intellectual superiority to these peoples, while they met
+them under decided disadvantages at all points of political efficiency.
+The Mediterranean had ceased to be the high road of commercial
+enterprise and naval energy. Charles V.'s famous device of the two
+columns, with its motto _Plus Ultra_, indicated that illimitable
+horizons had been opened, that an age had begun in which Spain, England
+and Holland should dispute the sovereignty of the Atlantic and Pacific
+oceans. Italy was left, with diminished forces of resistance, to bear
+the brunt of Turk and Arab depredations. The point of gravity in the
+civilized world had shifted. The Occidental nations looked no longer
+toward the South of Europe.
+
+While these various causes were in operation, Catholic Christianity
+showed signs of re-wakening. The Reformation called forth a new and
+sincere spirit in the Latin Church; new antagonisms were evoked, and
+new efforts after self-preservation had to be made by the Papal
+hierarchy. The center of the world-wide movement which is termed the
+Counter-Reformation was naturally Rome. Events had brought the Holy See
+once more into a position of prominence. It was more powerful as an
+Italian State now, through the support of Spain and the extinction of
+national independence, than at any previous period of history. In
+Catholic Christendom its prestige was immensely augmented by the Council
+of Trent. At the same epoch, the foreigners who dominated Italy, threw
+themselves with the enthusiasm of fanaticism into this Revival. Spain
+furnished Rome with the militia of the Jesuits and with the engines of
+the Inquisition. The Papacy was thus able to secure successes in Italy
+which were elsewhere only partially achieved. It followed that the
+moral, social, political and intellectual activities of the Italians at
+this period were controlled and colored by influences hostile to the
+earlier Renaissance. Italy underwent a metamorphosis, prescribed by the
+Papacy and enforced by Spanish rule. In the process of this
+transformation the people submitted to rigid ecclesiastical discipline,
+and adopted, without assimilating, the customs of a foreign troop of
+despots.
+
+At first sight we may wonder that the race which had shone with such
+incomparable luster from Dante to Ariosto, and which had done so much to
+create modern culture for Europe, should so quietly have accepted a
+retrogressive revolution. Yet, when we look closer, this is not
+surprising. The Italians were fatigued with creation, bewildered by the
+complexity of their discoveries, uncertain as to the immediate course
+before them. The Renaissance had been mainly the work of a select few.
+It had transformed society without permeating the masses of the people.
+Was it strange that the majority should reflect that, after all, the old
+ways are the best? This led them to approve the Catholic Revival. Was it
+strange that, after long distracting aimless wars, they should hail
+peace at any price? This lent popular sanction to the Spanish hegemony,
+in spite of its obvious drawbacks.
+
+These may be reckoned the main conditions which gave a peculiar but not
+easily definable complexion of languor, melancholy, and dwindling
+vitality to nearly every manifestation of Italian genius in the second
+half of the sixteenth century, and which well nigh sterilized that
+genius during the two succeeding centuries. In common with the rest of
+Europe, and in consequence of an inevitable alteration of their mental
+bias, they had lost the blithe spontaneity of the Renaissance. But they
+were at the same time suffering from grievous exhaustion, humiliated by
+the tyranny of foreign despotism, and terrorized by ecclesiastical
+intolerance. In their case, therefore, a sort of moral and intellectual
+atrophy becomes gradually more and more perceptible. The clear artistic
+sense of rightness and of beauty yields to doubtful taste. The frank
+audacity of the Renaissance is superseded by cringing timidity,
+lumbering dulness, somnolent and stagnant acquiescence in accepted
+formulae. At first the best minds of the nation fret and rebel, and meet
+with the dungeon or the stake as the reward of contumacy. In the end
+everybody seems to be indifferent, satisfied with vacuity, enamored of
+insipidity. The brightest episode in this dreary period is the emergence
+of modern music with incomparable sweetness and lucidity.
+
+It must not be supposed that the change which I have adumbrated, passed
+rapidly over the Italian spirit. When Paul III. succeeded Clement on the
+Papal throne in 1534, some of the giants of the Renaissance still
+survived, and much of their great work was yet to be accomplished.
+Michelangelo had neither painted the Last Judgment nor planned the
+cupola which crowns S. Peter's. Cellini had not cast his Perseus for the
+Loggia de'Lanzi, nor had Palladio raised San Giorgio from the sea at
+Venice. Pietro Aretino still swaggered in lordly insolence; and though
+Machiavelli was dead, the 'silver histories' of Guicciardini remained to
+be written. Bandello, Giraldi and Il Lasca had not published their
+Novelle, nor had Cecchi given the last touch to Florentine comedy. It
+was chiefly at Venice, which preserved the ancient forms of her
+oligarchical independence, that the grand style of the Renaissance
+continued to flourish. Titian was in his prime; the stars of Tintoretto
+and Veronese had scarcely risen above the horizon. Sansovino was still
+producing masterpieces of picturesque beauty in architecture.
+
+In order to understand the transition of Italy from the Renaissance to
+the Counter-Reformation manner, it will be well to concentrate attention
+on the history of the Papacy during the eight reigns of Paul III.,
+Julius III., Paul IV., Pius IV., Pius V., Gregory XIII., Sixtus V., and
+Clement VIII.[9] In the first of these reigns we hardly notice that the
+Renaissance has passed away. In the last we are aware of a completely
+altered Italy. And we perceive that this alteration has been chiefly due
+to the ecclesiastical policy which brought the Council of Trent to a
+successful issue in the reign of Pius IV.
+
+[Footnote 9: These eight reigns cover a space of time from 1534 to
+1605.]
+
+Before engaging in this review of Papal history, I must give some brief
+account of the more serious religious spirit which had been developed
+within the Italian Church; since the determination of this spirit toward
+rigid Catholicism in the second half of the sixteenth century decided
+the character of Italian manners and culture. Protestantism in the
+strict sense of the term took but little hold upon Italian society. It
+is true that the minds of some philosophical students were deeply
+stirred by the audacious discussion of theological principles in
+Germany. Such men had been rendered receptive of new impressions by the
+Platonizing speculations of Ficino and Pico della Mirandola, as well as
+by the criticism of the Bible in its original languages which formed a
+subordinate branch of humanistic education. They had, furthermore, been
+powerfully affected by the tribulations of Rome at the time of Bourbon's
+occupation, and had grown to regard these as a divine chastisement
+inflicted on the Church for its corruption and ungodliness. Lutheranism
+so far influenced their opinions that they became convinced of the
+necessity of a return to the simpler elements of Christianity in creed
+and conduct. They considered a thorough-going reform of the hierarchy
+and of all Catholic institutions to be indispensable. They leant,
+moreover, with partiality to some of the essential tenets of the
+Reformation, notably to the doctrines of justification by faith and
+salvation by the merits of Christ, and also to the principle that
+Scripture is the sole authority in matters of belief and discipline.
+Thus both the Cardinals Morone and Contarini, the poet Flaminio, and the
+nobles of the Colonna family in Naples who imbibed the teaching of
+Valdes, fell under the suspicion of heterodoxy on these points. But it
+was characteristic of the members of this school that they had no will
+to withhold allegiance from the Pope as chief of Christendom. They
+shrank with horror from the thought of encouraging a schism or of
+severing themselves from the communion of Catholics. The essential
+difference between Italian and Teutonic thinkers on such subjects at
+this epoch seems to have been this: Italians could not cease to be
+Catholics without at the same time ceasing to be Christians. They could
+not accommodate their faith to any of the compromises suggested by the
+Reformation. Even when they left their country in a spirit of rebellion,
+they felt ill at ease both with Lutherans and Calvinists. Like
+Bernardino Ochino and the Anti-Trinitarians of the Socinian sect, they
+wandered restlessly through Europe, incapable of settling down in
+communion with any one of the established forms of Protestantism. Calvin
+at Geneva instituted a real crusade against Italian thinkers, who
+differed from his views. He drove Valentino Gentile to death on the
+scaffold; and expelled Gribaldi, Simone, Biandrata, Alciati, Negro. Most
+of these men found refuge in Poland, Transylvania, even Turkey.[10]
+
+There were bold speculators in Italy enough, who had practically
+abandoned the Catholic faith. But the majority of these did not think it
+worth their while to make an open rupture with the Church. Theological
+hair-splitting reminded them only of the mediaeval scholasticism from
+which they had been emancipated by classical culture. They were less
+interested in questions touching the salvation of the individual or the
+exact nature of the sacraments, than in metaphysical problems suggested
+by the study of antique philosophers, or new theories of the material
+universe.
+
+[Footnote 10: See Berti's _Vita di G. Bruno_, pp. 105-108.]
+
+The indifference of these men in religion rendered it easy for them to
+conform in all external points to custom. Their fundamental axiom was
+that a scientific thinker could hold one set of opinions as a
+philosopher, and another set as a Christian. Their motto was the
+celebrated _Foris ut moris, intus ut libet_.[11] Nor were ecclesiastical
+authorities dissatisfied with this attitude during the ascendancy of
+humanistic culture. It was, indeed, the attitude of Popes like Leo,
+Cardinals like Bembo. And it only revealed its essential weakness when
+the tide of general opinion, under the blast of Teutonic revolutionary
+ideas, turned violently in favor of formal orthodoxy. Then indeed it
+became dangerous to adopt the position of a Pomponazzo.
+
+[Footnote 11: This maxim is ascribed to the materialistic philosopher
+Cremonini.]
+
+The mental attitude of such men is so well illustrated by a letter
+written by Celio Calcagnini to Peregrino Morato, that I shall not
+hesitate to transcribe it here. It seems that Morato had sent his
+correspondent some treatise on the theological questions then in
+dispute; and Calcagnini replies:
+
+'I have read the book relating to the controversies so much agitated at
+present. I have thought on its contents, and weighed them in the balance
+of reason. I find in it nothing which may not be approved and defended,
+but some things which, as mysteries, it is safer to suppress and conceal
+than to bring before the common people, inasmuch as they pertained to
+the primitive and infant state of the Church. Now, when the decrees of
+the fathers and long usage have introduced other modes, what necessity
+is there for reviving antiquated practices which have long fallen into
+desuetude, especially as neither piety nor the salvation of the soul is
+concerned with them? Let us, then, I pray you, allow these things to
+rest. Not that I disapprove of their being embraced by scholars and
+lovers of antiquity; but I would not have them communicated to the
+common people and those who are fond of innovations, lest they give
+occasion to strife and sedition. There are unlearned and unqualified
+persons who having, after long ignorance, read or heard certain new
+opinions respecting baptism, the marriage of the clergy, ordination, the
+distinction of days and food, and public penitence, instantly conceive
+that these things are to be stiffly maintained and observed. Wherefore,
+in my opinion, the discussion of these points ought to be confined to
+the initiated, that so the seamless coat of our Lord may not be rent and
+torn.... Seeing it is dangerous to treat such things before the
+multitude and in public discourses, I must deem it safest to "speak with
+the many and think with the few," and to keep in mind the advice of
+Paul, "Hast thou faith? Have it to thyself before God."'[12]
+
+[Footnote 12: _C. Calcagnini Opera_, p. 195. I am indebted for the above
+version to McCrie's _Reformation in Italy_, p. 183.]
+
+The new religious spirit which I have attempted to characterize as
+tinctured by Protestant opinions but disinclined for severance from
+Rome, manifested itself about the same time in several groups. One of
+them was at Rome, where a society named the Oratory of Divine Love,
+including from fifty to sixty members, began to meet as early as the
+reign of Leo X. in the Trastevere. This pious association included men
+of very various kinds. Sadoleto, Giberto, and Contarini were here in
+close intimacy with Gaetano di Thiene, the sainted founder of the
+Theatines, and with his friend Caraffa, the founder of the Roman
+Inquisition. Venice was the center of another group, among whom may be
+mentioned Reginald Pole, Gasparo Contarini, Luigi Priuli, and Antonio
+Bruccioli, the translator of the Bible from the original tongues into
+Italian. The poet Marcantonio Flaminio became a member of both
+societies; and was furthermore the personal friend of the Genoese
+Cardinals Sauli and Fregoso, whom we have a right to count among
+thinkers of the same class. Flaminio, though he died in the Catholic
+communion, was so far suspected of heresy that his works were placed
+upon the Index of 1559. In Naples Juan Valdes made himself the leader of
+a similar set of men. His views, embodied in the work of a disciple, and
+revised by Marcantonio Flaminio, _On the Benefits of Christ's Death_,
+revealed strong Lutheran tendencies, which at a later period would
+certainly have condemned him to perpetual imprisonment or exile. This
+book had a wide circulation in Italy, and was influential in directing
+the minds of thoughtful Christians to the problems of Justification. It
+was ascribed to Aonio Paleario, who suffered martyrdom at Rome for
+maintaining doctrines similar to those of Valdes.[13] Round him gathered
+several members of the great Colonna family, notably Vespasiano, Duke of
+Palliano, and his wife, the star of Italian beauty, Giulia Gonzaga.
+Vittoria Colonna, Marchioness of Pescara, imbibed the new doctrines in
+the same circle; and so did Bernardino Ochino. Modena could boast
+another association, which met in the house of Grillenzone; while
+Ferrara became the headquarters of a still more pronounced reforming
+party under the patronage of the Duchess, Renée of France, daughter of
+Louis XII. These various societies and coteries were bound together by
+ties of friendship and literary correspondence, and were indirectly
+connected with less fortunate reforming theologians; with Aonio
+Paleario, Bernardino Ochino, Antonio dei Pagliaricci, Carnesecchi, and
+others, whose tragic history will form a part of my chapter on the
+Inquisition.
+
+[Footnote 13: Though as many as 40,000 copies were published, this book
+was so successfully stamped out that it seemed to be irrecoverably lost.
+The library of St. John's College at Cambridge, however, contains two
+Italian copies and one French copy. That of Laibach possesses an Italian
+and a Croat version. Cantù, _Gli Eretici_, vol. i. p. 360.]
+
+It does not fall within the province of this chapter to write an account
+of what has, not very appropriately, been called the Reformation in
+Italy. My purpose in the present book is, not to follow the fortunes of
+Protestantism, but to trace the sequel of the Renaissance, the merging
+of its impulse in new phases of European development. I shall therefore
+content myself with pointing out that at the opening of Paul III.'s
+reign, there was widely diffused throughout the chief Italian cities a
+novel spirit of religious earnestness and enthusiasm, which as yet had
+taken no determinate direction. This spirit burned most highly in
+Gasparo Contarini, who in 1541 was commissioned by the Pope to attend a
+conference at Rechensburg for the discussion of terms of reconciliation
+with the Lutherans. He succeeded in drawing up satisfactory articles on
+the main theological points regarding human nature, original sin,
+redemption and justification. These were accepted by the Protestant
+theologians at Rechensburg and might possibly have been ratified in
+Rome, had not the Congress been broken up by Contarini's total failure
+to accommodate differences touching the Pope's supremacy and the
+conciliar principle.[14] He made concessions to the Reformers, which
+roused the fury of the Roman Curia. At the same time political intrigues
+were set on foot in France and Germany to avert a reconciliation which
+would have immeasurably strengthened the Emperor's position. The
+moderate sections of both parties, Lutheran and Catholic, failed at
+Rechensburg. Indeed, it was inevitable that they should fail; for the
+breach between the Roman Church and the Reformation was not of a nature
+to be healed over at this date. Principles were involved which could not
+now be harmonized, and both parties in the dispute were on the point of
+developing their own forces with fresh internal vigor.
+
+[Footnote 14: It should be observed, however, that Luther rejected the
+article on justification, and that Caraffa in Rome used his influence to
+prevent its acceptance by Paul III.]
+
+The Italians who desired reform of the Church were now thrown back upon
+the attempt to secure this object within the bosom of Catholicism. At
+the request of Paul III. they presented a memorial on ecclesiastical
+abuses, which was signed by Contarini, Caraffa, Sadoleto, Pole, Fregoso,
+Giberto, Cortese and Aleander. These Cardinals did not spare plain
+speech upon the burning problem of Papal misgovernment.
+
+Meanwhile, the new spirit began to manifest itself in the foundation of
+orders and institutions tending to purification of Church discipline.
+The most notable of these was the order of Theatines established by
+Thiene and Caraffa. Its object was to improve the secular priesthood,
+with a view to which end seminaries were opened for the education of
+priests, who took monastic vows and devoted themselves to special
+observance of their clerical duties, as preachers, administrators of the
+sacraments, visitors of the poor and sick.
+
+A Venetian, Girolamo Miani, at the same period founded a congregation,
+called the Somascan, for the education of the destitute and orphaned,
+and for the reception of the sick and infirm into hospitals. The
+terrible state in which Lombardy had been left by war rendered this
+institution highly valuable. Of a similar type was the order of the
+Barnabites, who were first incorporated at Milan, charged with the
+performance of acts of mercy, education, preaching, and other forms of
+Christian ministration. It may be finally added that the Camaldolese and
+Franciscan orders had been in part reformed by a spontaneous movement
+within their bodies.
+
+If we compare the spirit indicated by these efforts in the first half of
+the sixteenth century with that of the earlier Renaissance, it will be
+evident that the Italians were ready for religious change. They sink,
+however, into insignificance beside two Spanish institutions which about
+the same period added their weight and influence to the Catholic
+revival. I mean, of course, the Inquisition and the Jesuit order. Paul
+III. empowered Caraffa in 1542 to re-establish the Inquisition in Rome
+upon a new basis resembling that of the Spanish Holy Office. The same
+Pope sanctioned and confirmed the Company of Jesus between the years
+1540 and 1543. The establishment of the Inquisition gave vast
+disciplinary powers to the Church at the moment when the Council of
+Trent fixed her dogmas and proclaimed the absolute authority of the
+Popes. At the same time the Jesuits, devoted by their founder in blind
+obedience--_perinde ac cadaver_--to the service of the Papacy,
+penetrated Italy, Spain, France, Germany, and the transatlantic
+colonies.
+
+The Pope who succeeded Clement VII. in 1534 was in all ways fitted to
+represent the transition which I have indicated. Alessandro Farnese
+sprang from an ancient but decayed family in the neighborhood of
+Bolsena, several of whose members had played a foremost part in the
+mediaeval revolutions of Orvieto. While still a young man of
+twenty-five, he was raised to the Cardinalate by Alexander VI. This
+advancement he owed to the influence of his sister Giulia, surnamed La
+Bella, who was then the Borgia's mistress. It is characteristic of an
+epoch during which the bold traditions of the fifteenth century still
+lingered, that the undraped statue of this Giulia (representing Vanity)
+was carved for the basement of Paul III.'s monument in the choir of S.
+Peter's. The old stock of the Farnesi, once planted in the soil of Papal
+corruption at its most licentious period, struck firm roots and
+flourished. Alessandro was born in 1468, and received a humanistic
+education according to the methods of the earlier Renaissance. He
+studied literature with Pomponius Laetus in the Roman Academy, and
+frequented the gardens of Lorenzo de'Medici at Florence. His character
+and intellect were thus formed under the influences of the classical
+revival and of the Pontifical Curia, at a time when pagan morality and
+secular policy had obliterated the ideal of Catholic Christianity. His
+sister was the Du Barry of the Borgian Court. He was himself the father
+of several illegitimate children, whom he acknowledged, and on whose
+advancement by the old system of Papal nepotism he spent the best years
+of his reign. Both as a patron of the arts and as an elegant scholar in
+the Latin and Italian languages, Alessandro showed throughout his life
+the effects of this early training. He piqued himself on choice
+expression, whenever he was called upon to use the pen in studied
+documents, or to answer ambassadors in public audiences. To his taste
+and love of splendor Rome owes the Farnese palace. He employed Cellini,
+and forced Michelangelo to paint the Last Judgment. On ascending the
+Papal throne he complained that this mighty genius had been too long
+occupied for Delia Roveres and Medici. When the fresco was finished, he
+set the old artist upon his last great task of completing S. Peter's.
+
+So far there was nothing to distinguish Alessandro Farnese from other
+ecclesiastics of the Renaissance. As Cardinal he seemed destined, should
+he ever attain the Papal dignity, to combine the qualities of the
+Borgian and Medicean Pontiffs. But before his elevation to that supreme
+height, he lived through the reigns of Julius II., Leo X., Adrian VI.,
+and Clement VII. Herein lies the peculiarity of his position as Paul
+III. The pupil of Pomponius Laetus, the creature of Roderigo Borgia, the
+representative of Italian manners and culture before the age of foreign
+invasion had changed the face of Italy, Paul III. was called at the age
+of sixty-six to steer the ship of the Church through troubled waters and
+in very altered circumstances. He had witnessed the rise and progress of
+Protestant revolt in Germany. He had observed the stirrings of a new and
+sincere spirit of religious gravity, an earnest desire for
+ecclesiastical reform in his own country. He had watched the duel
+between France and Spain, during the course of which his predecessors
+Alexander V. and Julius II. restored the secular authority of Rome. He
+had seen that authority humbled to the dust in 1527, and miraculously
+rehabilitated at Bologna in 1530. He had learned by the example of the
+Borgias how difficult it was for any Papal family to found a substantial
+principality; and the vicissitudes of Florence and Urbino had confirmed
+this lesson. Finally, he had assisted at the coronation of Charles V.;
+and when he took the reins of power into his hands, he was well aware
+with what a formidable force he had to cope in the great Emperor.
+
+Paul III. knew that the old Papal game of pitting France against Spain
+in the peninsula could not be played on the same grand scale as
+formerly. This policy had been pursued with results ruinous to Italy but
+favorable to the Church, by Julius. It had enabled Leo and Clement to
+advance their families at the hazard of more important interests. But in
+the reign of the latter Pope it had all but involved the Papacy itself
+in the general confusion and desolation of the country. Moreover, France
+was no longer an effective match for Spain; and though their struggle
+was renewed, the issue was hardly doubtful. Spain had got too firm a
+grip upon the land to be cast off.
+
+Yet Paul was a man of the elder generation. It could not be expected
+that a Pope of the Renaissance should suddenly abandon the mediaeval
+policy of Papal hostility to the Empire, especially when the Empire was
+in the hands of so omnipotent a master as Charles. It could not be
+expected that he should recognize the wisdom of confining Papal ambition
+to ecclesiastical interests, and of forming a defensive and offensive
+alliance with Catholic sovereigns for the maintenance of absolutism. It
+could not be expected that he should forego the pleasures and apparent
+profits of creating duchies for his bastards, whereby to dignify his
+family and strengthen his personal authority as a temporal sovereign. It
+is true that the experience of the last half century had pointed in the
+direction of all these changes; and it is certain that the series of
+events connected with the Council of Trent, which began in Paul III.'s
+reign, rendered them both natural and necessary. Yet Paul, as a man of
+the elder generation filling the Papal throne for fifteen years during a
+period of transition, adhered in the main to the policy of his
+predecessors. It was fortunate for him and for the Holy See that the
+basis of his character was caution combined with tough tenacity of
+purpose, capacity for dilatory action, diplomatic shiftiness and a
+political versatility that can best be described by the word trimming.
+These qualities enabled him to pass with safety through perils that
+might have ruined a bolder, a hastier, or a franker Pope, and to achieve
+the object of his heart's desire, where stronger men had failed, in the
+foundation of a solid duchy for his heirs.
+
+Paul's jealousy of the Spanish ascendancy in Italian affairs caused him
+to waver between the Papal and Imperial, Guelf and Ghibelline, parties.
+These names had lost much of their significance; but the habit of
+distinction into two camps was so rooted in Italian manners, that each
+city counted its antagonistic factions, maintained by various forms of
+local organization and headed by the leading families.[15] Burigozzo,
+under the year 1517, tells how the whole population of Milan was divided
+between Guelfs and Ghibellines, wearing different costumes; and it is
+not uncommon to read of petty nobles in the country at this period, who
+were styled Captains of one or the other party.
+
+[Footnote 15: See Bruno's _Cena delle Ceneri_, ed. Wagner, vol. i. p.
+133, for a humorous story illustrative of the state of things ensuing
+among the lower Italian classes.]
+
+The wars between France and Spain revived the almost obsolete dispute,
+which the despots of the fifteenth century and the diplomatic
+confederation of the five great powers had tended in large measure to
+erase. The Guelfs and Ghibellines were now partisans of France and
+Spain respectively. Thus a true political importance was regained for
+the time-honored factions; and in the distracted state of Italy they
+were further intensified by the antagonism between exiles and the ruling
+families in cities. If Cosimo de'Medici, for example, was a Ghibelline
+or Spanish partisan, it followed as a matter of course that Filippo
+Strozzi was a Guelf and stood for France. Paul III. managed to maintain
+himself by manipulating these factions and holding the balance between
+them for the advantage of his family and of the Church.
+
+He thus succeeded in creating the Duchy of Parma and Piacenza for his
+son, Pier Luigi Farnese, that outrageous representative of the worst
+vices and worst violences of the Renaissance. It will be remembered that
+Julius had detached these two cities from the Duchy of Milan, and
+annexed them to the Papal States, on the plea that they formed part of
+the old Exarchate of Ravenna. When Charles decided against this plea in
+the matter of Modena and Reggio, he left the Church in occupation of
+Parma and Piacenza. Paul created his son Duke of Nepi and Castro in
+1537, and afterwards conferred the Duchy of Camerino on his grandson,
+Ottavio, who was then married to Margaret of Austria, daughter of
+Charles V., and widow of the murdered Alessandro de'Medici. The usual
+system of massacre, exile, and confiscation had reduced the signorial
+family of the Varani at Camerino to extremities. The fief reverted to
+the Church, and Paul induced the Cardinals to sanction his investiture
+of Ottavio Farnese with its rights and honors. He subsequently explained
+to them that it would be more profitable for the Holy See to retain
+Camerino and to relinquish Parma and Piacenza to the Farnesi in
+exchange. There was sense in this arrangement; for Camerino formed an
+integral part of the Papal States, while Parma and Piacenza were held
+under a more than doubtful title. Pier Luigi did not long survive his
+elevation to the dukedom of Parma. He was murdered by his exasperated
+subjects in 1547. His son, Ottavio, with some difficulty, maintained his
+hold upon this principality, until in 1559 he established himself and
+his heirs, with the approval of Philip II., in its perpetual enjoyment.
+The Farnesi repaid Spanish patronage by constant service, Alessandro,
+Prince of Parma, and son of Ottavio, being illustrious in the annals of
+the Netherlands. It would not have been worth while to enlarge on this
+foundation of the Duchy of Parma, had it not furnished an excellent
+example of my theme. By this act Paul III. proved himself a true and
+able inheritor of those political traditions by which all Pontiffs from
+Sixtus IV. to Clement VII. had sought to establish their relatives in
+secular princedoms. It was the last eminent exhibition of that policy,
+the last and the most brilliant display of nepotistical ambition in a
+Pope. A new age had opened, in which such schemes became
+impossible--when Popes could no longer dare to acknowledge and
+legitimize their bastards, and when they had to administer their
+dominions exclusively for the temporal and ecclesiastical aggrandizement
+of the tiara.
+
+Nevertheless, Paul was living under the conditions which brought this
+modern attitude of the Papacy into potent actuality. He was surrounded
+by intellectual and moral forces of recent growth but of incalculable
+potency. One of the first acts of his reign was to advance six members
+of the moderate reforming party--Sadoleto, Pole, Giberto, Federigo,
+Fregoso, Gasparo Contarini, and G.M. Caraffa--to the Cardinalate. By
+this exercise of power he showed his willingness to recognize new
+elements of very various qualities in the Catholic hierarchy. Five of
+these men represented opinions which at the moment of their elevation to
+the purple had a fair prospect of ultimate success. Imbued with a
+profound sense of the need for ecclesiastical reform, and tinctured more
+or less deeply with so-called Protestant opinions, they desired nothing
+more intensely than a reconstitution of the Catholic Church upon a basis
+which might render reconciliation with the Lutherans practicable. They
+had their opportunity during the pontificate of Paul III. It was a
+splendid one; and, as I have already shown, the Conference of
+Rechensburg only just failed in securing the end they so profoundly
+desired. But the Papacy was not prepared to concede so much as they were
+anxious to grant: the German Reformers proved intractable; they were
+themselves impeded by their loyalty to antique Catholic traditions, and
+by their dread of a schism; finally, the militant expansive force of
+Spanish orthodoxy, expressing itself already in the concentrated energy
+of the Jesuit order, rendered attempts at fusion impossible. The victory
+in Rome remained with the faction of _intransigeant_ Catholics; and
+this was represented, in Paul III.'s first creation of Cardinals, by
+Caraffa. Caraffa was destined to play a singular part in the transition
+period of Papal history which I am reviewing. He belonged as essentially
+to the future as Alessandro Farnese belonged to the past. He embodied
+the spirit of the Inquisition, and upheld the principles of
+ecclesiastical reform upon the narrow basis of Papal absolutism. He
+openly signalized his disapproval of Paul's nepotism; and when his time
+for ruling came, he displayed a remorseless spirit of justice without
+mercy in dealing with his own family. Yet he hated the Spanish
+ascendancy with a hatred far more fierce and bitter than that of Paul
+III. His ineffectual efforts to shake off the yoke of Philip II. was the
+last spasm of the older Papal policy of resistance to temporal
+sovereigns, the last appeal made in pursuance of that policy to France
+by an Italian Pontiff.[16]
+
+[Footnote 16: Paul IV. as Pope was feeble compared with his
+predecessors, Julius II. and Leo X.; the Guises, on whom he relied for
+resuscitating the old French party in the South, were but
+half-successful adventurers, mere shadows of the Angevine invaders whom
+they professed to represent.]
+
+The object of this excursion into the coming period is to show in how
+deep a sense Paul III. may be regarded as the beginner of a new era,
+while he was at the same time the last continuator of the old. The
+Cardinals whom he promoted on his accession included the chief of those
+men who strove in vain for a concordat between Rome and Reformation; it
+also included the man who stamped Rome with the impress of the
+Counter-Reformation. Yet Caraffa would not have had the fulcrum needed
+for this decisive exertion of power, had it not been for another act of
+Paul's reign. This was the convening of a Council at Trent. Paul's
+attitude toward the Council, which he summoned with reluctance, which he
+frustrated as far as in him lay, and the final outcome of which he was
+far from anticipating, illustrates in a most decisive manner his destiny
+as Pope of the transition.
+
+The very name of a Council was an abomination to the Papacy. This will
+be apparent if we consider the previous history of the Church during the
+first half of the fifteenth century, when the conciliar authority was
+again invoked to regulate the Papal See and to check Papal encroachments
+on the realms and Churches of the Western nations. The removal of the
+Papal Court to Avignon, the great schism which resulted from this
+measure, and the dissent which spread from England to Bohemia at the
+close of the fourteenth century, rendered it necessary that the
+representative powers of Christendom should combine for the purpose of
+restoring order in the Church. Four main points lay before the powers of
+Europe, thus brought for the first time into deliberative and
+confederated congress to settle questions that vitally concerned them.
+The most immediately urgent was the termination of the schism, and the
+appointment of one Pope, who should represent the mediaeval idea of
+ecclesiastical face to face with imperial unity. The second was the
+definition of the indeterminate and ever-widening authority which the
+Popes asserted over the kingdoms and the Churches of the West. The third
+was the eradication of heresies which were rending Christendom asunder
+and threatening to destroy that ideal of unity in creed to which the
+Middle Ages clung with not unreasonable passion. The fourth was a reform
+of the Church, considered as a vital element of Western Christendom, in
+its head and in its members.
+
+The programme, very indistinctly formulated by the most advanced
+thinkers of the age, and only gradually developed by practice into
+actuality, was a vast one. It involved the embitterment of national
+jealousies, the accentuation of national characteristics, and the
+complication of antagonistic principles regarding secular and
+ecclesiastical government, which rendered a complete and satisfactory
+solution well-nigh impracticable. The effort to solve these problems
+had, however, important influence in creating conditions under which the
+politico-religious struggles of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries
+were conducted.[17]
+
+The first Council, opened at Pisa in 1409, was a congress of prelates
+summoned by Cardinals for the conclusion of the schism. It deposed two
+Popes, who still continued to assert their titles; it elected a third,
+Alexander V., who had no real authority. For the rest, it effected no
+reform, and cannot be said to have done much more than to give effect to
+those aspirations after Church-government by means of Councils which had
+been slowly forming during the continuance of the schism.
+
+The second Council, opened at Constance in 1414, was a Council not
+convened by Cardinals, but by the universal demand of Europe that the
+advances of the Papacy toward tyranny should be checked, and that the
+innumerable abuses of the Church and Papal Curia should be reformed. It
+received a different complexion from that of Pisa, through the
+presidency of the Emperor and the attendance of representatives from the
+chief nations. At Constance the Papacy and the Roman Curia stood
+together, exposed to the hostile criticism of Europe. The authority of a
+General Council was, after a sharp conflict, decreed superior to that of
+the Bishop of Rome. Three Popes were forced to abdicate; and a fourth,
+Martin V., was elected.
+
+[Footnote 17: The best account of the Councils will be found in
+Professor Creighton's admirable _History of the Papacy during the
+Reformation_, 2 vols. Longmans.]
+
+The Council further undertook to deal with heresy and with the reform of
+the Church. It discharged the first of these offices by condemning Hus
+and Jerome of Prague to the stake. It left the second practically
+untouched. Yet the question of reform had been gravely raised, largely
+discussed, and fundamentally examined. Two methods were posed at
+Constance for the future consideration of earnest thinkers throughout
+Europe. One was the way suggested by John Hus; that the Church should be
+reconstituted, after a searching analysis of the real bases of Christian
+conduct, an appeal to Scripture as the final authority, and a loyal
+endeavor to satisfy the spiritual requirements of individual souls and
+consciences. The second plan was that of inquiry into the existing order
+of the Church and detailed amendment of its flagrant faults, with
+preservation of the main system. The Council adopted satisfactory
+measures of reform on neither of these methods. It contented itself with
+stipulations and concordats, guaranteeing special privileges to the
+Churches of the several nations. But in the following century it became
+manifest that the Teutonic races had declared for the method suggested
+by Hus; while the Latin races, in the Council of Trent, undertook a
+purgation of the Church upon the second of the two plans. The
+Reformation was the visible outcome of the one, the Counter-Reformation
+of the other method.
+
+The Council of Constance was thus important in causing the recognition
+of a single Pope, and in ventilating the divergent theories upon which
+the question of reform was afterwards to be disputed. But perhaps the
+most significant fact it brought into relief was the new phase of
+political existence into which the European races had entered.
+Nationality, as the main principle of modern history, was now
+established; and the diplomatic relations of sovereigns as the
+representatives of peoples were shown to be of overwhelming weight. The
+visionary mediaeval polity of Emperor and Pope faded away before the
+vivid actuality of full-formed individual nations, federally connected,
+controlled by common but reciprocally hostile interests.[18]
+
+The Council of Basel, opened in 1431, was in appearance a continuation
+of the Council of Constance. But its method of procedure ran counter to
+the new direction which had been communicated to European federacy by
+the action of the Constance congress. There the votes had been taken by
+nations. At Basel they were taken by men, after the questions to be
+decided had been previously discussed by special congregations and
+committees deputed for preliminary deliberations. It soon appeared that
+the fathers of the Basel Council aimed at opposing a lawfully-elected
+Pope, and sought to assume the, administration of the Church into their
+own hands.
+
+[Footnote 18: See above, p. 2, for the special sense in which I apply
+the word federation to Italy before 1530, and to Europe at large in the
+modern period.]
+
+Their struggle with Eugenius IV., their election of an antipope, Felix
+V., and their manifest tendency to substitute oligarchical for Papal
+tyranny in the Church, had the effect of bringing the conciliar
+principle itself into disfavor with the European powers. The first
+symptom of this repudiation of the Council by Europe was shown in the
+neutrality proclaimed by Germany. The attitude of other Courts and
+nations proved that the Western races were for the moment prepared to
+leave the Papal question open on the basis supplied by the Council of
+Constance.
+
+The result of this failure of the conciliar principle at Basel was that
+Nicholas V. inaugurated a new age for the Papacy in Rome. I have already
+described the chief features of the Papal government from his election
+to the death of Clement VII. It was a period of unexampled splendor for
+the Holy See, and of substantial temporal conquests. The second Council
+of Pisa, which began its sittings, in 1511 under French sanction and
+support, exercised no disastrous influence over the restored powers and
+prestige of the Papacy. On the contrary, it gave occasion for a
+counter-council, held at the Lateran under the auspices of Julius II.
+and Leo X., in which the Popes established several points of
+ecclesiastical discipline that were not without value to their
+successors. But the leaven which had been scattered by Wyclif and Hus,
+of which the Council of Constance had taken cognizance, but which had
+not been extirpated, was spreading in Germany throughout this period.
+The Popes themselves were doing all in their power to propagate dissent
+and discontent. Well aware of the fierce light cast by the new learning
+they had helped to disseminate, upon the dark places of their own
+ecclesiastical administration, they still continued to raise money by
+the sale of pardons and indulgences, to bleed their Christian flocks by
+monstrous engines of taxation, and to offend the conscience of an
+intelligent generation by their example of ungodly living. The
+Reformation ran like wild-fire through the North. It grew daily more
+obvious that a new Council must be summoned for carrying out measures of
+internal reform, and for coping with the forces of belligerent
+Protestantism. When things had reached this point, Charles V. declared
+his earnest desire that the Pope should summon a General Council. Paul
+III. now showed in how true a sense he was the man of a transitional
+epoch. So long as possible he resisted, remembering to what straits his
+predecessors had been reduced by previous Councils, and being deeply
+conscious of scandals in his own domestic affairs which might expose him
+to the fate of a John XXIII. Reviewing the whole series of events which
+have next to be recorded, we are aware that Paul had no great cause for
+agitation. The Council he so much dreaded was destined to exalt his
+office, and to recombine the forces of Catholic Christendom under the
+absolute supremacy of his successors. The Inquisition and the Company
+of Jesus, both of which he sanctioned at this juncture, were to guard,
+extend, and corroborate that supreme authority. But this was by no means
+apparent in 1540. It is a character of all transitional periods that in
+them the cautious men regard past precedents of peril rather than
+sanguine expectations based on present chances. A hero, in such passes,
+goes to meet the danger armed with his own cause and courage. A genius
+divines the future, and interprets it, and through interpretation tries
+to govern it. Paul was neither a hero nor a man of genius. Yet he did as
+much as either could have done; and he did it in a temper which perhaps
+the hero and the genius could not have commanded. He sent Legates to
+publish the opening of a Council at Trent in the spring of 1545; and he
+resolved to work this Council on the principles of diplomatical
+conservatism, reserving for himself the power of watching events and of
+enlarging or restricting its efficiency as might seem best to him.[19]
+
+[Footnote 19: The first official opening of the Council at Trent was in
+November 1542, by Cardinals Pole and Morone as Legates. It was adjourned
+in July, 1543, on account of insufficient attendance. When it again
+opened in 1545, Pole reappeared as Legate. With him were associated two
+future Popes, Giov. Maria del Monte (Julius III.), and Marcello Cervini
+(Marcellus II.) The first session of the Council took place in December,
+1545, four Cardinals, four Archbishops, twenty-one Bishops, and five
+Generals of Orders attending. Among these were only five Spanish and two
+French prelates; no German, unless we count Cristoforo Madrazzo, the
+Cardinal Bishop of Trent, as one. No Protestants appeared; for Paul III.
+had successfully opposed their ultimatum, which demanded that final
+appeal on all debated points should be made to the sole authority of
+Holy Scripture.]
+
+It is singular that the Council thus reluctantly conceded by Paul III.
+should, during its first sessions and while he yet reigned, have
+confirmed the dogmatic foundations of modern Catholicism, made
+reconciliation with the Teutonic Reformers impossible, and committed the
+secular powers which held with Rome to a policy that rendered the Papal
+supremacy incontestable.[20] Face to face with the burning question of
+the Protestant rebellion, the Tridentine fathers hastened to confirm the
+following articles. First, they declared that divine revelation was
+continuous in the Church of which the Pope was head; and that the chief
+written depository of this revelation--namely, the Scriptures--had no
+authority except in the version of the Vulgate.
+
+[Footnote 20: Throughout the sessions of the Council, Spanish, French,
+and German representatives, whether fathers or ambassadors, maintained
+the theory of Papal subjection to conciliar authority. The Spanish and
+French were unanimous in zeal for episcopal independence. The French and
+German were united in a wish to favor Protestants by reasonable
+concessions. Thus the Papal supremacy had to face serious antagonism,
+which it eventually conquered by the numerical preponderance of the
+Italian prelates, by the energy of the Jesuits, by diplomatic intrigues,
+and by manipulation of discords in the opposition. Though the Spanish
+fathers held with the French and German on the points of episcopal
+independence and conciliar authority, they disagreed whenever it became
+a question of compromise with Protestants upon details of dogma or
+ritual. The Papal Court persuaded the Catholic sovereigns of Spain and
+France, and the Emperor, that episcopal independence would be dangerous
+to their own prerogatives; and at every inconvenient turn in affairs, it
+was made clear that Catholic sovereigns, threatened by the Protestant
+revolution, could not afford to separate their cause from that of the
+Pope.]
+
+Secondly, they condemned the doctrine of Justification by Faith, adding
+such theological qualifications and reservations as need not, at this
+distance of time, and on a point devoid of present actuality, be
+scrupulously entertained. Thirdly, they confirmed the efficacy and the
+binding authority of the Seven Sacraments. It is thus clear that, on
+points of dogma, the Council convened by Pope and Emperor committed
+Latin Christianity to a definite repudiation of the main articles for
+which Luther had contended. Each of these points they successively
+traversed, foreclosing every loophole for escape into accommodation. It
+was in large measure due to Caraffa's energy and ability that these
+results were attained.
+
+The method of procedure adopted by the Council, and the temper in which
+its business was conducted, were no less favorable to the Papacy than
+the authoritative sanction which it gave to dogmas. From the first, the
+presidency and right of initiative in its sessions were conceded to the
+Papal Legates; and it soon became customary to refer decrees, before
+they were promulgated, to his Holiness in Rome for approval. The decrees
+themselves were elaborated in three congregations, one appointed for
+theological questions, the second for reforms, the third for supervision
+and ratification. They were then proposed for discussion and acceptance
+in general sessions of the Council. Here each vote told; and as there
+was a standing majority of Italian prelates, it required but little
+dexterity to secure the passing of any measure upon which the Court of
+Rome insisted. The most formidable opposition to the Papal prerogatives
+during these manoeuvres proceeded from the Spanish bishops, who urged
+the introduction of reforms securing the independence of the episcopacy.
+
+We find a remarkable demonstration of Paul III.'s difficulties as Pope
+of the transition, in the fact that while the Council of Trent was
+waging this uncompromising war against Reformers, his dread of Charles
+V. compelled him to suspend its sessions, transfer it to Bologna, and
+declare himself the political ally of German Protestants. This
+transference took place in 1547. His Legates received orders to invent
+some decent excuse for a step which would certainly be resisted, since
+Bologna was a city altogether subject to the Holy See. The Legates, by
+the connivance of the physicians in Trent, managed to create a panic of
+contagious epidemic.[21] Charles had won victories which seemed to place
+Germany at his discretion. His preponderance in Italy was thereby
+dangerously augmented. Paul, following the precedents of policy in which
+he had been bred, thought it at this crisis necessary to subordinate
+ecclesiastical to temporal interests. He interrupted the proceedings of
+the Council in order to hamper the Emperor in Germany. He encouraged the
+Northern Protestants in order that he might maintain an open issue in
+the loins of his Spanish rival. Nothing could more delicately illustrate
+the complications of European politics than the inverted attitude
+assumed by the Roman Pontiff in his dealings with a Catholic Emperor at
+this moment of time.[22]
+
+[Footnote 21: See Sarpi, p. 249.]
+
+[Footnote 22: Charles, at this juncture, was checkmated by Paul through
+his own inability to dispense with the Pope's co-operation as chief of
+the Catholic Church. So long as he opposed the Reformation, it was
+impossible for him to assume an attitude of violent hostility to Rome.]
+
+The opposition of the Farnesi to Paul's scheme for restoring Parma to
+the Holy See in 1549, broke Paul III.'s health and spirits. He died on
+November 10, and was succeeded by the Cardinal Giovanni Maria del Monte,
+of whose reign little need be said. Julius III. removed the Council from
+Bologna to Trent in 1551, where it made some progress in questions
+touching the Eucharist and the administration of episcopal sees; but in
+the next year its sessions were suspended, owing to the disturbed state
+of Southern Germany and the presence of a Protestant army under Maurice
+of Saxony in the Tyrol.[23] This Pope passed his time agreeably and
+innocently enough in the villa which he built near the Porta del Popolo.
+His relatives were invested with several petty fiefs--that of their
+birthplace, Monte Sansovino, by Cosimo de'Medici; that of Novara by the
+Emperor, and that of Camerino by the Church. The old methods of Papal
+nepotism were not as yet abandoned. His successor, Marcello II.,
+survived his elevation only three weeks; and in May 1555, Giovanni
+Pietro Caraffa was elected, with the title of Paul IV. We have already
+made the acquaintance of this Pope as a member of the Oratory of Divine
+Love, as a co-founder of the Theatines, as the organizer of the Roman
+Inquisition, and as a leader in the first sessions of the Tridentine
+Council. Paul IV. sprang from a high and puissant family of Naples. He
+was a man of fierce, impulsive and uncompromising temper, animated by
+two ruling passions--burning hatred for the Spaniards who were trampling
+on his native land, and ecclesiastical ambition intensified by rigid
+Catholic orthodoxy. The first act of his reign was a vain effort to
+expel the Spaniards from Italy by resorting to the old device of French
+assistance. The abdication of Charles V. had placed Philip II. on the
+throne of Spain, and the settlement whereby the Imperial crown passed to
+his brother Ferdinand had substituted a feeble for a powerful Emperor.
+But Philip's disengagement from the cares of Germany left him more at
+liberty to maintain his preponderance in Southern Europe. It was
+fortunate for Paul IV. that Philip was a bigoted Catholic and a
+superstitiously obedient son of the Church. These two potentates,
+who began to reign in the same year, were destined, after the
+settlement of their early quarrel, to lead and organize the Catholic
+Counter-Reformation. The Duke of Guise at the Pope's request marched a
+French army into Italy. Paul raised a body of mercenaries, who were
+chiefly German Protestants[24]; and opened negotiations with Soliman,
+entreating the Turk to make a descent on Sicily by sea. Into such a
+fantastically false position was the Chief of the Church, the most
+Catholic of all her Pontiffs, driven by his jealous patriotism. We seem
+to be transported back into the times of a Sixtus IV. or an Alexander
+VI. And in truth, Paul's reversion to the antiquated Guelf policy of his
+predecessors was an anachronism. That policy ceased to be efficient when
+Francis I. signed the Treaty of Cambray; the Church, too, had gradually
+assumed such a position that armed interference in the affairs of
+secular sovereigns was suicidal. This became so manifest that Paul's
+futile attack on Philip in 1556 may be reckoned the last war raised by a
+Pope. From it we date the commencement of a new system of Papal
+co-operation with Catholic powers.
+
+[Footnote 23: During the brief and unimportant sessions at Bologna,
+Jesuit influences began to make themselves decidedly felt in the
+Council, where Lainez and Salmeron attended as Theologians of the Papal
+See. Up to this time the Dominicans had shaped decrees. Dogmatic
+orthodoxy was secured by their means. Now the Jesuits were to fight and
+win the battle of Papal Supremacy.]
+
+[Footnote 24: Sarpi, quoted in his Life by Fra Fulgenzio, p. 83, says
+Paul called his Grisons mercenaries 'Angels sent from Heaven.']
+
+The Duke of Alva put the forces at his disposal in the Two Sicilies into
+motion, and advanced to meet the Duke of Guise. But while the campaign
+dragged on, Philip won the decisive battle of S. Quentin. The Guise
+hurried back to France, and Alva marched unresisted upon Rome. There was
+no reason why the Eternal City should not have been subjected to another
+siege and sack. The will was certainly not wanting in Alva to humiliate
+the Pope, who never spoke of Spaniards but as renegade Jews, Marrani,
+heretics, and personifications of pride. Philip, however, wrote
+reminding his general that the date of his birth (1527) was that of
+Rome's calamity, and vowing that he would not signalize the first year
+of his reign by inflicting fresh miseries upon the capital of
+Christendom. Alva was ordered to make peace on terms both honorable and
+advantageous to his Holiness; since the King of Spain preferred to lose
+the rights of his own crown rather than to impair those of the Holy See
+in the least particular. Consequently, when Alva entered Rome in
+peaceful pomp, he did homage for his master to the Pope, who was
+generously willing to absolve him for his past offences. Paul IV.
+publicly exulted in the abasement of his conquerors, declaring that it
+would teach kings in future the obedience they owed to the Chief of the
+Church. But Alva did not conceal his discontent. It would have been
+better, he said, to have sent the Pope to sue for peace and pardon at
+Brussels, than to allow him to obtain the one and grant the other on
+these terms.
+
+Paul's ambition to expel the Spaniards from Italy exposed him to the
+worst abuses of that Papal nepotism which he had denounced in others. He
+judged it necessary to surround himself with trusty and powerful agents
+of his own kindred.[25]
+
+[Footnote 25: New men--and Popes were always _novi homines_--are
+compelled to take this course, and suffer when they take it. We might
+compare their difficulties with those which hampered Napoleon when he
+aspired to the Imperial tyranny over French conquests in Europe.]
+
+With that view he raised one of his nephews, Carlo, to the Cardinalate,
+and bestowed on two others the principal fiefs of the Colonna family.
+The Colonnas were by tradition Ghibelline. This sufficed for depriving
+them of Palliano and Montebello. Carlo Caraffa, who obtained the
+scarlet, had lived a disreputable life which notoriously unfitted him
+for any ecclesiastical dignity. In the days of Sixtus and Alexander this
+would have been no bar to his promotion. But the Church was rapidly
+undergoing a change; and Carlo, complying with the hypocritical spirit
+of his age, found it convenient to affect a thorough reformation, and to
+make open show of penitence. Rome now presented the singular spectacle
+of an inquisitorial Pope, unimpeachable in moral conduct and zealous for
+Church reform, surrounded by nephews who were little better than
+Borgias. The Caraffas began to dream of principalities and scepters. It
+was their ambition to lay hold on Florence, where Cosimo de'Medici, as
+a pronounced ally of Spain, had gained the bitter hatred of their uncle.
+But their various misdoings, acts of violence and oppression, avarice
+and sensuality, gradually reached the ears of the Pope. In an assembly
+of the Inquisition, held in January 1559, he cried aloud, 'Reform!
+reform! reform!' Cardinal Pacheco, a determined foe of the Caraffeschi,
+raised his voice, and said, 'Holy Father! reform must first begin with
+us.' Pallavicini adds the remark that Paul understood well who was meant
+by _us_. He immediately retired to his apartments, instituted a
+searching inquiry into the conduct of his nephews, and, before the month
+was out, deprived them of all their offices and honors, and banished
+them from Rome. He would not hear a word in their defence; and when
+Cardinal Farnese endeavored to procure a mitigation of their sentence,
+he brutally replied, 'If Paul III. had shown the same justice, your
+father would not have been murdered and mutilated in the streets of
+Piacenza.' In open consistory, before the Cardinals and high officials
+of his realm, with tears streaming from his eyes, he exposed the evil
+life of his relatives, declared his abhorrence of them, and protested
+that he had dwelt in perfect ignorance of their crimes until that time.
+This scene recalls a similar occasion, when Alexander VI. bewailed
+himself aloud before his Cardinals after the murder of the Duke of
+Gandia by Cesare. But Alexander's repentance was momentary; his grief
+was that of a father for Absalom; his indignation gave way to paternal
+weakness for the fratricide. Paul, though his love for his relatives
+seems to have been fervent, never relaxed his first severity against
+them. They were buried in oblivion; no one uttered their names in the
+Pope's presence. The whole secular administration of the Papal States
+was changed; not an official kept his place. For the first time Rome was
+governed by ministers in no way related to the Holy Father.
+
+Paul now turned his attention, with the fiery passion that
+distinguished him, to the reformation of ecclesiastical abuses. On his
+accession he had published a Bull declaring that this would be a
+principal object of his reign. Nor had he in the midst of other
+occupations forgotten his engagement. A Congregation specially appointed
+for examining, classifying, and remedying such abuses had been
+established. It was divided into three committees, consisting of eight
+Cardinals, fifteen prelates, and fifty men of learning. At the same time
+the Inquisition was rigorously maintained. Paul extended its
+jurisdiction, empowered it to use torture, and was constant in his
+attendance on its meetings and _autos da fé_.[26] But now that his plans
+for the expulsion of the Spaniards had failed, and his nephews had been
+hurled from their high station into the dust, there remained no other
+interest to distract his mind. Every day witnessed the promulgation of
+some new edict touching monastic discipline, simony, sale of offices,
+collation to benefices, church ritual, performance of clerical duties,
+and appointment to ecclesiastical dignities. It was his favorite boast
+that there would be no need of a Council to restore the Church to
+purity, since he was doing it.[27]
+
+[Footnote 26: Pallavicini, in his history of the Council of Trent (Lib.
+xiv. ix. 5), specially commends Paul's zeal for the Holy Office:--'Fra
+esse d'eterna lode lo fa degno il tribunal dell'inquisizione, che dal
+zelo di lui e prima in autorità di consigliero e poscia in podestà di
+principe riconosce il presente suo vigor nell'Italia, e dal quale
+riconosce l'Italia la sua conservata integrità della fede: e per quest'
+opera salutare egli rimane ora tanto più benemerito ed onorabile quantao
+più allora ne fu mal rimerilato e disonorato.']
+
+[Footnote 27: See Luigi Mocenigo in _Rel. degli Amb. Veneti_, vol. x. p.
+25.] And indeed his measures formed the nucleus of the Tridentine
+decrees upon this topic in the final sessions of the Council. Under this
+government Rome assumed an air of exemplary behavior which struck
+foreigners with mute astonishment. Cardinals were compelled to preach in
+their basilicas. The Pope himself, who was vain of his eloquence,
+preached. Gravity of manners, external signs of piety, a composed and
+contrite face, ostentation of orthodoxy by frequent confession and
+attendance at the Mass, became fashionable; and the Court adopted for
+its motto the _Si non caste tamen caute_ of the Counter-Reformation.[28]
+Aretino, with his usual blackguardly pointedness of expression, has
+given a hint of what the new _régime_ implied in the following satiric
+lines:--
+
+    Carafla, ipocrita infingardo,
+      Che tien per coscienza spirituale
+      Quando si mette del pepe in sul cardo.
+
+Paul IV. brought the first period of the transition to an end. There
+were no attempts at dislodging the Spaniard, no Papal wars, no tyranny
+of Papal nephews converted into feudal princes, after his days. He
+stamped Roman society with his own austere and bigoted religion. That he
+was in any sense a hypocrite is wholly out of the question. But he made
+Rome hypocritical, and by establishing the Inquisition on a firm basis,
+he introduced a reign of spiritual terror into Italy.
+
+[Footnote 28: 'Roma a paragone delli tempi degli altri pontefici si
+poteva riputar come un onesto monasterio di religiosi' (_op. cit._ p.
+41).]
+
+At his death the people rose in revolt, broke into the dungeons of the
+Inquisition, released the prisoners, and destroyed the archives. The
+Holy Office was restored, however; and its higher posts of trust soon
+came to be regarded as stepping-stones to the Pontifical dignity.
+
+The successor of Paul IV. was a man of very different quality and
+antecedents. Giovanni Angelo Medici sprang, not from the Florentine
+house of Medici, but from an obscure Lombard stem. His father acquired
+some wealth by farming the customs in Milan; and his eldest brother,
+Gian Giacomo, pushed his way to fame, fortune, and a title by piracy
+upon the lake of Como.[29] Gian Giacomo established himself so securely
+in his robber fortress of Musso that he soon became a power to reckon
+with. He then entered the imperial service, was created Marquis of
+Marignano by the Duke of Milan, and married a lady of the Orsini house,
+the sister of the Duchess of Parma. At a subsequent period he succeeded
+in subduing Siena to the rule of Cosimo de'Medici, who then
+acknowledged a pretended consanguinity between the two families.[30] The
+younger brother, Giovanni Angelo, had meanwhile been studying law,
+practising as a jurist, and following the Court at Rome in the place of
+prothonotary which, as the custom then was, he purchased in 1527. Paul
+III. observed him, took him early into favor, and on the marriage of
+Gian Giacomo, advanced him to the Cardinalate. This was the man who
+assumed the title of Pius IV. on his election to the Papacy in 1559.
+
+[Footnote 29: In my _Sketches and Studies in Italy_ I have narrated the
+romantic history of this filibuster.]
+
+[Footnote 30: Soranzo: Alberi, vol. x. p. 67. Pius IV. adopted the arms
+of the Florentine Medici, and spent 30,000 scudi on carving them about
+through Rome. See P. Tiepolo, _Ib._ p. 174.]
+
+Paul IV. hated Cardinal Medici, and drove him away from Rome. It is
+probable that this antipathy contributed something to Giovanni Angelo's
+elevation. Of humble Lombard blood, a jurist and a worldling, pacific in
+his policy, devoted to Spanish interests, cautious and conciliatory in
+the conduct of affairs, ignorant of theology and indifferent to niceties
+of discipline, Pius IV. was at all points the exact opposite of the
+fiery Neapolitan noble, the Inquisitor and fanatic, the haughty trampler
+upon kings, the armed antagonist of Alva, the brusque, impulsive
+autocrat, the purist of orthodoxy, who preceded him upon the Papal
+throne.[31] His trusted counselor was Cardinal Morone, whom Paul had
+thrown into the dungeons of the Inquisition on a charge of favoring
+Lutheran opinions, and who was liberated by the rabble in their
+fury.[32]
+
+[Footnote 31: 'Veramente quasi in ogni parte si può chiamare il rovescio
+dell' altro' (_op. cit._ p. 50).]
+
+[Footnote 32: Luigi Mocenigo says of him that Pius 'averlo per un angelo
+di paradiso, e adoperandolo per consiglio in tutte le sue cose
+importanti.' Alberi, vol. x. p. 40. The case made out against Morone
+during the pontificate of Paul IV. may be studied in Cantù, _op. cit._
+vol. ii. pp. 171-192, together with his defence in full. It turned
+mainly on these articles:--unsound opinions regarding justification by
+faith, salvation by Christ's blood, good works, invocation of saints,
+reliques; dissemination of the famous book on the _Benefits of Christ's
+Death_; practice with heretics. He was imprisoned in the Castle of S.
+Angelo from June, 1557 till August, 1559. Suspicions no doubt fell on
+him through his friendship with several of the moderate reformers, and
+from the fact that his diocese of Modena was a nest of liberal
+thinkers--the Grillenzoni, Castelvetro, Filippo Valentini, Faloppio,
+Camillo Molza, Francesco da Porto, Egidio Foscarari, and others, all of
+whom are described by Cantù, _op. cit._ Disc, xxviii. The charges
+brought against these persons prove at once the mainly speculative and
+innocuous character of Italian heresy, and the implacable enmity which a
+Pope of Caraffa's stamp exercised against the slightest shadow of
+heterodoxy.]
+
+This in itself was significant of the new _régime_ which now began in
+Rome. Morone, like his master, understood that the Church could best be
+guided by diplomacy and arts of peace. The two together brought the
+Council of Trent to that conclusion which left an undisputed sovereignty
+in theological and ecclesiastical affairs to the Papacy. It would have
+been impossible for a man of Caraffa's stamp to achieve what these
+sagacious temporizers and adroit managers effected.
+
+Without advancing the same arrogant claims to spiritual supremacy as
+Paul had made, Pius was by no means a feeble Pontiff. He knew that the
+temper of the times demanded wise concessions; but he also knew how to
+win through these concessions the reality of power. It was he who
+initiated and firmly followed the policy of alliance between the Papacy
+and the Catholic sovereigns.[33] Instead of asserting the interests of
+the Church in antagonism to secular potentates, he undertook to prove
+that their interests were identical. Militant Protestantism threatened
+the civil no less than the ecclesiastical order. The episcopacy
+attempted to liberate itself from monarchical and pontifical authority
+alike. Pius proposed to the autocrats of Europe a compact for mutual
+defence, divesting the Holy See of some of its privileges, but requiring
+in return the recognition of its ecclesiastical absolutism. In all
+difficult negotiations he was wont to depend upon himself; treating his
+counselors as agents rather than as peers, and holding the threads of
+diplomacy in his own hands. Thus he was able to transact business as a
+sovereign with sovereigns, and came to terms with them by means of
+personal correspondence. The reconstruction of Catholic Christendom,
+which took visible shape in the decrees of the Tridentine Council, was
+actually settled in the Courts of Spain, Austria, France and Rome. The
+Fathers of the Council were the mouthpieces of royal and Papal cabinets.
+The Holy Ghost, to quote a profane satire of the time, reached Trent in
+the despatch-bags of couriers, in the sealed instructions issued to
+ambassadors and legates.
+
+[Footnote 33: Soranzo, _op. cit._ p. 75, says: 'Con li principi tiene
+modo affatto contrario al suo predecessore; perchè mentre quello usava
+dire, il grado dei pontefici esser per mettersi sotto i piedi
+gl'imperatori e i re, questo dice che senza l'autorità dei principi non
+si può conservare quella dei pontefici.']
+
+We observe throughout the negotiations which crowned the policy of this
+Pope with success, the operation not only of a pacific and far-seeing
+character, but also of the temper of a lawyer. Pius drew up the
+Tridentine decrees as an able conveyancer draws up a complicated deed,
+involving many trusts, recognizing conflicting rights, providing for
+distant contingencies. It was in fact the marriage contract of
+ecclesiastical and secular absolutism, by which the estates of Catholic
+Christendom were put in trust and settlement for posterity. In
+formulating its terms the Pope granted points to which an obstinate or
+warlike predecessor, a Julius II. or a Paul IV., would never have
+subscribed his signature. In purely theological matters, such as the
+concession of the chalice to the laity and the marriage of the clergy,
+he was even willing to yield more for the sake of peace than his Court
+and clergy would agree to. But for each point he gave, he demanded a
+substantial equivalent, and showed such address in bargaining, that Rome
+gained far more than it relinquished. When the contract had been
+drafted, he ratified it by a full and ready recognition, and lawyer-like
+was punctual in executing all the terms to which he pledged himself.
+
+We must credit Pius IV. with keen insight into the new conditions of
+Catholic Europe, and recognize him as the real founder of the modern as
+distinguished from the mediaeval Papacy. That transition which I have
+been describing in the present chapter remained uncertain in its issue
+up to his pontificate. Before his death the salvation of Catholicism,
+the integrity of the Catholic Church, the solidity of the Roman
+hierarchy, and the possibility of a vigorous Counter-Reformation were
+placed beyond all doubt.
+
+It is noticeable that these substantial successes were achieved, not by
+a religious fanatic, but by a jurist; not by a saint, but by a genial
+man of the world; not by force of intellect and will, but by adroitness;
+not by masterful authority, but by pliant diplomacy; not by forcing but
+by following the current of events. Since Gregory VII., no Pope had done
+so much as Pius IV. for bracing the ancient fabric of the Church and
+confirming the Papal prerogative. But what a difference there is between
+a Hildebrand and a Giovanni Angelo Medici! How Europe had changed, when
+a man of the latter's stamp was the right instrument of destiny for
+starting the weather-beaten ship of the Church upon a new and prosperous
+voyage.
+
+Pius IV. was greatly assisted in his work by circumstances, of which he
+knew how to avail himself. Had it not been for the renewed spiritual
+activity of Catholicism to which I have alluded in this chapter, he
+might not have been able to carry that work through. He took no interest
+in theology, and felt no sympathy for the Inquisition.[34] But he
+prudently left that institution alone to pursue its function of policing
+the ecclesiastical realm. The Jesuits rendered him important assistance
+by propagating their doctrine of passive obedience to Rome. Spain
+supported him with the massive strength of a nation Catholic to the
+core; and when the Spanish prelates gave him trouble, he could rely for
+aid upon the Spanish crown. His own independence, as a prudent man of
+business, uninfluenced by bigoted prejudices or partialities for any
+sect, enabled him to manipulate all resources at his disposal for the
+main object of uniting Catholicism and securing Papal supremacy. He was
+also fortunate in his family relations, having no occasion to complicate
+his policy by nepotism. One of the first acts of his reign had been to
+condemn four of the Caraffeschi--Cardinal Caraffa, the Duke of Palliano,
+Count Aliffe and Leonardo di Cardine--to death; and this act of justice
+ended forever the old forms of domestic ambition which had hampered the
+Popes of the Renaissance in their ecclesiastical designs. His brother,
+the Marquis of Marignano, died in 1555; and this event opened for him
+the path to the Papacy, which he would never have attained in the
+lifetime of so grasping and ambitious a man.[35] With his next brother,
+Augusto, who succeeded to the marquisate, he felt no sympathy.[36] His
+nephew Federigo Borromeo died in youth. His other nephew, Carlo
+Borromeo, the sainted Archbishop of Milan, remained close to his person
+in Rome.[37] But Carlo Borromeo was a man who personified the new spirit
+of Catholicism. Sincerely pious, zealous for the faith, immaculate in
+conduct, unwearied in the discharge of diocesan duties, charitable to
+the poor, devoted to the sick, he summed up all the virtues of the
+Counter-Reformation. Nor had he any of the virtues of the Renaissance. A
+Venetian Ambassador described him as cold of political temperament,
+little versed in worldly affairs, and perplexed when he attempted to
+handle matters of grave moment.[38] His presence at the Papal Court, so
+far from being perilous, as that of an ambitious Cardinal Nipote would
+have been, or scandalous as that of former Riarios, Borgias, and
+Caraffas had undoubtedly been, was a source of strength to Pius. It
+imported into his immediate surroundings just what he himself lacked,
+and saved him from imputations of worldliness which in the altered
+temper of the Church might have proved inconvenient.[39] Truly, among
+all Pontiffs who have occupied St. Peter's Chair, Pius IV. deserved in
+the close of his life to be called fortunate. He had risen from
+obscurity, had entered Rome in humble office at the moment of Rome's
+deepest degradation. He had lived through troubled times, and for some
+years had felt the whole weight of Catholic concerns upon his shoulders.
+At the last, he was conscious of having opened a new era for the Church,
+and of being able to transmit a scepter of undisputed authority to his
+successors. His death-bed was troubled with no remorse, with no
+ingratitude of relatives, with no political complications produced by
+family ambition or by the sacrifice of his official duties to personal
+aggrandizement.
+
+[Footnote 34: Soranzo, _op. cit._ p. 74.]
+
+[Footnote 35: Soranzo, _op. cit._ p. 71, says: 'II marchese suo fratello
+con la moglie gli diede il cappello, e con la morte il papato.']
+
+[Footnote 36: Mocenigo, _op. cit._ p. 52. Soranzo, _op. cit._ p. 93.]
+
+[Footnote 37: Margherita Medici, sister of the Pope, had married
+Gilberto Borromeo.]
+
+[Footnote 38: See Mocenigo, _op. cit._ p. 53. Soranzo, _op. cit._ p.
+91.]
+
+[Footnote 39: Gia. Soranzo (_op. cit._ p. 133) says of Carlo Borromeo,
+'ch'egli solo faccia più profitto nella Corte di Roma che tutti i
+decreti del Concilio insieme.']
+
+Soon after the election of Pope Pius IV. the state of Europe made the
+calling of a General Council indispensable. Paul's impolitic pretensions
+had finally alienated England from the Roman Church. Scotland was upon
+the point of declaring herself Protestant. The Huguenots were growing
+stronger every year in France, the Queen Mother, Catherine de'Medici,
+being at that time inclined to favor them. The Confession of Augsburg
+had long been recognized in Germany. The whole of Scandinavia, with
+Denmark, was lost to Catholicism. The Low Countries, in spite of Philip,
+Alva, and the Inquisition, remained intractable. Bohemia, Hungary, and
+Poland were alienated, ripe for open schism. The tenets of Zwingli had
+taken root in German Switzerland. Calvin was gaining ground in the
+French cantons. Geneva had become a stationary fortress, the stronghold
+of belligerent reformers, whence heresy sent forth its missionaries and
+promulgated subversive doctrines through the medium of an ever-active
+press. Transformed by Calvin from its earlier condition of a
+pleasure-loving and commercial city, it was now what Deceleia under
+Spartan discipline had been to Athens in the Peloponnesian war--a
+permanent _epiteichismos_, perpetually garrisoned and on guard to harry
+the flanks of Catholics. Faithful to the Roman See in a strict sense of
+the term, there remained only Spain, Portugal, and Italy. As the events
+of the next century proved, the disaffected nations still offered
+rallying-points for the Catholic cause, from which the tide of conquest
+was rolled back upon the Reformation. But in 1559 the outlook for the
+Church was very gloomy; no one could predict whether a General Council
+might not increase her difficulties by weakening the Papal power and
+sowing further seeds of discord among her few faithful adherents. Yet
+Pius, after an attempt to combine the Catholic nations in a crusade
+against Geneva, which was frustrated by the jealousy of Spain, the
+internal weakness of France and the respect inspired by Switzerland,[40]
+determined to cast his fortunes on the Council. He had several strong
+points in his favor. The reigning Emperor, Ferdinand, wielded a power
+insignificant when compared with that of Charles V. The Protestants,
+though formally invited, were certain not to attend a Council which had
+already condemned the articles of their Confession. The cardinal dogmas
+of Catholicism had been confirmed in the sessions of 1545-1552. It was
+to be hoped that, with skillful management, existing differences of
+opinion with regard to doctrine, church-management, and reformation of
+abuses, might be settled to the satisfaction of the Catholic powers.
+
+[Footnote 40: See Sarpi, vol. ii. pp. 43, 44.]
+
+The Pope accordingly sent four Legates, the Cardinals Gonzaga,
+Seripando, Simoneta, Hosius, and Puteo, to Trent, who opened the
+Council on January 15, 1562.[41] As had been anticipated, the
+Protestants showed strong disinclination to attend. The French prelates
+were unable to appear, pending negotiations with the Huguenots at Poissy
+and Pontoise. The German prelates intimated their reluctance to take
+part in the proceedings. The Court of France demanded that the chalice
+for the laity and the use of the vulgar tongue in religious services
+should be conceded. The Emperor also insisted on these points, making a
+further demand for the marriage of the clergy. Circumstances both in
+France and Germany seemed to render these conditions imperative, if the
+rapid spread of Protestant dissent were to be checked and the remnant of
+the Catholic population to be kept in obedience. Of ecclesiastics, only
+Spaniards and Italians, the latter in a large majority, appeared at
+Trent. The Courts of other nations were represented by ambassadors, who
+took no part in the deliberations of the Council.[42]
+
+[Footnote 41: Cardinal Puteo was soon replaced by a Papal nephew, the
+Cardinal d'Altemps (Mark of Hohen Embs).]
+
+[Footnote 42: At the first session there were five Cardinals, one
+hundred and four prelates, including Patriarchs, Archbishops and
+Bishops, four Abbots, and four Generals of Orders. These were all
+Italians, Spaniards and Portuguese. And yet this Conciliabulum called
+itself a General Council, inspired by the Holy Ghost to legislate for
+the whole of Latin and Teutonic Christianity.]
+
+In spite of this inauspicious commencement, Pius declared the Council a
+General Council, and further decreed that it should be recognized as a
+continuation of that Council which had begun at Trent in 1545. This
+rendered co-operation of the Protestants impossible, since they would
+have been compelled to accept the earlier dogmatic resolutions of the
+Fathers. It was decided that no proxies should be allowed to absentees;
+that the questions of doctrine and reform should be prepared for
+discussion in two separate congregations, and should be taken into
+consideration in full sessions simultaneously; finally that the Papal
+Legates should alone have the privilege of proposing resolutions to the
+fathers. This last point, by which the Court of Rome reserved to itself
+the control of all proceedings in the Council, was carried by a clever
+ruse. Until too late the Spanish prelates do not seem to have been aware
+of the immense power they had conferred on Rome by passing the words
+_Legatis proponentibus_.[43] The principle involved in this phrase
+continued to be hotly disputed all through the sessions of the Council.
+But Pius knew that so long as he stuck fast to it he always held the ace
+of trumps, and nothing would induce him to relinquish it.
+
+[Footnote 43: See Sarpi, vol. ii. p. 87.]
+
+Fortified in this position of superiority, Pius now proceeded to
+organize his forces and display his tactics. All through the sessions of
+the Council they remained the same; and as the method resulted in his
+final victory, it deserves to be briefly described. At any cost he
+determined to secure a numerical majority in the Synod. This was
+effected by drafting Italian prelates, as occasion required, to Trent.
+Many of the poorer sort were subsidized, and placed under the
+supervision of Cardinal Simoneta, who gave them orders how to vote. A
+small squadron of witty bishops was told off to throw ridicule on
+inconvenient speakers by satirical interpolations, or to hamper them by
+sophistical arguments. Spies were introduced into the opposite camps,
+who kept the Legates informed of what the French or Spaniards
+deliberated in their private meetings. The Legates meanwhile established
+a daily post of couriers, who carried the minutest details of the
+Council to the Vatican. When the resolutions of the congregations on
+which decrees were to be framed had been drawn up, they referred them to
+his Holiness. Without his sanction they did not propose them in a
+general session. In this fashion, by means of his standing majority, the
+exclusive right of his Legates to propose resolutions, and the previous
+reference of these resolutions to himself, Pius was enabled to direct
+the affairs of the Council. It soon became manifest that while the
+fathers were talking at Trent their final decisions were arranged in
+Rome. This not unnaturally caused much discontent. It began to be
+murmured that the Holy Ghost was sent from Rome to Trent in carpet-bags.
+A man of more imperious nature than Pius might, by straining his
+prerogatives, have produced an irreconcilable rupture. But he was aware
+that the very existence of the Papacy depended on circumspection. He
+therefore used all his advantages with caution, and resolved to win the
+day by diplomacy. With this object in view he introduced the further
+system of negotiating with the Catholic Courts through special agents.
+Instead of framing the decrees upon the information furnished by his
+Legates, he in his turn submitted them to Philip, Catherine de'Medici,
+and Ferdinand, agreed on terms of mutual concession, persuaded the
+princes that their interests were identical with his own, and then
+returned such measures to the Council as could be safely passed. In
+course of time the Holy Ghost was not packed up at Rome for Trent in
+carpet-bags before he had gone round of Europe and made his bow in all
+cabinets.
+
+It must not, however, be thought that matters went smoothly for the Pope
+at first, or that so novel a method as that which I have described,
+whereby the faith and discipline of Christendom were settled by
+negotiations between sovereigns, came suddenly into existence. In its
+first sessions the Council, to quote the Pope's own words, resembled the
+Tower of Babel rather than a Synod of Fathers. The Spanish prelates
+contended fiercely for two principles touching the episcopacy: one was
+that the residence of bishops in their dioceses had been divinely
+commanded; the other, that their authority is derived from Christ
+immediately. The first struck at the Pope's power to dispense from the
+duty of residence; and if it had been established, it would have ruined
+his capital. The second would have rendered the episcopacy independent
+of Rome, and have made the Holy Father one of a numerous oligarchy
+instead of the absolute chief of a hierarchy. Pius was able to show
+Philip that the independence of the bishops must inflict deep injuries
+on the crown of Spain. Philip therefore wrote to forbid insistance on
+this point. But the Spanish prelates, though coerced, were not silenced,
+and the storm which they had raised went grumbling on.
+
+Difficulties of a no less serious nature arose when the French and
+Imperial ambassadors arrived at Trent in the spring. They demanded, as I
+have already stated, that the chalice should be conceded to the laity;
+nor is it easy to understand why this point might not have been granted.
+Pius himself was ready to make the concession; and the only valid
+argument against it was that it imperiled the uniformity of ritual
+throughout all Catholic countries. The Germans further stipulated for
+the marriage of the clergy, which the Pope was also disposed to
+entertain, until he reflected that celibacy alone retained the clergy
+faithful to his interests and regardless of those of their own nations.
+At this juncture of affairs, the Roman Court, which was strongly opposed
+to both concessions, received material aid from the dissensions of the
+Council. The Spaniards would hear nothing of the Eucharist under both
+forms. The marriage of the clergy was opposed by French and Spaniards
+alike. On the point of episcopal independence, the French supported the
+Spaniards; but Pius used the same arguments in France which he had used
+in Spain, with similar success. Thus there was no agreement on any of
+the disputed questions between Spaniards, Frenchmen and Germans; and
+since the ambassadors could neither propose nor vote, and the Italian
+prelates were in a permanent majority, Pius was able to defer and
+temporize at leisure.
+
+Nevertheless, he began to feel the gravity of the situation. He saw that
+the embassies constituted dangerous centers of intrigue and national
+organization at Trent. He was not entirely satisfied with his own
+Legate, the Cardinal Gonzaga, who supported the divine right of the
+episcopacy, and quarreled with his colleagues. The Spaniards, infuriated
+at having sacrificed the right of proposing measures, began to talk
+openly about the reform of the Papacy. Disagreeable messages reached
+Rome from France, and Spain, and Germany, complaining of the Pope's
+absolutism in Council, and demanding that the reform of the Church
+should be taken into serious and instant consideration. His devoted
+adherent, Lainez, General of the Jesuits, embittered opposition by
+passionately preaching the doctrine of passive obedience. Two dangers
+lay before him. One was that the Council should break up in confusion,
+with discredit to Rome, and anarchy for the Catholic Church. The other
+was that it should be prolonged in its dissensions by the princes, with
+a view of depressing and enfeebling the Papal authority. Other perils
+of an incalculable kind threatened him in the announced approach of the
+mighty Cardinal of Lorraine, brother to the Duke of Guise, with a
+retinue of French bishops released from the Conference at Poissy. Though
+he kept on packing the Council with fresh relays of Italians, it was
+much to be apprehended that they might be unable to oppose a coalition
+between French and Spanish prelates, should that be now effected.
+
+Pius, at this crisis, resolved on two important lines of policy, the
+energetic pursuit of which speedily brought the Council of Trent to a
+peaceful termination. The first was to meet the demand for a searching
+reformation of the Church with cheerful acquiescence; but to oppose a
+counter-demand that the secular States in all their ecclesiastical
+relations should at the same time be reformed. This implied a threat of
+alienating patronage and revenue from the princes; it also indicated
+plainly that the tiara and the crowns had interests in common. The
+second was to develop the diplomatic system upon which he had already
+tentatively entered.
+
+The events of the spring, 1563, hastened the adoption of these measures
+by the Pope. Cardinal Lorraine had arrived with his French bishops[44];
+and the Papal Legates found themselves involved at once in intricate
+disputes on questions touching the Huguenots and the interests of the
+Gallican Church. The Italians were driven in despair to epigrams: _Dalla
+scabie Spagnuola siamo caduti nel mal Francese_. Somewhat later, the
+Emperor dispatched a bulky and verbose letter, announcing his intention
+to play the part which Sigismund had assumed at the Council of
+Constance. He complained roundly of the evils caused by the reference of
+all resolutions to Rome, by the exclusive rights of the Legates to
+propose decrees, and by the intrigues of the Italian majority in the
+Synod. He wound up by declaring that the reformation of the Church must
+be accomplished in Trent, not left to the judgment of the Papal Curia;
+and threatened to arrive from Innsbruck by the Brenner. Though Ferdinand
+was in a position of ecclesiastical and political weakness, such an
+Imperial rescript could not be altogether contemned; especially as
+Cardinal Lorraine, soon after his arrival, had made the journey to
+Innsbruck on purpose to confer with the Emperor. It therefore behoved
+the Pope to act with decision; and an important event happened in the
+first days of March, which materially assisted him in doing so. This was
+the death of Cardinal Gonzaga, whom Pius determined to replace by the
+moderate and circumspect Morone.[45]
+
+[Footnote 44: He reached Trent, November 13, 1562, with eighteen
+Bishops, and three Abbots of France, charged by Charles IX. to demand
+purified ritual, reformed discipline of clergy, use of vernacular in
+church services, and finally, if possible, the marriage of the clergy.]
+
+[Footnote 45: The confusion at Trent in the spring of 1563 is thus
+described by the Bishop of Alife: 'Methinks Antichrist has come, so
+greatly confounded are the perturbations of the holy Fathers here.'
+Phillipson, p. 525.]
+
+Through Ippolito d'Este, Cardinal of Ferrara, he opened negotiations
+with the French Court, showing that the wishes of the prelates in the
+Council on the question of episcopacy were no less opposed to the crown
+than to his own interests. Cardinal Simoneta urged the same point on the
+Marquis of Pescara, who governed Milan for Philip, and was well inclined
+to the Papal party. Cardinal Morone was sent on a special embassy to the
+Emperor.[46] By wise concessions, in which the prerogatives of the
+Imperial ambassadors at Trent were considerably enlarged, and a
+searching reformation of the Church was promised, Morone succeeded in
+establishing a good working basis for the future. It came to be
+understood that while the Pope would allow no further freedom to the
+bishops, he was well disposed to let his Legates admit the envoys of the
+Catholic powers into their counsels. From this time forward the Synod
+may be said to have existed only as a mouthpiece for uttering the terms
+agreed on by the Pope and potentates. Morone returned to Trent, and the
+Emperor withdrew from Innsbruck toward the north.
+
+[Footnote 46: When Morone set out, he told the Venetian envoy in Rome
+that he was going on a forlorn hope. 'L'illmo Morone, quando partì per
+il Concilio, mi disse che andava a cura disperata e che _nulla speserat_
+della religione Cattolica.' Soranzo, _op. cit._ p. 82. The Jesuit
+Canisius, by his influence with Ferdinand, secured the success of
+Morone's diplomacy.]
+
+The difficulty with regard to France and Germany consisted in this, that
+politics forced both King and Emperor to consider the attitude of their
+Protestant subjects. Yet both alike were unable to maintain their
+position as Catholic sovereigns, if they came to open rupture with the
+Papacy. Ferdinand, as we have just seen, had expressed himself contented
+with the situation of affairs at Trent. But the French prelates still
+remained in opposition, and the French Court was undecided. Cardinal
+Morone, upon his arrival at Trent, began to flatter the Cardinal of
+Lorraine, affecting to take no measures of importance without consulting
+him. This conduct, together with timely compliments to several Frenchmen
+of importance, smoothed the way for future agreement; while the couriers
+who arrived from France, brought the assurance that Ippolito d'Este's
+representations had not been fruitless. Pius, meanwhile, was playing the
+same conciliatory game in Rome, where Don Luigi d'Avila arrived as a
+special envoy from Philip. The ambassador obtained a lodging in the
+Vatican, and was seen in daily social intercourse with his Holiness.[47]
+But the climax of this policy was reached when Lorraine accepted the
+Pope's invitation, and undertook a journey to Rome. This happened in
+September. The French Cardinal was pompously received, entertained in
+the palace, and honored with personal visits in his lodgings by the
+Pope. Weary of Trent and the tiresome intrigues of the Council, this
+unscrupulous prelate was still further inclined to negotiation after the
+murder of his brother, Duke of Guise. It must be remembered that the
+Guises in France were after all but a potent faction of semi-royal
+adventurers, who had risen to eminence by an alliance with Diane de
+Poitiers. The murder of the duke shook the foundations of their power;
+and the Cardinal was naturally anxious to be back again in France. For
+the moment he basked in the indolent atmosphere of Rome, surrounded by
+those treasures of antique and Renaissance luxury which still remained
+after the Sack of 1527. Pius held out flattering visions of succession
+to the Papacy, and proved convincingly that nothing could sustain the
+House of Guise or base the Catholic faith in France except alliance with
+the Papal See. Lorraine, who had probably seen enough of episcopal
+_canaillerie_ in the Council, and felt his inner self expand in the rich
+climate of pontifical Rome, allowed his ambition to be caressed,
+confessed himself convinced, and returned to Trent intoxicated with his
+visit, the devoted friend of Rome.
+
+[Footnote 47: Sarpi says that Don Luigi resided in the lodgings of Count
+Federigo Borromeo, a deceased nephew of the Pope.]
+
+Menaces, meanwhile, had been astutely mingled with cajoleries. The
+French and the Imperial Courts were growing anxious on the subject of
+reform in secular establishments. Pius had threatened to raise the whole
+question of national Churches and the monarch's right of interfering in
+their administration. This was tantamount to flinging a burning torch
+into the powder-magazine of Huguenot and Lutheran grievances. In order
+to save themselves from the disaster of explosion, they urged harmonious
+action with the Papacy upon their envoys. The Spanish Court, through
+Pescara, De Luna, and D'Avalos, wrote dispatches of like tenor. It was
+now debated whether a congress of Crowned heads should not be held to
+terminate the Council in accordance with the Papal programme. This would
+have suited Pius. It was the point to which his policy had led. Yet no
+such measure could be lightly hazarded. A congress while the Council was
+yet sitting, would have been too palpable and cynical a declaration of
+the Papal game. As events showed, it was not even necessary. When
+Lorraine returned to Trent, the French opposition came to an end. The
+Spanish had been already neutralized by the firm persistent exhibition
+of Philip's will to work for Roman absolutism.[48] There was nothing
+left but to settle details, to formulate the terms of ecclesiastical
+reform, and to close the Council of Trent with a unanimous vote of
+confidence in his Holiness. The main outlines of dogma and discipline
+were quickly drawn. Numerous details were referred to the Pope for
+definition. The Council terminated in December with an act of
+submission, which placed all its decrees at the pleasure of the Papal
+sanction. Pius was wise enough to pass and ratify the decrees of the
+Tridentine fathers by a Bull dated on December 26, 1563, reserving to
+the Papal sovereign the sole right of interpreting them in doubtful or
+disputed cases. This he could well afford to do; for not an article had
+been penned without his concurrence, and not a stipulation had been made
+without a previous understanding with the Catholic powers. The very
+terms, moreover, by which his ratification was conveyed, secured his
+supremacy, and conferred upon his successors and himself the privileges
+of a court of ultimate appeal. At no previous period in the history of
+the Church had so wide, so undefined, and so unlimited an authority been
+accorded to the See of Rome. Thus Pius IV. was triumphant in obtaining
+conciliar sanction for Pontifical absolutism, and in maintaining the
+fabric of the Roman hierarchy unimpaired, the cardinal dogmas of Latin
+Christianity unimpeached and after formal inquisition reasserted in
+precise definitions. A formidable armory had been placed at the disposal
+of the Popes, who were fully empowered to use it, and who had two mighty
+engines for its application ready in the Holy Office and the Company of
+Jesus.[49]
+
+[Footnote 48: Yet the Spanish bishops fought to the end, under the
+leadership of their chief Guerrero, for the principle of conciliar
+independence and the episcopal prerogatives. 'We had better not have
+come here, than be forced to stand by as witnesses,' says the Bishop of
+Orense. Phillipson, p. 577.]
+
+[Footnote 49: The vague reference of all decrees passed by the
+Tridentine Council to the Pope for interpretation enabled him and his
+successors to manipulate them as they chose. It therefore happened, as
+Sarpi says ('Tratt. delle Mat. Ben.' _Opere_, vol. iv. p. 161), that no
+reform, with regard to the tenure of benefices, residence, pluralism,
+etc., which the Council had decided, was adopted without qualifying
+expedients which neutralized its spirit. If the continuance of benefices
+_in commendam_ ceased, the device of _pensions_ upon benefices was
+substituted; and a thousand pretexts put colossal fortunes extracted
+from Church property, now as before, into the hands of Papal nephews.
+Witness the contrivances whereby Cardinal Scipione Borghese enriched
+himself in the Papacy of Paul V. The Council had decreed the residence
+of bishops in their sees; but it had reserved to the Pope a power of
+dispensation; so that those whom he chose to exile from Rome were bound
+to reside, and those whom he desired to have about him were released
+from this obligation. On each and all delicate points the Papacy was
+more autocratic after than before the Council. One of Sarpi's letters
+(vol. i. p. 371) to Jacques Leschassier, dated December 22, 1609, should
+be studied by those who wish to penetrate the '_reserve ed altre arcane
+arti_,' the '_renunzie_', '_pensioni_' and '_altri stratagemmi_,' by
+means of which the Papal Curia, during the half-century after the
+Tridentine Council, managed to evade its decrees, and to get such
+control over Church property in Italy that 'out of 500 benefices not one
+is conferred legally.' Compare the passage in the 'Trattato delle
+Materie Beneficiarie,' p. 163. There Sarpi says that five-sixths of
+Italian benefices are at the Pope's disposal, and that there is good
+reason to suppose that he will acquire the remaining sixth.]
+
+After the termination of the Council there was nothing left for Pius but
+to die. He stood upon a pinnacle which might well have made him
+nervous--lest haply the Solonian maxim, 'Call no man fortunate until his
+death,' should be verified in his person. During the two years of peace
+and retirement which he had still to pass, the unsuccessful conspiracy
+of Benedetto Accolti and Antonio Canossa against his life gave point to
+this warning. But otherwise, withdrawn from cares of state, which he
+committed to his nephew, Carlo Borromeo, he enjoyed the tranquillity
+that follows successful labor, and sank with undiminished prestige into
+his grave at the end of 1565. Those who believe in masterful and potent
+leaders of humanity may be puzzled to account for the triumph achieved
+by this common-place arbiter of destiny. Not by strength but by pliancy
+of character he accomplished the transition from the mediaeval to the
+modern epoch of Catholicism. He was no Cromwell, Frederick the Great, or
+Bismarck; only a politic old man, contriving by adroit avoidance to
+steer the ship of the Church clear through innumerable perils. This
+scion of the Italian middle class, this moral mediocrity, placed his
+successors in S. Peter's chair upon a throne of such supremacy that they
+began immediately to claim jurisdiction over kings and nations.
+Thirty-eight years before his death, when Clement VII. was shut up in S.
+Angelo, it seemed as though the Papal power might be abolished.
+Forty-five years after his death, Sarpi, writing to a friend in 1610,
+expressed his firm opinion that the one, the burning question for Europe
+was the Papal power.[50] Through him, poor product as he was of ordinary
+Italian circumstances, elected to be Pope because of his easy-going
+mildness by prelates worn to death in fiery Caraffa's reign, it happened
+that the flood of Catholic reaction was rolled over Europe. In a certain
+sense we may therefore regard him as a veritable _Flagellum Dei_,
+wielded by inscrutable fate. It seems that at momentous epochs of
+world-history no hero is needed to effect the purpose of the
+Time-Spirit. A Gian Angelo Medici, agreeable, diplomatic, benevolent,
+and pleasure-loving, sufficed to initiate a series of events which kept
+the Occidental races in perturbation through two centuries.
+
+[Footnote 50: _Lettere_, vol. ii. p. 167.]
+
+A great step had been taken in the pontificate of Pius IV. That reform
+of the Church, which the success of Protestantism rendered necessary,
+and which the Catholic powers demanded, had been decreed by the Council
+of Trent. Pius showed no unwillingness to give effect to the Council's
+regulations; and the task was facilitated for him by his nephew, Carlo
+Borromeo, and the Jesuits. It still remained, however, to be seen
+whether a new Pope might not reverse the policy on which the
+Counter-Reformation had been founded, and impede the beneficial inner
+movement which was leading the Roman hierarchy into paths of sobriety.
+Should this have happened, it would have been impossible for Romanism to
+assume a warlike attitude of resistance toward the Protestants in
+Europe, or to have rallied its own spiritual forces. The next election
+was therefore a matter of grave import.
+
+Nothing is more remarkable in the history of the Papacy at this epoch
+than the singular contrast offered by each Pontiff in succession to his
+predecessor. The conclave was practically uncontrolled in its choice by
+any external force of the first magnitude. Though a Duke of Florence
+might now, by intrigue, determine the nomination of a Pius IV., no
+commanding Emperor or King of France, as in the times of Otto the Great
+or Philip le Bel, could designate his own candidate. There was no
+strife, so open as in the Renaissance period, between Cardinals
+subsidized by Spain or Austria or France.[51] The result was that the
+deliberations of the conclave were determined by motives of petty
+interests, personal jealousies, and local considerations, to such an
+extent that the election seemed finally to be the result of chance or
+inspiration. We find the most unlikely candidates, Caraffa and Peretti,
+attributing their elevation to the direct influence of the Holy Ghost,
+in the consciousness that they had slipped into S. Peter's Chair by the
+maladroitness of conflicting factions. The upshot, however, of these
+uninfluenced elections generally was to promote a man antagonistic to
+his predecessor. The clash of parties and the numerical majority of
+independent Cardinals excluded the creatures of the last reign, and
+selected for advancement one who owed his position to the favor of an
+antecedent Pontiff. This result was further secured by the natural
+desire of all concerned in the election to nominate an old man, since it
+was for the general advantage that a pontificate should, if possible,
+not exceed five years.
+
+[Footnote 51: This does not mean that the Spanish crown had not a
+powerful voice in the elections. See the history of the conclaves which
+elected Urban VII., Gregory XIV., Innocent IX., Clement VIII., in Ranke,
+vol. ii. pp. 31-39. Yet it was noticed by those close observers, the
+Venetian envoys, that France and Spain had abandoned their former policy
+of subsidizing the Cardinals who adhered to their respective factions.]
+
+The personal qualities of Carlo Borromeo were of grave importance in
+the election of a successor to his uncle. He had ruled the Church during
+the last years of Pius IV.; and the newly-appointed Cardinals were his
+dependents. Had he attempted to exert his power for his own election, he
+might have met with opposition. He chose to use it for what he
+considered the deepest Catholic interests. This unselfishness led to the
+selection of a man, Michele Ghislieri, whose antecedents rendered him
+formidable to the still corrupt members of the Roman hierarchy, but
+whose character was precisely of the stamp required for giving solidity
+to the new phase on which the Church had entered. As Pius IV. had been
+the exact opposite to Paul IV., so Pius V. was a complete contrast to
+Pius IV. He had passed the best years of his life as chief of the
+Inquisition. Devoted to theology and to religious exercises, he lacked
+the legal and mundane faculties of his predecessor. But these were no
+longer necessary. They had done their duty in bringing the Council to a
+favorable close, and in establishing the Catholic concordat. What was
+now required was a Pope who should, by personal example and rigid
+discipline, impress Rome with the principles of orthodoxy and reform.
+Carlo Borromeo, self-conscious, perhaps, of the political incapacity
+which others noticed in him, and fervently zealous for the Catholic
+Revival, devolved this duty on Michele Ghislieri, who completed the work
+of his two predecessors.
+
+Paul IV. had laid a basis for the modern Roman Church by strengthening
+the Inquisition and setting internal reforms on foot. Pius IV.,
+externally, by his settlement of the Tridentine Council, and by the
+establishment of the Catholic concordat, built upon this basis an
+edifice which was not as yet massive. Carlo Borromeo and the Jesuits
+during the last pontificate prepared the way for a Pope who should
+cement and gird that building, so that it should be capable of resisting
+the inroads of time and should serve as a fortress of attack on heresy.
+That Pope was Michele Ghislieri, who assumed the title of Pius V. in
+1566.
+
+Before entering on the matter of his reign, it will be necessary to
+review the state of Rome at this moment in the epoch of transition, when
+the mediaeval and Renaissance phases were fast merging into the phase of
+the Counter-Reformation. Old abuses which have once struck a deep root
+in any institution, die slowly. It is therefore desirable to survey the
+position in which the Papal Sovereign of the Holy City, as constituted
+by the Council of Trent, held sway there.
+
+The population of Rome was singularly fluctuating. Being principally
+composed of ecclesiastics with their households and dependents;
+foreigners resident in the city as suitors or ambassadors; merchants,
+tradespeople and artists attracted by the hope of gain; it rose or fell
+according to the qualities of the reigning Pope, and the greater or less
+train of life which happened to be fashionable. Noble families were
+rather conspicuous by their absence than by their presence; for those of
+the first rank, Colonna and Orsini, dwelt upon their fiefs, and visited
+the capital only as occasion served. The minor aristocracy which gave
+solidity to social relations in towns like Florence and Bologna, never
+attained the rank of a substantial oligarchy in Rome. Nor was there an
+established dynasty round which a circle of peers might gather in
+permanent alliance with the Court. On the other hand, the frequent
+succession of Pontiffs chosen from various districts encouraged the
+growth of an ephemeral nobility, who battened for a while upon the favor
+of their Papal kinsmen, flooded the city with retainers from their
+province, and disappeared upon the election of a new Pope, to make room
+for another flying squadron. Instead of a group of ancient Houses,
+intermarrying and transmitting hereditary rights and honors to their
+posterity, Rome presented the spectacle of numerous celibate
+establishments, displaying great pomp, it is true, but dispersing and
+disappearing upon the decease of the patrons who assembled them. The
+households of wealthy Cardinals were formed upon the scale of princely
+Courts. Yet no one, whether he depended on the mightiest or the feeblest
+prelate, could reckon on the tenure of his place beyond the lifetime of
+his master. Many reasons, again--among which may be reckoned the
+hostility of reigning Pontiffs to the creatures of their predecessors or
+to their old rivals in the conclave--caused the residence of the chief
+ecclesiastics in Rome to be precarious. Thus the upper stratum of
+society was always in a state of flux, its elements shifting according
+to laws of chronic uncertainty. Beneath it spread a rabble of inferior
+and dubious gentlefolk, living in idleness upon the favor of the Court,
+serving the Cardinals and Bishops in immoral and dishonest offices,
+selling their wives, their daughters and themselves, all eager to rise
+by indirect means to places of emolument.[52] Lower down, existed the
+_bourgeoisie_ of artists, bankers, builders, shopkeepers, and artisans;
+and at the bottom of the scale came hordes of beggars. Rome, like all
+Holy Cities, entertained multitudes of eleemosynary paupers. Gregory
+XIII. is praised for having spent more than 200,000 crowns a year on
+works of charity, and for having assigned the district of San Sisto (in
+the neighborhood of Trinità del Monte, one of the best quarters of the
+present city) to the beggars.[53]
+
+
+[Footnote 52: See Mocenigo, _op. cit._ p. 35; Aretino's _Dialogo della
+Corte di Roma_; and the private history of the Farnesi.]
+
+[Footnote 53: Giov. Carraro and Lor. Priuli, _op. cit._ pp. 275, 306.]
+
+Such being the social conditions of Rome, it is not surprising to learn
+that during the reign of so harsh a Pontiff as Paul IV., the population
+sank to a number estimated at between 40,000 and 50,000. It rose rapidly
+to 70,000, and touched 80,000 in the reign of Pius IV. Afterwards it
+gradually ascended to 90,000, and during the popular pontificate of
+Gregory XIII. it is said to have reached the high figure of 140,000.
+These calculations are based upon the reports of the Venetian
+ambassadors, and can be considered as impartial, although they may not
+be statistically exact.[54]
+
+What rendered Roman society rotten to the core was universal pecuniary
+corruption. In Rome nothing could be had without payment; but men with
+money in their purse obtained whatever they desired. The office of the
+Datatario alone brought from ten to fourteen thousand crowns a month
+into the Papal treasury in 1560.[55] This large sum accrued from the
+composition of benefices and the sale of vacant offices. The Camera
+Apostolica, or Chamber of Justice, was no less venal. A price was set on
+every crime, for which its punishment could be commuted into
+cash-payment. Even so severe a Pope as Paul IV. committed to his nephew,
+by published and printed edict, the privilege of compounding with
+criminals by fines.[56] One consequence of this vile system, rightly
+called by the Venetian envoy 'the very strangest that could be witnessed
+or heard of in such matters,' was that wealthy sinners indulged their
+appetites at the expense of their families, and that innocent people
+became the prey of sharpers and informers.[57] Rome had organized a vast
+system of _chantage_.
+
+[Footnote 54: Alberi, vol. x. pp. 35, 83, 277.]
+
+[Footnote 55: Mocenigo's computation, _op. cit._ p. 29.]
+
+[Footnote 56: _Ibid._ p. 31.]
+
+[Footnote 57: The true history of the Cenci, as written by Bertolotti,
+throws light upon these points.] Another consequence was that acts of
+violence were frightfully common. Men could be hired to commit murders
+at sums varying from ten to four scudi; and on the death of Paul IV.,
+when anarchy prevailed for a short while in Rome, an eye-witness asserts
+that several hundred assassinations were committed within the walls in a
+few days.[58]
+
+[Footnote 58: Mocenigo, _op. cit._ p. 38.]
+
+It was not to be expected that a population so corrupt, accustomed for
+generations to fatten upon the venality and vices of the hierarchy,
+should welcome those radical reforms which were the best fruits of the
+Tridentine Council. They specially disliked the decrees which enforced
+the residence of prelates and the limitation of benefices held by a
+single ecclesiastic. These regulations implied the withdrawal of wealthy
+patrons from Rome, together with an incalculable reduction in the amount
+of foreign money spent there. Nor were the measures for abolishing a
+simoniacal sale of offices, and the growing demand for decency in the
+administration of justice, less unpopular. The one struck at the root of
+private speculation in lucrative posts, and deprived the Court of
+revenues which had to be replaced by taxes. The other destroyed the arts
+of informers, checked lawlessness and license in the rich, and had the
+same lamentable effect of impoverishing the Papal treasury. In
+proportion as the Curia ceased to subsist upon the profits of simony,
+superstition, and sin, it was forced to maintain itself by imposts on
+the people, and by resuming, as Gregory XIII. attempted to do, its
+obsolete rights over fiefs and lands accorded on easy terms or held by
+doubtful titles. Meanwhile the retrenchment rendered necessary in all
+households of the hierarchy, and the introduction of severer manners,
+threatened many minor branches of industry with extinction.
+
+These changes began to manifest themselves during the pontificate of
+Pius IV. The Pope himself was inclined to a liberal and joyous scale of
+living. But he was not remarkable for generosity; and the new severity
+of manners made itself felt by the example of his nephew Carlo
+Borromeo--a man who, while living in the purple, practiced austerities
+that were apparent in his emaciated countenance. The Jesuits ruled him;
+and, through him, their influence was felt in every quarter of the
+city.[59] 'The Court of Rome,' says the Venetian envoy in the year 1565,
+'is no longer what it used to be either in the quality or the numbers of
+the courtiers. This is principally due to the poverty of the Cardinals
+and the parsimony of the Popes. In the old days, when they gave away
+more liberally, men of ability flocked from all quarters. This reduction
+of the Court dates from the Council; for the bishops and beneficed
+clergy being now obliged to retire to their residences, the larger
+portion of the Court has left Rome. To the same cause may be ascribed a
+diminution in the numbers of those who serve the Pontiff, seeing that
+since only one benefice can now be given, and that involves residence,
+there are few who care to follow the Court at their own expense and
+inconvenience without hope of greater reward. The poverty of the
+Cardinals springs from two causes. The first is that they cannot now
+obtain benefices of the first class, as was the case when England,
+Germany, and other provinces were subject to the Holy See, and when
+moreover they could hold three or four bishoprics apiece together with
+other places of emolument, whereas they now can only have one apiece.
+The second cause is that the number of the Cardinals has been increased
+to seventy-five, and that the foreign powers have ceased to compliment
+them with large presents and Benefices, as was the wont of Charles V.
+and the French crown.' In the last of these clauses we find clearly
+indicated one of the main results of the concordat established between
+the Papacy and the Catholic sovereigns by the policy of Pius IV. It
+secured Papal absolutism at the expense of the college. Soranzo proceeds
+to describe the changes visible in Roman society. 'The train of life at
+Court is therefore mean, partly through poverty, but also owing to the
+good example of Cardinal Borromeo, seeing that people are wont to follow
+the manners of their princes. The Cardinal holds in his hands all the
+threads of the administration; and living religiously in the retirement
+I have noticed, indulging in liberalities to none but persons of his
+own stamp, there is neither Cardinal nor courtier who can expect any
+favor from him unless he conform in fact or in appearance to his mode of
+life. Consequently one observes that they have altogether withdrawn, in
+public at any rate, from every sort of pleasures. One sees no longer
+Cardinals in masquerade or on horseback, nor driving with women about
+Rome for pastime, as the custom was of late; but the utmost they do is
+to go alone in close coaches. Banquets, diversions, hunting parties,
+splendid liveries and all the other signs of outward luxury have been
+abolished; the more so that now there is at Court no layman of high
+quality, as formerly when the Pope had many of his relatives or
+dependents around him. The clergy always wear their robes, so that the
+reform of the Church is manifested in their appearance. This state of
+things, on the other hand, has been the ruin of the artisans and
+merchants, since no money circulates. And while all offices and
+magistracies are in the hands of Milanese, grasping and illiberal
+persons, very few indeed can be still called satisfied with the present
+reign.'[60]
+
+[Footnote 59: Giac. Soranzo, _op. cit._ pp. 131-136]
+
+[Footnote 60: Soranzo, _op. cit._ pp. 136-138.]
+
+One chief defect of Pius IV., judged by the standard of the new party in
+the Church, had been his coldness in religious exercises. Paolo Tiepolo
+remarks that during the last seven months of his life he never once
+attended service in his chapel.[61]
+
+[Footnote 61: _Op. cit._ p. 171.]
+
+This indifference was combined with lukewarmness in the prosecution of
+reforms. The Datatario still enriched itself by the composition of
+benefices, and the Camera by the composition of crimes. Pius V., on the
+contrary, embodied in himself those ascetic virtues which Carlo Borromeo
+and the Jesuits were determined to propagate throughout the Catholic
+world. He never missed a day's attendance on the prescribed services of
+the Church, said frequent Masses, fasted at regular intervals, and
+continued to wear the coarse woolen shirt which formed a part of his
+friar's costume. In his piety there was no hypocrisy. The people saw
+streams of tears pouring from the eyes of the Pontiff bowed in ecstacy
+before the Host. A rigid reformation of the churches, monasteries, and
+clergy was immediately set on foot throughout the Papal States. Monks
+and nuns complained, not without cause, that austerities were expected
+from them which were not included in the rules to which they vowed
+obedience. The severity of the Inquisition was augmented, and the Index
+Expurgatorius began to exercise a stricter jurisdiction over books. The
+Pope spent half his time at the Holy Office, inquiring into cases of
+heresy of ten or twenty years' standing. From Florence he caused
+Carnesecchi to be dragged to Rome and burned; from Venice the refugee
+Guido Zanetti of Fano was delivered over to his tender mercies; and the
+excellent Carranza, Archbishop of Toledo, was sent from Spain to be
+condemned to death before the Roman tribunal. Criminal justice,
+meanwhile, was administered with greater purity, and the composition of
+crimes for money, if not wholly abolished, was moderated. In the
+collation to bishoprics and other benefices the same spirit of equity
+appeared; for Pius inquired scrupulously into the character and fitness
+of aspirants after office.
+
+The zeal manifested by Pius V. for a thorough-going reform of manners
+may be illustrated by a curious circumstance related by the Venetian
+ambassador in the first year of the pontificate.[62] On July 26, 1566,
+an edict was issued, compelling all prostitutes to leave Rome within six
+days, and to evacuate the States of the Church within twelve days. The
+exodus began. But it was estimated that about 25,000 persons, counting
+the women themselves with their hangers-on and dependents, would have to
+quit the city if the edict were enforced.[63] The farmers of the customs
+calculated that they would lose some 20,000 ducats a year in
+consequence, and prayed the Pope for compensation. Meanwhile the roads
+across the Campagna began to be thronged by caravans, which were exposed
+to the attacks of robbers. The confusion became so great, and the public
+discontent was so openly expressed, that on August 17 Pius repealed his
+edict and permitted the prostitutes to reside in certain quarters of the
+city.
+
+[Footnote 62: Mutinelli, _Storia Arcana_, etc., vol. i. pp. 51-54.]
+
+[Footnote 63: Assuming the population of Rome to have been about 90,000
+at that date, this number appears incredible. Yet we have it on the best
+of all evidences, that of a resident Venetian envoy.]
+
+Pius IV. had wasted the greater part of his later life in bed,
+neglecting business, entertaining his leisure with buffoons and good
+companions, eating much and drinking more. Pius V., on the contrary,
+carried the habits of the convent with him into the Vatican, and
+bestowed the time he spared from devotion upon the transaction of
+affairs. He was of choleric complexion, adust, lean, wasted, with sunken
+eyes and snow-white hair, looking ten years older than he really was.
+
+Such a Pope changed the face of Rome, or rather stereotyped the change
+which had been instituted by Cardinal Borromeo. 'People, even if they
+are not really better, seem at least to be so,' says the Venetian envoy,
+who has supplied me with the details I have condensed.[64] Retrenchments
+in the Papal establishment were introduced; money was scarce; the Court
+grew meaner in appearance; and nepotism may be said to have been extinct
+in the days of Pius V. He did indeed advance one nephew, Michele
+Bonelli, to the Cardinalate; but he showed no inclination to enrich or
+favor him beyond due measure. A worn man, without ears, marked by the
+bastinado, frequented the palace, and stood near the person of the Pope,
+as Captain of the Guard. This was Paolo Ghislieri, a somewhat distant
+relative of Pius, who had passed his life in servitude to Barbary
+corsairs and had been ransomed by a merchant upon the election of his
+kinsman. No other members of the Papal family were invited to Rome.
+
+[Footnote 64: Tiepolo, _op. cit._ p. 172.]
+
+Pius V., while living this exemplary monastic life upon the Papal
+throne, ruled Catholic Christendom more absolutely than any of his
+predecessors. As the Papacy recognized its dependence on the sovereigns,
+so the sovereigns in their turn perceived that religious conformity was
+the best safeguard of their secular authority. Therefore the Catholic
+States subscribed, one after the other, to the Tridentive Profession of
+Faith, and adopted one system in matters of Church discipline. A new
+Breviary and a new Missal were published with the Papal sanction.
+Seminaries were established for the education of ecclesiastics, and the
+Jesuits labored in their propaganda. The Inquisition and the
+Congregation of the Index redoubled their efforts to stamp out heresy by
+fire and iron, and by the suppression or mutilation of books. A rigid
+uniformity was impressed on Catholicism. The Pope, to whom such power
+had been committed by the Council, stood at the head of each section and
+department of the new organization. To his approval every measure in the
+Church was referred, and the Jesuits executed his instructions with
+punctual exactness.
+
+It is not, therefore, to be wondered that Pius V. should have opened the
+era of active hostilities against Protestantism. Firmly allied with
+Philip II., he advocated attacks upon the Huguenots in France, the
+Protestants in Flanders, and the English crown. There is no evidence
+that he was active in promoting the Massacre of S. Bartholomew, which
+took place three months after his death; and the expedition of the
+Invincible Armada against England was not equipped until another period
+of fifteen years had elapsed. Yet the negotiations in which he was
+engaged with Spain, involving enterprises to the detriment of the
+English realm and the French Reformation, leave no doubt that both S.
+Bartholomew and the Armada would have met with his hearty approval. One
+glorious victory gave luster to the reign of Pius V. In 1571 the navies
+of Spain, Venice and Rome inflicted a paralyzing blow upon the Turkish
+power at Lepanto; and this success was potent in fanning the flame of
+Catholic enthusiasm.
+
+The pontificates of Paul IV., Pius IV., and Pius V., differing as they
+did in very important details, had achieved a solid triumph for reformed
+Catholicism, of which both the diplomatical and the ascetic parties in
+the Church, Jesuits and Theatines, were eager to take advantage. A new
+spirit in the Roman polity prevailed, upon the reality of which its
+future force depended; and the men who embodied this spirit had no mind
+to relax their hold on its administration. After the death of Pius V.
+they had to deal with a Pope who resembled his penultimate predecessor,
+Pius IV., more than the last Pontiff. Ugo Buoncompagno, the scion of a
+_bourgeois_ family settled in Bologna, began his career as a jurist. He
+took orders in middle life, was promoted to the Cardinalate, and
+attained the supreme honor of the Holy See in 1572. The man responded to
+his name. He was a good companion, easy of access, genial in manners,
+remarkable for the facility with which he cast off care and gave himself
+to sanguine expectations.[65] In an earlier period of Church history he
+might have reproduced the Papacy of Paul II. or Innocent VIII. As it
+was, Gregory XIII. fell at once under the potent influence of Jesuit
+directors. His confessor, the Spanish Francesco da Toledo, impressed
+upon him the necessity of following the footsteps of Paul IV. and Pius
+V. It was made plain that he must conform to the new tendencies of the
+Catholic Church; and in his neophyte's zeal he determined to outdo his
+predecessors. The example of Pius V. was not only imitated, but
+surpassed. Gregory XIII. celebrated three Masses a week, built churches,
+and enforced parochial obedience throughout his capital. The Jesuits in
+his reign attained to the maximum of their wealth and influence. Rome,
+'abandoning her ancient license, displayed a moderate and Christian mode
+of living: and in so far as the external observance of religion was
+concerned, she showed herself not far removed from such perfection as
+human frailties allow.'[66]
+
+[Footnote 65: Paolo Tiepolo, _op. cit._ p. 312.]
+
+[Footnote 66: _Ibid._ p. 214.]
+
+While he was yet a layman, Gregory became the father of one son,
+Giacomo. Born out of wedlock, he was yet acknowledged as a member of
+the Buoncompagno family, and admitted under this name into the Venetian
+nobility.[67] The Pope manifested paternal weakness in favor of his
+offspring. He brought the young man to Rome, and made him Governatore di
+Santa Chiesa with a salary of 10,000 ducats. The Jesuits and other
+spiritual persons scented danger. They persuaded the Holy Father that
+conscience and honor required the alienation of his bastard from the
+sacred city. Giacomo was relegated to honorable exile in Ancona. But he
+suffered so severely from this rebuff, that terms of accommodation were
+agreed on. Giacomo received a lady of the Sforza family in marriage, and
+was established at the Papal Court with a revenue amounting to about
+25,000 crowns.[68] The ecclesiastical party now predominant in Rome,
+took care that he should not acquire more than honorary importance in
+the government. Two of the Pope's nephews were promoted to the
+Cardinalate with provisions of about 10,000 crowns apiece. His old
+brother abode in retirement at Bologna under strict orders not to seek
+fortune or to perplex the Papal purity of rule in Rome.[69]
+
+[Footnote 67: The Venetians, when they inscribed his name upon the Libro
+d'Oro, called him 'a near relative of his Holiness.']
+
+[Footnote 68: This lady was a sister of the Count of Santa Fiora. For a
+detailed account of the wedding, see Mutinelli, _Stor. arc._
+vol. i. p. 112.]
+
+[Footnote 69: Tiepolo, _op. cit._ pp. 213, 219--221, 263, 266.]
+
+I have introduced this sketch of Gregory's relations in order to show
+how a Pope of his previous habits and personal proclivities was now
+obliged to follow the new order of the Church. It was noticed that the
+mode of life in Rome during his reign struck a just balance between
+license and austerity, and that general satisfaction pervaded
+society.[70] Outside the city this contentment did not prevail. Gregory
+threw his States into disorder by reviving obsolete rights of the Church
+over lands mortgaged or granted with obscure titles. The petty barons
+rose in revolt, armed their peasants, fomented factions in the country
+towns, and filled the land with brigands. Under the leadership of men
+like Alfonso Piccolomini and Roberto Malatesta, these marauding bands
+assumed the proportion of armies. The neighboring Italian
+States--Tuscany, Venice, Naples, Parma, all of whom had found the Pope
+arbitrary and aggressive in his dealings with them--encouraged the
+bandits by offering them an asylum and refusing to co-operate with
+Gregory for their reduction.
+
+[Footnote 70: Giov. Corraro, op. cit. p. 277.]
+
+His successor, Sixtus V., found the whole Papal dominion in confusion.
+It was impossible to collect the taxes. Life and property were nowhere
+safe. By a series of savage enactments and stern acts of justice, Sixtus
+swept the brigands from his States. He then applied his powerful will to
+the collection of money and the improvement of his provinces. In the
+four years which followed his election he succeeded in accumulating a
+round sum of four million crowns, which he stored up in the Castle of
+S. Angelo. The total revenues of the Papacy at this epoch were roughly
+estimated at 750,000 crowns, which in former reigns had been absorbed in
+current costs and the pontifical establishment. By rigorous economy and
+retrenchments of all kinds Sixtus reduced these annual expenses to a sum
+of 250,000, thus making a clear profit of 500,000 crowns.[71] At the
+same time he had already spent about a million and a half on works of
+public utility, including the famous Acqua Felice, which brought
+excellent water into Rome. Roads and bridges throughout the States of
+the Church were repaired, The Chiana of Orvieto and the Pontine Marsh
+were drained. Encouragement was extended, not only to agriculture, but
+also to industries and manufactures. The country towns obtained wise
+financial concessions, and the unpopular resumption of lapsed lands and
+fiefs was discontinued. Rome meanwhile began to assume her present
+aspect as a city, by the extensive architectural undertakings which
+Sixtus set on foot. He loved building; but he was no lover of antiquity.
+For pagan monuments of art he showed a monastic animosity, dispersing or
+mutilating the statues of the Vatican and Capitol; turning a Minerva
+into an image of the Faith by putting a cross in her hand; surmounting
+the columns of Trajan and Antonine with figures of Peter and Paul;
+destroying the Septizonium of Severus, and wishing to lay sacrilegious
+hands on Caecilia Metella's tomb. To mediaeval relics he was hardly less
+indifferent. The old buildings of the Lateran were thrown down to make
+room for the heavy modern palace. But, to atone in some measure for
+these acts of vandalism, Sixtus placed the cupola upon S. Peter's and
+raised the obelisk in the great piazza which was destined to be circled
+with Bernini's colonnades. This obelisk he tapped with a cross.
+Christian inscriptions, signalizing the triumph of the Pontiff over
+infidel emperors, the victory of Calvary over Olympus, the superiority
+of Rome's saints and martyrs to Rome's old deities and heroes, left no
+doubt that what remained of the imperial city had been subdued to Christ
+and purged of paganism. Wandering through Rome at the present time, we
+feel in every part the spirit of the Catholic Revival, and murmur to
+ourselves those lines of Clough:
+
+    O ye mighty and strange, ye ancient divine ones of Hellas!
+    Are ye Christian too? To convert and redeem and renew you,
+    Will the brief form have sufficed, that a Pope has sat up on the apex
+    Of the Egyptian stone that o'ertops you, the Christian symbol?
+    And ye, silent, supreme in serene and victorious marble,
+    Ye that encircle the walls of the stately Vatican chambers,
+    Are ye also baptized; are ye of the Kingdom of Heaven?
+    Utter, O some one, the word that shall reconcile Ancient and Modern.
+
+[Footnote 71: See Giov. Gritti, _op. cit._ p. 333.]
+
+Nothing was more absent from the mind of Sixtus than any attempt to
+reconcile Ancient and Modern. He was bent on proclaiming the ultimate
+triumph of Catholicism, not only over antiquity, but also over the
+Renaissance. His inscriptions, crosses, and images of saints are the
+enduring badges of serfdom set upon the monuments of ancient and
+renascent Italy, bearing which they were permitted by the now absolute
+Pontiff to remain as testimonies to his power.
+
+Retrenchment alone could not have sufficed for the accumulation of so
+much idle capital, and for so extensive an expenditure on works of
+public utility. Sixtus therefore had recourse to new taxation, new
+loans, and the creation of new offices for sale. The Venetian envoy
+mentions eighteen imposts levied in his reign; a sum of 600,000 crowns
+accruing to the Camera by the sale of places; and extensive loans, or
+Monti, which were principally financed by the Genoese.[72] It was
+necessary for the Papacy, now that it had relinquished the larger part
+of its revenues derived from Europe, to live upon the proceeds of the
+Papal States. The complicated financial expedients on which successive
+Popes relied for developing their exchequer, have been elaborately
+explained by Ranke.[73] They were materially assisted in their efforts
+to support the Papal dignity upon the resources of their realm, by the
+new system of nepotism which now began to prevail. Since the Council of
+Trent, it was impossible for a Pope to acknowledge his sons, and few, if
+any, of the Popes after Pius IV. had sons to acknowledge.[74]
+
+[Footnote 72: Giov. Gritti, _op. cit._ p. 337.]
+
+[Footnote 73: _History of the Popes_, Book iv. section I.]
+
+[Footnote 74: Giacomo Buoncompagno was born while Gregory XIII. was
+still a layman and a lawyer.]
+
+The tendencies of the Church rendered it also incompatible with the
+Papal position that near relatives of the Pontiff should be advanced, as
+formerly, to the dignity of independent princes. The custom was to
+create one nephew Cardinal, with such wealth derived from office as
+should enable him to benefit the Papal family at large. Another nephew
+was usually ennobled, endowed with capital in the public funds for the
+purchase of lands, and provided with lucrative places in the secular
+administration. He then married into a Roman family of wealth and
+founded one of the aristocratic houses of the Roman State. We possess
+some details respecting the incomes of the Papal nephews at this period,
+which may be of interest.[75] Carlo Borromeo was reasonably believed to
+enjoy revenues amounting to 50,000 scudi. Giacomo Buoncompagno's whole
+estate was estimated at 120,000 scudi; while the two Cardinal nephews of
+Gregory XIII. had each about 10,000 a year. At the same epoch Paolo
+Giordano Orsini, Duke of Bracciano, enjoyed an income of some 25,000,
+his estate being worth 60,000, but being heavily encumbered. These
+figures are taken from the Reports of the Venetian envoys. If we may
+trust them as accurate, it will appear by a comparison of them with the
+details furnished by Ranke, that Gregory's successors treated their
+relatives with greater generosity.[76] Sixtus V. enriched the Cardinal
+Montalto with an ecclesiastical income of 100,000 scudi. Clement VIII.
+bestowed on two nephews--one Cardinal, the other layman--revenues of
+about 60,000 apiece in 1599. He is computed to have hoarded altogether
+for his family a round sum of 1,000,000 scudi. Paul V. was believed to
+have given to his Borghese relatives nearly 700,000 scudi in cash,
+24,600 scudi in funds, and 268,000 in the worth of offices.[77] The
+Cardinal Ludovico Ludovisi, nephew of Gregory XV., had a reputed income
+of 200,000 scudi; and the Ludovisi family obtained 800,000 in _luoghi di
+monte_ or funds. Three nephews of Urban VIII., the brothers Barberini,
+were said to have enjoyed joint revenues amounting to half a million
+scudi, and their total gains from the pontificate touched the enormous
+sum of 105,000,000. These are the families, sprung from obscurity or
+mediocre station, whose palaces and villas adorn Rome, and who now rank,
+though of such recent origin, with the aristocracy of Europe.
+
+Sixtus V. died in 1590. To follow the history of his successors would be
+superfluous for the purpose of this book. The change in the Church which
+began in the reign of Paul III. was completed in his pontificate. About
+half a century, embracing seven tenures of the Holy Chair, had sufficed
+to develop the new phase of the Papacy as an absolute sovereignty,
+representing the modern European principle of absolutism, both as the
+acknowledged Head of Catholic Christendom and also as a petty Italian
+power.
+
+[Footnote 75: Sarpi writes: 'In my times Pius V., during five years,
+accumulated 25,000 ducats for the Cardinal nephew; Gregory XIII., in
+thirteen years, 30,000 for one nephew, and 20,000 for another; Sixtus
+V., for his only nephew, 9,000; Clement VIII., in thirteen years, for
+one nephew, 8,000, and for the other, 3,000; and this Pope, Paul V., in
+four years, for one nephew alone, 40,000. To what depths are we destined
+to fall in the future?' (_Lettere_, vol. i. p. 281). This final question
+was justified by the event; for, after the Borghesi, came the Ludovisi
+and Barberini, whose accumulations equalled, if they did not surpass,
+those of any antecedent Papal families.]
+
+[Footnote 76: The details may be examined in Ranke, vol. ii. pp.
+303-311.]
+
+[Footnote 77: Sarpi's Letters supply some details relating to Paul V.'s
+nepotism. He describes the pleasure which this Pope took on one day of
+each week in washing his hands in the gold of the Datatario and the
+Camera (vol. i. p. 281), and says of him, 'attende solo a far danari'
+(vol. ii. p. 237). When Paul gave his nephew Scipione the Abbey of
+Vangadizza, with 12,000 ducats a year, Sarpi computed that the Cardinal
+held about 100,000 ducats of ecclesiastical benefices (vol. i. p. 219).
+When the Archbishopric of Bologna, worth over 16,000 ducats a year, fell
+vacant in 1610, Paul gave this to Scipione, who held it a short time
+without residence, and then abandoned it to Alessandro Ludovisi
+retaining all its revenues, with the exception of 2,000 ducats, for
+himself as a _pension_ (vol. ii. pp. 158, 300). In the year 1610 Sarpi
+notices the purchase of Sulmona and other fiefs by Paul for his family,
+at the expenditure of 160,000 ducats (vol. ii. p. 70). In another place
+he speaks of another sum of 100,000 spent upon the same object (vol. i.
+p. 249, note). Well might he exclaim, 'Il pontefice e attesa ad arrichir
+la sua casa' (vol. i. p. 294).]
+
+
+CHAPTER III.
+
+THE INQUISITION AND THE INDEX.
+
+     Different Spirit in the Holy Office and the Company of Jesus--Both
+     needed by the Counter-Reformation--Heresy in the Early
+     Church--First Origins of the Inquisition in 1203--S. Dominic--The
+     Holy Office becomes a Dominican Institution--Recognized by the
+     Empire--Its early Organization--The Spanish Inquisition--Founded in
+     1484--How it differed from the earlier Apostolical
+     Inquisition--Jews, Moors, New Christians--Organization and History
+     of the Holy Office in Spain--Torquemada and his Successors--The
+     Spanish Inquisition never introduced into Italy--How the Roman
+     Inquisition organized by Caraffa differed from it--_Autos da fé_ in
+     Rome--Proscription of suspected Lutherans--The Calabrian
+     Waldenses--Protestants at Locarno and Venice--Digression on the
+     Venetian Holy Office--Persecution of Free Thought in
+     Literature--Growth of the Index Librorum Prohibitorum--Sanction
+     given to it by the Council of Trent--The Roman Congregation of the
+     Index--Final Form of the Censorship of Books under Clement
+     VIII.--Analysis of its Regulations--Proscription of Heretical
+     Books--Correction of Texts--Purgation and Castration--Inquisitorial
+     and Episcopal Licenses--Working of the System of this Censorship in
+     Italy--Its long Delays--Hostility to Sound Learning--Ignorance of
+     the Censors--Interference with Scholars in their Work--Terrorism of
+     Booksellers--Vatican Scheme for the Restoration of Christian
+     Erudition--Frustrated by the Tyranny of the Index--Dishonesty of
+     the Vatican Scholars--Biblical Studies rendered nugatory by the
+     Tridentine Decree on the Vulgate--Decline of Learning in
+     Universities--Miserable Servitude of Professors--Greek dies
+     out--Muretus and Manutius in Rome--The Index and its Treatment of
+     Political Works--Machiavelli--_Ratio Status_--Encouragement of
+     Literature on Papal Absolutism--Sarpi's Attitude--Comparative
+     Indifference of Rome to Books of Obscene or Immoral
+     Tendency--Bandello and Boccaccio--Papal attempts to Control
+     Intercourse of Italians with Heretics.
+
+
+In pursuing the plan of this book, which aims at showing how the spirit
+of the Catholic revival penetrated every sphere of intellectual
+activity in Italy, it will now be needful to consider the two agents,
+both of Spanish origin, on whose assistance the Church relied in her
+crusade against liberties of thought, speech, and action. These were the
+Inquisition and the Company of Jesus. The one worked by extirpation and
+forcible repression; the other by mental enfeeblement and moral
+corruption. The one used fire, torture, imprisonment, confiscation of
+goods, the proscription of learning, the destruction or emasculation of
+books. The other employed subtle means to fill the vacuum thus created
+with spurious erudition, sophistries, casuistical abominations and
+false doctrines profitable to the Papal absolutism. Opposed in temper
+and in method, the one fierce and rigid, the other saccharine and
+pliant, these two bad angels of Rome contributed in almost equal measure
+to the triumph of Catholicism.
+
+In the earlier ages of the Church, the definition of heresy had been
+committed to episcopal authority. But the cognizance of heretics and the
+determination of their punishment remained in the hands of secular
+magistrates. At the end of the twelfth century the wide diffusion of the
+Albigensian heterodoxy through Languedoc and Northern Italy alarmed the
+chiefs of Christendom, and furnished the Papacy with a good pretext for
+extending its prerogatives. Innocent III. in 1203 empowered two French
+Cistercians, Pierre de Castelnau and Raoul, to preach against the
+heretics of Provence. In the following year he ratified this commission
+by a Bull, which censured the negligence and coldness of the bishops,
+appointed the Abbot of Citeaux Papal delegate in matters of heresy, and
+gave him authority to judge and punish misbelievers. This was the first
+germ of the Holy Office as a separate Tribunal. In order to comprehend
+the facility with which the Pope established so anomalous an
+institution, we must bear in mind the intense horror which heresy
+inspired in the Middle Ages. Being a distinct encroachment of the Papacy
+upon the episcopal jurisdiction and prerogatives, the Inquisition met at
+first with some opposition from the bishops. The people for whose
+persecution it was designed, and at whose expense it carried on its
+work, broke into rebellion; the first years of its annals were rendered
+illustrious by the murder of one of its founders, Pierre de Castelnau.
+He was canonized, and became the first Saint of the Inquisition. Two
+other Peters obtained the like honor through their zeal for the Catholic
+faith: Peter of Verona, commonly called Peter Martyr, the Italian saint
+of the Dominican order; and Peter Arbues, the Spanish saint, who sealed
+with his blood the charter of the Holy Office in Aragon.
+
+In spite of opposition, the Papal institution took root and flourished.
+Philip Augustus responded to the appeals of Innocent; and a crusade
+began against the Albigenses, in which Simon de Montfort won his
+sinister celebrity. During those bloody wars the Inquisition developed
+itself as a force of formidable expansive energy. Material assistance to
+the cause was rendered by a Spanish monk of the Augustine order, who
+settled in Provence on his way back from Rome in 1206. Domenigo de
+Guzman, known to universal history as S. Dominic, organized a new
+militia for the service of the orthodox Church between the years 1215
+and 1219. His order, called the Order of the Preachers, was originally
+designed to repress heresy and confirm the faith by diffusing Catholic
+doctrine and maintaining the creed in its purity. It consisted of three
+sections: the Preaching Friars; nuns living in conventual retreat; and
+laymen, entitled the Third Order of Penitence or the Militia of Christ,
+who in after years were merged with the congregation of S. Peter Martyr,
+and corresponded to the familiars of the Inquisition. Since the
+Dominicans were established in the heat and passion of a crusade against
+heresy, by a rigid Spaniard who employed his energies in persecuting
+misbelievers, they assumed at the outset a belligerent and inquisitorial
+attitude. Yet it is not strictly accurate to represent S. Dominic
+himself as the first Grand Inquisitor. The Papacy proceeded with caution
+in its design of forming a tribunal dependent on the Holy See and
+independent of the bishops. Papal Legates with plenipotentiary authority
+were sent to Languedoc, and decrees were issued against the heretics, in
+which the Inquisition was rather implied than directly named; nor can I
+find that S. Dominic, though he continued to be the soul of the new
+institution until his death in 1221, obtained the title of Inquisitor.
+
+Notwithstanding this vagueness, the Holy Office may be said to have been
+founded by S. Dominic; and it soon became apparent that the order he had
+formed, was destined to monopolize its functions. The Emperor Frederick
+II. on his coronation, in 1221, declared his willingness to support a
+separate Apostolical tribunal for the suppression of heresy. He
+sanctioned the penalty of death by fire for obstinate heretics, and
+perpetual imprisonment for penitents--forms of punishment which became
+stereotyped in the proceedings of the Holy Office.[78] The tribunal, now
+recognized as a Dominican institution, derived its authority from the
+Pope. The bishops were suffered to sit with the Inquisitors, but only in
+such subordinate capacity as left to them a bare title of authority.[79]
+The secular magistracy was represented by an assessor, who, being
+nominated by the Inquisitor, became his servile instrument. The
+expenses of the Court in prosecuting, punishing and imprisoning
+heretics, together with the maintenance of the Inquisitors and their
+guards, were thrown upon the communes which they visited. Such was the
+organization which the Popes, aided by S. Dominic, and availing
+themselves of the fanatical passions aroused in the Provençal wars,
+succeeded in creating for their own aggrandizement. It is strange to
+think that its ratification by the supreme secular power was obtained
+from an Emperor who died in contumacy, excommunicated and persecuted as
+an arch-heretic by the priests he had supported.
+
+[Footnote 78: See Cantù, _Gli Eretici d'Italia_, vol. i. Discorso 5, and
+the notes appended to it, for Frederick's edicts and letters to Gregory
+IX. upon this matter of heresy. The Emperor treats of _Heretica
+Pravitas_ as a crime against society, and such, indeed, it then appeared
+according to the mediaeval ideal of Christendom united under Church and
+Empire. Yet Frederick himself, it will be remembered, died under the ban
+of the Church, and was placed by Dante among the heresiarchs in the
+tenth circle of Hell. We now regard him justly as one of the precursors
+of the Renaissance. But at the beginning of his reign, in his peculiar
+attitude of Holy Roman Emperor, he had to proceed with rigor against
+free-thinkers in religion. They were foes to the mediseval order, of
+which he was the secular head.]
+
+[Footnote 79: Sarpi, 'Discorso dell'Origine,' etc. _Opere_, vol. iv. p.
+6.]
+
+This Apostolical Inquisition was at once introduced into Lombardy,
+Romagna and the Marches of Treviso. The extreme rigor of its
+proceedings, the extortions of monks, and the violent resistance offered
+by the communes, led to some relaxation of its original constitution.
+More authority had to be conceded to the bishops; and the right of the
+Inquisitors to levy taxes on the people was modified. Yet it retained
+its true form of a Papal organ, superseding the episcopal prerogatives,
+and overriding the secular magistrates, who were bound to execute its
+biddings. As such it was admitted into Tuscany, and established in
+Aragon. Venice received it in 1289, with certain reservations that
+placed its proceedings under the control of Doge and Council. In
+Languedoc, the country of its birth, it remained rooted at Toulouse and
+Carcassonne; but the Inquisition did not extend its authority over
+central and northern France.[80] In Paris its functions were performed
+by the Sorbonne. Nor did it obtain a footing in England, although the
+statute 'De Haeretico Comburendo,' passed in 1401 at the instance of the
+higher clergy, sanctioned the principles on which it existed.
+
+The wide and ready acceptance of so terrible an engine of oppression
+enables us to estimate the profound horror which heresy inspired in the
+Middle Ages.[81] On the whole, the Inquisition performed the work for
+which it had been instituted. Those spreading sects, known as Waldenses,
+Albigenses, Cathari and Paterines, whom it was commissioned to
+extirpate, died away into obscurity during the fourteenth century; and
+through the period of the Renaissance the Inquisition had little scope
+for the display of energy in Italy. Though dormant, it was by no means
+extinct, however; and the spirit which created it, needed only external
+cause and circumstance to bring it once more into powerful operation.
+Meanwhile the Popes throughout the Renaissance used the imputation of
+heresy, which never lost its blighting stigma, in the prosecution of
+their secular ambition. As Sarpi has pointed out, there were few of the
+Italian princes with whom they came into political collision, who were
+not made the subject of such accusation.
+
+[Footnote 80: See Christie's _Etienne Dolet_, chapter 21.]
+
+[Footnote 81: Visitors to Milan must have been struck with the
+equestrian statue to the Podestà Oldrado da Trezzeno in the Piazza
+de'Mercanti. Underneath it runs an epitaph containing among the praises
+of this man: _Catharos ut debuit uxit_. An Archbishop of Milan of the
+same period (middle of the thirteenth century), Enrico di Settala, is
+also praised upon his epitaph because _jugulavit haereses_. See Cantù,
+_Gli Eretici d Italia_, vol. i. p. 108.]
+
+The revival of the Holy Office on a new and far more murderous basis,
+took place in 1484. We have seen that hitherto there had been two types
+of inquisition into heresy. The first, which remained in force up to the
+year 1203, may be called the episcopal. The second was the Apostolical
+or Dominican: it transferred this jurisdiction from the bishops to the
+Papacy, who employed the order of S. Dominic for the special service of
+the tribunal instituted by the Imperial decrees of Frederick II. The
+third deserves no other name than Spanish, though, after it had taken
+shape in Spain, it was transferred to Portugal, applied in all the
+Spanish and Portuguese colonies, and communicated with some
+modifications to Italy and the Netherlands.[82] Both the second and
+third types of Inquisition into heresy were Spanish inventions, patented
+by the Roman Pontiffs and monopolized by the Dominican order. But the
+third and final form of the Holy Office in Spain distinguished itself
+by emancipation from Papal and Royal control, and by a specific
+organization which rendered it the most formidable of irresponsible
+engines in the annals of religious institutions.
+
+[Footnote 82: Sarpi estimates the number of victims in the Netherlands
+during the reign of Charles V. at 50,000; Grotius at 100,000. In the
+reign of Philip II. perhaps another 25,000 were sacrificed. Motley
+(_Rise of the Dutch Republic_, vol. ii. p. 155) tells how in February
+1568 a sentence of the Holy Office, confirmed by royal proclamation,
+condemned all the inhabitants of the Netherlands, some three millions of
+souls, with a few specially excepted persons, to death. It was customary
+to burn the men and bury the women alive. In considering this
+institution as a whole, we must bear in mind that it was extended to
+Mexico, Lima, Carthagena, the Indies, Sicily, Sardinia, Oran, Malta. Of
+the working of the Holy Office in the Spanish and Portuguese colonies we
+possess but few authentic records. The _Histoire des Inquisitions_ of
+Joseph Lavallée (Paris, 1809) may, however, be consulted. In vol. ii.
+pp. 5-9 of this work there is a brief account of the Inquisition at Goa
+written by one Pyrard; and pp. 45-157 extend the singularly detailed
+narrative of a Frenchman, Dellon, imprisoned in its dungeons. Some
+curious circumstances respecting delation, prison life, and _autos da
+fé_ are here minutely recorded.]
+
+The crimes of which the second or Dominican Inquisition had taken
+cognizance were designated under the generic name of heresy. Heretics
+were either patent by profession of some heterodox cult or doctrine; or
+they were suspected. The suspected included witches, sorcerers, and
+blasphemers who invoked the devil's aid; Catholics abstaining from
+confession and absolution; harborers of avowed heretics; legal defenders
+of the cause of heretics; priests who gave Christian burial to heretics;
+magistrates who showed lukewarmness in pursuit of heretics; the corpses
+of dead heretics, and books that might be taxed with heretical opinions.
+All ranks in the social hierarchy, except the Pope, his Legates and
+Nuncios, and the bishops, were amenable to this Inquisition. The
+Inquisitors could only be arraigned and judged by their peers. In order
+to bring the machinery of imprisonment, torture and final sentence into
+effect, it was needful that the credentials of the Inquisitor should be
+approved by the sovereign, and that his procedure should be recognized
+by the bishop. These limitations of the Inquisitorial authority
+safeguarded the crown and the episcopacy in a legal sense. But since
+both crown and episcopacy concurred in the object for which the Papacy
+had established the tribunal, the Inquisitor was practically unimpeded
+in his functions. Furnished with royal or princely letters patent, he
+traveled from town to town, attended by his guards and notaries,
+defraying current expenses at the cost of provinces and towns through
+which he passed. Where he pitched his camp, he summoned the local
+magistrates, swore them to obedience, and obtained assurance of their
+willingness to execute such sentences as he might pronounce. Spies and
+informers gathered round him, pledged to secrecy and guaranteed by
+promises of State-protection. The Court opened; witnesses were examined;
+the accused were acquitted or condemned. Then sentence was pronounced,
+to which the bishop or his delegate, often an Inquisitor, gave a formal
+sanction. Finally, the heretic was handed over to the secular arm for
+the execution of justice. The extraordinary expenses of the tribunal
+were defrayed by confiscation of goods, a certain portion being paid to
+the district in which the crime had occurred, the rest being reserved
+for the maintenance of the Holy Office.
+
+Such, roughly speaking, was the method of the Inquisition before 1484;
+and it did not materially differ in Italy and Spain. Castile had
+hitherto been free from the pest. But the conditions of that kingdom
+offered a good occasion for its introduction at the date which I have
+named. During the Middle Ages the Jews of Castile acquired vast wealth
+and influence. Few families but felt the burden of their bonds and
+mortgages. Religious fanaticism, social jealousy, and pecuniary distress
+exasperated the Christian population; and as early as the year 1391,
+more than 5000 Jews were massacred in one popular uprising. The Jews, in
+fear, adopted Christianity. It is said that in the fifteenth century the
+population counted some million of converts--called New Christians, or,
+in contempt, Marranos: a word which may probably be derived from the
+Hebrew Maranatha. These converted Jews, by their ability and wealth,
+crept into high offices of state, obtained titles of aristocracy, and
+founded noble houses. Their daughters were married with large dowers
+into the best Spanish families; and their younger sons aspired to the
+honors of the Church. Castilian society was being penetrated with Jews,
+many of whom had undoubtedly conformed to Christianity in externals
+only. Meanwhile a large section of the Hebrew race remained faithful to
+their old traditions; and a mixed posterity grew up, which hardly knew
+whether it was Christian or Jewish, and had opportunity for joining
+either party.
+
+A fertile field was now opened for Inquisitorial energy. The orthodox
+Dominican saw Christ's flock contaminated. Not without reason did
+earnest Catholics dread that the Church in Castile would suffer from
+this blending of the Jewish with the Spanish breed. But they had a fiery
+Catholic enthusiasm to rely upon in the main body of the nation. And in
+the crown they knew that there were passions of fear and cupidity, which
+might be used with overmastering effect. It sufficed to point out to
+Ferdinand that a persecution of the New Christians would flood his
+coffers with gold extorted from suspected misbelievers. No merely fabled
+El Dorado lay in the broad lands and costly merchandise of these
+imperfect converts to the faith. It sufficed to insist upon the peril to
+the State if an element so ill-assimilated to the nation were allowed to
+increase unchecked. At the same time, the Papacy was nothing loth to
+help them in their undertaking. Sixtus V., one of the worst of Pontiffs,
+sat then on S. Peter's chair. He readily discerned that a considerable
+portion of the booty might be indirectly drawn into his exchequer; and
+he knew that any establishment of the Inquisition on an energetic basis
+would strengthen the Papacy in its combat with national and episcopal
+prerogatives. The Dominicans on their side can scarcely be credited with
+a pure zeal for the faith. They had personal interests to serve by
+spiritual aggrandizement, by the elevation of their order, and by the
+exercise of an illimitable domination.
+
+It was a Sicilian Inquisitor, Philip Barberis, who suggested to
+Ferdinand the Catholic the advantage he might secure by extending the
+Holy Office to Castile. Ferdinand avowed his willingness; and Sixtus IV.
+gave the project his approval in 1478. But it met with opposition from
+the gentler-natured Isabella. She refused at first to sanction the
+introduction of so sinister an engine into her hereditary dominions. The
+clergy now contrived to raise a popular agitation against the Jews,
+reviving old calumnies of impossible crimes, and accusing them of being
+treasonable subjects. Then Isabella yielded; and in 1481 the Holy Office
+was founded at Seville. It began its work by publishing a comprehensive
+edict against all New Christians suspected of Judaizing, which offense
+was so constructed as to cover the most innocent observance of national
+customs. Resting from labor on Saturday; performing ablutions at stated
+times; refusing to eat pork or puddings made of blood; and abstaining
+from wine, sufficed to color accusations of heresy. Men who had joined
+the Catholic communion after the habits of a lifetime had been formed,
+thus found themselves exposed to peril of death by the retention of mere
+sanitary rules.[83]
+
+[Footnote 83: See Lavallée, _Histoire des Inquisitions_, vol. ii. pp.
+341-361, for the translation of a process instituted in 1570 against a
+Mauresque female slave. Suspected of being a disguised infidel, she was
+exposed to the temptations of a Moorish spy, and convicted mainly on the
+evidence furnished by certain Mussulman habits to which she adhered.
+Llorente reports a similar specimen case, vol. i. p. 442. The culprit
+was a tinker aged 71, accused in 1528 of abstaining from pork and wine,
+and using certain ablutions. He defended himself by pleading that,
+having been converted at the age of 45, it did not suit his taste to eat
+pork or drink wine, and that his trade obliged him to maintain
+cleanliness by frequent washing. He was finally condemned to carry a
+candle at an _auto da fé_ in sign of penitence, and to pay four ducats,
+the costs of his trial. His detention lasted from September, 1529, till
+December 18, 1530.]
+
+Upon the publication of this edict, there was an exodus of Jews by
+thousands into the fiefs of independent vassals of the crown--the Duke
+of Medina Sidonia, the Marquis of Cadiz, and the Count of Arcos. All
+emigrants were _ipso facto_ declared heretics by the Holy Office. During
+the first year after its foundation, Seville beheld 298 persons burned
+alive, and 79 condemned to perpetual imprisonment. A large square stage
+of stone, called the Quemadero, was erected for the execution of those
+multitudes who were destined to suffer death by hanging or by flame. In
+the same year, 2000 were burned and 17,000 condemned to public
+penitence, while even a larger number were burned in effigy, in other
+parts of the kingdom.
+
+While estimating the importance of these punishments we must remember
+that they implied confiscation of property. Thus whole families were
+orphaned and consigned to penury. Penitence in public carried with it
+social infamy, loss of civil rights and honors, intolerable conditions
+of ecclesiastical surveillance, and heavy pecuniary fines. Penitents who
+had been reconciled, returned to society in a far more degraded
+condition than convicts released on ticket of leave. The stigma attached
+in perpetuity to the posterity of the condemned, whose names were
+conspicuously emblazoned upon church-walls as foemen to Christ and to
+the State.
+
+It is not strange that the New Christians, wealthy as they were and
+allied with some of the best blood in Spain, should have sought to avert
+the storm descending on them by appeals to Rome. In person or by
+procurators, they carried their complaints to the Papal Curia, imploring
+the relief of private reconciliation with the Church, special exemption
+from the jurisdiction of the Holy Office, rehabilitation after the loss
+of civil rights and honors, dispensation from humiliating penances, and
+avvocation of causes tried by the Inquisition, to less prejudiced
+tribunals. The object of these petitions was to avoid perpetual infamy,
+to recover social status, and to obtain an impartial hearing in doubtful
+cases. The Papal Curia had anticipated the profits to be derived from
+such appeals. Sixtus IV. was liberal in briefs of indulgence, absolution
+and exemption, to all comers who paid largely. But when his suitors
+returned to Spain, they found their dearly-purchased parchments of no
+more value than waste paper. The Holy Office laughed Papal Bulls of
+Privilege to scorn, and the Pope was too indifferent to exert such
+authority as he might have possessed.
+
+Meanwhile, the Inquisition rapidly took shape. In 1483 Thomas of
+Torquemada was nominated Inquisitor General for Castile and Aragon.
+Under his rule a Supreme Council was established, over which he
+presided for life. The crown sent three assessors to this board; and the
+Inquisitors were strengthened in their functions by a council of
+jurists. Seville, Cordova, Jaen, Toledo, became the four subordinate
+centers of the Holy Office, each with its own tribunal and its own right
+of performing _autos da fé_. Commission was sent out to all Dominicans,
+enjoining on them the prosecution of their task in every diocese.
+
+In 1484 a General Council was held, and the constitution of the
+inquisition was established by articles. In these articles four main
+points seem to have been held in view. The first related to the system
+of confiscation, fines, civil disabilities, losses of office, property,
+honors, rights, inheritances, which formed a part of the penitentiary
+procedure, and by which the crown and Holy Office made pecuniary gains.
+The second secured secrecy in the action of the tribunal, whereby a door
+was opened to delation, and accused persons were rendered incapable of
+rational defense. The third elaborated the judicial method, so as to
+leave no loophole of escape even for those who showed a wish to be
+converted, empowering the use of torture, precluding the accused from
+choosing their own counsel, and excluding the bishops from active
+participation in the sentence. The fourth multiplied the charges under
+which suspected heretics, even after their death might be treated as
+impenitent or relapsed, so as to increase the number of victims and
+augment the booty.
+
+The two most formidable features of the Inquisition as thus constituted,
+were the exclusion of the bishops from its tribunal and the secrecy of
+its procedure. The accused was delivered over to a court that had no
+mercy, no common human sympathies, no administrative interest in the
+population. He knew nothing of his accusers; and when he died or
+disappeared from view no record of his case survived him.
+
+The Inquisition rested on the double basis of ecclesiastical fanaticism
+and protected delation. The court was _primâ facie_ hostile to the
+accused; and the accused could never hope to confront the detectives
+upon whose testimony he was arraigned before it. Lives and reputations
+lay thus at the mercy of professional informers, private enemies,
+malicious calumniators. The denunciation was sometimes anonymous,
+sometimes signed, with names of two corroborative witnesses. These
+witnesses were examined, under a strict seal of secrecy, by the
+Inquisitors, who drew up a form of accusation, which they submitted to
+theologians called Qualificators. The qualificators were not informed of
+the names of the accused, the delator, or the witnesses. It was their
+business to qualify the case of heresy as light, grave, or violent.
+Having placed it in one of these categories, they returned it to the
+Inquisitors, who now arrested the accused and flung him into the secret
+prisons of the Holy Office. After some lapse of time he was summoned for
+a preliminary examination. Having first been cautioned to tell the
+truth, he had to recite the Paternoster, Credo, Ten Commandments, and a
+kind of catechism. His pedigree was also investigated, in the
+expectation that some traces of Jewish or Moorish descent might serve to
+incriminate him. If he failed in repeating the Christian shibboleths, or
+if he was discovered to have infidel ancestry, there existed already a
+good case to proceed upon. Finally, he was questioned upon the several
+heads of accusation condensed from the first delation and the deposition
+of the witnesses. If needful at this point, he was put to the torture,
+again and yet again.[84] He never heard the names of his accusers, nor
+was he furnished with a full bill of the charges against him in writing.
+At this stage he was usually remanded, and the judicial proceedings were
+deliberately lengthened out with a view of crushing his spirit and
+bringing him to abject submission. For his defence he might select one
+advocate, but only from a list furnished by his judges; and this
+advocate in no case saw the original documents of the impeachment. It
+rarely happened, upon this one-sided method of trial, that an accused
+person was acquitted altogether. If he escaped burning or perpetual
+incarceration, he was almost certainly exposed to the public ceremony
+of penitence, with its attendant infamy, fines, civil disabilities, and
+future discipline. Sentence was not passed upon condemned persons until
+they appeared, dressed up in a San Benito, at the place of punishment.
+This costume was a sort of sack, travestying a monk's frock, made of
+coarse yellow stuff, and worked over with crosses, flames, and devils,
+in glaring red. It differed in details according to the destination of
+the victim: for some ornaments symbolized eternal hell, and others the
+milder fires of purgatory. If sufficiently versed in the infernal
+heraldry of the Holy Office, a condemned man might read his doom before
+he reached the platform of the _auto_. There he heard whether he was
+sentenced to relaxation--in other words, to burning at the hands of the
+hangman--or to reconciliation by means of penitence. At the last moment,
+he might by confession _in extremis_ obtain the commutation of a death
+sentence into life-imprisonment, or receive the favor of being strangled
+before he was burned. A relapsed heretic, however--that is, one who
+after being reconciled had once again apostatized, was never exempted
+from the penalty of burning. To make these holocausts of human beings
+more ghastly, the pageant was enhanced by processions of exhumed corpses
+and heretics in effigy. Artificial dolls and decomposed bodies, with
+grinning lips and mouldy foreheads, were hauled to the huge bonfire,
+side by side with living men, women, and children. All of them
+alike--_fantoccini_, skeletons, and quick folk--were enveloped in the
+same grotesquely ghastly San Benito, with the same hideous yellow miters
+on their pasteboard, worm-eaten, or palpitating foreheads. The
+procession presented an ingeniously picturesque discord of ugly shapes,
+an artistically loathsome dissonance of red and yellow hues, as it
+defiled, to the infernal music of growled psalms and screams and
+moanings, beneath the torrid blaze of Spanish sunlight.
+
+[Footnote 84: The Supreme Council forbade the repetition of torture; but
+this hypocritical law was evaded in practice by declaring that the
+torture had been suspended. Llorente, vol. i. p. 307.]
+
+Spaniards--such is the barbarism of the Latinized Iberian
+nature--delighted in these shows, as they did and do in bull-fights.
+Butcheries of heretics formed the choicest spectacles at royal
+christenings and bridals.
+
+At Seville the Quemadero was adorned with four colossal statues of
+prophets, to which some of the condemned were bound, so that they might
+burn to death in the flames arising from the human sacrifice between
+them.
+
+In the autumn of 1484 the Inquisition was introduced into Aragon; and
+Saragossa became its headquarters in that State. Though the Aragonese
+were accustomed to the institution in its earlier and milder form, they
+regarded the new Holy Office with just horror. The Marranos counted at
+that epoch the Home Secretary, the Grand Treasurer, a Proto-notary, and
+a Vice-Chancellor of the realm among their members; and they were allied
+by marriage with the purest aristocracy. It is not, therefore,
+marvelous that a conspiracy was formed to assassinate the Chief
+Inquisitor, Peter Arbues. In spite of a coat-of-mail and an iron
+skullcap worn beneath his monk's dress, Arbues was murdered one evening
+while at prayer in church. But the revolt, notwithstanding this murder,
+flashed, like an ill-loaded pistol, in the pan. Jealousies between the
+old and new Christians prevented any common action; and the Inquisition
+took a bloody vengeance upon all concerned. It even laid its hand on Don
+James of Navarre, the Infant of Tudela.
+
+The Spanish Inquisition was now firmly grounded. Directed by Torquemada,
+it began to encroach upon the crown, to insult the episcopacy, to defy
+the Papacy, to grind the Commons, and to outrage by its insolence the
+aristocracy. Ferdinand's avarice had overreached itself by creating an
+ecclesiastical power dangerous to the best interests of the realm, but
+which fascinated a fanatically-pious people, and the yoke of which could
+not be thrown off. The Holy Office grew every year in pride,
+pretensions, and exactions. It arrogated to its tribunal crimes of
+usury, bigamy, blasphemous swearing, and unnatural vice, which
+appertained by right to the secular courts. It depopulated Spain by the
+extermination and banishment of at least three million industrious
+subjects during the first 139 years of its existence. It attacked
+princes of the blood,[85] archbishops, fathers of the Tridentine
+Council. It filled every city in the kingdom, the convents of the
+religious, and the palaces of the nobility, with spies. The Familiars,
+or lay brethren devoted to its service, lived at charges of the
+communes, and debauched society by crimes of rapine, lust, and
+violence.[86] Ignorant and bloodthirsty monks composed its provincial
+tribunals, who, like the horrible Lucero el Tenebroso at Cordova,
+paralyzed whole provinces with a veritable reign of terror.[87] Hated
+and worshiped, its officers swept through the realm in the guise of
+powerful _condottieri_. The Grand Inquisitor maintained a bodyguard of
+fifty mounted Familiars and two hundred infantry; his subordinates were
+allowed ten horsemen and fifty archers apiece. Where these black guards
+appeared, city gates were opened; magistrates swore fealty to masters of
+more puissance than the king; the resources of flourishing districts
+were placed at their disposal. Their arbitrary acts remained
+unquestioned, their mysterious sentences irreversible. Shrouded in
+secrecy, amenable to no jurisdiction but their own, they reveled in the
+license of irresponsible dominion. Spain gradually fell beneath the
+charm of their dark fascination. A brave though cruel nation drank
+delirium from the poison-cup of these vile medicine-men, whose
+Moloch-worship would have disgusted cannibals.
+
+[Footnote 85: Llorente, in his introduction to the _History of the
+Inquisition_, gives a long list of illustrious Spanish victims.]
+
+[Footnote 86: See Llorente, vol. i. p. 349, for their outrages on
+women.]
+
+[Footnote 87: For the history of Lucero's tyranny, read Llorente, vol.
+i. pp. 345-353. When at last he had to be deposed, it was not to a
+dungeon or the scaffold, but to his bishopric of Almeria that this
+miscreant was relegated.]
+
+Torquemada was the genius of evil who created and presided over this
+foul instrument of human crime and folly. During his eighteen years of
+administration, reckoning from 1480 to 1498, he sacrificed, according to
+Llorente's calculation, above 114,000 victims, of whom 10,220 were
+burned alive, 6,860 burned in effigy, and 97,000 condemned to perpetual
+imprisonment or public penitence.[88] He, too, it was who in 1492
+compelled Ferdinand to drive the Jews from his dominions. They offered
+30,000 ducats for the war against Granada, and promised to abide in
+Spain under heavy social disabilities, if only they might be spared this
+act of national extermination. Then Torquemada appeared before the king,
+and, raising his crucifix on high, cried: 'Judas sold Christ for thirty
+pieces of silver. Look ye to it, if ye do the like!' The edict of
+expulsion was issued on the last of March. Before the last of July all
+Jews were sentenced to depart, carrying no gold or silver with them.
+They disposed of their lands, houses, and goods for next to nothing, and
+went forth to die by thousands on the shores of Africa and Italy. Twelve
+who were found concealed at Malaga in August were condemned to be
+pricked to death by pointed reeds.[89]
+
+The exodus of the Jews was followed in 1502 by a similar exodus of
+Moors from Castile, and in 1524 by an exodus of Mauresques from Aragon.
+To compute the loss of wealth and population inflicted upon Spain by
+these mad edicts, would be impossible. We may wonder whether the
+followers of Cortez, when they trod the teocallis of Mexico and gazed
+with loathing on the gory elf-locks of the Aztec priests, were not
+reminded of the Torquemada they had left at home. His cruelty became so
+intolerable that even Alexander VI. was moved to horror. In 1494 the
+Borgia appointed four assessors, with equal powers, to restrain the
+blood-thirst of the fanatic.
+
+[Footnote 88: Llorente, vol. i. p. 229. The basis for these and
+following calculations is explained _ib._ pp. 272-281.]
+
+[Footnote 89: _Ibid._ vol. i. p. 263.]
+
+After Torquemada, Diego Deza reigned as second Inquisitor General from
+1498 to 1507. In these years, according to the same calculation, 2,592
+were burned alive, 896 burned in effigy, 34,952 condemned to prison or
+public penitence.[90] Cardinal Ximenez de Cisneros followed between 1507
+and 1517. The victims of this decade were 3,564 burned alive, 1,232
+burned in effigy, 48,059 condemned to prison or public penitence.[91]
+Adrian, Bishop of Tortosa, tutor to Charles V., and afterwards Pope, was
+Inquisitor General between 1516 and 1525. Castile, Aragon, and
+Catalonia, at this epoch, simultaneously demanded a reform of the Holy
+Office from their youthful sovereign. But Charles refused, and the tale
+of Adrian's administration was 1,620 burned alive, 560 burned in effigy,
+21,845 condemned to prison or public penitence.[92] The total, during
+forty-three years, between 1481 and 1525, amounted to 234,526, including
+all descriptions of condemned heretics.[93] These figures are of
+necessity vague, for the Holy Office left but meager records of its
+proceedings. The vast numbers of cases brought before the Inquisitors
+rendered their method of procedure almost as summary as that of Fouquier
+Thinville, while policy induced them to bury the memory of their victims
+in oblivion.[94]
+
+[Footnote 90: Llorente, p. 341.]
+
+[Footnote 91: _Ibid._ p. 360.]
+
+[Footnote 92: Llorente, p. 406.]
+
+[Footnote 93: _Ib._ p. 407.]
+
+[Footnote 94: I know that Llorente's calculations have been disputed:
+as, for instance, in some minor details by Prescott (_Ferd. and Isab._
+vol. iii. p. 492). The truth is that no data now exist for forming a
+correct census of the victims of the Spanish Moloch; and Llorente,
+though he writes with the moderation of evident sincerity, and though he
+had access to the archives of the Inquisition, does not profess to do
+more than give an estimate based upon certain fixed data. However, it
+signifies but little whether we reckon by thousands or by fifteen
+hundreds. That foul monster spawned in the unholy embracements of
+perverted religion with purblind despotism cannot be defended by
+discounting five or even ten per cent. Let its apologists write for
+every 1000 of Llorente 100, and for every 100 of Llorente 10, and our
+position will remain unaltered. The Jesuit historian of Spain, Mariana,
+records the burning-of 2000 persons in Andalusia alone in 1482.
+Bernaldez mentions 700 burned in the one town of Seville between 1482
+and 1489. An inscription carved above the portals of the Holy Office in
+Seville stated that about 1000 had been burned between 1492 and 1524.]
+
+Sometimes, while reading the history of the Holy Office in Spain, we are
+tempted to imagine that the whole is but a grim unwholesome nightmare,
+or the fable of malignant calumny. That such is not the case, however,
+is proved by a jubilant inscription on the palace of the Holy Office at
+Seville, which records the triumphs of Torquemada. Of late years, too,
+the earth herself has disgorged some secrets of the Inquisition. 'A most
+curious discovery,' writes Lord Malmesbury in his Memoirs,[95] 'has been
+made at Madrid. Just at the time when the question of religious liberty
+was being discussed in the Cortes, Serrano had ordered a piece of ground
+to be leveled, in order to build on it; and the workmen came upon large
+quantities of human bones, skulls, lumps of blackening flesh, pieces of
+chains, and braids of hair. It was then recollected that the _autos da
+fé_ used to take place at that spot in former days. Crowds of people
+rushed to the place, and the investigation was continued. They found
+layer upon layer of human remains, showing that hundreds had been
+inhumanly sacrificed. The excitement and indignation this produced among
+the people was tremendous, and the party for religious freedom taking
+advantage of it, a Bill on the subject was passed by an enormous
+majority.' Let modern Spain remember that a similar Aceldama lies hidden
+in the precincts of each of her chief towns!
+
+[Footnote 95: Vol. ii. p. 399.]
+
+I have enlarged upon the details of the Spanish Inquisition for two
+reasons. In the first place it strikingly illustrates the character of
+the people who now had the upper hand in Italy. In the second place, its
+success induced Paul III., acting upon the advice of Giov. Paolo
+Caraffa, to remodel the Roman office on a similar type in 1542. It may
+at once be said that the real Spanish Inquisition was never introduced
+into Italy.[96] Such an institution, claiming independent jurisdiction
+and flaunting its cruelties in the light of day, would not have suited
+the Papal policy. As temporal and spiritual autocrats, the Popes could
+not permit a tribunal of which they were not the supreme authority. It
+was their interest to consult their pecuniary advantage rather than to
+indulge insane fanaticism; to repress liberty of thought by cautious
+surveillance rather than by public terrorism and open acts of cruelty.
+The Italian temperament was, moreover, more humane than the Spanish; nor
+had the refining culture of the Renaissance left no traces in the
+nation. Furthermore, the necessity for so Draconian an institution was
+not felt. Catholicism in Italy had not to contend with Jews and Moors,
+Marranos and Moriscoes. It was, indeed, alarmed by the spread of
+Lutheran opinions. Caraffa complained to Paul III. that 'the whole of
+Italy is infected with the Lutheran heresy, which has been embraced not
+only by statesmen, but also by many ecclesiastics.'[97] Pius V. was so
+panic-stricken by the prevalence of heresy in Faenza that he seriously
+meditated destroying the town and dispersing its inhabitants.[98] Yet,
+after a few years of active persecution, this peril proved to be unreal.
+The Reformation had not taken root so deep and wide in Italy that it
+could not be eradicated. When, therefore, the Spanish viceroys sought
+to establish their national Inquisition in Naples and Milan, the
+rebellious people received protection and support from the Papacy; and
+the Holy Office, as remodeled in Rome, became a far less awful engine of
+oppression than that of Seville.
+
+[Footnote 96: Naples and Milan passionately and successfully opposed its
+introduction by the Spanish viceroys. But it ruled in Sicily and
+Sardinia.]
+
+[Footnote 97: McCrie, p. 186.]
+
+[Footnote 98: Mutinelli, _Storia Arcana_, vol. i. p. 79.]
+
+It was sufficiently severe, however. 'At Rome,' writes a resident in
+1568, 'some are daily burned, hanged, or beheaded; the prisons and
+places of confinement are filled, and they are obliged to build new
+ones.'[99] This general statement may be checked by extracts from the
+despatches of Venetian ambassadors in Rome, which, though they are not
+continuous, and cannot be supposed to give an exhaustive list of the
+victims of the Inquisition, enable us to judge with some degree of
+accuracy what the frequency of executions may have been.[100]
+
+[Footnote 99: McCrie, p. 272.]
+
+[Footnote 100: Mutinelli's _Storia Arcana_, etc. vol. i., is the source
+from which I have drawn the details given above.]
+
+On September 27, 1567, a session of the Holy Office was held at S. Maria
+sopra Minerva. Seventeen heretics were condemned. Fifteen of these were
+sentenced to perpetual imprisonment, the galleys for life, fines, or
+temporary imprisonment, according to the nature of their offenses. Two
+were reserved for capital punishment--namely, Carnesecchi and a friar
+from Cividale di Belluno. They were beheaded and burned upon the bridge
+of S. Angelo on October 4. On May 28, 1569, there was an Act of the
+Inquisition at the Minerva, twenty Cardinals attending. Four impenitent
+heretics were condemned to the stake. Ten penitents were sentenced to
+various punishments of less severity. On August 2, 1578, occurred a
+singular scandal touching some Spaniards and Portuguese of evil manners,
+all of whom were burned with the exception of those who contrived to
+escape in time. On August 5, 1581, an English Protestant was burned for
+grossly insulting the Host. On February 20, 1582, after an Act of the
+Inquisition in due form, seventeen heretics were sentenced, three to
+death, and the rest to imprisonment, etc. We must bear in mind that
+Mutinelli, who published the extracts from the Venetian dispatches which
+contain these details, does not profess to aim at completeness. Gaps of
+several years occur between the documents of one envoy and those of his
+successor. Nor does it appear that the writers themselves took notice of
+more than solemn and ceremonial proceedings, in which the Acts of the
+Inquisition were published with Pontifical and Curial pomp.[101] Still,
+when these considerations have been weighed, it will appear that the
+victims of the Inquisition, in Rome, could be counted, not by hundreds,
+but by units. After illustrious examples, like those of Aonio Paleario,
+Pietro Carnesecchi, Giordano Bruno, who were burned for Protestant or
+Atheistical opinions, the names of distinguished sufferers are few. Wary
+heretics, a Celio Secundo Curio, a Galeazzo Caracciolo, a Bernardino
+Ochino, a Pietro Martire Vermigli, a Pietro Paolo Vergerio, a Lelio
+Socino, escaped betimes to Switzerland, and carried on their warfare
+with the Church by means of writings.[102] Others, tainted with heresy,
+like Marco Antonio Flaminio, managed to satisfy the Inquisition by
+timely concessions. The Protestant Churches, which had sprung up in
+Venice, Lucca, Modena, Ferrara, Faenza, Vicenza, Bologna, Naples, and
+Siena, were easily dispersed.[103] Their pastors fled or submitted. The
+flocks conformed to Catholic orthodoxy. Only in a few cases was extreme
+rigor displayed. A memorable massacre took place in the year 1561 in
+Calabria within the province of Cosenza.[104] Here at the end of the
+fourteenth century a colony of Waldensians had settled in some villages
+upon the coast. They preserved their peculiar beliefs and ritual, and
+after three centuries numbered about 4000 souls. Nearly the whole of
+these, it seems, were exterminated by sword, fire, famine, torture,
+noisome imprisonment, and hurling from the summits of high cliffs. A few
+of the survivors were sent to work upon the Spanish galleys. Some women
+and children were sold into slavery. At Locarno, on the Lago Maggiore, a
+Protestant community of nearly 300 persons was driven into exile in
+1555; and at Venice, in 1560-7, a small sect, holding reformed opinions,
+suffered punishment of a peculiar kind. We read of five persons by name,
+who, after being condemned by the Holy Office, were taken at night from
+their dungeons to the Porto del Lido beyond the Due Castelli, and there
+set upon a plank between two gondolas. The gondolas rowed asunder; and
+one by one the martyrs fell and perished in the waters.[105]
+
+[Footnote 101: It is singular that only one contemporary writes from
+Rome about Bruno's execution in 1600; whence, I think, we may infer that
+such events were too common to excite much attention.]
+
+[Footnote 102: The main facts about these men may be found in Cantù's
+_Gli Eretici d'Italia_, vol. ii. This work is written in no spirit of
+sympathy with Reformers. But it is superior in learning and impartiality
+to McCrie's.]
+
+[Footnote 103: For the repressive measures used at Lucca, see _Archivio
+Storico_, vol. x. pp. 162-185. They include the prohibition of books,
+regulation of the religious observances of Lucchese citizens abroad in
+France or Flanders, and proscription of certain heretics, with whom all
+intercourse was forbidden.]
+
+[Footnote 104: An eye-witness gives a heart-rending account of these
+persecutions: sixty thrown from the tower of Guardia, eighty-eight
+butchered like beasts in one day at Montalto, seven burned alive, one
+hundred old women tortured and then slaughtered. _Arch. Stor._, vol. ix.
+pp. 193-195.]
+
+[Footnote 105: McCrie, _op. cit._ p. 232-236. The five men were Giulio
+Gherlandi of Spresian, near Treviso (executed in 1562), Antonio Rizzetta
+of Vicenza (in 1566), Francesco Sega of Rovigo (sentenced in 1566),
+Francesco Spinola of Milan (in 1567), and Fra Baldo Lupatino (1556).
+McCrie bases his report upon the _Histoire des Martyrs_ (Genève, 1597)
+and De Porta's _Historia Reformationis Rhaeticarum Ecclesiarum_.
+Thinking these sources somewhat suspicious, I applied to my friend Mr.
+H.F. Brown, whose researches in the Venetian archives are becoming known
+to students of Italian history. He tells me that all the above cases,
+except that of Spinola, exist in the Frari. Lupatino was condemned as a
+Lutheran; the others as Anabaptists. In passing sentence on Lupatino,
+the Chief Inquisitor remarked that he could not condemn him to death by
+fire in Venice, but must consign him to a watery grave. This is
+characteristic of Venetian state policy. It appears that, of the
+above-named persons, Sega, though sentenced to death by drowning,
+recanted at the last moment, saying, 'Non voglio esser negato, ma voglio
+redirmi et morir buon Christiano.' Mr. Brown adds that there is nothing
+in the archives to prove that he was executed; but there is also nothing
+to show that his sentence was commuted. Two other persons involved in
+this trial, viz. Nic. Bucello of Padua and Alessio of Bellinzona, upon
+recantation, were subjected to public penances and confessions for
+different terms of years. Sega's fate must, therefore, be considered
+doubtful; since the fact that no commutation of sentence is on record
+lends some weight to the hypothesis that he withdrew his recantation,
+and submitted to martyrdom. I will close this note by expressing my hope
+that Mr. Brown, who is already engaged upon the papers of the Venetian
+Holy Office, will make them shortly the subject of a special
+publication. Considering how rare are the full and authentic records of
+any Inquisition, this would be of incalculable value for students of
+history. The series of trials in the Frari extends from 1541 to 1794,
+embracing 1562 _processi_ for the sixteenth century, 1469 for the
+seventeenth, 541 for the eighteenth, and 25 of no date. Nearly all the
+towns and districts of the Venetian State are involved.]
+
+The position of the Holy Office in Venice was so far peculiar as to
+justify a digression upon its special constitution. Always jealous of
+ecclesiastical interference, the Republic insisted on the Inquisition
+being made dependent on the State. Three nobles of senatorial rank were
+chosen to act as Assessors of the Holy Office in the capital; and in the
+subject cities this function was assigned to the Rectors, or lieutenants
+of S. Mark. It was the duty of these lay members to see that justice was
+impartially dealt by the ecclesiastical tribunal, to defend the State
+against clerical encroachments, and to refer dubious cases to the Doge
+in Council. They were forbidden to swear oaths of allegiance or of
+secrecy to the Holy Office, and were bound to be present at all trials,
+even in the case of ecclesiastical offenders. No causes could be
+avvocated to Rome, and no crimes except heresy were held to lie within
+the jurisdiction of the court. The State reserved to itself witchcraft,
+profane swearing, bigamy and usury; allowed no interference with Jews,
+infidels and Greeks; forbade the confiscation of goods in which the
+heirs of condemned persons had interest; and made separate stipulations
+with regard to the Index of Prohibited Books. It precluded the
+Inquisition from extending its authority in any way, direct or indirect,
+over trades, arts, guilds, magistrates, and communal officials.[106] The
+tenor of this system was to repress ecclesiastical encroachments on the
+State prerogatives, and to secure equity in the proceedings of the Holy
+Office. Had practice answered to theory in the Venetian Inquisition, by
+far the worst abuses of the institution would have been avoided. But as
+a matter of fact, causes were not unfrequently transferred to Rome;
+confiscations were permitted; and the lists of the condemned include
+Mussulmans, witches, conjurors, men of scandalous life, etc., showing
+that the jurisdiction of the Holy Office extended beyond heresy in
+Venice.[107]
+
+[Footnote 106: See Sarpi's 'Discourse on the Inquisition,' _Opere_, vol.
+iv.]
+
+[Footnote 107: I owe to Mr. H.F. Brown details about the register of
+criminals condemned by the Holy Office, which substantiate my statement
+regarding the various types of cases in its jurisdiction.]
+
+The truth is that the Venetians, though they were willing to risk an
+open rupture with Rome, remained at heart sound Churchmen devoted to the
+principles of the Catholic Reaction. The Republic conceded the fact of
+Inquisitorial authority, while it reserved the letter of
+State-supervision. Venetian decadence was marked by this hypocrisy of
+pride; and so long as appearances were saved, the Holy Office exercised
+its functions freely. The nobles who acted as assessors had no sympathy
+with religious toleration, being themselves under the influence of
+confessors and directors.
+
+How little the subjects of S. Mark at this epoch trusted the good faith
+of laws securing liberty of thought in Venice, may be gathered from what
+happened immediately after the publication of the Index Expurgatorius in
+1596. From an official report upon the decline of the printing trade in
+Venice, it appears that within the space of a few months the number of
+presses fell from 125 to 40.[108] Printers were afraid to undertake
+either old or new works, and the trade languished for lack of books to
+publish. Yet an edict had been issued announcing that by the terms of
+the Concordat with Clement VIII., the Venetian press would only be
+subject to State control and not to the Roman tribunals.[109] The truth
+is that, in regard both to the Holy Office and to the Index, Venice was
+never strong enough to maintain the independence which she boasted. By
+cunning use of the confessional, and by unscrupulous control of opinion,
+the Church succeeded in doing there much the same as in any other
+Italian city. Successive Popes made, indeed, a show of respecting the
+liberties of the Republic. On material points, touching revenue and
+State-administration, they felt it wise to concede even more than
+complimentary privileges; and when Paul V. encroached upon these
+privileges, the Venetians were ready to resist him. Yet the quarrels
+between the Vatican and San Marco were, after all, but family disputes.
+The Venetians at the close of the sixteenth century proved themselves no
+better friends to spiritual freedom than were the Grand Dukes of
+Tuscany. Their political jealousies, commercial anxieties, and feints of
+maintaining a power that was rapidly decaying, denoted no partiality for
+the opponents of Rome--unless, like Sarpi, these wore the livery of the
+State, and defended with the pen its secular prerogatives. Therefore,
+when the Signory published Clement VIII.'s Index, when copies of that
+Index were sown broadcast, while only an edition of sixty was granted to
+the Concordat, authors and publishers felt, and felt rightly, that their
+day had passed. The art of printing sank at once to less than a third of
+its productivity. The city where it had flourished so long, and where it
+had effected so much of enduring value for European culture, was gagged
+in scarcely a less degree than Rome. We have full right to insist upon
+these facts, and to draw from them a stringent corollary. If Venice
+allowed the trade in books, which had brought her so much profit and
+such honor in the past, to be paralyzed by Clement's Index, what must
+have happened in other Italian towns? The blow which maimed Venetian
+literature, was mortal elsewhere; and the finest works of genius in the
+first half of the seventeenth century had to find their publishers in
+Paris.[110] But these reflections have led me to anticipate the proper
+development of the subject of this chapter.
+
+[Footnote 108: The document in question, prepared for the use of the
+Signoria, exists in MS. in the Marcian Library, Misc. Eccl. et Civ.
+Class. VII. Cod. MDCCLXI.]
+
+[Footnote 109: This edict is dated August 24, 1596.]
+
+[Footnote 110: This will be apparent when I come to treat of Marino and
+Tassoni.]
+
+In Italy at large, the forces of the Inquisition were directed, not as
+in Spain against heretics in masses, but against the leaders of
+heretical opinion; and less against personalities than against ideas.
+Italy during the Renaissance had been the workshop of ideas for Europe.
+It was the business of the Counter-Reformation to check the industry of
+that _officina scientiarum_, to numb the nervous centers which had
+previously emitted thought of pregnant import for the modern world, and
+to prevent the reflux of ideas, elaborated by the northern races in
+fresh forms, upon the intelligence which had evolved them. To do so now
+was comparatively easy. It only needed to put the engine of the Index
+Librorum Prohibitorum into working order in concert with the
+Inquisition.
+
+Throughout the Middle Ages it had been customary to burn heretical
+writings. The bishops, the universities, and the Dominican Inquisitors
+exercised this privilege; and by their means, in the age of manuscripts,
+the life of a book was soon extinguished. Whole libraries were sometimes
+sacrificed at one fell swoop, as in the case of the 6000 volumes
+destroyed at Salamanca in 1490 by Torquemada, on a charge of
+sorcery.[111] After the invention of printing it became more difficult
+to carry on this warfare against literature, while the rapid diffusion
+of Protestant opinions through the press rendered the need for their
+extermination urgent. Sixtus IV. laid a basis for the Index by
+prohibiting the publication of any books which had not previously been
+licensed by ecclesiastical authority. Alexander VI. by a brief of 15O1
+confirmed this measure, and placed books under the censorship of the
+episcopacy and the Inquisition. Finally, the Lateran Council, in its
+tenth session, held under the auspices of Leo X., gave solemn ecumenical
+sanction to these regulations.
+
+The censorship having been thus established, the next step was to form a
+list of books prohibited by the Inquisitors appointed for that purpose.
+The Sorbonne in Paris drew one up for their own use, and even presented
+a petition to Francis I. that publication through the press should be
+forbidden altogether.[112] A royal edict to this effect was actually
+promulgated in 1535. Charles V. commissioned the University of Louvain
+in 1539 to furnish a similar catalogue, proclaiming at the same time the
+penalty of death for all who read or owned the works of Luther in his
+realms.[113] The University printed their catalogue with Papal approval
+in 1549.
+
+[Footnote 111: Llorente, vol. i. p. 281.]
+
+[Footnote 112: Christie's _Etienne Dolet_, pp. 220-24.]
+
+[Footnote 113: Llorente, vol. i. p. 463.]
+
+These lists of the Sorbonne and Louvain formed the nucleus of the
+Apostolic Index, which, after the close of the Council of Trent, became
+binding upon Catholics. When the Inquisition had been established in
+Rome, Caraffa, who was then at its head, obtained the sanction of Paul
+III. for submitting all books, old or new, printed or in manuscript, to
+the supervision of the Holy Office. He also contrived to place
+booksellers, public and private libraries, colporteurs and officers of
+customs, under the same authority; so that from 1543 forward it was a
+penal offence to print, sell, own, convey or import any literature, of
+which the Inquisition had not first been informed, and for the diffusion
+or possession of which it had not given its permission. Giovanni della
+Casa, who was sent in 1546 to Venice with commission to prosecute P.
+Paolo Vergerio for heresy, drew up a list of about seventy prohibited
+volumes, which was printed in that city.[114] Other lists appeared, at
+Florence in 1552, and at Milan in 1554. Philip II. at last, in 1558,
+issued a royal edict commanding the publication of one catalogue which
+should form the standard for such Indices throughout his States.[115]
+These lists, revised, collated, and confirmed by Papal authority, were
+reprinted, in the form which ever afterwards obtained, at Rome, by
+command of Paul IV. in 1559.
+
+[Footnote 114: In the year 1548. The MS. cited above (p. 192) mentions
+another Index of the Venetian Holy Office published in 1554.]
+
+[Footnote 115: Sarpi, _Ist. del Conc. Tial_, vol. ii..p. 90.]
+
+The Tridentine Council ratified the regulations of the Inquisition and
+the Index concerning prohibited books, and referred the execution of
+them in detail to the Papacy. A congregation was appointed at Rome,
+which, though technically independent of the Holy Office, worked in
+concert with it. This Congregation of the Index brought the Tridentine
+decrees into harmony with the practice that had been developed by
+Caraffa as Inquisitor and Pope. Their list was published in 1564 with
+the authority of Pius IV. Finally, in 1595 the decrees embodying the
+statutes of the Church upon this topic were issued in print, together
+with a largely augmented catalogue of interdicted books. This document
+will form the basis of what I have to say with regard to the Catholic
+crusade against literature.
+
+Not without reason did Aonio Paleario call this engine of the Index 'a
+dagger drawn from the scabbard to assassinate letters'--_sica districta
+in omnes scriptores_.[116] Not without reason did Sarpi describe it as
+'the finest secret which has ever been discovered for applying religion
+to the purpose of making men idiotic.'[117]
+
+[Footnote 116: In his _Oratio pro se ipso ad Senenses_. Printed by
+Gryphius at Lyons in 1552.]
+
+[Footnote 117: _1st. del Conc. Trid_. vol. ii. p. 91. The passage
+deserves to be Paul IV. designated in his transcribed. 'Sotto colore di
+fede e religione sono vietati con la medesima severità e dannati gli
+autori de'libri da'quali l'autorità del principe e magistrati temporali
+è difesa dalle usurpazioni ecclesiastiche; dove l'autorità de' Concilj è
+de'Vescovi è difesa dalle usurpazioni della Corte Romana; dove le
+ipocrisie o tirannidi con le quali sotto pretesto di religione il popolo
+è ingannato o violentato sono manifestate. In somma non fu mai trovato
+più bell'arcano per adoperare la religione a far gli uomini insensati.']
+
+
+Index Expurgatorius sixty-one printing firms by name, all of whose
+publications were without exception prohibited, adding a similar
+prohibition for the books edited by any printer who had published the
+writings of any heretic; so that in fine, as Sarpi says, 'there was not
+a book left to read.' Truly he might well exclaim in another passage
+that the Church was doing its best to extinguish sound learning
+altogether.[118]
+
+In order to gain a clear conception of the warfare carried on by Rome
+against free literature, it will be well to consider first the rules for
+the Index of Prohibited Books, sketched out by the fathers delegated by
+the Tridentine Council, published by Pius IV., augmented by Sixtus V.,
+and reduced to their final form by Clement VIII. in 1595.[119]
+Afterwards I shall proceed to explain the operation of the system, and
+to illustrate by details the injury inflicted upon learning and
+enlightenment.
+
+[Footnote 118: _Discorso Sopra l'Inq._ vol. iv. p. 54.]
+
+[Footnote 119: These rules form the Preface to modern editions of the
+Index. The one I use is dated Naples, 1862. They are also printed in
+vol. iv. of Sarpi's works.]
+
+The preambles to this document recite the circumstances under which the
+necessity for digesting an Index or Catalogue of Prohibited Books arose.
+These were the diffusion of heretical opinions at the epoch of the
+Lutheran schism, and their propagation through the press. The Council of
+Trent decreed that a list of writings 'heretical, or suspected of
+heretical pravity, or injurious to manners and piety,' should be drawn
+up. This charge they committed to prelates chosen from all nations, who,
+when the catalogue had been completed, referred it for sanction and
+approval to the Pope. He nominated a congregation of eminent
+ecclesiastics, by whose care the catalogue was perfected, and rules were
+framed, defining the use that should be made of it in future. It issued
+officially, as I have already stated, in 1564, the fifth year of the
+pontificate of Pius IV., with warning to all universities and civil and
+ecclesiastical authorities that any person of what grade or condition
+soever, whether clerk or layman, who should read or possess one or more
+of the proscribed volumes, would be accounted _ipso jure_ excommunicate,
+and liable to prosecution by the Inquisition on a charge of heresy.[120]
+Booksellers, printers, merchants, and custom-house officials received
+admonition that the threat of excommunication and prosecution concerned
+them specially.
+
+[Footnote 120: Paulus Manutius Aldus printed this Index at Venice in
+1564.]
+
+The first rules deal with the acknowledged writings of Protestant
+heresiarchs. Those of Luther, Zwingli, and Calvin, whether in their
+original languages or translated, are condemned absolutely and without
+exception. Next follow regulations for securing the monopoly of the
+Vulgate, considered as the sole authorized version of the Holy
+Scriptures. Translations of portions of the Bible made by learned men in
+Latin may be used by scholars with permission of a bishop, provided it
+be understood that they are never appealed to as the inspired text.
+Translations into any vernacular idiom are strictly excluded from public
+use and circulation, but may, under exceptional circumstances, be
+allowed to students who have received license from a bishop or
+Inquisitor at the recommendation of their parish priest or confessor.
+Compilations made by heretics, in the form of dictionaries,
+concordances, etc., are to be prohibited until they have been purged and
+revised by censors of the press. The same regulation extends to
+polemical and controversial works touching on matters of doctrine in
+dispute between Catholics and Protestants. Next follow regulations
+concerning books containing lascivious or obscene matter, which are to
+be rigidly suppressed. Exception is made in favor of the classics, on
+account of their style; with the proviso that they are on no account to
+be given to boys to read. Treatises dealing professedly with occult
+arts, magic, sorcery, predictions of future events, incantation of
+spirits, and so forth, are to be proscribed; due reservation being made
+in favor of scientific observations touching navigation, agriculture,
+and the healing art, in which prognostics may be useful to mankind.
+Having thus broadly defined the literature which has to be suppressed or
+subjected to supervision, rules are laid down for the exercise of
+censure. Books, whereof the general tendency is good, but which contain
+passages savoring of heresy, superstition or divination, shall be
+reserved for the consideration of Catholic theologians appointed by the
+Inquisition; and this shall hold good also of prefaces, summaries, or
+annotations. All writings printed in Rome must be submitted to the
+judgment of the Vicar of the Pope, the Master of the Sacred Palace, or a
+person nominated by the Pontiff. In other cities the bishop, or his
+delegate, and the Inquisitor of the district, shall be responsible for
+examining printed or manuscript works previous to publication; and
+without their license it shall be illegal to circulate them.
+Inquisitorial visits shall from time to time be made, under the
+authority of the bishop and the Holy Office, in bookshops or printing
+houses, for the removal and destruction of prohibited works. Colporteurs
+of books across the frontiers, heirs and executors who have become
+depositaries of books, collectors of private libraries, as well as
+editors and booksellers, shall be liable to the same jurisdiction, bound
+to declare their property by catalogue, and to show license for the use,
+transmission, sale, or possession of the same.
+
+With regard to the correction of books, it is provided that this duty
+shall fall conjointly on bishops and Inquisitors, who must appoint three
+men distinguished for learning and piety to examine the text and make
+the necessary changes in it. Upon the report of these censors, the
+bishops and Inquisitors shall give license of publication, provided they
+are satisfied that the work of emendation has been duly performed. The
+censor must submit not only the body of a book, to scrupulous analysis;
+but he must also investigate the notes, summaries, marginal remarks,
+indexes, prefaces, and dedicatory epistles, lest haply pestilent
+opinions lurk there in ambush. He must keep a sharp lookout for
+heretical propositions, and arguments savoring of heresy; insinuations
+against the established order of the sacraments, ceremonies, usages and
+ritual of the Roman Church; new turns of phrase insidiously employed by
+heretics, with dubious and ambiguous expressions that may mislead the
+unwary; plausible citations of Scripture, or passages of holy writ
+extracted from heretical translations; quotations from the authorized
+text, which have been adduced in an unorthodox sense; epithets in honor
+of heretics, and anything that may redound to the praise of such
+persons; opinions savoring of sorcery and superstition; theories that
+involve the subjection of the human will to fate, fortune, and
+fallacious portents, or that imply paganism; aspersions upon
+ecclesiastics and princes; impugnments of the liberties, immunities, and
+jurisdiction of the Church; political doctrines in favor of antique
+virtues, despotic government, and the so-called Reason of State, which
+are in opposition to the evangelical and Christian law; satires on
+ecclesiastical rites, religious orders, and the state, dignity, and
+persons of the clergy; ribaldries or stories offensive and prejudicial
+to the fame and estimation of one's neighbors, together with
+lubricities, lascivious remarks, lewd pictures, and capital letters
+adorned with obscene images. All such peccant passages are to be
+expunged, obliterated, removed or radically altered, before the license
+for publication be accorded by the ordinary.
+
+No book shall be printed without the author's name in full, together
+with his nationality, upon the title-page. If there be sufficient reason
+for giving an anonymous work to the world, the censor's name shall stand
+for that of the author. Compilations of words, sentences, excerpts,
+etc., shall pass under the name of the compiler. Publishers and
+booksellers are to take care that the printed work agrees with the MS.
+copy as licensed, and to see that all rules with regard to the author's
+name and his authority to publish have been observed. They are,
+moreover, to take an oath before the Master of the Sacred Palace in
+Rome, or before the bishop and Inquisitor in other places, that they
+will scrupulously follow the regulations of the Index. The bishops and
+Inquisitors are held responsible for selecting as censors, men of
+approved piety and learning, whose good faith and integrity they shall
+guarantee, and who shall be such as will obey no promptings of private
+hatred or of favor, but will do all for the glory of God and the
+advantage of the faithful. The approbation of such censors, together
+with the license of the bishop and Inquisitor, shall be printed at the
+opening of every published book. Finally, if any work composed by a
+condemned author shall be licensed after due purgation and castration,
+it shall bear his name upon the title-page, together with the note of
+condemnation, to the end that, though the book itself be accepted, the
+author be understood to be rejected. Thus, for example, the title shall
+run as follows: 'The Library, by Conrad Gesner, a writer condemned for
+his opinions, which work was formerly published and proscribed, but is
+now expurgated and licensed by superior authority.'
+
+The Holy Office was made virtually responsible for the censorship of
+books. But, as I have already stated, there existed a Congregation of
+prelates in Rome to whom the final verdict upon this matter Was
+reserved. If an author in some provincial town composed a volume, he was
+bound in the first instance to submit the MS. to the censor appointed by
+the bishop and Inquisitor of his district. This man took time to weigh
+the general matter of the work before him, to scrutinize its
+propositions, verify quotations, and deliberate upon its tendency. When
+the license of the ordinary had been obtained, it was referred to the
+Roman Congregation of the Index, who might withhold or grant their
+sanction. So complicated was the machinery, and so vast the pressure
+upon the officials who were held responsible for the expurgation of
+every book imprinted or reprinted in all the Catholic presses, that even
+writers of conspicuous orthodoxy had to suffer grievous delays. An
+archbishop writes to Cardinal Sirleto about a book which had been
+examined thrice, at Rome, at Venice and again at Rome, and had obtained
+the Pope's approval, and yet the license for reprinting it is never
+issued.[121] The censors were not paid; and in addition to being
+overworked and over-burdened with responsibility, they were rarely men
+of adequate learning. In a letter from Bartolommeo de Valverde, chaplain
+to Philip II., under date 1584, we read plain-spoken complaints against
+these subordinates.[122] 'Unacquainted with literature, they discharge
+the function of condemning books they cannot understand. Without
+knowledge of Greek or Hebrew, and animated by a prejudiced hostility
+against authors, they take the easy course of proscribing what they feel
+incapable of judging. In this way the works of many sainted writers and
+the useful commentaries made by Jews have been suppressed.' A memorial
+to Sirleto, presented by Cardinal Gabriele Paleotti, points out the
+negligence of the Index-makers and their superficial discharge of
+onerous duties, praying that in future men of learning and honesty
+should be employed, and that they should receive payment for their
+labors.[123] These are the expostulations addressed by faithful
+Catholics, engaged in literary work demanded by the Vatican, to a
+Cardinal who was the soul and mover of the Congregation. They do not
+question the salutary nature of the Index, but only call attention to
+the incapacity and ignorance of its unpaid officials.
+
+[Footnote 121: Dejob, _De l'Influence_, etc. p. 60.]
+
+[Footnote 122: Id. _op. cit._ p. 76.]
+
+[Footnote 123: Id. _op. cit._ p. 78.]
+
+Meanwhile, it was no easy matter to appoint responsible and learned
+scholars to the post. The inefficient censors proceeded with their work
+of destruction and suppression. A commentator on a Greek Father, or the
+Psalms, was corrected by an ignoramus who knew neither Greek nor Hebrew,
+anxious to discover petty collisions with the Vulgate, and eager to
+create annoyances for the author. Latino Latini, one of the students
+employed by the Vatican, refused his name to an edition of Cyprian which
+he had carefully prepared with far more than the average erudition,
+because it had been changed throughout by the substitution of bad
+readings for good, in defiance of MS. authority, with a view of
+preserving a literal agreement with the Vulgate.[124] Sigonius, another
+of the Vatican students, was instructed to prepare certain text-books by
+Cardinal Paleotti. These were an Ecclesiastical History, a treatise on
+the Hebrew Commonwealth, and an edition of Sulpicius Severus. The MSS.
+were returned to him, accused of unsound doctrine, and scrawled over
+with such remarks as 'false,' 'absurd.'[125]
+
+[Footnote 124: Dejob, _op. cit._ p. 74.]
+
+[Footnote 125: Id. _op. cit._ p. 54.]
+
+In addition to the intolerable delays of the Censure, and the arrogant
+inadequacy of its officials, learned men suffered from the pettiest
+persecution at the hands of informers. The Inquisitors themselves were
+often spies and persons of base origin. 'The Roman Court,' says Sarpi,
+'being anxious that the office of the Inquisition should not suffer
+through negligence in its ministers, has confided these affairs to
+individuals without occupation, and whose mean estate renders them proud
+of their official position.'[126] It was not to be expected that such
+people should discharge their duties with intelligence and scrupulous
+equity. Pius V., himself an incorruptible Inquisitor, had to condemn one
+of his lieutenants for corruption or extortion of money by menaces.[127]
+There was still another source of peril and annoyance to which scholars
+were exposed. Their comrades, engaged in similar pursuits, not
+unfrequently wreaked private spite by denouncing them to the
+Congregation.[128] Van Linden indicated heresies in Osorius, Giovius,
+Albertus Pighius. The Jesuit Francesco Torres accused Maës, and
+threatened Latini. Sigonius obtained a license for his _History of
+Bologna_, but could not print it, owing to the delation of secret
+enemies. Baronius, when he had finished his Martyrology, found that a
+cabal had raised insuperable obstacles in the way of its publication. I
+have been careful to select only examples of notoriously Catholic
+authors, men who were in the pay and under the special protection of the
+Vatican. How it fared with less favored scholars, may be left to the
+imagination. We are not astonished to find a man like Latini writing
+thus from Rome to Maës during the pontificate of Paul IV.[129]
+
+[Footnote 126: Discorso dell'Origine, etc. dell'Inquisizione,' _Opp._
+vol. iv. p. 34.]
+
+[Footnote 127: Mutinelli, _Storia Arcana_, vol. i. p. 277.]
+
+[Footnote 128: Dejob, _op. cit._ pp. 53-57.]
+
+[Footnote 129: Id. _op. cit._ p. 75.]
+
+'Have you not heard of the peril which threatens the very existence of
+books? What are you dreaming of, when now that almost every published
+book is interdicted, you still think of making new ones? Here, as I
+imagine, there is no one who for many years to come will dare to write
+except on business or to distant friends. An Index has been issued of
+the works which none may possess under pain of excommunication; and the
+number of them is so great that very few indeed are left to us,
+especially of those which have been published in Germany. This
+shipwreck, this holocaust of books will stop the production of them in
+your country also, if I do not err, and will teach editors to be upon
+their guard. As you love me and yourself, sit and look at your bookcases
+without opening their doors, and beware lest the very cracks let
+emanations come to you from those forbidden fruits of learning.' This
+letter was written in 1559, when Paul proscribed sixty-one presses, and
+prohibited the perusal of any work that issued from them. He afterwards
+withdrew this interdict. But the Index did not stop its work of
+extirpation.
+
+Another embarrassment which afflicted men of learning, was the danger of
+possessing books by heretics and the difficulty of procuring them.[130]
+Yet they could not carry on their Biblical studies without reference to
+such authors as, for example, Erasmus or Reuchlin. The universities
+loudly demanded that books of sound erudition by heretics should at
+least be expurgated and republished. Yet the process of disfiguring
+their arguments, effacing the names of authors, expunging the praises of
+heretics, altering quotations and retouching them all over, involved so
+much labor that the demand was never satisfied. The strict search
+instituted at the frontiers stopped the importation of books,[131] and
+carriers refused to transmit them. In their dread of the Inquisition,
+these folk found it safer to abstain from book traffic altogether.
+Public libraries were exposed to intermittent raids, nor were private
+collections safe from such inspection. The not uncommon occurrence of
+old books in which precious and interesting passages have been erased
+with printer's ink, or pasted over with slips of opaque paper, testifies
+to the frequency of these inquisitorial visitations.[132] Any casual
+acquaintance, on leaving a man's house, might denounce him as the
+possessor of a proscribed volume; and everybody who owned a book-case
+was bound to furnish the Inquisitors with a copy of his catalogue.
+Book-stalls lay open to the malevolence of informers. We possess an
+insolent letter of Antonio Possevino to Cardinal Sirleto, telling him
+that he had noticed a forbidden book by Filiarchi on a binder's counter,
+and bidding him to do his duty by suppressing it.[133] When this
+Cardinal's library was exposed for sale after his death, the curious
+observed that it contained 1872 MSS. in Greek and Latin, 530 volumes of
+printed Greek books, and 3939 volumes of Latin, among which 39 were on
+the Index. But charity suggested that the Cardinal had retained these
+last for censure.
+
+[Footnote 130: Sarpi's Letters abound in useful information on this
+topic. Writing to French correspondents, he complains weekly of the
+impossibility even in Venice of obtaining books. See, for instance,
+_Lettere_, vol. i. pp. 286, 287, 360, vol. ii. p. 13. In one passage he
+says that the importation of books into Italy is impeded at Innsbruck,
+Trento, and throughout the Tyrolese frontiers (vol. i. p. 74). In
+another he warns his friends not to send them concealed in merchandise,
+since they will fall under so many eyes in the custom-houses and
+lazzaretti (vol. i. p. 303).]
+
+[Footnote 131: It was usual at this epoch to send Protestant
+publications from beyond the Alps in bales of cotton or other goods.
+This appears from the Lucchese proclamations against heresy published in
+_Arch. Stor._ vol. x.]
+
+[Footnote 132: I may mention that having occasion to consult
+Savonarola's works in the Public Library of Perugia, which has a fairly
+good collection of them, I found them useless for purposes of study by
+reason of these erasures and Burke-plasters.]
+
+[Footnote 133: Dejob, _op. cit._ p. 43.]
+
+During the period of the Counter-Reformation it was the cherished object
+of the Popes to restore ecclesiastical and theological learning. They
+gathered men of erudition round them in the Vatican, and established a
+press for the purpose of printing the Fathers and diffusing Catholic
+literature. But they were met in the pursuance of this project by very
+serious difficulties. Their own policy tended to stifle knowledge and
+suppress criticism. The scholars whom they chose as champions of the
+faith worked with tied hands. Baronio knew no Greek; Latini knew hardly
+any; Bellarmino is thought to have known but little. And yet these were
+the apostles of Catholic enlightenment, the defenders of the infallible
+Church against students of the caliber of Erasmus, Casaubon, Sarpi! An
+insuperable obstacle to sacred studies of a permanently useful kind was
+the Tridentine decree which had declared the Vulgate inviolable. No
+codex of age or authority which displayed a reading at variance with the
+inspired Latin version might be cited. Sirleto, custodian of the Vatican
+Library, refused lections from its MSS. to learned men, on the ground
+that they might seem to impugn the Vulgate.[134] For the same reason,
+the critical labors of all previous students, from Valla to Erasmus, on
+the text of the Bible were suppressed, and the best MSS. of the Fathers
+were ruthlessly garbled, in order to bring their quotations into
+accordance with Jerome's translation. Galesini takes credit to himself
+in a letter to Sirleto for having withheld a clearly right reading in
+his edition of the Psalms, because it explained a mistake in the
+Vulgate.[135] We have seen how Latini's Cyprian suffered from the
+censure; and there is a lamentable history of the Vatican edition of
+Ambrose, which was so mutilated that the Index had to protect it from
+confrontation with the original codices.[136] This dishonest dealing not
+only discouraged students and paralyzed the energy of critical
+investigation; but it also involved the closing of public libraries to
+scholars. The Vatican could not afford to let the light of science in
+upon its workshop of forgeries and sophistications.
+
+[Footnote 134: Dejob, _op. cit._ p. 50. Also his _Muret_, pp. 223-227.]
+
+[Footnote 135: Dejob, _De l'Influence_, p. 49.]
+
+[Footnote 136: Id. _op. cit._ pp. 96-98.]
+
+A voice of reasonable remonstrance was sometimes raised by even the most
+incorruptible children of the Church. Thus Bellarmino writes to Cardinal
+Sirleto, suggesting a doubt whether it is obligatory to adhere to the
+letter of the Tridentine decree upon the Vulgate.[137] Is it rational,
+he asks, to maintain that every sentence in the Latin text is
+impeccable? Must we reject those readings in the Hebrew and the Greek,
+which elucidate the meaning of the Scriptures, in cases where Jerome has
+followed a different and possibly a corrupt authority? Would it not be
+more sensible to regard the Vulgate as the sole authorized version for
+use in universities, pulpits, and divine service, while admitting that
+it is not an infallible rendering of the inspired original? He also
+touches, in a similar strain of scholar-like liberality, upon the
+Septuagint, pointing out that this version cannot have been the work of
+seventy men in unity, since the translator of Job seems to have been
+better acquainted with Greek than Hebrew, while the reverse is true of
+the translator of Solomon. Such remonstrances were not, however,
+destined to make themselves effectively heard. Instead of relaxing its
+severity after the pontificate of Pius IV., the Congregation of the
+Index grew, as we have seen, more rigid, until, in the rules digested by
+Clement VIII., it enforced the strictest letter of the law regarding the
+Vulgate, and ratified all the hypocrisies and subterfuges which that
+implied.
+
+[Footnote 137: This very interesting and valuable letter is printed by
+Dejob in the work I have so often cited, p. 391.]
+
+Under the conditions which I have attempted to describe, it was
+impossible that Italy should hold her place among the nations which
+encouraged liberal studies. Rome had one object in view--to gag the
+revolutionary free voice of the Renaissance, to protect conservative
+principles, to establish her own supremacy, and to secure the triumph of
+the Counter-Reformation. In pursuance of this policy, she had to react
+against the learning and the culture of the classical revival; and her
+views were seconded not only by the overwhelming political force of
+Spain in the Peninsula, but also by the petty princes who felt that
+their existence was imperiled.
+
+Independence of judgment was rigorously proscribed in all academies and
+seats of erudition. New methods of education and new text-books were
+forbidden. Professors found themselves hampered in their choice of
+antique authors. Only those classics which were sanctioned by the
+Congregation of the Index could be used in lecture-rooms. On the one
+hand, the great republican advocates of independence had incurred
+suspicion. On the other hand, the poets were prohibited as redolent of
+paganism. To mingle philosophy with rhetoric was counted a crime. Thomas
+Aquinas had set up Pillars of Hercules beyond which the reason might not
+seek to travel. Roman law had to be treated from the orthodox scholastic
+standpoint. Woe to the audacious jurist who made the Pandects serve for
+disquisitions on the rights of men and nations! Scholars like Sigonius
+found themselves tied down in their class-rooms to a weariful routine of
+Cicero and Aristotle. Aonio Paleario complained that a professor was no
+better than a donkey working in a mill; nothing remained for him but to
+dole out commonplaces, avoiding every point of contact between the
+authors he interpreted and the burning questions of modern life.
+Muretus, who brought with him to Italy from France a ruined moral
+reputation with a fervid zeal for literature, who sold his soul to
+praise the Massacre of S. Bartholomew and purge by fulsome panegyrics of
+great public crimes the taint of heresy that clung around him, found his
+efforts to extend the course of studies in Rome thwarted.[138] He was
+forbidden to lecture on Plato, forbidden to touch jurisprudence,
+forbidden to consult a copy of Eunapius in the Vatican Library. It cost
+him days and weeks of pleading to obtain permission to read Tacitus to
+his classes. Greek, the literature of high thoughts, noble enthusiasms,
+and virile sciences, was viewed with suspicion. As the monks of the
+middle ages had written on the margins of their MSS.: _Graeca sunt, ergo
+non legenda_, so these new obscurantists exclaimed: _Graeca sunt,
+periculosa sunt, ergo non legenda_. 'I am forced,' he cries in this
+extremity, 'to occupy myself with Latin and to abstain entirely from
+Greek.' And yet he knew that 'if the men of our age advance one step
+further in their neglect of Greek, doom and destruction are impending
+over all sound arts and sciences.' 'It is my misery,' he groans, 'to
+behold the gradual extinction and total decay of Greek letters, in whose
+train I see the whole body of refined learning on the point of vanishing
+away.[139]
+
+A vigorous passage from one of Sarpi's letters directly bearing on these
+points may here be cited (vol. i. p. 170): 'The revival of polite
+learning undermined the foundations of Papal monarchy. Nor was this to
+be wondered at. This monarchy began and grew in barbarism; the cessation
+of barbarism naturally curtailed and threatened it with extinction. This
+we already see in Germany and France; but Spain and Italy are still
+subject to barbarism. Legal studies sink daily from bad to worse. The
+Roman Curia opposes every branch of learning which savors of polite
+literature, while it defends its barbarism with tooth and nail. How can
+it do otherwise? Abolish those books on Papal Supremacy, and where shall
+they find that the Pope is another God, that he is almighty, that all
+rights and laws are closed within the cabinet of his breast, that he can
+shut up folk in hell, in a word that he has power to square the circle?
+Destroy that false jurisprudence, and this tyranny will vanish; but the
+two are reciprocally supporting, and we shall not do away with the
+former until the latter falls, which will only happen at God's good
+pleasure.'
+
+[Footnote 138: See Dejob's _Life of Muret_, pp. 231, 238, 274, 320.]
+
+[Footnote 139: _Op. cit_. pp. 262, 481.]
+
+The jealousy with which liberal studies were regarded by the Church
+bred a contempt for them in the minds of students. Benci, a professor of
+humane letters at Rome, says that his pupils walked about the class-room
+during his lectures. With grim humor he adds that he does not object to
+their sleeping, so long as they abstain from snoring.[140] But it is
+impossible, he goes on to complain, that I should any longer look upon
+the place in which I do my daily work as an academy of learning; I go to
+it rather as to a mill in which I must grind out my tale of worthless
+grain. Muretus, when he had labored twenty years in the chair of
+rhetoric at Rome, begged for dismissal. His memorial to the authorities
+presents a lamentable picture of the insubordination and indifference
+from which he had suffered.[141] 'I have borne immeasurable indignities
+from the continued insolence of these students, who interrupt me with
+cries, whistlings, hisses, insults, and such opprobrious remarks that I
+sometimes scarcely know whether I am standing on my head or heels.'
+'They come to the lecture-room armed with poignards, and when I reprove
+them for their indecencies, they threaten over and over again to cut my
+face open if I do not hold my tongue.' The walls, he adds, are scrawled
+over with obscene emblems and disgusting epigrams, so that this haunt of
+learning presents the aspect of the lowest brothel; and the professor's
+chair has become a more intolerable seat than the pillory, owing to the
+missiles flung at him and the ribaldry with which he is assailed. The
+manners and conversation of the students must have been disgusting
+beyond measure, to judge by a letter of complaint from a father
+detailing the contamination to which his son was exposed in the Roman
+class-rooms, and the immunity with which the lewdest songs were publicly
+recited there.[142] But the total degradation of learning at this epoch
+in Rome is best described in one paragraph of Vittorio de'Rossi,
+setting forth the neglect endured by Aldo Manuzio, the younger. This
+scion of an illustrious family succeeded to the professorship of Muretus
+in 1588. 'Then,' says Rossi, 'might one marvel at or rather mourn over,
+the abject and down-trodden state of the liberal arts. Then might one
+perceive with tears how those treasures of humane letters, which our
+fathers exalted to the heavens, were degraded in the estimation of
+youth. In the good old days men crossed the seas, undertook long
+journeys, traversed the cities of Greece and Asia, in order to obtain
+the palm of eloquence and salute the masters of languages and learning,
+at whose feet they sat entranced by noble words. But now these fellows
+poured scorn upon an unrivaled teacher of both Greek and Latin
+eloquence, whose services were theirs for the asking, theirs without the
+fatigue of travel, without expense, without exertion. Though he freely
+offered them his abundance of erudition in both learned literatures,
+they shut their ears against him. At the hours when his lecture-room
+should have been thronged with multitudes of eager pupils you might see
+him, abandoned by the crowd, pacing the pavement before the door of the
+academy with one, or may be two, for his companions.'[143]
+
+[Footnote 140: Dejob, _Marc Antoine Muret_, p. 349.]
+
+[Footnote 141: The original is printed by Dejob, _Marc Antoine Muret_,
+pp. 487-489.]
+
+[Footnote 142: The original letter, printed by Dejob, _op. cit._ p. 491,
+is signed by Giustiniano Finetti, who seems to have been a professor of
+medicine in the Roman University. His son, a youth of sixteen,
+complained that the students had demanded and obtained leave to recite a
+certain 'lettione che era carnavalesca d'ano et de priapo,' adding that
+they were in the habit of holding debates upon the thesis that (LATIN:
+'res sodcae erant praeferendae veneri naturali, et reprobabant rem
+veneream cum feminis ac audabant masturbationem.') The dialogue which
+the students obtained leave publicly to recite was probably similar to
+one that might still be heard some years ago in spring upon the quays of
+Naples, and which appeared to have descended from immemorial antiquity.]
+
+[Footnote 143: The Latin text is printed in Renouard's _Imprimerie des
+Aldes_, p. 473.]
+
+To accuse the Church solely and wholly for this decay of humanistic
+learning in Italy would be uncritical and unjust. We must remember that
+after a period of feverish energy there comes a time of languor in all
+epochs of great intellectual excitement. Nor was it to be expected that
+the enthusiasm of the fifteenth century for classical studies should
+have been prolonged into the second half of the sixteenth century. But
+we are justified in blaming the ecclesiastical and civil authorities of
+the Counter-Reformation for their determined opposition to the new
+direction which that old enthusiasm for the classics was now
+manifesting. They strove to force the stream of learning backward into
+scholastic and linguistic channels, when it was already plowing for
+itself a fresh course in the fields of philosophical and scientific
+discovery. They made study odious, because they attempted to restrain it
+to the out-worn husks of pedantry and rhetoric. These, they thought,
+were innocuous. But what the intellectual appetite then craved, the
+pabulum that it required to satisfy its yearning, was rigidly denied it.
+Speculations concerning the nature of man and of the world, metaphysical
+explorations into the regions of dimly apprehended mysteries, physics,
+political problems, religious questions touching the great matters in
+dispute through Europe, all the storm and stress of modern life, the
+ferment of the modern mind and will and conscience, were excluded from
+the schools, because they were antagonistic to the Counter-Reformation.
+Italy was starved and demoralized in order to avert a revolution; and
+learning was asphyxiated by confinement to a narrow chamber filled with
+vitiated and exhausted air.[144]
+
+[Footnote 144: As Sarpi says: 'Of a truth the extraordinary rigor with
+which books are hunted out for extirpation, shows how vigorous is the
+light of that lantern which they have resolved to extinguish.'
+_Lettere_, vol. i. p. 328.]
+
+Similar deductions may be drawn from the life of Paolo Manuzio in Rome.
+He left Venice in 1561 at the invitation of Pius IV., who proposed to
+establish a press 'for the publication of books printed with the finest
+type and the utmost accuracy, and more especially of works bearing upon
+sacred and ecclesiastical literature.'[145] Paolo's engagement was for
+twelve years; his appointments were fixed at 300 ducats for traveling
+expenses, 500 ducats of yearly salary, a press maintained at the
+Pontifical expense, and a pension secured upon his son's life. The
+scheme was a noble one. Paolo was to print all the Greek and Latin
+Fathers, and to furnish the Catholic world with an arsenal of orthodox
+learning. Yet, during his residence in Rome, no Greek book issued from
+his press.[146] Of the Latin Fathers he gave the Epistles of Jerome,
+Salvian, and Cyprian to the world. For the rest, he published the
+Decrees of the Tridentine Council ten times, the Tridentine Catechism
+eight times, the _Breviarium Romanum_ four times, and spent the greater
+part of his leisure in editing minor translations, commentaries, and
+polemical or educational treatises. The result was miserable, and the
+man was ruined.
+
+
+[Footnote 145: See Renouard, _op. cit._ pp. 442-459, for Paulus
+Manutius's life at Rome.]
+
+[Footnote 146: _op. cit._ pp. 184-216.]
+
+It remains to notice the action of the Index with regard to secular
+books in the modern languages. I will first repeat a significant passage
+in its statutes touching upon political philosophy and the so-called
+_Ratio Status_: 'Item, let all propositions, drawn from the digests,
+manners, and examples of the Gentiles, which foster a tyrannical polity
+and encourage what they falsely call the reason of state, in opposition
+to the law of Christ and of the Gospel, be expunged.' This, says Sarpi
+in his Discourse on Printing, is aimed in general against any doctrine
+which impugns ecclesiastical jurisdiction over the civil sphere of
+princes and magistrates, and the economy of the family.[147] Theories
+drawn from whatever source to combat Papal and ecclesiastical
+encroachments, and to defend the rights of the sovereign in his monarchy
+or of the father in his, household, are denominated and denounced as
+_Ratio Status_. The impugner of Papal absolutism in civil, as well as
+ecclesiastical affairs, is accounted _ipso facto_ a heretic.[148] It
+would appear at first sight as though the clause in question had been
+specially framed to condemn Machiavelli and his school. The works of
+Machiavelli were placed upon the Index in 1559, and a certain Cesare of
+Pisa who had them in his library was put to the torture on this account
+in 1610. It was afterwards proposed to correct and edit them without his
+name; but his heirs very properly refused to sanction this proceeding,
+knowing that he would be made to utter the very reverse of what he meant
+in all that touched upon the Roman Church.
+
+[Footnote 147: Sarpi's Works, vol. iv. p. 4.]
+
+[Footnote 148: Sarpi, _Discorso_, vol. iv. p. 25, on Bellarmino's
+doctrine. Sarpi's _Letters_, vol. i. pp. 138, 243. Sarpi says that he
+and Gillot had both had their portraits painted in a picture of Hell and
+shown to the common folk as foredoomed to eternal fire, because they
+opposed doctrines of Papal omnipotence. _Ibid._ p. 151.]
+
+This paragraph in the statutes of the Index had, however, a further and
+far more ambitious purpose than the suppression of Machiavelli,
+Guicciardini, and Sarpi. By assuming to condemn all political writings
+of which she disapproved, and by forbidding the secular authorities to
+proscribe any works which had received her sanction, the Church obtained
+a monopoly of popular instruction in theories of government. She
+interdicted every treatise that exposed her own ambitious interference
+in civil affairs or which maintained the rights of temporal rulers.[149]
+She protected and propagated the works of her servile ministers, who
+proclaimed that the ecclesiastical was superior in all points to the
+civil power; that nations owed their first allegiance to the Pope, who
+was divinely appointed to rule over them, and their second only to the
+Prince, who was a delegate from their own body; and that tyrannicide
+itself was justifiable when employed against a contumacious or heretical
+sovereign. Such were the theories of the Jesuits--of Allen and Parsons
+in England, Bellarmino in Italy, Suarez and Mariana in Spain, Boucher in
+France.
+
+[Footnote 149: On this point, again, Sarpi's _Letters_ furnish valuable
+details. He frequently remarks that a general order had been issued by
+the Congregation of the Index to suppress all books against the writings
+of Baronius, who was treated as a saint, vol. i. pp. 3, 147, ii. p. 35.
+He relates how the Jesuits had procured the destruction of a book
+written to uphold aristocracy in states, without touching upon
+ecclesiastical questions, as being unfavorable to their theories of
+absolutism (vol. i. p. 122). He tells the story of a confessor who
+refused the sacraments to a nobleman, because he owned a treatise
+written by Quirino in defense of the Venetian prerogatives (vol. i. p.
+113). He refers to the suppression of James I.'s _Apologia_ and De
+Thou's _Histories_ (vol. i. pp. 286, 287, 383).]
+
+In his critique of this monstrous unfairness Sarpi says: 'There are not
+wanting men in Italy, pious and of sound learning, who hold the truth
+upon such topics; but these can neither write nor send their writings to
+the press.'[150] The best years and the best energies of Sarpi's life
+were spent, as is well known, in combating the arrogance of Rome, and in
+founding the relations of State to Church upon a basis of sound common
+sense and equity. More than once he narrowly escaped martyrdom as the
+reward of his temerity; and when the poignard of an assassin struck him,
+his legend relates that he uttered the celebrated epigram: _Agnosco
+stilum Curiae Romanae_.
+
+
+[Footnote 150: In the Treatise on the Inquisition, _Opere_, vol. iv. p.
+53. Sarpi, in a passage of his _Letters_ (vol. ii. p. 163), points out
+why the secular authorities were ill fitted to retaliate in kind, upon
+these Papal proscriptions.]
+
+Sarpi protested, not without good reason, that Rome was doing her best
+to extinguish sound learning in Italy. But how did she deal with that
+rank growth of licentious literature which had sprung up during the
+Renaissance period? This is the question which should next engage us. We
+have seen that the Council of Trent provided amply for the extirpation
+of lewd and obscene publications. Accordingly, as though to satisfy the
+sense of decency, some of the most flagrantly immoral books, including
+the _Decameron_, the _Priapeia_, the collected works of Aretino, and
+certain mediaeval romances, were placed upon the Index. Berni was
+proscribed in 1559; but the interdict lasted only a short time, probably
+because it was discovered that his poems, though licentious, were free
+from the heresies which Pier Paolo Vergerio had sought to fix upon him.
+Meanwhile no notice was taken of the _Orlando Furioso_, and a multitude
+of novelists, of Beccadelli's and Pontano's verses, of Molza and
+Firenzuola, of the whole mass of mundane writers in short, who had done
+so much to reveal the corruption of Italian manners. It seemed as though
+the Church cared less to ban obscenity than to burke those authors who
+had spoken freely of her vices. When we come to examine the expurgated
+editions of notorious authors, we shall see that this was literally the
+case. A castrated version of Bandello, revised by Ascanio Centorio degli
+Ortensi, was published in 1560.[151] It omitted the dedications and
+preambles, suppressed some disquisitions which palliated vicious
+conduct, expunged the novels that brought monks or priests into
+ridicule, but left the impurities of the rest untouched. A reformed
+version of Folengo's _Baldus_ appeared in 1561. The satires on religious
+orders had been erased. Zambellus was cuckolded by a layman instead of a
+priest. Otherwise the filth of the original received no cleansing
+treatment. When Cosimo de'Medici requested that a revised edition of
+the _Decameron_ might be licensed, Pius V. entrusted the affair to
+Thomas Manrique, Master of the Sacred Palace. It was published by the
+Giunti in 1573 under the auspices of Gregory XIII., with the approval
+of the Holy Office and the Florentine Inquisition, fortified by
+privileges from Spanish and French kings, dukes of Tuscany, Ferrara, and
+so forth. The changes which Boccaccio's masterpiece had undergone were
+these: passages savoring of doubtful dogma, sarcasms on monks and
+clergy, the names of saints, allusions to the devil and hell, had
+disappeared. Ecclesiastical sinners were transformed into students and
+professors, nuns and abbesses into citizens' wives. Immorality in short
+was secularized. But the book still offered the same allurements to a
+prurient mind. Sixtus V. expressed his disapproval of this recension,
+and new editions were licensed in 1582 and 1588 under the revision of
+Lionardo Salviati and Luigi Groto. Both preserved the obscenities of the
+_Decameron_, while they displayed more rigor with regard to satires on
+ecclesiastical corruption. It may be added, in justice to the Roman
+Church, that the _Decameron_ stands still upon the Index with the
+annotation _donec expurgetur_.[152] Therefore we must presume that the
+work of purification is not yet accomplished, though the Jesuits have
+used parts of it as a text-book in their schools, while Panigarola
+quoted it in his lectures on sacred eloquence.
+
+[Footnote 151: See Dejob, _De l'Influence, etc._ Chapter III.]
+
+[Footnote 152: _Index_, Naples, Pelella, 1862, p. 87.]
+
+It would weary the reader to enlarge upon this process of stupid or
+hypocritical purgation, whereby the writings of men like Doni and
+Straparola were stripped of their reflections on the clergy, while their
+indecencies remained untouched; or to show how Ariosto's Comedies were
+sanctioned, when his Satires, owing to their free speech upon the Papal
+Court, received the stigma.[153] But I may refer to the grotesque
+attempts which were made in this age to cast the mantle of spirituality
+over profane literature. Thus Hieronimo Malipieri rewrote the
+_Canzoniere_ of Petrarch, giving it a pious turn throughout; and the
+_Orlando Furioso_ was converted by several hands into a religious
+allegory.[154]
+
+[Footnote 153: This treatment of Ariosto is typical. Men of not over
+scrupulous nicety may question whether his Comedies are altogether
+wholesome reading. But not even a Puritan could find fault with his
+Satires on the score of their morality. Yet Rome sanctioned the Comedies
+and forbade the Satires.]
+
+[Footnote 154: Curious details on this topic are supplied by Dejob, _op.
+cit._ pp. 179-181, and p. 184.]
+
+The action of Rome under the influence of the Counter-Reformation was
+clearly guided by two objects: to preserve Catholic dogma in its
+integrity, and to maintain the supremacy of the Church. She was eager to
+extinguish learning and to paralyze intellectual energy. But she showed
+no unwillingness to tolerate those pleasant vices which enervate a
+nation. Compared with unsound doctrine and audacious speculation,
+immorality appeared in her eyes a venial weakness. It was true that she
+made serious efforts to reform the manners of her ministers, and was
+fully alive to the necessity of enforcing decency and decorum. Yet a
+radical purification of society seemed of less importance to her than
+the conservation of Catholic orthodoxy and the inculcation of obedience
+to ecclesiastical authority. When we analyze the Jesuits' system of
+education, and their method of conducting the care of souls, we
+shall see to what extent the deeply seated hypocrisy of the
+Counter-Reformation had penetrated the most vital parts of the Catholic
+system. It will suffice, at the close of this chapter, to touch upon one
+other repressive measure adopted by the Church in its panic. Magistrates
+received strict injunctions to impede the journeys of Italian subjects
+into foreign countries where heresies were known to be rife, or where
+the rites of the Roman Church were not regularly administered.[155] In
+1595 Clement VIII. reduced these admonitions to Pontifical law in a
+Bull, whereby he forbade Italians to travel without permission from the
+Holy Office, or to reside abroad without annually remitting a
+certificate of confession and communion to the Inquisitors. To ensure
+obedience to this statute would have been impossible without the
+co-operation of the Jesuits. They were, however, diffused throughout the
+nations of North, East, South, and West. When an Italian arrived, the
+Jesuit Fathers paid him a visit, and unless they received satisfactory
+answers with regard to his license of travel and his willingness to
+accept their spiritual direction, these serfs of Rome sent a delation
+to the central Holy Office, upon the ground of which the Inquisitors of
+his province instituted an action against him in his absence. Merchants,
+who neglected these rules, found themselves exposed to serious
+impediments in their trading operations, and to the peril of prosecution
+involving confiscation of property at home. Sarpi, who composed a
+vigorous critique of this abuse, points out what injury was done to
+commerce by the system.[156] We may still further censure it as an
+intolerable interference with the liberty of the individual; as an
+odious exercise of spiritual tyranny on the part of an ambitious
+ecclesiastical power which aimed at nothing less than universal
+domination.
+
+[Footnote 155: Any correspondence with heretics was accounted sufficient
+to implicate an Italian in the charge of heresy. Sarpi's Letters are
+full of matter on this point. He always used Cipher, which he frequently
+changed, addressed his letters under feigned names, and finally resolved
+on writing in his own hand to no heretic. See _Lettere_, vol. ii. pp. 2,
+151, 242, 248, 437. See also what Dejob relates about the timidity of
+Muretus, _Muret_, pp. 229-231.]
+
+[Footnote 156: 'Treatise on the Inquisition,' _Opere_, vol. iv. p. 45.]
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER IV.
+
+THE COMPANY OF JESUS.
+
+     Vast Importance of the Jesuits in the Counter-Reformation--Ignatius
+     Loyola--His Youth--Retreat at Manresa--Journey to
+     Jerusalem--Studies in Spain and Paris--First Formation of his Order
+     at Sainte Barbe--Sojourn at Venice--Settlement at Rome--Papal
+     Recognition of the Order--Its Military Character--Absolutism of the
+     General--Devotion to the Roman Church--Choice of Members--Practical
+     and Positive Aims of the Founder--Exclusion of the Ascetic,
+     Acceptance of the Worldly Spirit--Review of the Order's Rapid
+     Extension over Europe--Loyola's Dealings with his Chief
+     Lieutenants--Propaganda--The Virtue of Obedience--The _Exercitia
+     Spiritualia_--Materialistic Imagination--Intensity and
+     Superficiality of Religious Training--The Status of the
+     Novice--Temporal Coadjutors--Scholastics--Professed of the Three
+     Vows--Professed of the Four Vows--The General--Control exercised
+     over him by his Assistants--His relation to the General
+     Congregation--Espionage a part of the Jesuit System--Advantageous
+     Position of a Contented Jesuit--The Vow of Poverty--Houses of the
+     Professed and Colleges--The Constitutions and Declarations--Problem
+     of the _Monita Secreta_--Reciprocal Relations of Rome and the
+     Company--Characteristics of Jesuit Education--Direction of
+     Consciences--Moral Laxity--Sarpi's
+     Critique--Casuistry--Interference in affairs of State--Instigation
+     to Regicide and Political Conspiracy--Theories of Church
+     Supremacy--Insurgence of the European Nations against the Company.
+
+
+We have seen in the preceding chapters how Spain became dominant in
+Italy, superseding the rivalry of confederate states by the monotony of
+servitude, and lending its weight to Papal Rome. The internal changes
+effected in the Church by the Tridentine Council, and the external power
+conferred on it, were due in no small measure to Spanish influence or
+sanction. A Spanish institution, the Inquisition, modified to suit
+Italian requirements, lent revived Catholicism weapons of repression and
+attack. We have now to learn by what means a partial vigor was
+communicated to the failing body of Catholic beliefs, how the Tridentine
+creed was propagated, the spiritual realm of the Roman Pontiff policed,
+and his secular authority augmented. A Spanish Order rose at the right
+moment to supply that intellectual and moral element of vitality without
+which the Catholic Revival might have remained as inert as a stillborn
+child. The devotion of the Jesuits to the Papacy, was in reality the
+masterful Spanish spirit of that epoch, masking its world-grasping
+ambition under the guise of obedience to Rome. This does not mean that
+the founders and first organizers of the Company of Jesus consciously
+pursued one object while they pretended to have another in view. The
+impulse which moved Loyola was spontaneous and romantic. The world has
+seen few examples of disinterested self-devotion equal to that of
+Xavier. Yet the fact remains that Jesuitry, taking its germ and root in
+the Spanish character, persisting as an organism within the Church, but
+separate from the ecclesiastical hierarchy, devised the doctrine of
+Papal absolutism, and became the prime agent of that Catholic policy in
+Europe which passed for Papal during the Counter-Reformation. The
+indissoluble connection between Rome, Spain, and the Jesuits, was
+apparent to all unprejudiced observers. For this triad of reactionary
+and belligerent forces Sarpi invented the name of the Diacatholicon,
+alluding, under the metaphor of a drug, to the virus which was being
+instilled in his days into all the States of Europe.[157]
+
+The founder of the Jesuit order was the thirteenth child of a Spanish
+noble, born in 1491 at his father's castle of Loyola in the Basque
+province of Guipuzcoa.[158] His full name was Iñigo Lopez de Recalde;
+but he is better known to history as Saint Ignatius Loyola. Ignatius
+spent his boyhood as page in the service of King Ferdinand the Catholic,
+whence he passed into that of the Duke of Najara, who was the hereditary
+friend and patron of his family. At this time he thought of nothing but
+feats of arms, military glory, and romantic adventures.
+
+[Footnote 157: For Sarpi's use of this phrase see his _Lettere_, vol.
+ii. pp. 72, 80, 92. He clearly recognized the solidarity between the
+Jesuits and Spain. 'The Jesuit is no more separable from the Spaniard
+than the accident from the substance.' 'The Spaniard without the Jesuit
+is not worth more than lettuce without oil.' 'For the Jesuits to deceive
+Spain, would be tantamount to deceiving themselves.' _Ibid._ vol. i. pp.
+203, 384, vol. ii. p. 48. Compare passages in vol. i. pp. 184, 189. He
+only perceived a difference in the degrees of their noxiousness to
+Europe. Thus, 'the worst Spaniard is better than the least bad of the
+Jesuits' (vol. i. p. 212).]
+
+[Footnote 158: Study of the Jesuits must be founded on _Institutum
+Societatis Jesu_, 7 vols. Avenione; Orlandino, _Hist. Soc. Jesu_;
+Crétineau-Joly, _Histoire de la Compagnie de Jésus_; Ribadaneira, _Vita
+Ignatii_; Genelli's Life of Ignatius in German, or the French
+translation; the Jesuit work, _Imago Primi Saeculi_; Ranke's account in
+his _History of the Popes_, and the three chapters assigned to this
+subject in Philippson's _La Contre-Révolution Religieuse_. The latter
+will be found a most valuable summary.]
+
+He could boast but little education; and his favorite reading was in
+_Amadis of Gaul_. That romance appeared during the boy's earliest
+childhood, and Spain was now devouring its high-flown rhapsodies with
+rapture. The peculiar admixture of mystical piety, Catholic enthusiasm,
+and chivalrous passion, which distinguishes _Amadis_, exactly
+corresponded to the spirit of the Spaniards at an epoch when they had
+terminated their age-long struggle with the Moors, and were combining
+propagandist zeal with martial fervor in the conquest of the New World.
+Its pages inflamed the imagination of Ignatius. He began to compose a
+romance in honor of S. Peter, and chose a princess of blood royal for
+his Oriana. Thus, in the first days of youth, while his heart was still
+set on love and warfare, he revealed the three leading features of his
+character--soaring ambition, the piety of a devotee, and the tendency to
+view religion from the point of fiction.
+
+Ignatius was barely twenty when the events happened which determined the
+future of his life and so powerfully affected the destinies of Catholic
+Christendom. The French were invading Navarre; and he was engaged in the
+defense of its capital, Pampeluna. On May 20, 1521, a bullet shattered
+his right leg, while his left foot was injured by a fragment of stone
+detached from a breach in the bastion. Transported to his father's
+castle, he suffered protracted anguish under the hands of unskilled
+medical attendants. The badly set bone in his right leg had twice to be
+broken; and when at last it joined, the young knight found himself a
+cripple. This limb was shorter than the other; the surgeons endeavored
+to elongate it by machines of iron, which put him to exquisite pain.
+After months of torture, he remained lame for life.
+
+During his illness Ignatius read such books as the castle of Loyola
+contained. These were a 'Life of Christ' and the 'Flowers of the Saints'
+in Spanish. His mind, prepared by chivalrous romance, and strongly
+inclined to devotion, felt a special fascination in the tales of Dominic
+and Francis. Their heroism suggested new paths which the aspirant after
+fame might tread with honor. Military glory and the love of women had to
+be renounced; for so ambitious a man could not content himself with the
+successes of a cripple in these spheres of action. But the legends of
+saints and martyrs pointed out careers no less noble, no less useful,
+and even more enticing to the fancy. He would become the spiritual
+Knight of Christ and Our Lady. To S. Peter, his chosen protector, he
+prayed fervently; and when at length he rose from the bed of sickness,
+he firmly believed that his life had been saved by the intercession of
+this patron, and that it must be henceforth consecrated to the service
+of the faith. The world should be abandoned. Instead of warring with the
+enemies of Christ on earth, he would carry on a crusade against the
+powers of darkness. They were first to be met and fought in his own
+heart. Afterwards, he would form and lead a militia of like-hearted
+champions against the strongholds of evil in human nature.
+
+It must not be thought that the scheme of founding a Society had so
+early entered into the mind of Ignatius. What we have at the present
+stage to notice is that he owed his adoption of the religious life to
+romantic fancy and fervid ambition, combined with a devotion to Peter,
+the saint of orthodoxy and the Church. Animated by this new enthusiasm,
+he managed to escape from home in the spring of 1522. His friends
+opposed themselves to his vocation; but he gave them the slip, took vows
+of chastity and abstinence, and began a pilgrimage to our Lady of
+Montserrat near Barcelona. On the road he scourged himself daily. When
+he reached the shrine he hung his arms up as a votive offering, and
+performed the vigil which chivalrous custom exacted from a squire before
+the morning of his being dubbed a knight. This ceremony was observed
+point by point, according to the ritual he had read in _Amadis of Gaul_.
+Next day he gave his raiment to a beggar, and assumed the garb of a
+mendicant pilgrim. By self-dedication he had now made himself the Knight
+of Holy Church.
+
+His first intention was to set sail for Palestine, with the object of
+preaching to the infidels. But the plague prevented him from leaving
+port; and he retired to a Dominican convent at Manresa, a little town of
+Catalonia, north-west of Barcelona. Here he abandoned himself to the
+crudest self-discipline. Feeding upon bread and water, kneeling for
+seven hours together rapt in prayer, scourging his flesh thrice daily,
+and reducing sleep to the barest minimum, Ignatius sought by austerity
+to snatch that crown of sainthood which he felt to be his due. Outraged
+nature soon warned him that he was upon a path which led to failure.
+Despair took possession of his soul, sometimes prompting him to end his
+life by suicide, sometimes plaguing him with hideous visions. At last he
+fell dangerously ill. Enlightened by the expectation of early death, he
+then became convinced that his fanatical asceticism was a folly. The
+despair, the dreadful phantoms which had haunted him, were ascribed
+immediately to the devil. In those rarer visitings of brighter visions,
+which sometimes brought consolation, bidding him repose upon God's
+mercy, he recognized angels sent to lead him on the pathway of
+salvation. God's hand appeared in these dealings; and he resolved to
+dedicate his body as well as his soul to God's service, respecting both
+as instruments of the divine will, and entertaining both in efficiency
+for the work required of them.
+
+The experiences of Manresa proved eminently fruitful for the future
+method of Ignatius. It was here that he began to regard self-discipline
+and self-examination as the needful prelude to a consecrated life. It
+was here that he learned to condemn the ascetism of anchorites as
+pernicious or unprofitable to a militant Christian. It was here that,
+while studying the manual of devotion written by Garcia de Cisneros, he
+laid foundations for those famous _Exercitia_, which became his
+instrument for rapidly passing neophytes through spiritual training
+similar to his own. It was here that he first distinguished two kinds of
+visions, infernal and celestial. Here also he grew familiar with the
+uses of concrete imagination;, and understood how the faculty of
+sensuous realization might be made a powerful engine for presenting the
+past of sacred history or the dogmas of orthodox theology under shapes
+of fancy to the mind. Finally, in all the experiences of Manresa, he
+tried the temper of his own character, which was really not that of a
+poet or a mystic, but of a sagacious man of action, preparing a system
+calculated to subjugate the intelligence and will of millions. Tested by
+self-imposed sufferings and by diseased hallucinations, his sound sense,
+the sense of one destined to control men, gathered energy, and grew in,
+solid strength: yet enough remained of his fanaticism to operate as a
+motive force in the scheme which he afterwards developed; enough
+survived from the ascetic phase he had surmounted, to make him
+comprehend that some such agony as he had suffered should form the
+vestibule to a devoted life. We may compare the throes of Ignatius at
+Manresa with the contemporary struggles of Luther at Wittenberg and in
+the Wartzburg. Our imagination will dwell upon the different issues to
+which two heroes distinguished by practical ability were led through
+their contention with the powers of spiritual evil. Protagonists
+respectively of Reformation and Counter-Reformation, they arrived at
+opposite conclusions; the one championing the cause of spiritual freedom
+in the modern world, the other consecrating his genius to the
+maintenance of Catholic orthodoxy by spiritual despotism. Yet each alike
+fulfilled his mission by having conquered mysticism at the outset of his
+world-historical career.
+
+Ignatius remained for the space of ten months at Manresa. He then found
+means to realize his cherished journey to the Holy Land. In Palestine he
+was treated with coldness as an ignorant enthusiast, capable of
+subverting the existing order of things, but too feeble to be counted on
+for permanent support. His motive ideas were still visionary; he could
+not cope with conservatism and frigidity established in comfortable
+places of emolument. It was necessary that he should learn the wisdom of
+compromise. Accordingly he returned to Spain, and put himself to school.
+Two years spent in preparatory studies at Barcelona, another period at
+Alcala, and another at Salamanca, introduced him to languages, grammar,
+philosophy, and theology. This man of noble blood and vast ambition,
+past the age of thirty, sat with boys upon the common benches. This
+self-consecrated saint imbibed the commonplaces of scholastic logic. It
+was a further stage in the evolution of his iron character from romance
+and mysticism, into political and practical sagacity. It was a further
+education of his stubborn will to pliant temper. But he could not divest
+himself of his mission as a founder and apostle. He taught disciples,
+preached, and formed a sect of devotees. Then the Holy Office attacked
+him. He was imprisoned, once at Alcala for forty-two days, once at
+Salamanca for three weeks, upon charges of heresy. Ignatius proved his
+innocence. The Inquisitors released him with certificates of acquittal;
+but they sentenced him to four years' study of theology before he should
+presume to preach. These years he resolved to spend at Paris.
+Accordingly he performed the journey on foot, and arrived in the capital
+of France upon February 2, 1528. He was then thirty-seven years old, and
+sixteen years had elapsed since he received his wounds at Pampeluna.
+
+At Paris he had to go to school again from the beginning. The alms of
+well-wishers, chiefly devout women at Barcelona, amply provided him with
+funds. These he employed not only in advancing his own studies, but also
+in securing the attachment of adherents to his cause. At this epoch he
+visited the towns of Belgium and London during his vacations. But the
+main outcome of his residence at Paris was the formation of the Company
+of Jesus. Those long years of his novitiate and wandering were not
+without their uses now. They had taught him, while clinging stubbornly
+to the main projects of his life, prudence in the choice of means,
+temperance in expectation, sagacity in the manipulation of
+fellow-workers selected for the still romantic ends he had in view. His
+first two disciples were a Savoyard, Peter Faber or Le Fèvre, and
+Francis Xavier of Pampeluna. Faber was a poor student, whom Ignatius
+helped with money. Xavier sprang from a noble stock, famous in arms
+through generations, for which he was eager to win the additional honors
+of science and the Church. Ignatius assisted him by bringing students to
+his lectures. Under the personal influence of their friend and
+benefactor, both of these men determined to leave all and follow the new
+light. Visionary as the object yet was, the firm will, fervent
+confidence, and saintly life of Loyola inspired them with absolute
+trust. That the Christian faith, as they understood it, remained exposed
+to grievous dangers from without and form within, that millions of souls
+were perishing through ignorance, that tens of thousands were falling
+away through incredulity and heresy, was certain. The realm of Christ on
+earth needed champions, soldiers devoted to a crusade against Satan and
+his hosts. And here was a leader, a man among men, a man whose words
+were as a fire, and whose method of spiritual discipline was salutary
+and illuminative; and this man bade them join him in the Holy War. He
+gained them in a hundred ways, by kindness, by precept, by patience, by
+persuasion, by attention to their physical and spiritual needs, by words
+of warmth and wisdom, by the direction of their conscience, by profound
+and intense sympathy with souls struggling after the higher life. The
+means he had employed to gain Faber and Xavier were used with equal
+success in the case of seven other disciples. The names of these men
+deserve to be recorded; for some of them played a part of importance in
+European history, while all of them contributed to the foundation of the
+Jesuits. They were James Lainez, Alfonzo Salmeron, and Nicholas
+Bobadilla, three Spaniards; Simon Rodriguez d'Azevedo, a Portuguese; two
+Frenchmen, Jean Codure and Brouet; and Claude le Jay, a Savoyard. All
+these neophytes were subjected by Ignatius to rigid discipline, based
+upon his _Exercitia_. They met together for prayer, meditation, and
+discussion, in his chamber at the College of S. Barbe. Here he unfolded
+to them his own plans, and poured out on them his spirit. At length,
+upon August 15, 1534, the ten together took the vows of chastity and
+poverty in the church of S. Mary at Montmartre, and bound themselves to
+conduct a missionary crusade in Palestine, or, if this should prove
+impracticable, to place themselves as devoted instruments, without
+conditions and without remuneration, in the hands of the Sovereign
+Pontiff.
+
+The society was thus established, although its purpose remained
+indecisive. The founder's romantic dream of a crusade in Holy Land,
+though never realized, gave an object of immediate interest to the
+associated friends. Meanwhile two main features of its historical
+manifestation, the propaganda of the Catholic faith and unqualified
+devotion to the cause of the Roman See, had been clearly indicated.
+Nothing proves the mastery which Ignatius had now acquired over his own
+enthusiasm, or the insight he had gained into the right method of
+dealing with men, more than the use he made of his authority in this
+first instance. The society was bound to grow and to expand; and it was
+fated to receive the lasting impress of his genius. But, as though
+inspired by some prophetic vision of its future greatness, he refrained
+from circumscribing the still tender embryo within definite limits which
+might have been pernicious to its development.
+
+The associates completed their studies at Paris, and in 1535 they
+separated, after agreeing to meet at Venice in the first months of 1537.
+Ignatius meanwhile traveled to Spain, where he settled his affairs by
+bestowing such property as he possessed on charitable institutions. He
+also resumed preaching, with a zeal that aroused enthusiasm and extended
+his personal influence. At the appointed time the ten came together at
+Venice, ostensibly bent on carrying out their project of visiting
+Palestine. But war was now declared between the Turks and the Republic
+of S. Mark. Ignatius found himself once more accused of heresy, and had
+some trouble in clearing himself before the Inquisition. It was resolved
+in these circumstances to abandon the mission to Holy Land as
+impracticable for the moment, and to remain in Venice waiting for more
+favorable opportunities. We may believe that the romance of a crusade
+among the infidels of Syria had already begun to fade from the
+imagination of the founder, in whose career nothing is more striking
+than his gradual abandonment of visionary for tangible ends, and his
+progressive substitution of real for shadowy objects of ambition.
+
+Loyola's first contact with Italian society during this residence in
+Venice exercised decisive influence over his plans. He seems to have
+perceived with the acute scent of an eagle that here lay the quarry he
+had sought so long. Italy, the fountain-head of intellectual
+enlightenment for Europe, was the realm which he must win. Italy alone
+offered the fulcrum needed by his firm and limitless desire of
+domination over souls. It was with Caraffa and the Theatines that
+Ignatius obtained a home. They were now established in the States of S.
+Mark through the beneficence of a rich Venetian noble, Girolamo Miani,
+who had opened religious houses and placed these at their disposition.
+Under the direction of their founder, they carried on their designed
+function of training a higher class of clergy for the duties of
+preaching and the priesthood, and for the repression of heresy by
+educational means. Caraffa's scheme was too limited to suit Ignatius:
+and the characters of both men were ill adapted for co-operation. One
+zeal for the faith inspired both. Here they agreed. But Ignatius was a
+Spaniard; and the second passion in Caraffa's breast was a Neapolitan's
+hatred for that nation. Ignatius, moreover, contemplated a vastly more
+expansive and elastic machinery for his workers in the vineyard of the
+faith, than the future Pope's coercive temper could have tolerated.
+These two leaders of the Counter-Reformation, equally ambitious, equally
+intolerant of opposition, equally bent upon a vast dominion, had to
+separate. The one was destined to organize the Inquisition and the
+Index. The other evolved what is historically known as Jesuitry.
+Nevertheless we know that Ignatius learned much from Caraffa. The
+subsequent organization of his Order showed that the Theatines suggested
+many practical points in the method he eventually adopted for effecting
+his designs.
+
+Some of his companions, meanwhile, journeyed to Rome. There they
+obtained from Paul III. permission to visit Palestine upon a missionary
+enterprise, together with special privileges for their entrance into
+sacerdotal orders. Those of the ten friends who were not yet priests,
+were ordained at Venice in June 1537. They then began to preach in
+public, roaming the streets with faces emaciated by abstinence, clad in
+ragged clothes, and using a language strangely compounded of Italian and
+Spanish. Their obvious enthusiasm, and the holy lives they were known to
+lead, brought them rapidly into high reputation of sanctity. Both the
+secular and the religious clergy of Italy could show but few men at
+that epoch equal to these brethren. It was settled in the autumn that
+they should all revisit Rome, traveling by different routes, and
+meditating on the form which the Order should assume. Palestine had now
+been definitely, if tacitly, abandoned. As might have been expected, it
+was Loyola who baptized his Order, and impressed a character upon the
+infant institution. He determined to call it the Company of Jesus, with
+direct reference to those Companies of Adventure which had given
+irregular organization to restless military spirits in the past. The new
+Company was to be a 'cohort, or century, combined for combat against
+spiritual foes; men-at-arms, devoted, body and soul, to our Lord Jesus
+Christ and to his true and lawful Vicar upon earth.'[159] An Englishman
+of the present day may pause to meditate upon the grotesque parallel
+between the nascent Order of the Jesuits and the Salvation Army, and can
+draw such conclusions from it as may seem profitable.
+
+[Footnote 159: These phrases occur in the _Deliberatio primorum
+patrum_.]
+
+Loyola's withdrawal from all participation in the nominal honor of his
+institution, his enrollment of the militia he had levied under the name
+of Jesus, and the combative functions which he ascribed to it, were very
+decided marks of originality. It stamped the body with impersonality
+from the outset, and indicated the belligerent attitude it was destined
+to assume. There was nothing exactly similar to its dominant conception
+in any of the previous religious orders. These had usually received
+their title from the founder, had aimed at a life retired from the
+world, had studied the sanctification of their individual members, and
+had only contemplated an indirect operation upon society. Ignatius, on
+the contrary, placed his community under the protection of Christ, and
+defined it at the outset as a militant and movable legion of
+auxiliaries, dedicated, not to retirement or to the pursuit of
+salvation, but to freely avowed and active combat in defense of their
+Master's vicegerent upon earth. It was as though he had divined the
+deficiencies of Catholicism at that epoch, and had determined to
+supplement them by the creation of a novel and a special weapon of
+attack. Some institutions of mediaeval chivalry, the Knights of the
+Temple, and S. John, for instance, furnished the closest analogy to his
+foundation. Their spirit he transferred from the sphere of physical
+combat with visible forces, infidel and Mussulman, to the sphere of
+intellectual warfare against heresy, unbelief, insubordination in the
+Church. He had refined upon the crude enthusiasm of romance which
+inspired him at Montserrat. Without losing its intensity, this had
+become a motive force of actual and political gravity.
+
+The Company of Jesus was far from obtaining the immediate approval of
+the Church. Paul III. indeed, perceived its utility, and showed marked
+favor to the associates when they arrived in Rome about the end of 1537.
+The people, too, welcomed their ministration gladly, and recognized the
+zeal which they displayed in acts of charity and their exemplary
+behavior. But the Curia and higher clergy organized an opposition
+against them. They were accused of heresy, and attempts to seduce the
+common folk. Ignatius demanded full and public inquiry, which was at
+first refused him. He then addressed the Pope in person, who ordered a
+trial, out of which the brethren came with full acquittal. After this
+success, they obtained a hold upon religious instruction in many schools
+of Rome. Adherents flocked around them; and they saw that it was time to
+give the society a defined organization, and to demand its official
+recognition as an Order. It was resolved to add the vow of obedience to
+their former vows of chastity and poverty. Obedience had always been a
+prime virtue in monastic institutions; but Ignatius conceived of it in a
+new and military spirit. The obedience of the Jesuits was to be
+absolute, extending even to the duty of committing sins at a superior's
+orders. The General, instead of holding office for a term of years, was
+to be elected for life, with unlimited command over the whole Order in
+its several degrees. He was to be regarded as Christ present and
+personified. This autocracy of the General might have seemed to menace
+the overlordship of the Holy See, but for a fourth vow which the Company
+determined to adopt. It ran as follows: 'That the members will
+consecrate their lives to the continual service of Christ and of the
+Popes, will fight under the banner of the Cross, and will serve the
+Lord and the Roman Pontiff as God's vicar upon earth, in such wise that
+they shall be bound to execute immediately and without hesitation or
+excuse all that the reigning Pope or his successors may enjoin upon them
+for the profit of souls or for the propagation of the faith, and shall
+do so in all provinces whithersoever he may send them, among Turks or
+any other infidels, to furthest Ind, as well as in the region of
+heretics, schismatics, or believers of any kind.'
+
+Loyola himself drew up these constitutions in five chapters, and had
+them introduced to Paul III., with the petition that they might be
+confirmed. This was in September 1539, and it is singular that the man
+selected to bring them under the Pope's notice should have been Cardinal
+Contarini. Paul had no difficulty in recognizing the support which this
+new Order would bring to the Papacy in its conflict with Reformers, and
+its diplomatic embarrassments with Charles V. He is even reported to
+have said, 'The finger of God is there!' Yet he could not confirm the
+constitutions without the previous approval of three Cardinals appointed
+to report on them. This committee condemned Loyola's scheme; and nearly
+a year passed in negotiations with foreign princes and powerful
+prelates, before a reluctant consent was yielded to the Pope's avowed
+inclination. At length the Bull of Sept. 27, 1540, _Regimini militantis
+Ecclesiae_, launched the Society of Jesus on the world. Ignatius became
+the first General of the Order; and the rest of his life, a period of
+sixteen years, was spent in perfecting the machinery and extending the
+growth of this institution, which in all essentials was the emanation of
+his own mind.
+
+It may be well at this point to sketch the organization of the Jesuits,
+and to describe the progress of the Society during its founder's
+lifetime, in order that a correct conception may be gained of Loyola's
+share in its creation. Many historians of eminence, and among them so
+acute an observer as Paolo Sarpi, have been of the opinion that Jesuitry
+in its later developments was a deflection from the spirit and intention
+of Ignatius. It is affirmed that Lainez and Salmeron, rather than
+Loyola, gave that complexion to the Order which has rendered it a mark
+for the hatred and disgust of Europe. Aquaviva, the fifth General, has
+been credited with its policy of interference in affairs of states and
+nations. Yet I think it can be shown that the Society, as it appeared in
+the seventeenth century, was a logical and necessary development of the
+Society as Ignatius framed it in the sixteenth.[160]
+
+[Footnote 160: Sarpi, though he expressed an opinion that the Jesuits of
+his day had departed from the spirit of their founders, spoke thus of
+Loyola's worldly aims (_Lettere_, vol. i. p 224): 'Even Father Ignatius,
+Founder of the Company, as his biography attests, based himself in such
+wise upon human interest as though there were none divine to think
+about.']
+
+Lainez, who succeeded the founder as General, digested the constitutions
+and supplied them with a commentary or Directorium. He defined,
+formulated, and stereotyped the system; but the essential qualities of
+Jesuitry, its concentration upon political objects, its unscrupulousness
+in choice of means to ends, the worldliness which lurked beneath the
+famous motto _Ad Majorem Dei Gloriam_, were implicit in Loyola's express
+words, and in his actual administration. The framework of the Order, as
+he fixed it, was so firmly traced, and so cunningly devised for
+practical efficiency, that it admitted of no alteration except in the
+direction of more rigid definition. Lainez may, indeed, have emphasized
+its tendency to become a political machine, and may have weakened its
+religious tone, by his rules for the interpretation of the
+constitutions; but we have seen that the development of Loyola's own
+ideas ran in this direction. The real strength, as well as the worst
+vices of Jesuitry, were inherent in the system from the first; and in it
+we have perhaps the most remarkable instance on record, of the evolution
+of a cosmopolitan and world-important organism from the embryo of one
+man's conception.
+
+The Bull _Regimini militantis Ecclesiae_ restricted the number of the
+Jesuits to sixty. If Ignatius did not himself propose this limit, the
+restriction may perhaps have suggested his policy of reserving the full
+privileges of the Society for a small band of selected members--the very
+essence of the body, extracted by processes which will be afterwards
+described. Anyhow, it is certain that though the Papal limitation was
+removed in 1543, and though candidates flowed on the tide of fashion
+toward the Order, yet the representative and responsible Fathers
+remained few in numbers. These were distributed as the General thought
+fit. He stayed in Rome; for Rome was the chosen headquarters of the
+Society, the nucleus of their growth, and the fulcrum of their energy.
+From Rome, as from a center, Ignatius moved his men about the field of
+Europe. We might compare him under one metaphor to a chess-player
+directing his pieces upon the squares of the political and
+ecclesiastical chessboard; under another, to a spider spinning his web
+so as to net the greatest number of profitable partisans. The fathers
+were kept in perpetual motion. To shift them from place to place, to
+exclude them from their native soil, to render them cosmopolitan and
+pliant was the first care of the founder. He forbade the follies of
+ascetic piety, inculcated the study of languages and exact knowledge,
+and above all things recommended the acquisition of those social arts
+which find favor with princes and folk of high condition. 'Prudence of
+an exquisite quality,' he said, 'combined with average sanctity, is more
+valuable than eminent sanctity and less of prudence.' Also he bade them
+keep their eyes open for neophytes 'less marked by pure goodness than by
+firmness of character and ability in conduct of affairs, since men who
+are not apt for public business do not suit the requirements of the
+Company.' Orlandino tells us that though Ignatius felt drawn to men who
+showed eminent gifts for erudition, he preferred, in the difficulties of
+the Church, to choose such as knew the world well and were distinguished
+by their social station. The fathers were to seek out youths 'of good
+natural parts, adapted to the acquisition of knowledge and to practical
+works of utility.' Their pupils were, if possible, to have physical
+advantages and manners that should render them agreeable. These points
+had more of practical value than a bare vocation for piety. In their
+dealings with tender consciences, they were to act like 'good fishers of
+souls, passing over many things in silence as though these had not been
+observed, until the time came when the will was gained, and the
+character could be directed as they thought best.'[161] Loyola's dislike
+for the common forms of monasticism appears in his choice of the
+ordinary secular priest's cassock for their dress, and in his
+emancipation of the members from devotional exercises and attendance in
+the choir. The aversion he felt for ascetic discipline is evinced in a
+letter he addressed to Francis Borgia in 1548. It is better, he writes,
+to strengthen your stomach and other faculties, than to impair the body
+and enfeeble the intellect by fasting. God needs both our physical and
+mental powers for his service; and every drop of blood you shed in
+flagellation is a loss.
+
+[Footnote 161: See Philippson, _op. cit._ pp. 61, 62.]
+
+The end in view was to serve the Church by penetrating European society,
+taking possession of its leaders in rank and hereditary influence,
+directing education, assuming the control of the confessional, and
+preaching the faith in forms adapted to the foibles and the fancies of
+the age. The interests of the Church were paramount: 'If she teaches
+that what seems to us white is black, we must declare it to be black
+upon the spot.' There were other precepts added. These, for instance,
+seem worth commemoration: 'The workers in the Lord's vineyard should
+have but one foot on earth, the other should be raised to travel
+forward.' 'The abnegation of our own will is of more value than if one
+should bring the dead to life again.' 'No storm is so pernicious as a
+calm, and no enemy is so dangerous as having none.' It will be seen that
+what is known as Jesuitry, in its mundane force and in its personal
+devotion to a cause, emerges from the precepts of Ignatius. We may
+wonder how the romances of the mountain-keep of Loyola, the mysticism of
+Montserrat, and the struggles of Manresa should have brought the founder
+of the Jesuits to these results. Yet, if we analyze the problem, it will
+yield a probable solution. What survived from that first period was the
+spirit of enthusiastic service to the Church, the vast ambition of a man
+who felt himself a destined instrument for shoring up the crumbling
+walls of Catholicity, the martial instinct of a warrior fighting at
+fearful odds with nations running toward infidelity.
+
+He had no doubt where the right lay. He was a Spaniard, a servant of S.
+Peter; and for him the creed enounced by Rome was all in all. But his
+commerce with the world, his astute Basque nature, and his judgment of
+the European situation, taught him that he must use other means than
+those which Francis and Dominic had employed. He had to make his
+Company, that forlorn hope of Catholicism, the exponent of a decadent
+and rotten faith. He had to adapt it to the necessities of Christendom
+in dissolution, to constitute it by a guileful and sagacious method. He
+had to render it wise in the wisdom of the world, in order that he might
+catch the powers of this world by their interests and vices for the
+Church. He was like Machiavelli, endeavoring to save a corrupt state by
+utilizing corruption for ends acknowledged sound. And, like Machiavelli,
+he was mistaken, because it will not profit man to trust in craft or the
+manipulation of evil. Luther was stronger in his weakness than the
+creator of the Jesuit machinery, wiser in his simplicity than the
+deviser of that subtle engine. But Luther had the onward forces of
+humanity upon his side. Ignatius could but retard them by his ingenuity.
+We may be therefore excused if we admire Ignatius for the virile effort
+which he made in a failing cause, and for the splendid gifts of
+organizing prudence which he devoted to a misplaced object.
+
+Under his direction, the members of the Society spread themselves over
+Europe, and always with similar results. Wherever they went, hundreds of
+adherents joined the Order. Paul III. and Julius III. heaped privileges
+upon it, seeing what a power it had become in warfare with heresy.
+Ignatius spared no pains to secure his position in Rome, paying court to
+Cardinals and prelates, visiting ambassadors and princes, soliciting
+their favors and offering the service of his brethren in return.
+Profitable negotiations were opened with the King of Spain and the Duke
+of Bavaria, which, under cover of reforming convents, led to a partition
+of ecclesiastical property between the Jesuits and the State. Good
+reasons seemed to justify such acts of spoliation; for the old orders
+were sunk in sloth and immorality beyond redemption, while the Company
+kept alive all that was sound in Catholic discipline, preaching, and
+instruction. In Italy the Jesuits made rapid progress from the first.
+Lainez occupied the Venetian territory, opposing Protestant opinions in
+Venice itself, at Brescia, and among the mountains of the Valtelline. Le
+Jay combated the forces of Calvin and Renée of France at Ferrara.
+Salmeron took possession of Naples and Sicily. Piacenza, Modena, Faenza,
+Bologna, and Montepulciano received the fathers with open arms. The
+Farnesi welcomed them in Parma. Wherever they went, they secured the
+good will of noble women, and gained some hold on universities. Colleges
+were founded in the chief cities of the peninsula, where they not only
+taught gratis, but used methods superior to those previously in vogue.
+Rome, however, remained the stronghold of the Company. Here Ignatius
+founded its first house in 1550. This was the Collegium Romanum; and in
+1555, some hundred pupils, who had followed a course of studies in
+Greek, Latin, Hebrew, and theology, issued from its walls. In 1557 he
+purchased the palace Salviati, on the site of which now stands the vast
+establishment of the Gesù. In 1552 he started a separate institution,
+Collegium Germanicum, for the special training of young Germans. There
+was also a subordinate institution for the education of the sons of
+nobles. These colleges afforded models for similar schools throughout
+Europe; some of them intended to supply the society with members, and
+some to impress the laity with Catholic principles. Uniformity was an
+object which the Jesuits always held in view.
+
+They did not meet at first with like success in all Catholic countries.
+In Spain, Charles V. treated them with suspicion as the sworn men of the
+Papacy; and the Dominican order, so powerful through its hold upon the
+Inquisition, regarded them justly as rivals. Though working for the same
+end, the means employed by Jesuits and Dominicans were too diverse for
+these champions of orthodoxy to work harmoniously together. The Jesuits
+belonged to the future, to the party of accommodation and control by
+subterfuge. The Dominicans were rooted in the past; their dogmatism
+admitted of no compromise; they strove to rule by force. There was
+therefore, at the outset, war between the kennels of the elder and the
+younger dogs of God in Spain. Yet Jesuitism gained ground. It had the
+advantage of being a native, and a recent product. It was powerful by
+its appeals to the sensuous imagination and carnal superstitions of that
+Iberian-Latin people. It was seductive by its mitigation of oppressive
+orthodoxy and inflexible prescriptive law. Where the Dominican was
+steel, the Jesuit was reed; where the Dominican breathed fire and
+fagots, the Jesuit suggested casuistical distinctions; where the
+Dominican raised difficulties, the Jesuit solved scruples; where the
+Dominican presented theological abstractions, the Jesuit offered
+stimulative or agreeable images; where the Dominican preached dogma, the
+Jesuit retailed romance. It only needed one illustrious convert to plant
+the Jesuits in Spain. Him they found in Francis Borgia, Duke of Gandia,
+Viceroy of Catalonia, and subsequently the third General of the Order
+and a saint. This man placed the university, which he had founded, in
+their hands; and about the same time they gained a footing in the
+university of Salamanca. Still they continued to retain their strongest
+hold upon the people, who regarded them as saviours from the tyranny and
+ennui of the established Dominican hierarchy.
+
+Portugal was won at a blow. Xavier and Rodriguez planted the Company
+there under the affectionate protection of King John III. When Xavier
+started on his mission to the Indies in 1541, Rodriguez took the affairs
+of the realm into his hands, controlled the cabinet, and formed the
+heir-apparent to their will.
+
+With France they had more trouble. Both the University and the
+Parliament of Paris opposed their settlement. The Sorbonne even declared
+them 'dangerous in matters of the faith, fit to disturb the peace of the
+Church, and to reverse the order of monastic life; more adapted to
+destroy than to build.' The Gallican Church scented danger in these
+bondsmen of the Papacy; and it was only when they helped to organize the
+League that the influence of the Guises gave them a foothold in the
+kingdom. Even then their seminaries at Reims, Douai, and S. Omer must be
+rather regarded as outposts _epiteichismoi_ against England and
+Flanders, than, as nationally French establishments. In France they long
+remained a seditious and belligerent faction.[162]
+
+[Footnote 162: It was not till the epoch of Maria de'Medici's Regency
+that the Jesuits obtained firm hold on France.]
+
+They had the same partial and clandestine success in the Low Countries,
+where their position was at first equivocal, though they early gained
+some practical hold upon the University of Louvain. We are perhaps
+justified in attributing the evil fame of Reims, Douai, S. Omer, and
+Louvain to the incomplete sympathy which existed between the Jesuits and
+the countries where they made these settlements. Not perfectly at home,
+surrounded by discontent and jealousy, upon the borderlands of the
+heresies they were bound to combat, their system assumed its darkest
+colors in those hotbeds of intrigue and feverish fanaticism. In time,
+however, the Jesuits fixed their talons firmly upon the Netherlands,
+through the favor of Anne of Austria; and the year 1562 saw them
+comfortably ensconced at Antwerp, Louvain, Brussels, and Lille, in spite
+of the previous antipathy of the population. Here, as elsewhere, they
+pushed their way by gaining women and people of birth to their cause,
+and by showily meritorious services to education. Faber achieved
+ephemeral success as lecturer at Louvain.
+
+To take firm hold on Germany had been the cherished wish of Ignatius;
+'for there,' to use his own words, 'the pest of heresy exposed men to
+graver dangers than elsewhere.' The Society had scarcely been founded
+when Faber, Le Jay, and Bobadilla were sent north. Faber made small
+progress, and was removed to Spain. But Bobadilla secured the confidence
+of William, Duke of Bavaria; while Le Jay won that of Ferdinand of
+Austria. In both provinces they avowed their intention of working at the
+reformation of the clergy and the improvement of popular
+education--ends, which in the disorganized condition of Germany, seemed
+of highest importance to those princes. Through the influence of
+Bavaria, Bobadilla succeeded in rendering the Interim proclaimed by
+Charles V. nugatory; while Le Jay founded the college of the Order at
+Vienna. In this important post he was soon succeeded by Canisius,
+Ferdinand's confessor, through whose co-operation Cardinal Morone
+afterwards brought this Emperor into harmony with the Papal plan for
+winding up the Council of Trent. It should be added that Ingolstadt, in
+Bavaria, became the second headquarters of the Jesuit propaganda in
+Germany.
+
+The methods adopted by Ignatius in dealing with his three lieutenants,
+Bobadilla, Le Jay, and Canisius, are so characteristic of Jesuit policy
+that they demand particular attention. Checkmated by Bobadilla in the
+matter of the Interim, Charles V. manifested his resentment. He was
+already ill-affected toward the Society, and its founder felt the need
+of humoring him. The highest grade of the Order was therefore
+ostentatiously refused to Bobadilla, until such time as the Emperor's
+attention was distracted from the cause of his disappointment. With Le
+Jay and Canisius the case stood differently. Ferdinand wished to make
+the former Bishop of Triest and the latter Archbishop of Vienna.
+Ignatius opposed both projects, alleging that the Company of Jesus could
+not afford to part with its best servants, and that their vows of
+obedience and poverty were inconsistent with high office in the Church.
+He discerned the necessity of reducing each member of the Society to
+absolute dependence on the General, which would have been impracticable
+if any one of them attained to the position of a prelate. A law was
+therefore passed declaring it mortal sin for Jesuits to accept
+bishoprics or other posts of honor in the Church. Instead of assuming
+the miter, Canisius was permitted to administer the See of Vienna
+without usufruct of its revenues. To the world this manifested the
+disinterested zeal of the Jesuits in a seductive light; while the
+integrity of the Society, as an independent self-sufficing body,
+exacting the servitude of absolute devotion from its members, was
+secured. Another instance of the same adroitness may be mentioned. The
+Emperor in 1552 offered a Cardinal's hat to Francis Borgia, who was by
+birth the most illustrious of living Jesuits. Ignatius refrained from
+rebuffing the Emperor and insulting the Duke of Gandia by an open
+prohibition; but he told the former to expect the Duke's refusal, while
+he wrote to the latter expressing his own earnest hope that he would
+renounce an honor injurious to the Society. This diplomacy elicited a
+grateful but firm answer of _Nolo Episcopari_ from the Duke, who thus
+took the responsibility of offending Charles V. upon himself. Meanwhile
+the missionary objects of the Company were not neglected. Xavier left
+Portugal in 1541 for that famous journey through India and China, the
+facts of which may be compared for their romantic interest with Cortes'
+or Pizarro's exploits. Brazil, the transatlantic Portugal, was abandoned
+to the Jesuits, and they began to feel their way in Mexico. In the year
+of Loyola's death, 1561, thirty-two members of the Society were
+resident in South America; one hundred in India, China, and Japan; and a
+mission was established in Ethiopia. Even Ireland had been explored by a
+couple of fathers, who returned without success, after undergoing
+terrible hardships. At this epoch the Society counted in round numbers
+one thousand men. It was divided in Europe into thirteen provinces:
+seven of these were Portuguese and Spanish; three were Italian, namely,
+Rome, Upper Italy, and Sicily; one was French; two were German. Castile
+contained ten colleges of the Order; Aragon, five; Andalusia, five.
+Portugal was penetrated through and through with Jesuits. Rome displayed
+the central Roman and Teutonic colleges. Upper Italy had ten colleges.
+France could show only one college. In Upper Germany the Company held
+firm hold on Vienna, Prag, Munich, and Ingolstadt. The province of Lower
+Germany, including the Netherlands, was still undetermined. This
+expansion of the Order during the first sixteen years of its existence,
+enables us to form some conception of the intellectual vigor and
+commanding will of Ignatius. He lived, as no founder of an order, as few
+founders of religions, ever lived, to see his work accomplished, and the
+impress of his genius stereotyped exactly in the forms he had designed,
+upon the most formidable social and political organization of modern
+Europe.
+
+In his administration of the Order, Ignatius was absolute and
+autocratic. We have seen how he dealt with aspirants after
+ecclesiastical honors, and how he shifted his subordinates, as he
+thought best, from point to point upon the surface of the globe. The
+least attempt at independence on the part of his most trusted
+lieutenants was summarily checked by him. Simon Rodriguez, one of the
+earliest disciples of the College of S. Barbe at Paris, ruled the
+kingdom of Portugal through the ascendency which he had gained over John
+III. Elated by the vastness of his victory, Rodriguez arrogated to
+himself the right of private judgment, and introduced that ascetic
+discipline into the houses of his province which Ignatius had forbidden
+as inexpedient. Without loss of time, the General superseded him in his
+command; and, after a sharp struggle, Rodriguez was compelled to spend
+the rest of his days under strict surveillance at Rome. Lainez, in like
+manner, while acting as Provincial of Upper Italy, thought fit to
+complain that his best coadjutors were drawn from the colleges under his
+control, to Rome. Ignatius wrote to this old friend, the man who best
+understood the spirit of its institution, and who was destined to
+succeed him in his headship, a cold and terrible epistle. 'Reflect upon
+your conduct. Let me know whether you acknowledge your sin, and tell me
+at the same time what punishment you are ready to undergo for this
+dereliction of duty.' Lainez expressed immediate submission in the most
+abject terms; he was ready to resign his post, abstain from preaching,
+confine his studies to the Breviary, walk as a beggar to Rome, and
+there teach grammar to children, or perform menial offices. This was all
+Ignatius wanted. If he were the Christ of the Society, he well knew that
+Lainez was its S. Paul. He could not prevent him from being his
+successor, and he probably was well aware that Lainez would complete and
+supplement what he must leave unfinished in his life-work. The groveling
+apology of such an eminent apostle, dictated as it was by hypocrisy and
+cunning, sufficed to procure his pardon, and remained among the archives
+of the Jesuits as a model for the spirit in which obedience should be
+manifested by them.
+
+Obedience was, in fact, the cardinal and dominant quality of the Jesuit
+Order. To call it a virtue, in the sense in which Ignatius understood
+it, is impossible. The _Exercitia_, the Constitutions, and the Letter to
+the Portuguese Jesuits, all of which undoubtedly explain Loyola's views,
+reveal to us the essence of historical Jesuitry, the _fons et origo_ of
+that long-continued evil which impested modern society. Let us examine
+some of his precepts on this topic. 'I ought to desire to be ruled by a
+superior who endeavors to subjugate my judgment and subdue my
+understanding.'--'When it seems to me that I am commanded by my superior
+to do a thing against which my conscience revolts as sinful, and my
+superior judges otherwise, it is my duty to yield my doubts to him,
+unless I am constrained by evident reasons.'--'I ought not to be my own,
+but His who created me, and his too through whom God governs me.'--'I
+ought to be like a corpse, which has neither will nor understanding;
+like a crucifix, that is turned about by him that holds it; like a staff
+in the hands of an old man, who uses it at will for his assistance or
+pleasure.'--'In our Company the person who commands must never be
+regarded in his own capacity, but as Jesus Christ in him.'--'I desire
+that you strive and exercise yourselves to recognize Christ our Lord in
+every Superior.'--'He who wishes to offer himself wholly up to God, must
+make the sacrifice not only of his will but of his intelligence.'--'In
+order to secure the faithful and successful execution of a Superior's
+orders, all private judgment must be yielded up.'--'A sin, whether
+venial or mortal, must be committed, if it is commanded by the Superior
+in the name of our Lord Jesus Christ, or in virtue of obedience.' Of
+such nature was the virtue of obedience within the Order.[163] It
+rendered every member a tool in the hands of his immediate Superior, and
+the whole body one instrument in the hand of the General. The General's
+responsibility for the oblique acts and evasions of moral law, committed
+in the name of this virtue, was covered by the sounding phrase, 'Unto
+the greater glory of God.'
+
+[Footnote 163: The letter addressed by Ignatius to the Portuguese
+Jesuits, March 22, 1553, on the virtue of obedience, the Constitutions
+and the glosses on them called Declarations, and the last chapter of the
+_Exercitia_, furnish the above sentences. _See_, too, Philippson, _op.
+cit._ pp. 60, 120-124.]
+
+He had also his own duty of obedience, which was to Holy Church. 'In
+making the sacrifice of our own judgment, the mind must keep itself ever
+whole and ready for obedience to the spouse of Christ, our Holy Mother,
+the Church orthodox, apostolical and hierarchical.'[164] Not a portion
+of the Catholic creed, of Catholic habits, of Catholic institutions, of
+Catholic superstitions, but must be valiantly defended.--'It is our duty
+loudly to uphold reliques, the cult of saints, stations, pilgrimages
+indulgences, jubilees, the candles which are lighted before altars.' To
+criticise the clergy, even though notoriously corrupt, is a sin. The
+philosophy of the Church, as expressed by S. Thomas Aquinas, S.
+Bonaventura, and others, must be recognized as equal in authority with
+Holy Writ. It follows that just as a subordinate was enjoined to sin, if
+sin were ordered by his Superior, so the whole Company were bound to
+lie, and do the things they disapproved, and preach the mummeries in
+which they disbelieved, in virtue of obedience to the Church. They may
+not even trust their senses; for 'If the Church pronounces a thing which
+seems to us white to be black, we must immediately say that it is
+black.'[165]
+
+[Footnote 164: Read in the _Exercitia_ (_Inst. Jesu_, vol. iv. p.
+167-173) the Rules for right accord with the Orthodox Church. What
+follows above is taken from that chapter.]
+
+[Footnote 165: _Exercitia_, ibid. p. 171. In this spirit a Jesuit of the
+present century writing on astronomy develops the heliocentric theory
+while he professes his submission to the geocentric theory as maintained
+by the Church.]
+
+The Jesuits were enrolled as an army, in an hour of grave peril for the
+Church, to undertake her defense. They pledged themselves, by this vow
+of obedience, to perform that duty with their eyes shut. It was not
+their mission to reform or purify or revivify Catholicism, but to
+maintain it intact with all its intellectual anachronisms. How well they
+succeeded may be judged from the issue of the Council of Trent, in which
+Lainez and Salmeron played so prominent a part. That rigid enforcement
+of every jot and tittle in the Catholic hierarchical organization, in
+Catholic ritual, in the Catholic cult of saints and images, in the
+Catholic interpretation of Sacraments, in Catholic tradition as of equal
+value with the Bible, and lastly in the theory of Papal Supremacy, which
+was the astounding result of a Council convened to alter and reform the
+Church, can be attributed in no small measure to Jesuit persistency.
+
+Ignatius attained his object. Obedience, blind, servile, unquestioning,
+unscrupulous, became the distinguishing feature of the Jesuits. But he
+condemned his Order to mediocrity. No really great man in any department
+of human knowledge or activity has arisen in the Company of Jesus. In
+course of time it became obvious to any one of independent character and
+original intellect that their ranks were not the place for him. And if
+youths of real eminence entered it before they perceived this truth,
+their spirit was crushed. The machine was powerful enough for good and
+evil; but it remained an aggregate of individual inferiorities. Its
+merit and its perfection lay in this, that so complex an instrument
+could be moved by a single finger of the General in Rome. He
+consistently employed its delicate system of wheels and pulleys for the
+aggrandizement of the Order in the first place, in the second place for
+the control of the Catholic Church, and always for the subjugation and
+cretinization of the mind of Europe.
+
+The training of a Jesuit began with study of the _Exercitia
+Spiritualia_.[166] This manual had been composed by Loyola himself at
+intervals between 1522 and 1548, when it received the imprimatur of Pope
+Paul III. He based it on his own experiences at Manresa, and meant it to
+serve as a perpetual introduction to the mysteries of the religious
+life. It was used under the direction of a father, who prescribed a
+portion of its text for each day's meditation, employing various means
+to concentrate attention and enforce effect. The whole course of this
+spiritual drill extended over four weeks, during which the pupil
+remained in solitude. Light and sound and all distractions of the outer
+world were carefully excluded from his chamber. He was bidden to direct
+his soul inward upon itself and God, and was led by graduated stages to
+realize in the most vivid way the torments of the damned and the scheme
+of man's, salvation. The first week was occupied in an examination of
+the conscience; the second in contemplation of Christ's Kingdom upon
+earth; the third in meditation on the Passion; the fourth in an ascent
+to the glory of the risen Lord. Materialism of the crudest type mingled
+with the indulgence of a reverie in this long spiritual journey. At
+every step the neophyte employed his five senses in the effort of
+intellectual realization. Prostrate upon the ground, gazing with closed
+eyelids in the twilight of his cell upon the mirror of imagination, he
+had to _see_ the boundless flames of hell and souls encased in burning
+bodies, to _hear_ the shrieks and blasphemies, to _smell_ their sulphur
+and intolerable stench, to _taste_ the bitterness of tears and _feel_
+the stings of ineffectual remorse.
+
+[Footnote 166: _Inst. Soc. Jesu_, vol. iv. The same volume contains the
+Directorium, or rules for the use of the _Exercitia_.]
+
+He had to localize each object in the camera obscura of the brain. If
+the Garden of Gethsemane, for instance, were the subject of his
+meditation, he was bound to place Christ here and the sleeping apostles
+there, and to form an accurate image of the angel and the cup. He gazed
+and gazed, until he was able to handle the raiment of the Saviour, to
+watch the drops of bloody sweat beading his forehead and trickling down
+his cheeks, to grasp the chalice with the fingers of the soul. As each
+carefully chosen and sagaciously suggested scene was presented, he had
+to identify his very being, soul, will, intellect, and senses, with the
+mental vision. He lived again, so far as this was possible through
+fancy, the facts of sacred history. If the director judged it advisable,
+symbolic objects were placed before him in the cell; at one time skulls
+and bones, at another fresh sweetsmelling flowers. Fasting and
+flagellation, peculiar postures of the body, groanings and weepings,
+were prescribed as mechanical aids in cases where the soul seemed
+sluggish. The sphere traversed in these exercises was a narrow one. The
+drill aimed at intensity of discipline, at a concentrated and concrete
+impression, not at width of education or at intellectual enlightenment.
+Speculation upon the fundamental principles of religion was excluded.
+God's dealings with mankind revealed in the Old Testament found no place
+in this theory of salvation. Attention was riveted upon a very few
+points in the life of Christ and Mary, such as every Catholic child
+might be supposed to be familiar with. But it was fixed in such a way as
+to bring the terrors and raptures of the mystics, of a S. Catharine or a
+S. Teresa, within the reach of all; to place spiritual experience _à la
+portée de tout le monde_. The vulgarity is only equaled by the ingenuity
+and psychological adroitness of the method. The soul inspired with
+carnal dread of the doom impending over it, passed into almost physical
+contact with the incarnate Saviour. The designed effect was to induce a
+vivid and varied hypnotic dream of thirty days, from the influence of
+which a man should never wholly free himself. The end at which he
+arrived upon this path of self-scrutiny and materialistic realization,
+was the conclusion that his highest hope, his most imperative duty, lay
+in the resignation of his intellect and will to spiritual guidance, and
+in blind obedience to the Church. Thousands and thousands of souls in
+the modern world have passed through this discipline; and those who
+responded to it best, have ever been selected, when this was possible,
+as novices of the Order. The director had ample opportunity of observing
+at each turn in the process whether his neophyte displayed a likely
+disposition.
+
+When the _Exercitia_ had been performed, there was an end of asceticism.
+Ignatius, as we have seen, dreaded nothing more than the intrusion of
+that dark spirit into his Company; he aimed at nothing more earnestly
+than at securing agreeable manners, a cheerful temper, and ability for
+worldly business in its members.
+
+The novice, when first received into one of the Jesuit houses, was
+separated, so far as possible, for two years from his family, and placed
+under the control of a master, who inspected his correspondence and
+undertook the full surveillance of his life. He received cautiously
+restricted information on the constitutions of the Society, and was
+recommended, instead of renouncing his worldly possessions, to reserve
+his legal rights and make oblation of them when he took the vows. It was
+not then made clear to him that what he gave would never under any
+circumstances be restored, although the Society might send him forth at
+will a penniless wanderer into the world. Yet this was the hard
+condition of a Jesuit's existence. After entering the order, he owned
+nothing, and he had no power to depart if he repented. But the General
+could cashier him by a stroke of the pen, condemning him to destitution
+in every land where Jesuits held sway, and to suspicion in every land
+where Jesuits were loathed. Before the end of two years, the novice
+generally signed an obligation to assume the vows. He was then drafted
+into the secular or spiritual service. Some novices became what is
+called Temporal Coadjutors; their duty was to administer the property of
+the Society, to superintend its houses, to distribute alms, to work in
+hospitals, to cook, garden, wash, and act as porters. They took the
+three vows of poverty, chastity, and obedience. Those, on the other
+hand, who showed some aptitude for learning, were classified as
+Scholastics, and were distributed among the colleges of the order. They
+studied languages, sciences, and theology, for a period of five years;
+after which they taught in schools for another period of five or six
+years; and when they reached the age of about thirty, they might be
+ordained priests with the title of Spiritual Coadjutors. From this body
+the Society drew the rectors and professors of its colleges, its
+preachers, confessors, and teachers in schools for the laity. They were
+not yet full members, though they had taken the three vows, and were
+irrevocably devoted to the service of the order. The final stage of
+initiation was reached toward the age of forty-five, after long and
+various trials. Then the Jesuit received the title of Professed. He was
+either a professed of the three vows, or a professed of the four vows;
+having in the latter case dedicated his life to the special service of
+the Papacy, in missions or in any other cause. The professed of four
+vows constituted the veritable Company of Jesus, the kernel of the
+organization. They were never numerous. At Loyola's death they numbered
+thirty-five out of a thousand; and it has been calculated that their
+average proportion to the whole body is as two to a hundred.[167] Even
+these had no indefeasible tenure of their place in the Society. They
+might be dismissed by the General without indemnification.
+
+[Footnote 167: Philippson, _op. cit._ p. 142.]
+
+The General was chosen for life from the professed of four vows by the
+General Congregation, which consisted of the provincials and two members
+of each province. He held the whole Society at his discretion; for he
+could deal at pleasure with each part of its machinery. The
+constitutions, strict as they appeared, imposed no barriers upon his
+will; for almost unlimited power was surrendered to him of dispensing
+with formalities, freeing from obligations, shortening or lengthening
+the periods of initiation, retarding or advancing a member in his
+career. Ideal fixity of type, qualified by the utmost elasticity in
+practice, formed the essence of the system. And we shall see that this
+principle pervaded the Jesuit treatment of morality. The General resided
+at Rome, consecrated solely to the government of the Society, holding
+the threads of all its complicated affairs in his hands, studying the
+personal history of each of its members in the minute reports which he
+constantly received from every province, and acting precisely as he
+chose with the highest as well as the lowest of his subordinates.
+Contrary to all precedents of previous religious orders, Ignatius framed
+the Company of Jesus upon the lines of a close aristocracy with
+autocratic authority confided to an elected chief. Yet the General of
+the Jesuits, like the Doge of Venice, had his hands tied by subtly
+powerful though almost invisible fetters. He was subjected at every hour
+of the day and night to the surveillance of five sworn spies, especially
+appointed to prevent him from altering the type or neglecting the
+concerns of the Order. The first of these functionaries, named the
+Administrator, who was frequently also the confessor of the General,
+exhorted him to obedience, and reminded him that he must do all things
+for the glory of God. Obedience and the glory of God, in Jesuit
+phraseology, meant the maintenance of the Company. The other four were
+styled Assistants. They had under their charge the affairs of the chief
+provinces; one overseeing the Indies, another Portugal and Spain, a
+third France and Germany, a fourth Italy and Sicily. Together with the
+Administrator, the Assistants were nominated by the General Congregation
+and could not be removed or replaced without its sanction. It was their
+duty to regulate the daily life of the General, to control his private
+expenditure on the scale which they determined, to prescribe what he
+should eat and drink, and to appoint his hours for sleep, and religious
+exercises, and the transaction of public business. If they saw grave
+reasons for his deposition, they were bound to convene the General
+Congregation for that purpose. And since the Founder knew that guardians
+need to be guarded, he provided that the Provincials might convene this
+assembly to call in question the acts of the Assistants. The General
+himself had no power to oppose its convocation.
+
+The Company of Jesus was thus based upon a system of mutual and
+pervasive espionage. The novice on first entering had all his acts,
+habits, and personal qualities registered. As he advanced in his career,
+he was surrounded by jealous brethren, who felt it their duty to report
+his slightest weakness to a superior. The superiors were watched by one
+another and by their inferiors. Masses of secret intelligence poured
+into the central cabinet of the General; and the General himself ate,
+slept, prayed, worked, and moved about the world beneath the fixed gaze
+of ten vigilant eyes. Men accustomed to domesticity and freedom may
+wonder that life should have been tolerable upon these terms. Yet we
+must remember that from the moment when a youth had undergone the
+_Exercitia_ and taken the vows, he became no less in fact than in spirit
+_perinde ac cadaver_ in the hands of his superior. The Company replaced
+for him both family and state; and in spite of the fourth vow, it is
+very evident that the Black Pope, as the General came to be nicknamed,
+owned more of his allegiance than the White Pope, who filled the chair
+of S. Peter. He could, indeed, at any moment be expelled and ruined. But
+if he served the Order well, he belonged to a vast incalculably-potent
+organism, of which he might naturally, after such training as he had
+received, be proud. The sacrifice of his personal volition and
+intelligence made him part of an indestructible corporation, which
+seemed capable of breaking all resistance by its continuity of will and
+effecting all purposes by its condensed sagacity. Nor was he in the
+hands of rigid disciplinarians. His peccadilloes were condoned, unless
+the credit of the order came in question. His natural abilities obtained
+free scope for their employment; for it suited the interest of the
+Company to make the most of each member's special gifts. He had no
+tedious duties of the regular monastic routine to follow. He was
+encouraged to become a man of the world, and to mix freely with society.
+And thus, while he resigned himself, he lived the large life of a
+complex microcosm. Nor were men of resolute ambition without the
+prospect of eventually swaying an authority beyond that possessed by
+princes; for any one of the professed might rise to the supreme power in
+the order.
+
+Something must be said about Loyola's interpretation of the vow of
+poverty. During his lifetime the Company acquired considerable wealth;
+and after his death it became a large owner of estates in Europe. How
+was this consistent with the observance of that vow, so strictly
+inculcated by the founder on his first disciples, and so pompously
+proclaimed in their constitutions? The professed and all their houses,
+as well as their churches, were bound to subsist on alms; they preached,
+administered the sacraments of the Church, and educated gratis. They
+could inherit nothing, and were not allowed to receive money for their
+journeys. But here appeared the wisdom of restricting the numbers of the
+professed to a small percentage of the whole Society. The same rigid
+prohibition with regard to property was not imposed upon the houses of
+novices, colleges, and other educational establishments of the Jesuits;
+while the secular coadjutors were specially appointed for the
+administration of wealth which the professed might use but could not
+own.[168] In like manner, as they lived on alms, there was no objection
+to a priest of the order receiving valuable gifts in cash or kind from
+grateful recipients of his spiritual bounty. A separate article of the
+constitutions furthermore reserved for the General the right of
+accepting any donation whatsoever, made in favor of the whole Company,
+and of assigning capital or revenue as he judged wisest.
+
+[Footnote 168: Quinet calculates that at the close of the sixteenth
+century there were twenty-one houses of the professed (incapable of
+owning property) to 293 colleges (free from this inability).]
+
+Scholastics, even after they had taken the vow of poverty, were not
+obliged to relinquish their private possessions. Sooner or later, it was
+hoped that these would become the property of the order. In a word, the
+principle of this solemn obligation was so manipulated as to facilitate
+the acquisition and accumulation of wealth by the Jesuit like any other
+corporation. Only no individual Jesuit owned anything. He was rich or
+poor, he wore the clothes of princes or the rags of a mendicant, he
+lived sumptuously or begged in the street, he traveled with a following
+of servants or he walked on foot, according as it seemed good to his
+superiors. The vow of poverty, thus interpreted in practice, meant a
+total disengagement from temporalities on the part of every member, an
+absolute dependence of each subordinate upon his superior in the
+hierarchy.
+
+Having thus far treated the organization of the Jesuits as implicit in
+Loyola's own conception and administration, I ought to add that it
+received definite form from his successor, Lainez. The founder
+pronounced the Constitutions in 1553. But they were thoroughly revised
+after his death in 1558, at which date they first issued from the press.
+Lainez, again, supplemented these laws with a perpetual commentary,
+which is styled the Declarations. These contain the bulk of those
+easements and indulgent interpretations, whereby the strictness of the
+original rules was explained away, and an almost unbounded elasticity
+was communicated to the system.
+
+It would be rash to pronounce a decided opinion upon the much disputed
+question, whether, in addition to their Constitutions and Declarations,
+the Jesuits were provided with an esoteric code of rules known as
+_Monita Secreta_.[169] The existence of such a manual, which was
+supposed to contain the very pith of Jesuitical policy, has been
+confidently asserted and no less confidently denied. In the absence of
+direct evidence, it may be worth quoting two passages from Sarpi's
+Letters, which prove that this keen-sighted observer believed the
+Society to be governed in its practice by statutes inaccessible to all
+but its most trusted members. 'I have always admired the policy of the
+Jesuits,' he writes in 1608, 'and their method of maintaining secrecy.
+Their Constitutions are in print, and yet one cannot set eyes upon a
+copy. I do not mean their Rules, which are published at Lyons, for those
+are mere puerilities; but the digest of laws which guide their conduct
+of the order, and which they keep concealed. Every day many members
+leave, or are expelled from the Company; and yet their artifices are not
+exposed to view.'[170] In another letter, of the date 1610, Sarpi
+returns to the same point. 'The Jesuits before this Aquaviva was elected
+General were saints in comparison with what they afterwards became.
+Formerly they had not mixed in affairs of state or thought of governing
+cities. Since then, they have indulged a hope of controlling the whole
+world.
+
+[Footnote 169: A book with this title was published in 1612 at Cracow.
+It was declared a forgery at Rome by a congregation of Cardinals.]
+
+[Footnote 170: _Lettere_, vol. i. p. 100.]
+
+And I am sure that the least part of their Cabala is in the Ordinances
+and Constitutions of 1570. All the same, I am very glad to possess even
+these. Their true Cabala they never communicate to any but men who have
+been well tested, and proved by every species of trial; nor is it
+possible for those who have been initiated into it, to think of retiring
+from the order, since the congregation, through their excellent
+management of its machinery, know how to procure the immediate death of
+any such initiated member who may wish to leave their ranks.'[171]
+Probably the mistake which Sarpi and the world made, was in supposing
+that the Jesuits needed a written code for their most vital action.
+Being a potent and life-penetrated organism, the secret of their policy
+was not such as could be reduced to rule. It was not such as, if reduced
+to rule, could have been plastic in the affairs of public importance
+which the Company sought to control. Better than rule or statute, it was
+biological function. The supreme deliberative bodies of the order
+created, transmitted, and continuously modified its tradition of policy.
+This tradition some member, partially initiated into their counsels, may
+have reduced to precepts in the published _Monita Secreta_ of 1612. But
+the quintessential flame which breathed a breath of life into the fabric
+of the Jesuits through two centuries of organic activity, was far too
+vivid and too spiritual to be condensed in any charter. A friar and a
+jurist, like Sarpi, expected to discover some controlling code. The
+public, grossly ignorant of evolutionary laws in the formation of social
+organisms, could not comprehend the non-existence of this code.
+Adventurers supplied the demand from their knowledge of the ruling
+policy. But like the _Liber Trium Impostorum_ we may regard the _Monita
+Secreta_ of the Jesuits as an _ex post facto_ fabrication.
+
+[Footnote 171: _Lettere_, vol. ii. p. 174.]
+
+There is no need to trace the further history of the Jesuits. Their part
+in the Counter-Reformation has rather been exaggerated than
+insufficiently recognized. Though it was incontestably considerable, we
+cannot now concede, as Macaulay in his random way conceded to this
+Company, the _spolia opima_ of down-beaten Protestantism. Without the
+ecclesiastical reform which originated in the Tridentine Council;
+without the gold and sword of Spain; without the stakes and prisons of
+the Inquisition; without the warfare against thought conducted by the
+Congregation of the Index; the Jesuits alone could not have masterfully
+governed the Catholic revival. That revival was a movement of
+world-historical importance, in which they participated. It was their
+fortune to find forces in the world which they partially understood; it
+was their merit to know how to manipulate those forces; it was their
+misfortune and their demerit that they proved themselves incapable of
+diverting those forces to any wholesome end. In Italy a succession of
+worldly Popes, Paul III., Julius III., Pius IV., and Gregory XIII.,
+heaped favors and showered wealth upon the order. The Jesuits
+incarnated the political spirit of the Papacy at this epoch; they lent
+it a potency for good and evil which the decrepit but still vigorous
+institution arrogated to itself. They adapted its anachronisms with
+singular adroitness to the needs of modern society. They transfused
+their throbbing blood into its flaccid veins, until it became doubtful
+whether the Papacy had been absorbed into the Jesuits, or whether the
+Jesuits had remodeled the Papacy for contemporary uses. But this
+tendency in the aspiring order to identify itself with Rome, this
+ambition to command the prestige of Rome as leverage for carrying out
+its own designs, stirred the resentment of haughty and _intransigeant_
+Pontiffs. The Jesuits were not beloved by Paul IV., Pius V., and Sixtus
+V.
+
+It remains, however, to inquire in what the originality, the effective
+operation, and the modifying influence of the Jesuit Society consisted
+during the period with which we are concerned. It was their object to
+gain control over Europe by preaching, education, the direction of
+souls, and the management of public affairs. In each of these
+departments their immediate success was startling; for they labored with
+zeal, and they adapted their methods to the requirements of the age.
+Yet, in the long run, art, science, literature, religion, morality and
+politics, all suffered from their interference. By preferring artifice
+to reality, affectation to sincerity, shams and subterfuges to plain
+principle and candor, they confused the conscience and enfeebled the
+intellect of Catholic Europe. When we speak of the Jesuit style in
+architecture, rhetoric and poetry, of Jesuit learning and scholarship,
+of Jesuit casuistry and of Jesuit diplomacy, it is either with languid
+contempt for bad taste and insipidity, or with the burning indignation
+which systematic falsehood and corruption inspire in honorable minds.
+
+In education, the Jesuits, if they did not precisely innovate, improved
+upon the methods of the grammarians which had persisted from the Middle
+Ages through the Renaissance. They spared no pains in training a large
+and competent body of professors, men of extensive culture, formed upon
+one uniform pattern, and exercised in the art of popularizing knowledge.
+These teachers were distributed over the Jesuit colleges; and in every
+country their system was the same. New catechisms, grammars, primers,
+manuals of history, enabled their pupils to learn with facility in a few
+months what it had cost years of painful labor to acquire under pompous
+pedants of the old _régime_. The mental and physical aptitudes of youths
+committed to their charge were carefully observed; and classes were
+adapted to various ages and degrees of capacity. Hours of recreation
+alternated with hours of study, so that the effort of learning should be
+neither irksome nor injurious to health. Nor was religious education
+neglected. Attendance upon daily Mass, monthly confession, and
+instruction in the articles of the faith, formed an indispensable part
+of the system. When we remember that these advantages were offered
+gratuitously to the public, it is not surprising that people of all
+ranks and conditions should have sent their boys to the Jesuit colleges.
+Even Protestants availed themselves of what appeared so excellent a
+method; and the Jesuits obtained the reputation of being the best
+instructors of youth.[172] It soon became the mark of a good Catholic to
+have frequented Jesuit schools; and in after life a pupil who had
+studied creditably in their colleges, found himself everywhere at home.
+Yet the Society took but little interest in elementary or popular
+education. Their object was to gain possession of the nobility, gentry,
+and upper middle class. The proletariat might remain ignorant; it was
+the destiny of such folk to be passive instruments in the hands of
+spiritual and temporal rulers. Nor were they always scrupulous in the
+means employed for taking hold on young men of distinction. One instance
+of the animosity they aroused, even in Italy, at an early period of
+their activity, will suffice. Tuscany was thrown into commotion by the
+discovery of their designs upon the boys they undertook to teach.
+
+[Footnote 172: See Sarpi's _Letters_, vol. i. p. 352, for Protestant
+pupils of Jesuits. Sarpi's _Memorial to the Signory of Venice on the
+Collegio de'Greci in Rome_ exposes the fallacy of their being reputed
+the best teachers of youth, by pointing out how their aim is to withdraw
+their pupils' allegiance from the nation, the government, and the
+family, to themselves.]
+
+'They were so madly bent,' says Galluzzi, 'upon filling the ranks of
+their Company with individuals of wealth and birth, that in 1584, in the
+single city of Siena, under the pretense of devotion, they seduced
+thirty youths of the noblest and richest houses, not without great
+injury to their families and grief to their parents. The most notorious
+of these cases Was that of two sons of Pandolfo Petrucci, whose name
+indicates his high position in the aristocracy of Siena. These young men
+they got into their power by inducing them to commit a theft, and then
+compelled them to pledge fealty to the Society. Escaping by night in the
+direction of Rome, the lads were arrested by the city guards, and
+confessed that they had agreed to meet two Jesuits, who were waiting to
+conduct them on their journey.'[173]
+
+[Footnote 173: _Storia del Granducato di Toscana_, vol. iv. p. 275.]
+
+It was, indeed, not the propagation of sound principles or liberal
+learning, but the aggrandizement of the order and the enforcement of
+Catholic usages, at which the Jesuits aimed in their scheme of
+education. This was noticeable in their attitude toward literature and
+science. Michelet has described their method in a brilliant and exact
+metaphor, as the attempt to counteract the poison of free thought and
+stimulative studies by means of vaccination. They taught the classics in
+expurgated editions, history in drugged epitomes, science in popular
+lectures. Instead of banning what M. Renan is wont to style _études
+fortes_, they undertook to emasculate these and render them innocuous.
+While Bruno was burned by the Inquisition for proclaiming what the
+Copernican discovery involved for faith and metaphysics, Father Koster
+at Cologne vulgarized it into something pretty and agreeable. While
+Scaliger and Casaubon used the humanities as a propaedeutic of the
+virile reason, the Jesuits contrived to sterilize and mechanize their
+influences by insipid rhetoric. Everywhere through Europe, by the side
+of stalwart thinkers, crept plausible Jesuit professors, following the
+light of learning like its shadow, mimicking the accent of the gods like
+parrots, and mocking their gestures like apes. Their adroit admixture of
+falsehood with truth in all departments of knowledge, their substitution
+of veneer for solid timber, and of pinchbeck for sterling metal, was
+more profitable to the end they had in view than the torture-chamber of
+the Inquisition or the quarantine of the Index. Mediocrities and
+respectabilities of every description--that is to say, the majority of
+the influential classes--were delighted with their method. What could be
+better than to see sons growing up, good Catholics in all external
+observances, devoted to the order of society and Mother Church, and at
+the same time showy Latinists, furnished with a cyclopaedia of current
+knowledge, glib at speechifying, ingenious in the construction of an
+epigram or compliment? If some of the more sensible sort grumbled that
+Jesuit learning was shallow, and Jesuit morality of base alloy, the
+reply, like that of an Italian draper selling palpable shoddy for
+broadcloth, came easily and cynically to the surface: _Imita bene_! The
+stuff is a good match enough! What more do you want? To produce
+plausible imitations, to save appearances, to amuse the mind with
+tricks, was the last resort of Catholicism in its warfare against
+rationalism. And such is the banality of human nature as a whole, that
+the Jesuits, those monopolists of Brummagem manufactures, achieved
+eminent success. Their hideous churches, daubed with plaster painted to
+resemble costly marbles, encrusted with stucco polished to deceive the
+eye, loaded with gewgaws and tinsel and superfluous ornament and
+frescoes, turning flat surfaces into cupolas and arcades, passed for
+masterpieces of architectonic beauty. The conceits of their pulpit
+oratory, its artificial cadences and flowery verbiage, its theatrical
+appeals to gross sensations, wrought miracles and converted thousands.
+Their sickly Ciceronian style, their sentimental books of piety, 'the
+worse for being warm,' the execrable taste of their poetry, their flimsy
+philosophy and disingenuous history, infected the taste of Catholic
+Europe like a slow seductive poison, flattering and accelerating the
+diseases of mental decadence. Sound learning died down beneath the
+tyranny of the Inquisition, the Index, the Council of Trent, Spain and
+the Papacy. A rank growth of unwholesome culture arose and flourished on
+its tomb under the forcing-frames of Jesuitry. But if we peruse the
+records of literature and science during the last three centuries, few
+indeed are the eminences even of a second order which can be claimed by
+the Company of Jesus.
+
+The same critique applies to Jesuit morality. It was the Company's aim
+to control the conscience by direction and confession, and especially
+the conscience of princes, women, youths in high position. To do so by
+plain speaking and honest dealing was clearly dangerous. The world had
+had enough of Dominican austerity and dogmatism. To do so by open
+toleration and avowed cynicism did not suit the temper of the time. A
+reform of the monastic orders and the regular clergy had been undertaken
+by the Church. Pardoners, palmers, indulgence-mongers, jolly Franciscan
+confessors, and such-like folk were out of date. But the Jesuits were
+equal to the exigencies of the moment. We have seen how Ignatius
+recommended fishers of souls to humor queasy consciences. His successors
+expanded and applied the hint.--You must not begin by talking about
+spiritual things to people immersed in worldly interests. That is as
+simple as trying to fish without bait. On the contrary, you must
+insinuate yourself into their confidence by studying their habits, and
+spying out their propensities. You must appear to notice little at the
+first, and show yourself a good companion. When you become acquainted
+with the bosom sins and pleasant vices of folk in high position, you can
+lead them on the path of virtue at your pleasure. You must certainly
+tell them then that indulgence in sensuality, falsehood, fraud,
+violence, covetousness, and tyrannical oppression, is unconditionally
+wrong. Make no show of compromise with evil in the gross; but refine
+away the evil by distinctions, reservations, hypothetical conditions,
+until it disappears. Explain how hard it is to know whether a sin be
+venial or mortal, and how many chances there are against its being in
+any strict sense a sin at all. Do not leave folk to their own blunt
+sense of right and wrong, but let them admire the finer edge of your
+scalpel, while you shred up evil into morsels they can hardly see. A
+ready way may thus be opened for the satisfaction of every human desire
+without falling into theological faults. The advantages are manifest.
+You will be able to absolve with a clear conscience. Your penitent will
+abound in gratitude and open out his heart to you. You will fulfill your
+function as confessor and counselor. He will be secured for the sacred
+ends of our Society, and will contribute to the greater glory of
+God.--It was thus that the Jesuit labyrinth of casuistry, with its
+windings, turnings, secret chambers, whispering galleries, blind alleys,
+issues of evasion, came into existence; the whole vicious and monstrous
+edifice being crowned with the saving virtue of obedience, and the
+theory of ends justifying means. After the irony of Pascal, the
+condensed rage of La Chalotais, and the grave verdict of the Parlement
+of Paris (1762), it is not necessary now to refute the errors or to
+expose the abominations of this casuistry in detail.[174] Yet it cannot
+be wholly passed in silence here; for its application materially favored
+the influence of Jesuits in modern Europe.
+
+[Footnote 174: Having mentioned the names of these illustrious
+Frenchmen, I feel bound to point out how accurately their criticism of
+the Jesuits was anticipated by Paolo Sarpi. His correspondence between
+the years 1608 and 1622 demonstrates that this body of social corrupters
+had been early recognized by him in their true light. Sarpi calls them
+'sottilissimi maestri in mal fare,' 'donde esce ogni falsità et
+bestemmia,' 'il vero morbo Gallico,' 'peste pubblica,' 'peste del mondo'
+(_Letters_, vol. i. pp. 142, 183, 245, ii. 82, 109). He says that they
+'hanno messo l'ultima mano a stabilire una corruzione universale' (_ib._
+vol. i. p. 304). By their equivocations and mental reservations 'fanno
+essi prova di gabbare Iddio' (_ib._ vol. ii. p. 82). 'La menzogna non
+iscusano soltanto ma lodano' (_ib._ vol. ii. p. 106). So far, the
+utterances which I have quoted might pass for the rhetoric of mere
+spite. But the portrait gradually becomes more definite in details
+limned from life. 'The Jesuits have so many loopholes for escape,
+pretexts, colors of insinuation, that they are more changeful than the
+Sophist of Plato; and when one thinks to have caught them between thumb
+and finger, they wriggle out and vanish' (_ib._ vol. i. p. 230). 'The
+Jesuit fathers have methods of acquiring in this world, and making their
+neophytes acquire, heaven without diminution, or rather with
+augmentation, of this life's indulgences' (_ib._ vol. i. p. 313). 'The
+Jesuit fathers used to confer Paradise; they now have become dispensers
+of fame in this world' (_ibid._ p. 363). 'When they seek entrance into
+any place, they do not hesitate to make what promises may be demanded of
+them, possessing as they do the art of escape by lying with
+equivocations and mental reservations' (_ib._ vol. ii. p. 147). 'The
+Jesuit is a man of every color; he repeats the marvel of the chameleon'
+(_ibid._ p. 105). 'When they play a losing game, they yet rise winners
+from the table. For it is their habit to insinuate themselves upon any
+condition demanded, having arts enough whereby to make themselves
+masters of those who bind them by prescribed rules. They are glad to
+enter in the guise of galley-slaves with irons on their ankles; since,
+when they have got in, they will find no difficulty in loosing their own
+bonds and binding others' (_ibid._ p. 134). 'They command two arts: the
+one of escaping from the bonds and obligations of any vow or promise
+they shall have made, by means of equivocation, tacit reservation, and
+mental restriction; the other of insinuating, like the hedgehog, into
+the narrowest recesses, being well aware that when they unfold their
+piercing bristles, they will obtain the full possession of the dwelling
+and exclude its master' _(ibid_. p. 144). 'Everybody in Italy is well
+aware how they have wrought confession into an art. They never receive
+confidences under that seal without disclosing all particulars in the
+conferences of their Society; and that with the view of using confession
+to the advantage of their order and the Church. At the same time they
+preach the doctrine that the seal of the confessional precludes a
+penitent from disclosing what the confessor may have said to him, albeit
+his utterances have had no reference to sins or to the safety of the
+soul' (_ib._ vol. ii. p. 108). 'Should the Jesuits in France get hold of
+education, they will dominate the university, and eradicate sound
+letters. Yet why do I speak of healthy literature? I ought to have said
+good and wholesome doctrine, the which is verily mortal to that Company'
+(_ibid._ p. 162). 'Every species of vice finds its patronage in them.
+The avaricious trust their maxims, for trafficking in spiritual
+commodities; the superstitious, for substituting kisses upon images for
+the exercise of Christian virtues; the base fry of ambitious upstarts,
+for cloaking every act of scoundreldom with a veil of holiness. The
+indifferent find in them a palliative for their spiritual deadness; and
+whoso fears no God, has a visible God ready made for him, whom he may
+worship with merit to his soul. In fine, there is nor perjury, nor
+sacrilege, nor parricide, nor incest, nor rapine, nor fraud, nor
+treason, which cannot be masked as meritorious beneath the mantle of
+their dispensation' (_ibid._ p. 330). 'I apprehend the difficulty of
+attacking their teachings; seeing that they merge their own interests
+with those of the Papacy; and that not only in the article of Pontifical
+authority, but in all points. At present they stand for themselves upon
+the ground of equivocations. But believe me, they will adjust this also,
+and that speedily; forasmuch as they are omnipotent in the Roman Court,
+and the Pope himself fears them' (_ibid._ p. 333). 'Had S. Peter known
+the creed of the Jesuits, he could have found a way to deny our Lord
+without sinning' (_ibid._ p. 353). 'The Roman Court will never condemn
+Jesuit doctrine; for this is the secret of its empire--a secret of the
+highest and most capital importance, whereby those who openly refuse to
+worship it are excommunicated, and those who would do so if they dared,
+are held in check' (_ibid._ p. 105). The object of this lengthy note is
+to vindicate for Sarpi a prominent and early place among those candid
+analysts of Jesuitry who now are lost in the great light of Pascal's
+genius. Sarpi's _Familiar Letters_ have for my mind even more weight
+than the famous _Lettres Provinciales_ of Pascal. They were written with
+no polemical or literary bias, at a period when Jesuitry was in its
+prime; and their force as evidence is strengthened by their obvious
+spontaneity. A book of some utility was published in 1703 at Salzburg
+(?), under the title of _Artes Jesuiticae_ Christianus Aletophilus. This
+contains a compendium of those passages in casuistical writings on which
+Pascal based his brilliant satires. Paul Bert's modern work, _La Morale
+des Jésuites_ (Paris: Charpentier, 1881), is intended to prove that
+recent casuistical treatises of the school repeat those ancient
+perversions of sound morals.]
+
+The working of the Company, as we have seen, depended upon a skillful
+manipulation of apparently hard-and-fast principles. The Declarations
+explained away the Constitutions; and an infinite number of minute
+exceptions and distinctions volatilized vows and obligations into ether.
+Transferring the same method to the sphere of ethics, they so wrought
+upon the precepts of the moral law, whether expressed in holy writ, in
+the ecclesiastical decrees, or in civil jurisprudence, as to deprive
+them of their binding force. The subtlest elasticity had been gained for
+the machinery of the order by casuistical interpretation. A like
+elasticity was secured for the control and government of souls by an
+identical process. It was no wonder that the Jesuits became rapidly
+fashionable as confessors. The plainest prohibitions were as wax in
+their hands. The Decalogue laid down as rules for conduct: 'Thou shalt
+not steal;' 'Thou shalt not kill;' 'Thou shalt not commit adultery.'
+Christ spiritualized these rules into their essence: 'Thou shalt love
+thy neighbor as thyself;' 'Whosoever looketh on a woman to lust after
+her, hath committed adultery already with her in his heart.' It is
+manifest that both the old and the new covenant upon which modern
+Christianity is supposed to rest, suffered no transactions in matters
+so clear to the human conscience. Jesus himself refined upon the
+legality of the Mosaic code by defining sin as egotism or concupiscence.
+But the Company of Jesus took pains in their casuistry to provide
+attenuating circumstances for every sin in detail. By their doctrines of
+the invincible erroneous conscience, of occult compensation, of
+equivocation, of mental reservation, of probabilism, and of
+philosophical sin, they afforded loopholes for the gratification of
+every passion, and for the commission of every crime. Instead of
+maintaining that any injury done to a neighbor is wrong, they multiplied
+instances in which a neighbor may be injured. Instead of holding firm to
+Christ's verdict that sexual vice is implicit in licentious desire, they
+analyzed the sensual modes of crude voluptuousness, taxed each in turn
+at arbitrary values, and provided plausible excuses for indulgence.
+Instead of laying it down as a broad principle that men must keep their
+word, they taught them how to lie with spiritual impunity and with
+credit to their reputation as sons of the Church. Thus the inventive
+genius of the casuist, bent on dissecting immorality and reducing it to
+classes; the interrogative ingenuity of the confessor, pruriently
+inquisitive into private experience; the apologetic subtlety of the
+director, eager to supply his penitent with salves and anodynes; were
+all alike and all together applied to anti-social contamination in
+matters of lubricity, and to anti-social corruption in matters of
+dishonesty, fraud, falsehood, illegality and violence. The single
+doctrine of probabilism, as Pascal abundantly proved, facilitates the
+commission of crime; for there is no perverse act which some casuist of
+note has not plausibly excused.
+
+It may be urged that confession and direction, as adopted by the
+Catholic Church, bring the abominations of casuistry logically in their
+train. Priests who have to absolve sinners must be familiar with sin in
+all its branches. In the confessional they will be forced to listen to
+recitals, the exact bearings of which they cannot understand unless they
+are previously instructed. Therefore the writings of Sanchez, Diana,
+Liguori, Burchard, Billuard, Rousselot, Gordon, Gaisson, are put into
+their hands at an early age--works which reveal more secrets of
+impudicity than Aretino has described, or Commodus can have
+practiced--works which recommend more craft and treachery and fraud and
+falsehood than Machiavelli accorded to his misbegotten Saviour of
+Society. In these writings men vowed to celibacy probe the foulest
+labyrinths of sexual impurity; men claiming to stand outside the civil
+order and the state, imbibe false theories upon property and probity and
+public duty.
+
+The root of the matter is wrong indubitably. It is contrary to good
+government that a sacerdotal class, by means of confession and
+direction, should be placed in a position of deciding upon conduct. It
+is revolting to human dignity that this same class, without national
+allegiance, and without domestic ties, should have the opportunity of
+infecting young minds by unhealthy questionings and dishonorable
+suggestions. But this wrong, which is inherent in the modern Catholic
+system, becomes an atrocity when it is employed, as the Jesuits employed
+it, as an instrument for moulding and controlling society in their own
+interest.
+
+While the Jesuits rendered themselves obnoxious to criticism by their
+treatment of the individual in his private and social capacity, they
+speedily became what Hallam cautiously styles 'rather dangerous
+supporters of the See of Rome' in public and political affairs. The
+ultimate failure of their diplomacy and intrigue over the whole field of
+modern statecraft inclines historians of the present epoch to underrate
+their mechanics of obstruction, and to underestimate the many occasions
+on which they did successfully retard the progress of civil government
+and intellectual freedom. It were wiser to regard them in the same light
+as fanatics laying stones upon a railway, or of dynamiters blowing up an
+emperor or a corner of Westminster Hall. The final end of the nefarious
+traffic may not be attained. But credit can be claimed by those who took
+their part in it, for the wreck of express trains, the perturbation of
+cities, and the mourning of peaceable families. And thus it was with the
+Jesuits. Though the results of their political intrigues had not
+corresponded to their hopes, they yet worked appreciable mischief by
+the organization of the League in France, and the Thirty Years' War in
+Germany, and by their revolutionary theories which infected Europe with
+conspiracy and murder. Their method was not original. Machiavelli had
+expounded the doctrines they put in practice. He taught that in a
+desperate state of the nation, men may have recourse to treachery and
+violence. The nation of the Jesuits was a hybrid between their order and
+Catholicism. The peril to the Church was imminent; its decadence
+demanded desperate remedies. They invoked regicide, revolt, and treason,
+to effect an impossible cure.
+
+The political theory of the Jesuits was deduced from their fundamental
+principle of obedience to the Church. They maintained that the
+ecclesiastical is _jure divino_ superior to the secular power. The Pope
+through God's commission and appointment sways the Church; the Church
+takes rank above the State, as the soul above the body. Consequently,
+the first allegiance of a Christian nation, together with its secular
+rulers, belongs of right to the Supreme Pontiff. The people is the real
+sovereign; and kings are delegates from the people, with authority which
+they can only justly exercise so long as they remain in obedience to
+Rome. It follows from these positions that every nation must refuse
+fealty to an irreligious or contumacious ruler. In the last resort they
+may lawfully remove him by murder; and they are _ipso facto_ in a state
+of mortal sin if they elect or recognize a heretic as sovereign. This
+theory sprang from the writings of the English Jesuits, Allen and
+Parsons. It was elaborated in Rome by Cardinal Bellarmino, applied in
+Spain by Suarez and Mariana, and openly preached in France by Jean
+Boucher. The best energies of Paolo Sarpi were devoted to combating the
+main position of ecclesiastical supremacy. His works had a salutary
+effect by delimiting the relations of the Church to the State, and by
+demonstrating even to Catholics the pernicious results of acknowledging
+a Papal overlordship in temporal affairs. At the same time the boldly
+democratic principle of the sovereignty of the people, which the Jesuits
+advanced in order to establish their doctrine of ecclesiastical
+superiority, provoked opposition. It led to the contrary hypothesis of
+the Divine Right of sovereigns, which found favor in Protestant
+kingdoms, and especially in England under the Stuart dynasty. When the
+French Catholics resolved to terminate the discords of their country by
+the recognition of Henri IV., they had recourse to this argument for
+justifying their obedience to a heretic. It was felt by all sound
+thinkers and by every patriot in Europe, that the Papal prerogatives
+claimed by the Jesuits were too inconsistent with national liberties to
+be tolerated. The zeal of the Society had clearly outrun its discretion;
+and the free discussion of the theory of government which their insolent
+assumptions stimulated, weakened the cause they sought to strengthen.
+Their ingenuity overreached itself.
+
+This, however, was as nothing compared with the hostility evoked by
+their unscrupulous application of these principles in practice. There
+was hardly a plot against established rule in Protestant countries with
+which they were not known or believed to be connected. The invasion of
+Ireland in 1579, the murder of the Regent Morton in Scotland, and
+Babington's conspiracy against Elizabeth, emanated from their councils.
+They were held responsible for the attempted murder of the Prince of
+Orange in 1580, and for his actual murder in 1584. They loudly applauded
+Jacques Clément, the assassin of Henri III. in 1589, as 'the eternal
+glory of France.'[175] Numerous unsuccessful attacks upon the life of
+Henri IV., culminating in that of Jean Chastel in 1594, caused their
+expulsion from France. When they returned in 1603, they set to work
+again;[176] and the assassin Ravaillac, who succeeded in removing the
+obnoxious champion of European independence in 1610, was probably
+inspired by their doctrine.[177] They had a hand in the Gunpowder Plot
+of 1605, and were thought by some to have instigated the Massaere of S.
+Bartholomew. They fomented the League of the Guises, which had for its
+object a change in the French dynasty. They organized the Thirty Years'
+War, and they procured the revocation of the Edict of Nantes. If it is
+not possible to connect them immediately with all and each of the
+criminal acts laid to their charge, the fact that a Jesuit in every case
+was lurking in the background, counts by the force of cumulative
+evidence heavily against them, and explains the universal suspicion with
+which they came to be regarded as factious intermeddlers in the concerns
+of nations. Moreover, their written words accused them; for the
+tyrannicide of heretics was plainly advocated in their treatises on
+government. So profound was the conviction of their guilt, that the
+death of Sixtus V. in 1590, predicted by Bellarmino, the sudden death of
+Urban VII. in the same year, and the death of Clement VIII. in 1805,
+also predicted by Bellarmino--these three Popes being ill-affected
+toward the order--were popularly ascribed to their agency. But of their
+practical intervention there is no proof. Old age and fever must be
+credited, in these as in other cases, with the decease of Roman Pontiffs
+supposed to have been poisoned.
+
+[Footnote 175: See Mariana, _De Rege_, lib. i. cap. 6. This book, be it
+remembered, was written for the instruction of the heir apparent,
+afterwards Philip III.]
+
+[Footnote 176: Henri IV. let them return to France, in mere dread of
+their machinations against him. See Sully, vol. v. p. 113.]
+
+[Footnote 177: Sarpi, who was living at the time of Henri's murder, and
+who saw his best hopes for Italy and the Church of God extinguished by
+that crime, at first credited the Jesuits with the deliberate
+instigation Ravaillac. He gradually came to the conclusion that, though
+they were not directly responsible, their doctrine of regicide had
+inflamed the fanatic's imagination. See, in succession, _Letters_, vol.
+ii. pp. 78, 79, 81, 83, 86, 91, 105, 121, 170, 181, 192.]
+
+It is not, however, to be wondered that sooner, or later the Jesuits
+made themselves insupportable by their intrigues in all the countries
+where they were established.[178] Even to the Papacy itself they proved
+too irksome to be borne. The Company showed plainly that what they meant
+by obedience to Rome was obedience to a Rome controlled and fashioned by
+themselves. It was their ambition to stand in the same relation to the
+Pope as the Shogûn to the Mikado of Japan. Nor does the analysis of
+their opinions fail to justify the condemnation passed upon them by the
+Parlement of Paris in 1762. 'These doctrines tend to destroy the natural
+law, that rule of manners which God Himself has imprinted on the hearts
+of men, and in consequence to sever all the bonds of civil society, by
+the authorization of theft, falsehood, perjury, the most culpable
+impurity, and in a word each passion and each crime of human weakness;
+to obliterate all sentiments of humanity by favoring homicide and
+parricide; and to annihilate the authority of sovereigns in the State.'
+
+[Footnote 178: Expelled from Venice in 1606, from Bohemia in 1618, from
+Naples and the Netherlands in 1622, from Russia in 1676, from Portugal
+in 1759, from Spain in 1767, from France in 1764. Suppressed by the Bull
+of Clement XIV. in 1773. Restored in 1814, as an instrument against the
+Revolution.]
+
+Great psychological and pathological interest, attaches to the study of
+the Jesuit order. To withhold our admiration from the zeal, energy,
+self-devotion and constructive ability of its founders, would be
+impossible. Equally futile would it be to affect indifference before the
+sinister spectacle of so world-embracing an organism, persistently
+maintained in action for an anti-social end. There is something Roman in
+the colossal proportions of Loyola's idea, something Roman in the
+durability of the structure which perpetuates it. Yet the philosopher
+cannot but agree with the vulgar in his final judgment on the odiousness
+of these sacerdotal despots, these unflinching foes not merely to the
+heroes of the human intellect, and to the champions of right conduct,
+but also to the very angels of Christianity. That the Jesuits should
+claim to have been founded by Him who preached the Sermon on the Mount,
+that they should flaunt their motto, A.M.D.G., in the sight of Him who
+spake from Sinai, is one of those practical paradoxes in which the
+history of decrepit religions abounds.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER V.
+
+SOCIAL AND DOMESTIC MORALS: PART I.
+
+     How did the Catholic Revival affect Italian Society?--Difficulty of
+     Answering this Question--Frequency of Private Crimes of
+     Violence--Homicides and Bandits--Savage Criminal Justice--Paid
+     Assassins--Toleration of Outlaws--Honorable Murder--Example of the
+     Lucchese Army--State of the Convents--The History of Virginia de
+     Leyva--Lucrezia Buonvisi--The True Tale of the Cenci--The Brothers
+     of the House of Massimo--Vittoria Accoramboni--The Duchess of
+     Palliano--Wife-Murders--The Family of Medici.
+
+
+We are naturally led to inquire what discernible effect the Catholic
+Revival and the Counter-Reformation had upon the manners and morals of
+the Italians as a nation. Much has been said about the contrast between
+intellectual refinement and almost savage license which marked the
+Renaissance. Yet it can with justice be maintained that, while ferocity
+and brutal sensuality survived from the Middle Ages, humanism, by means
+of the new ideal it introduced, tended to civilize and educate the race.
+Now, however, the Church was stifling culture and attempting to restore
+that ecclesiastical conception of human life which the Renaissance had
+superseded. Did then her resuscitated Catholicism succeed in permeating
+the Italians with the spirit of Christ and of the Gospel? Were the
+nobles more quiet in their demeanor, less quarrelsome and haughty, more
+law-abiding and less given to acts of violence, than they had been in
+the previous period? Were the people more contented and less torn by
+factions, happier in their homes, less abandoned to the insanities of
+baleful superstitions?
+
+It is obviously difficult to answer these questions with either
+completeness or accuracy. In the first place, we have no right to expect
+that the religious revival, signalized by the Tridentine Council, should
+have made itself immediately felt in the sphere of national conduct. In
+the second place, it was not, like the German Reformation, a renewal of
+Christianity at its sources, but a resuscitation of mediaeval
+Catholicity, in direct antagonism to the intellectual tendencies of the
+age. The new learning among northern races disintegrated that system of
+ideas upon which mediaeval society rested; but it also introduced
+religious and moral conceptions more vital than those ideas in their
+decadence. In Italy the disintegrating process had been no less
+thorough, nay far more subtle and pervasive. Yet the new learning had
+not led the nation to attempt a reconstruction of primitive
+Christianity. The Catholic Revival gave nothing vital or enthusiastic to
+the conscience of the race. It brought the old creeds, old cult, old
+superstitions, old abuses back, with stricter discipline and under a
+_régime_ of terror. Meanwhile, it resolutely ranged its forces in
+opposition to what had been salutary and life-giving in the mental
+movement of the Renaissance. It compelled people who had watched the
+dawning of a new light, to shut their eyes upon that dayspring. It
+extinguished the studies of the Classical Revival; bade philosophers
+return to Thomas of Aquino; threatened thinkers with the dungeon or the
+stake who should presume to pass the Pillars of Hercules, when a whole
+Atlantic of knowledge had been opened to their curiosity. Under these
+circumstances it was impossible that a revolution, so retrograde in its
+nature, checking the tide of national energy in full flow, should have
+exercised a healthy influence over the Italian temperament at large. We
+have a right to expect, what in fact we find, the advent of hypocrisy
+and ceremonial observances, but little actual amendment in manners. In
+the third place, the question is still further complicated by the
+Catholic Revival having been effected concurrently with the
+establishment of the Spanish Hegemony. At the end of the first chapter
+of this volume I pointed out the evils brought on Italy by her servitude
+to a foreign and unsympathetic despot: the decline of commercial
+activity, the multiplication of slothful lordlings, the depression of
+industry, the diminution of wealth, and the suffering of the lower
+classes from pirates, bandits and tax-gatherers. These conditions were
+sufficient to demoralize a people. And mediaeval Catholicism, restored
+by edict, enforced by the Inquisition, propagated by Jesuits, was not of
+the fine enthusiastic quality to counteract them. Servile in its
+conception, it sufficed to bridle and benumb a race of serfs, but not
+to soften or to purify their brutal instincts.[179]
+
+In this chapter I shall not attempt a general survey of Italian
+society.[180] I shall content myself with supplying materials for the
+formation of a judgment by narrating some of the most remarkable
+domestic tragedies of the second half of the sixteenth century, choosing
+those only which rest upon well-sifted documentary evidence, and which
+bring the social conditions of the country into strong relief. Before
+engaging in these historical romances, it will be well to preface them
+with a few general remarks upon the state of manners they will
+illustrate.
+
+The first thing which strikes a student of Italy between 1530 and 1600
+is that crimes of violence, committed by private individuals for
+personal ends, continued steadily upon the increase.[181]
+
+[Footnote 179: The last section of Loyola's _Exercitia_ is an epitome of
+post-Tridentine Catholicism, though penned before the opening of the
+Council. In its last paragraph it inculcates the fear of God: 'neque
+porro is timor solum, quem filialem appellamus, qui pius est ac sanctus
+maxime; verum etiam alter, servilis dictus' (_Inst. Soc. Jesu_, vol. iv.
+p. 173).]
+
+[Footnote 180: An interesting survey of this wider kind has been
+attempted by U.A. Canello for the whole sixteenth century in his _Storia
+della Lett. It. nel Secolo XVI_. (Milano: Vallardi, 1880). He tries to
+demonstrate that, in the sphere of private life, Italian society
+gradually refined the brutal lusts of the Middle Ages, and passed
+through fornication to a true conception of woman as man's companion in
+the family. The theme is bold; and the author seems to have based it
+upon too slight acquaintance with the real conditions of the Middle
+Ages.]
+
+[Footnote 181: Galluzzi, in his _Storia del Granducato di Toscana_, vol.
+iv. p. 34, estimates the murders committed in Florence alone during the
+eighteen months which followed the death of Cosimo I., at 186.]
+
+Compared with the later Middle Ages, compared with the Renaissance, this
+period is distinguished by extraordinary ferocity of temper and by an
+almost unparalleled facility of bloodshed.[182]
+
+[Footnote 182: In drawing up these paragraphs I am greatly indebted to a
+vigorous passage by Signor Salvatore Bonghi in his _Storia di Lucrezia
+Buonvisi_, pp. 7-9, of which I have made free use, translating his words
+when they served my purpose, and interpolating such further details as
+might render the picture more complete.]
+
+The broad political and religious contests which had torn the country in
+the first years of the sixteenth century, were pacified. Foreign armies
+had ceased to dispute the provinces of Italy. The victorious powers of
+Spain, the Church, and the protected principalities, seemed secure in
+the possession of their gains. But those international quarrels which
+kept the nation in unrest through a long period of municipal wars,
+ending in the horrors of successive invasions, were now succeeded by an
+almost universal discord between families and persons. Each province,
+each city, each village became the theater of private feuds and
+assassinations. Each household was the scene of homicide and
+empoisonment. Italy presented the spectacle of a nation armed against
+itself, not to decide the issue of antagonistic political principles by
+civil strife, but to gratify lawless passions--cupidity, revenge,
+resentment--by deeds of personal high-handedness. Among the common
+people of the country and the towns, crimes of brutality and bloodshed
+were of daily occurrence; every man bore weapons for self-defence, and
+for attack upon his neighbor. The aristocracy and the upper classes of
+the _bourgeoisie_ lived in a perpetual state of mutual mistrust, ready
+upon the slightest occasion of fancied affront to blaze forth into
+murder. Much of this savagery was due to the false ideas of honor and
+punctilio which the Spaniards introduced. Quarrels arose concerning a
+salute, a title, a question of precedence, a seat in church, a place in
+the prince's ante-chamber, a meeting in the public streets. Noblemen
+were ushered on their way by servants, who measured distances, and took
+the height of daïs or of bench, before their master committed his
+dignity by advancing a step beyond the minimum that was due.
+Love-affairs and the code of honor with regard to women opened endless
+sources of implacable jealousies, irreconcilable hatreds, and offenses
+that could only be wiped out with blood. On each and all of these
+occasions, the sword was ready to the right hand; and where this
+generous weapon would not reach, the harquebuss and knife of paid
+assassins were employed without compunction.[183] We must not, however,
+ascribe this condition of society wholly or chiefly to Spanish
+influences.
+
+[Footnote 183: The lax indulgence accorded by the Jesuit casuists to
+every kind of homicide appears in the extracts from those writers
+collected in _Artes Jesuiticae_ (Salisburgi, 1703, pp. 75-83).
+Tamburinus went so far as to hold that if a man mixed poison for his
+enemy, and a friend came in and drank it up before his eyes, he was not
+bound to warn his friend, nor was he guilty of his friend's death (_Ib._
+p. 135, Art. 651).]
+
+It was in fact a survival of mediaeval habits under altered
+circumstances. During the municipal wars of the thirteenth century, and
+afterwards during the struggle of the despots for ascendency, the nation
+had become accustomed to internecine contests which set party against
+party, household against household, man against man. These humors in the
+cities, as Italian historians were wont to call them, had been partially
+suppressed by the confederation of the five great Powers at the close of
+the fifteenth century, and also by a prevalent urbanity of manners. At
+that epoch, moreover, they were systematized and controlled by the
+methods of _condottiere_ warfare, which offered a legitimate outlet to
+the passions of turbulent young men. But when Italy sank into the sloth
+of pacification after the settlement of Charles V. at Bologna in 1530,
+when there were no longer _condottieri_ to levy troops in rival armies,
+when political parties ceased in the cities, the old humors broke out
+again under the aspect of private and personal feuds. Though the names
+of Guelf and Ghibelline had lost their meaning, these factions
+reappeared, and divided Milan, the towns of Romagna, the villages of the
+Campagna. In the place of _condottieri_ arose brigand chiefs, who, like
+Piccolomini and Sciarra, placed themselves at the head of regiments, and
+swept the country on marauding expeditions. Instead of exiles, driven by
+victorious parties in the state to seek precarious living on a foreign
+soil, bandits, proscribed for acts of violence, abounded. Thus the
+habits which had been created through centuries of political ferment,
+subsisted when the nation was at rest in servitude, assuming baser and
+more selfish forms of ferocity. The end of the sixteenth century
+witnessed the final degeneration and corruption of a mediaeval state of
+warfare, which the Renaissance had checked, but which the miseries of
+foreign invasions had resuscitated by brutalizing the population, and
+which now threatened to disintegrate society in aimless anarchy and
+private lawlessness.
+
+It must not be imagined that governments and magistracies were slack in
+their pursuit of criminals. Repressive statutes, proclamations of
+outlawry, and elaborate prosecutions succeeded one another with
+unwearied conscientiousness. The revenues of states were taxed to
+furnish blood-money and to support spies. Large sums were invariably
+offered for the capture or assassination of escaped delinquents; and woe
+to the wretches who became involved in criminal proceedings! Witnesses
+were tortured with infernal cruelty. Convicted culprits suffered
+horrible agonies before their death, or were condemned to languish out a
+miserable life in pestilential dungeons. But the very inhumanity of this
+judicial method, without mercy for the innocent, from whom evidence
+could be extorted, and frequently inequitable in the punishments
+assigned to criminals of varying degrees of guilt, taught the people to
+defy justice, and encouraged them in brutality. They found it more
+tolerable to join the bands of brigands who preyed upon their fields
+and villages, than to assist rulers who governed so unequally and
+cruelly. We know, for instance, that a robber chief, Marianazzo, refused
+the Pope's pardon, alleging that the profession of brigandage was more
+lucrative and offered greater security of life than any trade within the
+walls of Rome. Thus the bandits of that generation occupied the specious
+attitude of opposition to oppressive governments. There were, moreover,
+many favorable chances for a homicide. The Church was jealous of her
+rights of sanctuary. Whatever may have been her zeal for orthodoxy, she
+showed herself an indulgent mother to culprits who demanded an asylum.
+Feudal nobles prided themselves on protecting refugees within their
+fiefs and castles. There were innumerable petty domains left, which
+carried privileges of signorial courts and local justice. Cardinals,
+ambassadors, and powerful princes claimed immunity from common
+jurisdiction in their palaces, the courts and basements of which soon
+became the resort of escaped criminals. No extradition treaties
+subsisted between the several and numerous states into which Italy was
+then divided, so that it was only necessary to cross a frontier in order
+to gain safety from the law. The position of an outlaw in that case was
+tolerably secure, except against private vengeance or the cupidity of
+professional cut-throats, who gained an honest livelihood by murdering
+bandits with a good price on their heads. Condemned for the most part in
+their absence, these homicides entered a recognized and not
+dishonorable class. They were tolerated, received, and even favored by
+neighboring princes, who generally had some grudge against the state
+from which the outlaws fled. After obtaining letters of safe-conduct and
+protection, they enrolled themselves in the militia of their adopted
+country, while the worst of them became spies or secret agents of
+police. No government seems to have regarded crimes of violence with
+severity, provided these had been committed on a foreign soil. Murders
+for the sake of robbery or rape were indeed esteemed ignoble. But a man
+who had killed an avowed enemy, or had shed blood in the heat of a
+quarrel, or had avenged his honor by the assassination of a sister
+convicted of light love, only established a reputation for bravery,
+which stood him in good stead. He was likely to make a stout soldier,
+and he had done nothing socially discreditable. On the contrary, if he
+had been useful in ridding the world of an outlaw some prince wished to
+kill, this murder made him a hero. In addition to the blood-money, he
+not unfrequently received lucrative office, or a pension for life.
+
+A very curious state of things resulted from these customs. States
+depended, in large measure, for the execution of their judicial
+sentences in cases of manslaughter and treason, upon foreign murderers
+and traitors. Towns were full of outlaws, each with a price upon his
+head, mutually suspicious, individually desirous of killing some
+fellow-criminal and thereby enriching his own treasury. If he were
+successful, he received a fair sum of money, with privileges and
+immunities from the state which had advertised the outlaw; and not
+unfrequently he obtained the further right of releasing one or more
+bandits from penalties of death or prison. It may be imagined at what
+cross-purposes the outlaws dwelt together, with crimes in many states
+accumulated on their shoulders; and what peril might ensue to society
+should they combine together, as indeed they tried to do in Bedmar's
+conspiracy against Venice. Meanwhile, the states kept this floating
+population of criminals in check by various political and social
+contrivances, which grew up from the exigencies and the habits of the
+moment. Instead of recruiting soldiers from the stationary population,
+it became usual, when a war was imminent, to enroll outlaws. Thus, when
+Lucca had to make an inroad into Garfagnana in 1613, the Republic issued
+a proclamation promising pardon and pay to those of its own bandits who
+should join its standard. Men to the number of 591 answered this call,
+and the little war which followed was conducted with more than customary
+fierceness.[184]
+
+[Footnote 184: See Salvatore Bonghi, _op. cit._ p. 159.]
+
+Even the ordinary police and guards of cities were composed of fugitives
+from other states, care being taken to select by preference those who
+came stained only with honorable bloodshed. In 1593 the guard of the
+palace of Lucca was reinforced by the addition of forty-three men,
+among whom four were bandits for wounds inflicted upon enemies in open
+fight; twelve for homicide in duel, sword to sword; five for the murder
+of more than one person in similar encounters; one for the murder of a
+sister, and the wounding of her seducer; two for mutilating an enemy in
+the face; one for unlawful recruiting; one for wounding; one for
+countenancing bandits; and sixteen simple refugees.[185] The phrases
+employed to describe these men in the official report are sufficiently
+illustrative of contemporary moral standards. Thus we read 'Banditi per
+omicidi semplici _da buono a buono_, a sangue caldo, da spada a spada,
+_o di nemici_.' 'Per omicidio d'una sorella _per causa d'onore_.' To
+murder an enemy, or a sister who had misbehaved herself, was accounted
+excusable.
+
+The prevalence of lawlessness encouraged a domestic custom which soon
+grew into a system. This was the maintenance of so-called _bravi_ by
+nobles and folk rich enough to afford so expensive a luxury. The outlaws
+found their advantage in the bargain which they drew with their
+employers; for besides being lodged, fed, clothed and armed, they
+obtained a certain protection from the spies and professional murderers
+who were always on the watch to kill them. Their masters used them to
+defend their persons when a feud was being carried on, or directed them
+against private enemies whom they wished to injure.
+
+[Footnote 185: Bonghi, _op. cit._ p. 159, note.]
+
+It is not uncommon in the annals of these times to read: 'Messer
+So-and-so, having received an affront from the Count of V., employed the
+services of three _bravi_, valiant fellows up to any mischief, with whom
+he retired to his country house.' Or again: 'The Marquis, perceiving
+that his neighbor had a grudge against him on account of the Signora
+Lucrezia, thought it prudent to increase his bodyguard, and therefore
+added Pepi and Lo Scarabone, bandits from Tuscany for murders of a
+priest and a citizen, to his household.' Or again: 'During the vacation
+of the Holy See the Baron X had, as usual, engaged men-at-arms for the
+protection of his palace.'
+
+In course of time it became the mark of birth and wealth to lodge a
+rabble of such rascals. They lived on terms of familiarity with their
+employer, shared his secrets, served him in his amours, and executed any
+devil's job he chose to command. Apartments in the basement of the
+palace were assigned to them, so that a nobleman's house continued to
+resemble the castle of a mediaeval baron. But the _bravi_, unlike
+soldiery, were rarely employed in honorable business. They formed a
+permanent element of treachery and violence within the social organism.
+Not a little singular were the relations thus established. The community
+of crime, involving common interests and common perils, established a
+peculiar bond between the noble and his _bravo_. This was complexioned
+by a certain sense of 'honor rooted in dishonor,' and by a faint
+reflection from elder retainership. The compact struck between
+landowner and bandit parodied that which drew feudal lord and wandering
+squire together. There was something ignobly noble in it, corresponding
+to the confused conscience and perilous conditions of the epoch.
+
+While studying this organized and half-tolerated system of social
+violence, we are surprised to observe how largely it was countenanced
+and how frequently it was set in motion by the Church. In a previous
+chapter on the Jesuits, I have adverted to their encouragement of
+assassination for ends which they considered sacred. In a coming chapter
+upon Sarpi, I shall show to what extent the Roman prelacy was implicated
+in more than one attempt to take away his life. The chiefs of the
+Church, then, instead of protesting against this vice of corrupt
+civilization in Italy, lent the weight of their encouragement to what
+strikes us now, not only as eminently unchristian, but also as
+pernicious to healthy national conditions of existence. We may draw two
+conclusions from these observations: first, that religions, except in
+the first fervor of their growth and forward progress, recognize the
+moral conventions of the society which they pretend to regulate:
+secondly, that it is well-nigh impossible for men of one century to
+sympathize with the ethics of a past and different epoch. We cannot
+comprehend the regicidal theories of the Jesuits, or the murderous
+intrigues of a Borghese Pontiff's Court, without admitting that priests,
+specially dedicated to the service of Christ and to the propagation of
+his gospel, felt themselves justified in employing the immoral and
+unchristian means which social custom placed at their disposal for
+ridding themselves of inconvenient enemies. This is at the same time
+their defense as human beings in the sixteenth century, and their
+indictment as self-styled and professed successors of the Founder who
+rebuked Peter in the Garden of Gethsemane.
+
+To make general remarks upon the state of sexual morality at this epoch,
+is hardly needful. Yet there are some peculiar circumstances which
+deserve to be noticed, in order to render the typical stories which I
+mean to relate intelligible. We have already seen that society condoned
+the murder of a sister by a brother, if she brought dishonor on her
+family; and the same privilege was extended to a husband in the case of
+a notoriously faithless wife. Such homicides did not escape judicial
+sentence, but they shared in the conventional toleration which was
+extended to murders in hot blood or in the prosecution of a feud. The
+state of the Italian convents at this period gave occasion to crimes in
+which women played a prominent part. After the Council of Trent reforms
+were instituted in religious houses. But they could not be immediately
+carried out; and, meanwhile, the economical changes which were taking
+place in the commercial aristocracy, filled nunneries with girls who had
+no vocation for a secluded life. Less money was yearly made in trade;
+merchants became nobles, investing their capital in land, and securing
+their estates on their eldest sons by entails. It followed that they
+could not afford to marry all their daughters with dowries befitting the
+station they aspired to assume. A large percentage of well-born women,
+accustomed to luxury, and vitiated by bad examples in their homes, were
+thus thrown on a monastic life. Signor Bonghi reckons that at the end of
+the sixteenth century, more than five hundred girls, who had become
+superfluous in noble families, crowded the convents in the single little
+town of Lucca. At a later epoch there would have been no special peril
+in this circumstance. But at the time with which we are now occupied, an
+objectionable license still survived from earlier ages. The nunneries
+obtained evil notoriety as houses of licentious pleasure, to which
+soldiers and youths of dissolute habits resorted by preference.[186]
+There appears to have been a specific profligate fanaticism, a
+well-marked morbid partiality for these amours with cloistered virgins.
+The young men who prosecuted them, obtained a nickname indicative of
+their absorbing passion.[187] The attraction of mystery and danger had
+something, no doubt, to do with this infatuation; and the fascination
+that sacrilege has for depraved natures, may also be reckoned into the
+account. To enjoy a lawless amour was not enough; but to possess a woman
+who alternated between transports of passion and torments of remorse,
+added zest to guilty pleasure. For men who habitually tampered with
+magic arts and believed firmly in the devil, this raised romance to
+rapture. It was a common thing for debauchees to seek what they called
+_peripetezie di nuova idea_, or novel and exciting adventures
+stimulative of a jaded appetite, in consecrated places. At any rate, as
+will appear in the sequel of this chapter, convent intrigues occupied a
+large space in the criminal annals of the day.
+
+_The Lady of Monza_.
+
+Virginia Maria de Leyva was a descendant of Charles V.'s general,
+Antonio de Leyva, who through many years administered the Duchy of
+Milan, and died loaded with wealth and honors.[188]
+
+[Footnote 186: In support of this assertion I translate a letter
+addressed (Milan, September 15, 1622) by Cardinal Federigo Borromeo to
+the Prioress of the Convent of S. Margherita at Monza (Dandolo, _Signora
+di Monza_, p. 132). 'Experience of similar cases has shown how dangerous
+to your holy state is the vicinity of soldiers, owing to the
+correspondence which young and idle soldiers continually try to
+entertain with monasteries, sometimes even under fair and honorable
+pretexts.... Wherefore we have heard with much displeasure that in those
+places of our diocese where there are convents of nuns and congregations
+of virgins, ordinary lodgings for the soldiery have been established,
+called lonely houses (_case erme_), where they are suffered or obliged
+to dwell through long periods.' The Bishop commands the Prioress to
+admit no soldier, on any plea of piety, devotion or family relationship,
+into her convent; to receive no servant or emissary of a soldier; to
+forbid special services being performed in the chapel at the instance of
+a soldier; and, finally, to institute a more rigorous system of watch
+and ward than had been formerly practiced.]
+
+[Footnote 187: In Venice, for example, they were called _Monachini_. But
+the name varied in various provinces.]
+
+[Footnote 188: The following abstract of the history of Virginia Maria
+de Leyva is based on Dandolo's _Signora di Monza_ (Milano, 1855).
+Readers of Manzoni's _I Promessi Sposi_, and of Rosini's tiresome novel,
+_La Signora di Monza_, will be already familiar with her in romance
+under the name of Gertrude.]
+
+For his military service he was rewarded with the principality of
+Ascoli, the federal lordship of the town of Monza, and the life-tenure
+of the city of Pavia. Virginia's father was named Martino, and upon his
+death her cousin succeeded to the titles of the house. She, for family
+reasons, entered the convent of S. Margherita at Monza, about the year
+1595. Here she occupied a place of considerable importance, being the
+daughter of the Lord of Monza, of princely blood, wealthy, and allied to
+the great houses of the Milanese. S. Margherita was a convent of the
+Umiliate, dedicated to the education of noble girls, in which,
+therefore, considerable laxity of discipline prevailed.[189]
+
+[Footnote 189: Carlo Borromeo found it necessary to suppress the
+Umiliati. But he left the female establishment of S. Margherita
+untouched.]
+
+Sister Virginia dwelt at ease within its walls, holding a kind of little
+court, and exercising an undefined authority in petty affairs which was
+conceded to her rank. Among her favorite companions at the time of the
+events I am about to narrate, were numbered the Sisters Ottavia Ricci,
+Benedetta Homata, Candida Brancolina, and Silvia Casata; she was waited
+on by a converse sister, Caterina da Meda. Adjoining the convent stood
+the house and garden of a certain Gianpaolo Osio, who plays the
+principal part in Virginia's tragedy. He must have been a young man of
+distinguished appearance; for when Virginia first set eyes upon him
+from a window overlooking his grounds, she exclaimed: 'Is it possible
+that one could ever gaze on anything more beautiful?' He attracted her
+notice as early as the year 1599 or 1600, under circumstances not very
+favorable to the plan he had in view. His hands were red with the blood
+of Virginia's bailiff, Giuseppe Molteno, whom he had murdered for some
+cause unknown to us. During their first interview (Virginia leaning from
+the window of her friend Candida's cell, and Osio standing on his
+garden-plot beneath), the young man courteously excused himself for this
+act of violence, adding that he would serve her even more devotedly than
+the dead Molteno, and begging to be allowed to write her a letter. When
+the letter came, it was couched in terms expressive of a lawless
+passion. Virginia's noble blood rebelled against the insult, and she
+sent an answer back, rebuffing her audacious suitor. The go-betweens in
+the correspondence which ensued were the two nuns, Ottavia and
+Benedetta, and a certain Giuseppe Pesen, who served as letter-carrier.
+Osio did not allow himself to be discouraged by a first refusal, but
+took the hazardous step of opening his mind to the confessor of the
+convent, Paolo Arrigone, a priest of San Maurizio in Milan. Arrigone at
+once lent himself to the intrigue, and taught Osio what kind of letters
+he should write Virginia. They were to be courteous, respectful,
+blending pious rhetoric with mystical suggestions of romantic passion.
+It seems that the confessor composed these documents himself, and
+advised his fair penitent that there was no sin in perusing them. From
+correspondence, Osio next passed to interviews. By the aid of Arrigone
+he gained access to the parlor of the convent, where he conversed with
+Virginia through the bars. In their earlier meetings the lover did not
+venture beyond compliments and modest protestations of devotion. But as
+time went on, he advanced to kisses and caresses, and once he made
+Virginia take a little jewel into her mouth. This was a white loadstone,
+blessed by Arrigone, and intended to operate like a love-charm. The
+girl, in fact, began to feel the influence of her seducer. In the final
+confession which she made, she relates how she fought against
+temptation. 'Some diabolical force compelled me to go to the window
+overlooking his garden; and one day when Sister Ottavia told me that
+Osio was standing there, I fainted from the effort to restrain myself.
+This happened several times. At one moment I flew into a rage, and
+prayed to God to help me; at another I felt lifted from the ground, and
+forced to go and gaze on him. Sometimes when the fit was on me, I tore
+my hair; I even thought of killing myself.' Virginia was surrounded by
+persons who had an interest in helping Osio. Not only the confessor, who
+was a man of infamous character, but her friends among the nuns,
+themselves accustomed to intrigue of a like nature, led her down the
+path to ruin. False keys were made, and one or other of the faithless
+sisters introduced the young man into the convent at night. When
+Virginia resisted, and enlarged upon the sacrilege of breaking cloister,
+Arrigone supplied her with a printed book of casuistry, in which it was
+written that though it might be sinful for a nun to leave her convent,
+there was no sin in a man entering it. At last she fell; and for seven
+years she lived in close intimacy with her lover, passing the nights
+with him, either in his own house or in one of the cells of S.
+Margherita. On one occasion, when he had to fly from justice, the girls
+concealed him in their rooms for fifteen days. The first fruit of this
+amour was a stillborn child; after giving birth to which, Virginia sold
+all the silver she possessed, and sent a votive tablet to Our Lady of
+Loreto, on which she had portrayed a nun and baby, kneeling and weeping.
+'Twice again I sent the same memorial to our Lady, imploring the grace
+of liberation from this passion. But the sorceries with which I was
+surrounded, prevailed. In my bed were found the bones of the dead, hooks
+of iron, and many other things, of which the nuns were well informed.
+Nay, I would fain have given up my life to save my soul; and so great
+were my afflictions, that in despair I went to throw myself into the
+well, but was restrained by the image of the Virgin at the bottom of the
+garden, for which I had a special devotion.' In course of time she gave
+birth to a little girl, named Francesca, who frequented the convent,
+and whom Osio legitimated as his child.
+
+It was impossible that a connection of long standing, known to several
+accomplices, and corroborated by the presence of the child Francesca,
+should remain hidden from the world. People began to speak about the
+fact in Monza. A druggist, named Reinaro Soncini, gossiped somewhat too
+openly. Osio had him shot one night by a servant in his pay.
+
+And now the lovers were engaged in a career of crime, which brought them
+finally to justice. Virginia's waiting-woman Caterina fell into disgrace
+with her mistress, and was shut up in a kind of prison by her orders.
+The girl declared that she would bring the whole bad affair before the
+superior authorities, and would do so immediately, seeing that Monsignor
+Barca, the Visitor of S. Margherita, was about to make one of his
+official tours of inspection.
+
+This threat cost Caterina her life. About midnight, while a
+thunder-storm was raging, Virginia, accompanied by her usual associates,
+Ottavia, Benedetta, Silvia, and Candida, entered the room where the girl
+was confined. They were followed by Osio, holding in his hand a heavy
+instrument of wood and iron, called _piede di bicocca_, which he had
+snatched up in the convent outhouse. He found Caterina lying face
+downward on the bed, and smashed her skull with a single blow. The body
+was conveyed by him and the nuns into the fowl-house of the sisters,
+whence he removed it on the following night by the aid of Benedetta into
+his own dwelling. From evidence which afterwards transpired, Osio
+decapitated the corpse, concealed the body in a sort of cellar, and
+flung the head into an empty well at Velate.
+
+The disappearance of Caterina just before the visitation of Monsignor
+Barca, roused suspicion; and, though a murder was not immediately
+apprehended, the guilty associates felt that the cord of fate was being
+drawn around them. In the autumn of 1607 the tempest broke upon their
+heads. Virginia was removed from Monza to the convent called Del
+Bocchetto at Milan; and on November 27 the depositions of the abbess,
+prioress, and other members of S. Margherita were taken regarding Osio's
+intrigues, the assassination of Soncini, and the disappearance of
+Caterina.
+
+Among the nuns who had abetted Osio, the two most criminally implicated
+were Ottavia and Benedetta. Their evidence, if closely scrutinized, must
+reveal each secret of the past. It was much to Osio's interest,
+therefore, that they should not fall into the hands of justice; nor had
+he any difficulty in persuading them to rely on his assistance for
+contriving their escape to some convent in the Bergamasque territory. We
+may wonder, by the way, what sort of discipline was then maintained in
+nunneries, if two so guilty sisters counted upon safe entrance into an
+asylum, provided only they could leave the diocese of Milan for
+another.[190] On the night of Thursday, November 30, 1607, Osio came to
+the wall of the convent garden, and began to break a hole in it, through
+which Ottavia and Benedetta crept. The three then prowled along the city
+wall of Monza, till they found a breach wide enough for exit. Afterwards
+they took a path beside the river Lambro, and stopped for awhile at the
+church of the Madonna delle Grazie. Here the sisters prayed for
+assistance from our Lady in their journey, and recited the _Salve
+Regina_ seven times. Then they resumed their walk along the Lambro, and
+at a certain point Ottavia fell into the river. In her dying depositions
+she accused Osio of having pushed her in; and there seems little doubt
+that he did so; for while she was struggling in the water, he disengaged
+his harquebuss from his mantle and struck her several blows upon the
+head and hands.
+
+[Footnote 190: In ecclesiastical affairs the diocese of Milan exercised
+jurisdiction over that of Bergamo, although Bergamo was subject in civil
+affairs to Venice. This makes the matter more puzzling.]
+
+She pretended to be dead, and was carried down the stream to a place
+where she contrived to crawl to land. Some peasants came by, whose
+assistance she implored. But they, observing that she was a nun of S.
+Margherita by her dress, refused to house her for the rest of the night.
+They gave her a staff to lean on, and after a painful journey she
+regained the church of the Grazie at early dawn. Ottavia's wounds upon
+the head, face, and right hand, inflicted by the stock of Osio's gun,
+were so serious that after making a clean breast to her judges, she died
+of them upon December 26, 1607.
+
+When Osio had pushed Ottavia into the Lambro, and had tried to smash her
+brains out with his harquebuss, he resumed his midnight journey with
+Sister Benedetta. They reached an uninhabited house in the country about
+five or six miles distant from Monza. Here Osio shut Benedetta up in an
+empty room with a stone bench running along the wall. She remained there
+all Friday, visited once by her dreaded companion, who brought her
+bread, cheese, and wine. She abstained from touching any of this food,
+in fear of poison. About nine in the evening he returned, and bade her
+prepare to march. They set out again, together, in the dark; and after
+walking about three miles they came to a well, down which Osio threw
+her. The well was deep, and had no water in it. Benedetta injured her
+left side in the fall; and when she had reached the bottom, her would-be
+murderer flung a big stone on her which broke her right leg. She
+contrived to protect her head by gathering stones around it, and lay
+without moaning or moving, in the fear that Osio would attempt fresh
+violence unless he thought her dead. From the middle of Friday night,
+until Sunday morning, she remained thus, exploring with her eyes the
+surface of her dungeon. It was dry and strewn with bones. In one corner
+lay a round black object which bore the aspect of a human skull. As it
+eventually turned out, this was the head of Caterina, whom Benedetta
+herself had helped to murder, and which Osio had thrown there. On
+Sunday, during Mass, the men of the village of Velate were in church,
+when they heard a voice from outside calling out, 'Help, help! I am at
+the bottom of this well!' The well, as it happened, was distant some
+dozen paces from the church door, and Benedetta had timed her call for
+assistance at a lucky moment. The villagers ran to the spot, and drew
+her out by means of a man who went down with a rope. She was then taken
+to the house of a gentleman, Signor Alberico degli Alberici, who, when
+no one else was charitable enough to receive her, opened his doors to
+the exhausted victim of that murderous outrage. It may be remarked that
+the same surgeon who had been employed to report on Ottavia's wounds,
+now appeared to examine Benedetta. His name was Ambrogio Vimercati.
+Benedetta was taken to the convent of S. Orsola, where her friend
+Ottavia lay dying; and after making a full confession, she eventually
+recovered her health, and suffered life-long incarceration in her old
+convent.
+
+Osio was still at large. On December 20, he addressed a long letter to
+the Cardinal Federigo Borromeo, in which he vainly attempted to defend
+himself, and throw the blame on his associates. It is a loathsome
+document, blending fulsome protestations and fawning phrases, with
+brutal denouncements of his victims, and treacherous insinuations. One
+passage deserves notice. 'Who was it,' he says, 'who suggested my
+correspondence with Virginia? The priest Paolo Arrigone, that ruin of
+the monastery! The Canon Pisnato, who is now confessor to the nuns of
+Meda; in his house you will find what will never be discovered in mine,
+presents from nuns, incitements to amours, and other such things. The
+priest Giacomo Bertola, confessor of the nuns of S. Margherita; who was
+his devotee? Sacha!--and he stayed there all the day through. These men,
+being priests, are not prosecuted; they are protected by their cloth,
+forsooth! It is only of poor Osio that folk talk. Only he is persecuted,
+only he is a malefactor, only he is the traitor!' Arrigone, as a matter
+of fact, was tried, and condemned to two years' labor at the galleys,
+after the expiration of which term he was not to return to Monza or its
+territory. This seems a slight sentence; for the judges found him
+guilty, not only of promoting Osio's intrigue with Virginia, by
+conducting the correspondence, and watching the door during their
+interviews in the parlor, but also of pursuing the Signora himself with
+infamous proposals.
+
+In his absence Osio was condemned to death on the gibbet. His goods were
+confiscated to the State. His house in Monza was destroyed, and a
+pillar of infamy recording his crimes, was erected on its site. A
+proclamation of outlawry was issued on April 5, 1608, under the seal of
+Don Pietro de Acevedo, Count of Fuentes, and governor of the State of
+Milan, which offered 'to any person not himself an outlaw, or to any
+commune, that shall consign Gianpaolo Osio to the hands of justice, the
+reward of a thousand scudi from the royal ducal treasury, together with
+the right to free four bandits condemned for similar or less offenses;
+and in case of his being delivered dead, even though he shall be slain
+in foreign parts, then the half of the aforesaid sum of money, and the
+freedom of two bandits as above. And if the person who shall consign him
+alive be himself an outlaw for similar or less offenses, he shall
+receive, beside the freedom of himself and two other bandits, the half
+of the aforesaid sum of money; and in the case of his consignment after
+death, the freedom of himself and of two other bandits as aforesaid.' I
+have recited this _Bando_, because it is a good instance of the
+procedure in use under like conditions. Justice preferred to obtain the
+culprit alive, and desired to receive him at honest hands. But there was
+an expectation of getting hold of him through less reputable agents.
+Therefore they offered free pardon to a bandit and a couple of
+accomplices, who might undertake the capture or the murder of the
+proscribed outlaw in concert, and in the event of his being produced
+alive, a sum of money down. Osio, apparently, spent some years in
+exile, changing place, and name, and dress, living as he could from hand
+to mouth, until the rumor spread abroad that he was dead. He then
+returned to his country, and begged for sanctuary from an old friend.
+That friend betrayed him, had his throat cut in a cellar, and exposed
+his head upon the public market place.
+
+Virginia was sentenced to perpetual incarceration in the convent of S.
+Valeria at Milan. She was to be 'inclosed within a little dungeon, the
+door of which shall be walled up with stones and mortar, so that the
+said Virginia Maria shall abide there for the term of her natural life,
+immured both day and night, never to issue thence, but shall receive
+food and other necessaries through a small hole in the wall of the said
+chamber, and light and air through an aperture or other opening.' This
+sentence was carried into effect. But at the expiration of many years,
+her behavior justified some mitigation of the penalty. She was set at
+large, and allowed to occupy a more wholesome apartment, where the
+charity of Cardinal Borromeo supplied her with comforts befitting her
+station, and the reputation she acquired for sanctity. Her own family
+cherished implacable sentiments of resentment against the woman who had
+brought disgrace upon them. Ripamonte, the historian of Milan, says that
+in his own time she was still alive: 'a bent old woman, tall of stature,
+dried and fleshless, but venerable in her aspect, whom no one could
+believe to have been once a charming and immodest beauty.' Her
+associates in guilt, the nuns of S. Margherita, were consigned to
+punishments resembling hers. Sisters Benedetta, Silvia and Candida
+suffered the same close incarceration.
+
+
+_Lucrezia Buonvisi_.
+
+The tale of Lucrezia Buonvisi presents some points of similarity to that
+of the Signora di Monza.[191]
+
+[Footnote 191: _Storia di Lucrezia Buonvisi_, by Salvatore Bonghi,
+Lucca, 1864. This is an admirably written historical monograph, based on
+accurate studies and wide researches, containing a mine of valuable
+information for a student of those times.]
+
+Her father was a Lucchese gentleman, named Vincenzo Malpigli, who passed
+the better portion of his life at Ferrara, as treasurer to Duke Afonsono
+II. He had four children; one son, Giovan Lorenzo, and three daughters,
+of whom Lucrezia, born at Lucca in 1572, was probably the youngest.
+Vincenzo's wife sprang from the noble Lucchese family of Buonvisi, at
+that time by their wealth and alliances the most powerful house of the
+Republic. Lucrezia spent some years of her girlhood at Ferrara, where
+she formed a romantic friendship for a nobleman of Lucca named
+Massimiliano Arnolfini. This early attachment was not countenanced by
+her parents. They destined her to be the wife of one of Paolo Buonvisi's
+numerous sons, her relatives upon the mother's side. In consequence of
+this determination, she was first affianced to an heir of that house,
+who died; again to another, who also died; and in the third place to
+their brother, called Lelio, whom she eventually married in the year
+1591. Lelio was then twenty-five years of age, and Lucrezia nineteen.
+Her beauty was so distinguished, that in poems written on the ladies of
+Lucca it received this celebration in a madrigal:--
+
+    Like the young maiden rose
+      Which at the opening of the dawn,
+        Still sprinkled with heaven's gracious dew,
+      Her beauty and her bosom on the lawn
+    Doth charmingly disclose,
+        For nymphs and amorous swains with love to view;
+    So delicate, so fair, Lucrezia yields
+    New pearls, new purple to our homely fields,
+        While Cupid plays and Flora laughs in her fresh hue.
+
+Less than a year after her marriage with Lelia Buonvisi, Lucrezia
+resumed her former intimacy with Massimiliano Arnolfini. He was scarcely
+two yeara her elder, and they had already exchanged vows of fidelity in
+Ferrara. Massimiliano's temper inclined him to extreme courses; he was
+quick and fervent in all the disputes of his age, ready to back his
+quarrels with the sword, and impatient of delay in any matter he had
+undertaken. Owing to a feud which then subsisted between the families of
+Arnolfini and Boccella, he kept certain _bravi_ in his service, upon
+whose devotion he relied. This young man soon found means to open a
+correspondence with Lucrezia, and arranged meetings with her in the
+house of some poor weavers who lived opposite the palace of the
+Buonvisi. Nothing passed between them that exceeded the limits of
+respectful courtship. But the situation became irksome to a lover so
+hot of blood as Massimiliano was. On the evening of June 5, in 1593, his
+men attacked Lelio Buonvisi, while returning with Lucrezia from prayers
+in an adjacent church. Lelio fell, stabbed with nineteen thrusts of the
+poignard, and was carried lifeless to his house. Lucrezia made her way
+back alone; and when her husband's corpse was brought into the palace,
+she requested that it should be laid out in the basement. A solitary
+witness of this act of violence, Vincenzo di Coreglia, deposed to having
+raised the dying man from the ground, put earth into his mouth by way of
+Sacrament, and urged him to forgive his enemies before he breathed his
+last. The weather had been very bad that day, and at nightfall it was
+thundering incessantly.
+
+Inquisition was made immediately into the causes of Lelio's death.
+According to Lucrezia's account, her husband had reproved some men upon
+the road for singing obscene songs, whereupon they turned and murdered
+him. The corpse was exposed in the Church of the Servi, where multitudes
+of people gathered round it; and there an ancient dame of the Buonvisi
+house, flinging herself upon her nephew's body, vowed vengeance, after
+the old custom of the _Vocero_, against his murderers. Other members of
+the family indicated Massimiliano as the probable assassin; but he
+meantime had escaped, with three of his retainers, to a villa of his
+mother's at S. Pancrazio, whence he managed to take the open country
+and place himself in temporary safety. During this while, the judicial
+authorities of Lucca were not idle. The Podestà issued a proclamation
+inviting evidence, under the menace of decapitation and confiscation of
+goods for whomsoever should be found to have withheld information. To
+this call a certain Orazio Carli, most imprudently, responded. He
+confessed to having been aware that Massimiliano was plotting the
+assassination of somebody--not Lelio; and said that he had himself
+facilitated the flight of the assassins by preparing a ladder, which he
+placed in the hands of a _bravo_ called Ottavio da Trapani. This
+revelation delivered him over, bound hand and foot, to the judicial
+authorities, who at the same time imprisoned Vincenzo da Coreglia, the
+soldier present at the murder.
+
+Massimiliano and his men meanwhile had made their way across the
+frontier to Garfagnana. Their flight, and the suspicions which attached
+to them, rendered it tolerably certain that they were the authors of the
+crime. But justice demanded more circumstantial information, and the
+Podestà decided to work upon the two men already in his clutches. On
+June 4, Carli was submitted to the torture. The rack elicited nothing
+new from him, but had the result of dislocating his arms. He was then
+placed upon an instrument called the 'she-goat,' a sharp wooden trestle,
+to which the man was bound with weights attached to his feet, and where
+he sat for nearly four hours. In the course of this painful exercise,
+he deposed that Massimiliano and Lucrezia had been in the habit of
+meeting in the house of Vincenzo del Zoppo and Pollonia his wife, where
+the _bravi_ also congregated and kept their arms. Grave suspicion was
+thus cast on Lucrezia. Had she perchance connived at her husband's
+murder? Was she an accomplice in the tragedy?
+
+Lucrezia's peril now became imminent. Her brother, Giovan Lorenzo
+Malpigli, who remained her friend throughout, thought it best for her to
+retire as secretly as possible into a convent. The house chosen was that
+of S. Chiara in the town of Lucca. On June 5, she assumed the habit of
+S. Francis, cut her hair, changed her name from Lucrezia to Umilia, and
+offered two thousand crowns of dower to this monastery. Only four days
+had elapsed since her husband's assassination. But she, at all events,
+was safe from immediate peril; for the Church must now be dealt with;
+and the Church neither relinquished its suppliants, nor disgorged the
+wealth they poured into its coffers. The Podestà, when news of this
+occurrence reached him, sent at once to make inquiries. His messenger,
+Ser Vincenzo Petrucci, was informed by the Abbess that Lucrezia had just
+arrived and was having her hair shorn. At his request, the novice
+herself appeared--'a young woman, tall and pale, dressed in a nun's
+habit, with a crown upon her head.' She declared herself to be 'Madonna
+Lucretiina Malpigli, widow of Lelio Buonvisi.' The priest who had
+conducted her reception, affirmed that 'the gentle lady, immediately
+upon her husband's death, conceived this good prompting of the spirit,
+and obeyed it on the spot.'
+
+For the moment, Lucrezia, whom in future we must call Sister Umilia, had
+to be left unmolested. The judges returned to the interrogation of their
+prisoners. Vincenzo del Zoppo and his wife Pollonia, in whose house the
+lovers used to meet, were tortured; but nothing that implied a criminal
+correspondence transpired from their evidence. Then the unlucky Carli
+was once more put to the strappado. He fell into a deep swoon, and was
+with difficulty brought to life again. Next his son, a youth of sixteen
+years, was racked with similar results. On June 7, they resolved to have
+another try at Vincenzo da Coreglia. This soldier had been kept on low
+diet in his prison during the last week, and was therefore ripe,
+according to the judicial theories of those times, for salutary
+torments. Having been strung up by his hands, he was jerked and shaken
+in the customary fashion, until he declared his willingness to make a
+full confession. He had been informed, he said, that Massimiliano
+intended to assassinate Lelio by means of his three bravi, Pietro da
+Castelnuovo, Ottavio da Trapani, and Niccolo da Pariana. He engaged to
+stand by and cover the retreat of these men. It was Carli, and not
+Massimiliano, who had made overtures to him. On being once more
+tortured, he only confirmed this confession. Carli was again summoned,
+and set upon the 'she-goat,' with heavy weights attached to his feet.
+The poor wretch sat for two hours on this infernal machine, the sharp
+edges and spikes of which were so contrived as to press slowly and
+deeply upon the tenderest portions of his body.[192] But he endured this
+agony without uttering a word, until the judges perceived that he was at
+the point of death. Next day, the 8th of June, Coreglia was again
+summoned to the justice-chamber. Terrified by the prospect of future
+torments, and wearied out with importunities, he at last made a clean
+breast of all he knew. It was not Carli, but Massimiliano himself, who
+had engaged him; and he had assisted at the murder of Lelio, which was
+accomplished by two of the bravi, Ottavio and Pietro. Coreglia said
+nothing to implicate Sister Umilia. On the contrary he asserted that she
+seemed to lose her senses when she saw her husband fall.
+
+[Footnote 192: Campanelia, who was tortured in this way at Naples, says
+that on one occasion a pound and a half of his flesh was macerated, and
+ten pounds of his blood shed. 'Perduravi horis quadraginta, funiculis
+arctissimis ossa usque secantibus ligatus, pendens manibus retro
+contortis de fune super acutissimum lignum qui (?) carnis sextertium (?)
+in posterioribus mihi devoravit et decem sanguinis libras tellus
+ebibit.' Preface to _Atheismus Triumphatus_.]
+
+The General Council, to whom the results of these proceedings were
+communicated, published an edict of outlawry against Massimiliano and
+his three _bravi_. A price of 500 crowns was put upon the head of each,
+wherever he should be killed; and 1,000 crowns were offered to any one
+who should kill Massimiliano within the city or state of Lucca. At the
+same time they sent an envoy to Rome requesting the Pope's permission to
+arrest Umilia, on the ground that she was gravely suspected of being
+privy to the murder, and of entering the convent to escape justice. A
+few days afterwards, the miserable witnesses, Carli and Coreglia, were
+beheaded in their prison.
+
+The Chancellor, Vincenzo Petrucci, left Lucca on June 12, and reached
+Rome on the 14th. He obtained an audience from Clement VIII. upon the
+15th. When the Pope had read the letter of the Republic, he struck his
+palm down on his chair, and cried: 'Jesus! This is a grave case! It
+seems hardly possible that a woman of her birth should have been induced
+to take share in the murder of her husband.' After some conversation
+with the envoy, he added: 'It is certainly an ugly business. But what
+can we do now that she has taken the veil?' Then he promised to
+deliberate upon the matter, and return an answer later. Petrucci soon
+perceived that the Church did not mean to relinquish its privileges, and
+that Umilia was supported by powerful friends at court. Cardinal
+Castrucci remarked in casual conversation: 'She is surely punished
+enough for her sins by the life of the cloister.' A second interview
+with Clement on June 21 confirmed him in the opinion that the Republic
+would not obtain the dispensation they requested. Meanwhile the Signory
+of Lucca prepared a schedule of the suspicions against Umilia, grounded
+upon her confused evidence, her correspondence with Massimiliano, the
+fact that she had done nothing to rescue Lelio by calling out, and her
+sudden resort to the convent. This paper reached the Pope, who, on July
+8, expressed his view that the Republic ought to be content with leaving
+Umilia immured in her monastery; and again, upon the 23rd, he pronounced
+his final decision that 'the lady, being a nun, and tonsured and
+prepared for the perfect life, is not within the jurisdiction of your
+Signory. It is further clear that, finding herself exposed to the
+calumnies of those two witnesses, and injured in her reputation, she
+took the veil to screen her honor.' On August 13, Petrucci returned to
+Lucca.
+
+Clement conceded one point. He gave commission to the Bishop of Lucca to
+inquire into Umilia's conduct within the precincts of the monastery. But
+the council refused this intervention, for they were on bad terms with
+the Bishop, and resented ecclesiastical interference in secular causes.
+Moreover, they judged that such an inquisition without torture used, and
+in a place of safety, would prove worse than useless. Thus the affair
+dropped.
+
+Meanwhile we may relate what happened to Massimiliano and his _bravi_.
+They escaped, through Garfagnana and Massa, into the territory of
+Alfonso Malaspina, Marquis of Villafranca and Tresana. This nobleman,
+who delighted in protecting outlaws, placed the four men in security in
+his stronghold of Tresana. Pietro da Castelnuovo was an outlaw from
+Tuscany for the murder of a Carmelite friar, which he had committed at
+Pietrasanta a few days before the assassination of Lelio. Seventeen
+years after these events he was still alive, and wanted for grave crimes
+committed in the Duchy of Modena. History knows no more about him,
+except that he had a wife and family. Of Niccolo da Pariana nothing has
+to be related. Ottavio da Trapani was caught at Milan, brought back to
+Lucca, and hanged there on June 13, 1604, after being torn with pincers.
+Massimiliano is said to have made his way to Flanders, where the
+Lucchese enjoyed many privileges, and where his family had probably
+hereditary connections.[193] Like all outlaws he lived in perpetual
+peril of assassination. Remorse and shame invaded him, especially when
+news arrived that the mistress, for whom he had risked all, was turning
+to a dissolute life (as we shall shortly read) in her monastery. His
+reason gave way; and, after twenty-two years of wandering, he returned
+to Lucca and was caught. Instead of executing the capital sentence which
+had been pronounced upon him, the Signory consigned him to perpetual
+prison in the tower of Viareggio, which was then an insalubrious and
+fever-stricken village on the coast. Here, walled up in a little room,
+alone, deprived of light and air and physical decency, he remained
+forgotten for ten years from 1615 to 1625. At the latter date report
+was made that he had refused food for three days and was suffering from
+a dangerous hemorrhage. When the authorities proposed to break the wall
+of his dungeon and send a priest and surgeon to relieve him, he declared
+that he would kill himself if they intruded on his misery. Nothing more
+was heard of him until 1629, when he was again reported to be at the
+point of death. This time he requested the assistance of a priest; and
+it is probable that he then died at the age of sixty-nine, having
+survived the other actors in this tragedy, and expiated the passion of
+his youth by life-long sufferings.
+
+[Footnote 193: I may here allude to a portrait in our National Gallery
+of a Lucchese Arnolfini and his wife, painted by Van Eyck.]
+
+When we return to Sister Umilia, and inquire how the years had worn with
+her, a new chapter in the story opens. In 1606 she was still cloistered
+in S. Chiara, which indeed remained her home until her death. She had
+now reached the age of thirty-four. Suspicion meanwhile fell upon the
+conduct of the nuns of S. Chiara; and on January 9, in that year, a
+rope-ladder was discovered hanging from the garden wall of the convent.
+Upon inquiry, it appeared that certain men were in the habit of entering
+the house and holding secret correspondence with the sisters. Among
+these the most notorious were Piero Passari, a painter, infamous for
+vulgar profligacy, and a young nobleman of Lucca, Tommaso Samminiati.
+Both of them contrived to evade justice, and were proclaimed, as usual,
+outlaws. In the further course of investigation the strongest proofs
+were brought to light, from which it appeared that the chief promoter
+of these scandals was a man of high position in the state, advanced in
+years, married to a second wife, and holding office of trust as
+Protector of the Nunnery of S. Chiara. He was named Giovanbattista Dati,
+and represented an ancient Lucchese family mentioned by Dante. While
+Dati carried on his own intrigue with Sister Cherubina Mei, he did his
+best to encourage the painter in promiscuous debauchery, and to foster
+the passion which Samminiati entertained for Sister Umilia Malpigli.
+Dati was taken prisoner and banished for life to the island of Sardinia;
+but his papers fell into the hands of the Signory, who extracted from
+them the evidence which follows, touching Umilia and Samminiati. This
+young man was ten years her junior; yet the quiet life of the cloister
+had preserved Umilia's beauty, and she was still capable of inspiring
+enthusiastic adoration. This transpires in the letters which Samminiati
+addressed to her through Dati from his asylum in Venice. They reveal,
+says Signor Bonghi, a strange confusion of madness, crime, and
+love.[194]
+
+[Footnote 194: Here again I have very closely followed the text of
+Signor Bonghi's monograph, pp. 112-115.]
+
+Their style is that of a delirious rhetorician. One might fancy they had
+been composed as exercises, except for certain traits which mark the
+frenzy of genuine exaltation. Threats, imprecations, and blasphemies
+alternate with prayers, vows of fidelity and reminiscences of past
+delights in love. Samminiati bends before 'his lady' in an attitude of
+respectful homage, offering upon his knees the service of awe-struck
+devotion. At one time he calls her 'his most beauteous angel,' at
+another 'his most lovely and adored enchantress.' He does not conceal
+his firm belief that she has laid him under some spell of sorcery; but
+entreats her to have mercy and to liberate him, reminding her how a
+certain Florentine lady restored Giovan Lorenzo Malpigli to health after
+keeping him in magic bondage till his life was in danger.[195] Then he
+swears unalterable fealty; heaven and fortune shall not change his love.
+It is untrue that at Florence, or at Venice, he has cast one glance on
+any other woman. Let lightning strike him, if he deserts Umilia. But she
+has caused him jealousy by stooping to a base amour. To this point he
+returns with some persistence. Then he entreats her to send him her
+portrait, painted in the character of S. Ursula. At another time he
+gossips about the nuns, forwarding messages, alluding to their several
+love-affairs, and condoling with them on the loss of a compliant
+confessor. This was a priest, who, when the indescribable corruptions of
+S. Chiara had been clearly proved, calmly remarked that there was no
+reason to make such a fuss--they were only affairs of gentlefolk, _cose
+di gentilhuomini_. The rival of whom Samminiati was jealous seems to
+have been the painter Pietro, who held the key to all the scandals of
+the convent in his hand. Umilia, Dati, and Samminiati at last agreed 'to
+rid their neighborhood of that pest.' The man had escaped to Rovigo,
+whither Samminiati repaired from Venice, 'attended by two good fellows
+thoroughly acquainted with the district.'
+
+[Footnote 195: It appears that violent passion for a person was commonly
+attributed at that epoch to enchantment. See above, the confession of
+the Lady of Monza, p. 320.]
+
+But Pietro got away to Ferrara, his enemy following and again missing
+him. Samminiati writes that he is resolved to hunt 'that rascal' out,
+and make an end of him. Meanwhile Umilia is commissioned to do for
+Calidonia Burlamacchi, a nun who had withdrawn from the company of her
+guilty sisters, and knew too many of their secrets. Samminiati sends a
+white powder, and a little phial containing a liquid, both of which, he
+informs Umilia, are potent poisons, with instructions how to use them
+and how to get Calidonia to swallow the ingredients. Then 'if the devil
+does not help her, she will pass from this life in half a night's time,
+and without the slightest sign of violence.'
+
+It may be imagined what disturbance was caused in the General Council by
+the reading of this correspondence. Nearly all the noble families of
+Lucca were connected by ties of blood or marriage with one or other of
+the culprits; and when the relatives of the accused had been excluded
+from the session, only sixty members were left to debate on further
+measures. I will briefly relate what happened to the three outlaws.
+Venice refused to give up Samminiati at the request of the Lucchese,
+saying that 'the Republic of S. Mark would not initiate a course of
+action prejudicial to the hospitality which every sort of person was
+wont to enjoy there.' But the young man was banished to Candia, whither
+he obediently retired. Pietro, the painter, was eventually permitted to
+return to the territory but not the town of Lucca. Dati surrounded
+himself with armed men, as was the custom of rich criminals on whose
+head a price was set. After wandering some time, he submitted, and took
+up his abode in Sardinia, whence he afterwards removed, by permission of
+the Signory, to France. There he died. With regard to the nuns, it
+seemed at first that the ends of justice would be defeated through the
+jealousies which divided the civil and ecclesiastical authorities in
+Lucca. The Bishop was absent, and his Vicar refused to institute a
+criminal process. Umilia remained at large in the convent, and even
+began a new intrigue with one Simo Menocchi. At last, in 1609, the Vicar
+prepared his indictment against the guilty nuns, and forwarded it to
+Rome. Their sentence was as follows: Sister Orizia condemned to
+incarceration for life, and loss of all her privileges; Sister Umilia,
+to the same penalties for a term of seven years; Sisters Paola,
+Cherubina, and Dionea, received a lighter punishment. Orizia, it may be
+mentioned, had written a letter with her own blood to some lover; but
+nothing leads us to suppose that she was equally guilty with Umilia,
+who had entered into the plot to poison Sister Calidonia.
+
+Umilia was duly immured, and bore her punishment until the year 1616, at
+which time the sentence expired. But she was not released for another
+two years; for she persistently refused to humble herself, or to request
+that liberation as a grace which was her due in justice. Nor would she
+submit to the shame of being seen about the convent without her monastic
+habit. Finally, in 1618, she obtained freedom and restoration to her
+privileges as a nun of S. Chiara. It may be added, as a last remark,
+that, when the convent was being set to rights, Umilia's portrait in the
+character of S. Ursula was ordered to be destroyed, or rendered fit for
+devout uses by alterations. Any nun who kept it in her cell incurred the
+penalty of excommunication. In what year Umilia died remains unknown.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+_The Cenci_.
+
+Shifting the scene to Rome, we light upon a group of notable misdeeds
+enacted in the last half of the sixteenth century, each of which is well
+calculated to illustrate the conditions of society and manners at that
+epoch. It may be well to begin with the Cenci tragedy. In Shelley's
+powerful drama, in Guerrazzi's tedious novel, and Scolari's digest, the
+legend of Beatrice Cenci has long appealed to modern sympathy. The real
+facts, extracted from legal documents and public registers, reduce its
+poetry of horror to comparatively squalid prose.[196] Yet, shorn of
+romantic glamour, the bare history speaks significantly to a student of
+Italian customs. Monsignore Cristoforo Cenci, who died about the year
+1562, was in holy orders, yet not a priest. One of the clerks of the
+Apostolic Camera, a Canon of S. Peter's, the titular incumbent of a
+Roman parish, and an occupant of minor offices about the Papal Court and
+Curia, he represented an epicene species, neither churchman nor layman,
+which the circumstances of ecclesiastical sovereignty rendered
+indispensable. Cristoforo belonged to a good family among that secondary
+Roman aristocracy which ranked beneath the princely feudatories and the
+Papal bastards. He accumulated large sums of money by maladministration
+of his official trusts, inherited the estates of two uncles, and
+bequeathed a colossal fortune to his son Francesco. This youth was the
+offspring of an illicit connection carried on between Monsignore Cenci
+and Beatrice Amias during the lifetime of that lady's husband. Upon the
+death of the husband the Monsignore obtained dispensation from his
+orders, married Beatrice, and legitimated his son, the inheritor of so
+much wealth. Francesco was born in 1549, and had therefore reached the
+age of thirteen when his father died. His mother, Beatrice, soon
+contracted a third matrimonial union; but during her guardianship of the
+boy she appeared before the courts, accused of having stolen clothing
+from his tutor's wardrobe.
+
+[Footnote 196: _Francesco Cenci e la sua Famiglia_. Per A. Bertolotti,
+Firenze, 1877.]
+
+Francesco Cenci disbursed a sum of 33,000 crowns to various public
+offices, in order to be allowed to enter unmolested into the enjoyment
+of his father's gains: 3,800 crowns of this sum went to the Chapter of
+S. Peter's.[197] He showed a certain precocity; for at the age of
+fourteen he owned an illegitimate child, and was accused of violence to
+domestics. In 1563 his family married him to Ersilia, a daughter of the
+noble Santa Croce house, who brought him a fair dowry. Francesco lived
+for twenty-one years with this lady, by whom he had twelve children.
+Upon her death he remained a widower for nine years, and in 1593 he
+married Lucrezia Petroni, widow of a Roman called Velli. Francesco's
+conduct during his first marriage was not without blame. Twice, at
+least, he had to pay fines for acts of brutality to servants; and once
+he was prosecuted for an attempt to murder a cousin, also named
+Francesco Cenci. On another occasion we find him outlawed from the
+States of the Church. Yet these offences were but peccadilloes in a
+wealthy Roman baron; and Francesco used to boast that, with money in his
+purse, he had no dread of justice. After the death of his wife Ersilia,
+his behavior grew more irregular. Three times between 1591 and 1594 he
+was sued for violent attacks on servants; and in February of the latter
+year he remained six months in prison on multiplied charges of unnatural
+vice. There was nothing even here to single Francesco Cenci out from
+other nobles of his age.[198] Scarcely a week passed in Rome without
+some affair of the sort involving outrage, being brought before the
+judges. Cardinals, prelates, princes, professional men and people of the
+lowest rank were alike implicated. The only difference between the
+culprits was that the rich bought themselves off, while the destitute
+were burned. Eleven poor Spaniards and Portuguese were sent to the stake
+in 1578 for an offence which Francesco Cenci compounded in 1594 by the
+payment of 100,000 crowns. After this warning and the loss of so much
+money, he grew more circumspect, married his second wife Lucrezia, and
+settled down to rule his family. His sons caused him considerable
+anxiety. Giacomo, the eldest, married against his father's will, and
+supported himself by forging obligations and raising money. Francesco's
+displeasure showed itself in several lawsuits, one of which accused
+Giacomo of having plotted against his life. The second son, Cristoforo,
+was assassinated by Paolo Bruno, a Corsican, in the prosecution of a
+love affair with the wife of a Trasteverine fisherman. The third son,
+Rocco, spent his time in street adventures, and on one occasion laid his
+hands on all the plate and portable property that he could carry off
+from his father's house. This young ruffian, less than twenty years of
+age, found a devoted friend in Monsignore Querro, a cousin of the family
+well placed at court, who assisted him in the burglary of the Cenci
+palace. Rocco was killed by Amilcare Orsini, a bastard of the Count of
+Pitigliano, in a brawl at night. The young men met, Cenci attended by
+three armed servants, Orsini by two. A single pass of rapiers, in which
+Rocco was pierced through the right eye, ended the affair.
+
+[Footnote 197: He was afterwards forced, in 1590, to disgorge a second
+sum of 25,000 crowns.]
+
+[Footnote 198: Prospero Farinaccio, the advocate of Cenci's murderers,
+was himself tried for this crime (Bertolotti, _op. cit._ p. 104). The
+curious story of the Spanish soldiers alluded to above will be found in
+Mutinelli, _Stor. Arc_. vol. i. p. 121. See the same work of Mutinelli,
+vol. i. p. 48, for a similar prosecution in Rome 1566; and vol. iv. p.
+152 for another involving some hundred people of condition at Milan in
+1679. Compare what Sarpi says about the Florentine merchants and Roman
+_cinedi_ in his _Letters_, date 1609, vol. i. p. 288. For the manners of
+the Neapolitans, _Vita di D. Pietro di Toledo (Arch. Stor. It_., vol.
+ix. p. 23). The most scandalous example of such vice in high quarters
+was given by Pietro de'Medici, one of Duke Cosimo's sons. _Galluzzi_,
+vol. v. p. 174, and Litta's pedigree of the Medici. The _Bandi
+Lucchesi_, ed. S. Bonghi, Bologna, 1863, pp. 377 381, treats the subject
+in full; and it has been discussed by Canello, _op. cit._ pp. 20-23. The
+_Artes Jesuiticae_, op. cit. Articles 62, 120, illustrate casuistry on
+the topic.]
+
+In addition to his vindictive persecution of his worthless eldest son,
+Francesco Cenci behaved with undue strictness to the younger, allowing
+them less money than befitted their station and treating them with a
+severity which contrasted comically with his own loose habits. The
+legend which represents him as an exceptionally wicked man, cruel for
+cruelty's sake and devoid of natural affection, receives some color from
+the facts. Yet these alone are not sufficient to justify its darker
+hues, while they amply prove that Francesco's children gave him
+grievous provocation. The discontents of this ill-governed family
+matured into rebellion; and in 1598 it was decided on removing the old
+Cenci by murder. His second wife Lucrezia, his eldest son Giacomo, his
+daughter Beatrice, and the youngest son Bernardo, were implicated in the
+crime. It was successfully carried out at the Rocca di Petrella in the
+Abruzzi on the night of September 9. Two hired _bravi_, Olimpio Calvetti
+and Marzio Catalani, entered the old man's bedroom, drove a nail into
+his head, and flung the corpse out from a gallery, whence it was alleged
+that he had fallen by accident. Six days after this assassination
+Giacomo and his brothers took out letters both at Rome and in the realm
+of Naples for the administration of their father's property; nor does
+suspicion seem for some time to have fallen upon them. It awoke at
+Petrella in November, the feudatory of which fief, Marzio Colonna,
+informed the government of Naples that proceedings ought to be taken
+against the Cenci and their cut-throats. Accordingly, on December 10, a
+ban was published against Olimpio and Marzio. Olimpio met his death at
+an inn door in a little village called Cantalice. Three desperate
+fellows, at the instigation of Giacomo de'Cenci and Monsignore Querro,
+surprised him there. But Marzio fell into the hands of justice, and his
+evidence caused the immediate arrest of the Cenci. It appears that they
+were tortured and that none of them denied the accusation; so that
+their advocates could only plead extenuating circumstances. To this fact
+may possibly be due the legend of Beatrice. In order to mitigate the
+guilt of parricide, Prospero Farinacci, who conducted her defense,
+established a theory of enormous cruelty and unspeakable outrages
+committed on her person by her father. With the same object in view, he
+tried to make out that Bernardo was half-witted. There is quite
+sufficient extant evidence to show that Bernardo was a young man of
+average intelligence; and with regard to Beatrice, nothing now remains
+to corroborate Farinaccio's hypothesis of incest. She was not a girl of
+sixteen, as the legend runs, but a woman of twenty-two;[199] and the
+codicils to her will render it nearly certain that she had given birth
+to an illegitimate son, for whose maintenance she made elaborate and
+secret provisions. That the picture ascribed to Guido Reni in the
+Barberini palace is not a portrait of Beatrice in prison, appears
+sufficiently proved. Guido did not come to Rome until 1608, nine years
+after her death; and catalogues of the Barberini gallery, compiled in
+1604 and 1623, contain no mention either of a painting by Guido or of
+Beatrice's portrait. The Cenci were lodged successively in the prisons
+of Torre di Nona, Savelli, and S. Angelo. They occupied wholesome
+apartments and were allowed the attendance of their own domestics. That
+their food was no scanty dungeon fare appears from the _menus_ of
+dinners and suppers supplied to them, which include fish, flesh, fruit
+salad, and snow to cool the water. In spite of powerful influence at
+court, Clement VIII. at last resolved to exercise strict justice on the
+Cenci. He was brought to this decision by a matricide perpetrated in
+cold blood at Subiaco, on September 5, 1599. Paolo di S. Croce, a
+relative of the Cenci, murdered his mother Costanza in her bed, with the
+view of obtaining property over which she had control. The sentence
+issued a few days after this event. Giacomo was condemned to be torn to
+pieces by red hot pincers, and finished with a _coup de grâce_ from the
+hangman's hammer. Lucrezia and Beatrice received the slighter sentence
+of decapitation; while Bernardo, in consideration of his youth, was let
+off with the penalty of being present at the execution of his kinsfolk,
+after which he was to be imprisoned for a year and then sent to the
+galleys for life. Their property was confiscated to the Camera
+Apostolica. These punishments were carried out.[200] But Bernardo, after
+working at Cività Vecchia until 1606, obtained release and lived in
+banishment till his death in 1627. Monsignor Querro, for his connivance
+in the whole affair, was banished to the island of Malta, whence he
+returned at some date before the year 1633 to Rome, having expiated his
+guilt by long and painful exile. In this abstract of the Cenci tragedy,
+I have followed the documents published by Signor Bertolotti. They are
+at many points in startling contradiction to the legend, which is
+founded on MS. accounts compiled at no distant period after the events.
+One of these was translated by Shelley; another, differing in some
+particulars, was translated by De Stendhal. Both agree in painting that
+lurid portrait of Francesco Cenci which Shelley has animated with the
+force of a great dramatist.[201] Unluckily, no copy of the legal
+instructions upon which the trial was conducted is now extant. In the
+absence of this all-important source of information, it would be unsafe
+to adopt Bertolotti's argument, that the legend calumniates Francesco in
+order to exculpate Beatrice, without some reservation. There is room for
+the belief that facts adduced in evidence may have partly justified the
+prevalent opinion of Beatrice's infamous persecution by her father.
+
+[Footnote 199: De Stendhal's MS. authority says she was sixteen,
+Shelley's that she was twenty.]
+
+[Footnote 200: De Stendhal's MS. describes how Giacomo was torn by
+pincers; Shelley's says that this part of the sentence was remitted.]
+
+
+
+
+_The Massimi_.
+
+
+The tragedy of the Cenci, about which so much has been written in
+consequence of the supposed part taken in it by Beatrice, seems to me
+common-place compared with that of the Massimi.[202]
+
+[Footnote 201: The author of De Stendhal's MS. professes to have known
+the old Cenci, and gives a definite description of his personal
+appearance.]
+
+[Footnote 202: Litta supplies the facts related above.]
+
+Whether this family really descended from the Roman Fabii matters but
+little. In the sixteenth century they ranked, as they still rank, among
+the proudest nobles of the Eternal City. Lelio, the head of the house,
+had six stalwart sons by his first wife, Girolama Savelli. They were
+conspicuous for their gigantic stature and herculean strength. After
+their mother's death in 1571, their father became enamoured of a woman
+inferior at all points, in birth, breeding, and antecedents, to a person
+of his quality. She was a certain Eufrosina, who had been married to a
+man called Corberio. The great Marc Antonio Colonna murdered this
+husband, and brought the wife to Rome as his own mistress. Lelio Massimo
+committed the grand error of so loving her, after she had served
+Colonna's purpose, that he married her. This was an insult to the honor
+of the house, which his sons could not or would not bear. On the night
+of her wedding, in 1585, they refused to pay her their respects; and on
+the next morning, five of them entered her apartments and shot her dead.
+Only one of the six sons, Pompeo Massimo, bore no share in this
+assassination. Him, the father, Lelio, blessed; but he solemnly cursed
+the other five. After the lapse of a few weeks, he followed his wife to
+the grave with a broken heart, leaving this imprecation unrecalled.
+Pompeo grew up to continue the great line of Massimo. But disaster fell
+on each of his five brothers, the flower of Roman youth, exulting in
+their blood, and insolence, and vigor.--The first of them, Ottavio, was
+killed by a cannon-ball at sea in honorable combat with the Turk.
+Another, Girolamo, who sought refuge in France, was shot down in an
+ambuscade while pursuing his amours with a gentle lady. A third,
+Alessandro, died under arms before Paris in the troops of General
+Farnese. A fourth, Luca, was imprisoned at Rome for his share of the
+step-mother's murder, but was released on the plea that he had avenged
+the wounded honor of his race. He died, however, poisoned by his own
+brother, Marcantonio, in 1599.[203] Marcantonio was arrested on
+suspicion and imprisoned in Torre di Nona, where he confessed his guilt.
+He was shortly afterwards beheaded on the little square before the
+bridge of S. Angelo.
+
+
+
+_Vittoria Accoramboni_.
+
+
+Next in order, I shall take the story of Vittoria Accoramboni. It has
+been often told already,[204] yet it combines so many points of interest
+bearing upon the social life of the Italians in my period, that to omit
+it would be to sacrifice the most important document bearing on the
+matter of this chapter. As the Signora di Monza and Lucrezia Buonvisi
+help us to understand the secret history of families and convents, so
+Vittoria Accoramboni introduces us to that of courts.
+
+[Footnote 203: This fratricide, concurring with the matricide of S.
+Croce, contributed to the rigor with which the Cenci parricide was
+punished in that year of Roman crimes.]
+
+[Footnote 204: _The White Devil_, a tragedy by John Webster, London,
+1612; De Stendhal's _Chroniques et Nouvelles_, Vittoria Accoramboni,
+Paris 1855; _Vittoria Accoramboni_, D. Gnoli, Firenze, 1870; _Italian
+Byways_, by J.A. Symonds, London, 1883. The greater part of follows
+above is extracted from my _Italian Byways_.]
+
+It will be noticed how the same machinery of lawless nobles and
+profligate _bravi_, acting in concert with bold women, is brought into
+play throughout the tragedies which form the substance of our present
+inquiry.
+
+Vittoria was born in 1557, of a noble but impoverished family, at Gubbio
+among the hills of Umbria. Her biographers are rapturous in their
+praises of her beauty, grace, and exceeding charm of manner. Not only
+was her person most lovely, but her mind shone at first with all the
+amiable luster of a modest, innocent, and winning youth. Her father,
+Claudio Accoramboni, removed to Rome, where his numerous children were
+brought up under the care of their mother, Tarquinia, an ambitious
+woman, bent on rehabilitating the decayed honors of her house. Here
+Vittoria in early girlhood soon became the fashion. She exercised an
+irresistible influence over all who saw her, and many were the offers of
+marriage she refused. At length a suitor appeared whose condition and
+connection with the Roman ecclesiastical nobility rendered him
+acceptable in the eyes of the Accoramboni. Francesco Peretti was
+welcomed as the successful candidate for Vittoria's hand. His mother,
+Camilla, was sister to Felice, Cardinal of Montalto; and her son,
+Francesco Mignucci, had changed both of his names to Felice Peretti in
+compliment to this illustrious relative.[205]
+
+It was the nephew, then, of the future Sixtus V., that Vittoria
+Accoramboni married on June 28, 1573. For a short while the young couple
+lived happily together. According to some accounts of their married
+life, the bride secured the favor of her powerful uncle-in-law, who
+indulged her costly fancies to the full. It is, however, more probable
+that the Cardinal Montalto treated her follies with a grudging
+parsimony; for we soon find the Peretti household hopelessly involved in
+debt. Discord, too, arose between Vittoria and her husband on the score
+of levity in her behavior; and it was rumored that even during the brief
+space of their union she had proved a faithless wife. Yet she contrived
+to keep Francesco's confidence, and it is certain that her family
+profited by their connection with the Peretti. Of her six brothers,
+Mario, the eldest, was a favorite courtier of the great Cardinal d'Este.
+Ottavio was in orders, and through Montalto's influence obtained the See
+of Fossombrone. The same eminent protector placed Scipione in the
+service of the Cardinal Sforza. Camillo, famous for his beauty and his
+courage, followed the fortunes of Filibert of Savoy, and died in France.
+Flaminio was still a boy, dependent, as the sequel of this story shows,
+upon his sister's destiny.
+
+[Footnote 205: I find a Felice Peretti mentioned in the will of Giacomo
+Cenci condemned in 1597. But this was after the death of this Peretti,
+whom I shall continue to call Francesco.]
+
+Of Marcello, the second in age and most important in the action of this
+tragedy, it is needful to speak with more particularity. He was young,
+and, like the rest of his breed, singularly handsome--so handsome,
+indeed, that he is said to have gained an infamous ascendency over the
+great Duke of Bracciano, whose privy chamberlain he had become. Marcello
+was an outlaw for the murder of Matteo Pallavicino, the brother of the
+Cardinal of that name. This did not, however, prevent the chief of the
+Orsini house from making him his favorite and confidential friend.
+Marcello, who seems to have realized in actual life the worst vices of
+those Roman courtiers described for us by Aretino, very soon conceived
+the plan of exalting his own fortunes by trading on his sister's beauty.
+He worked upon the Duke of Bracciano's mind so cleverly that he brought
+this haughty prince to the point of an insane passion for Peretti's
+young wife; and meanwhile he so contrived to inflame the ambition of
+Vittoria and her mother, Tarquinia, that both were prepared to dare the
+worst of crimes in expectation of a dukedom. The game was a difficult
+one to play. Not only had Francesco Peretti first to be murdered, but
+the inequality of birth and wealth and station between Vittoria and the
+Duke of Bracciano rendered a marriage almost impossible. It was also an
+affair of delicacy to stimulate without satisfying the Duke s passion.
+Yet Marcello did not despair. The stakes were high enough to justify
+great risks; and all he put in peril was his sister's honor, the fame
+of the Accoramboni, and the favor of Montalto. Vittoria, for her part,
+trusted in her power to ensnare and secure the noble prey both had in
+view.
+
+Paolo Giordano Orsini, born about the year 1637, was reigning Duke of
+Bracciano. Among Italian princes he ranked almost upon a par with the
+Dukes of Urbino; and his family, by its alliances, was more illustrious
+than any of that time in Italy. He was a man of gigantic stature,
+prodigious corpulence, and marked personal daring; agreeable in manners,
+but subject to uncontrollable fits of passion, and incapable of
+self-restraint when crossed in any whim or fancy. Upon the habit of his
+body it is needful to insist, in order that the part he played in this
+tragedy of intrigue, crime, and passion may be well defined. He found it
+difficult to procure a charger equal to his weight, and he was so fat
+that a special dispensation relieved him from the duty of genuflexion in
+the Papal presence. Though lord of a large territory, yielding princely
+revenues, he labored under heavy debts; for no great noble of the period
+lived more splendidly, with less regard for his finances. In the
+politics of that age and country, Paolo Giordano leaned towards France.
+Yet he was a grandee of Spain, and had played a distinguished part in
+the battle of Lepanto. Now, the Duke of Bracciano was a widower. He had
+been married in 1553 to Isabella de'Medici, daughter of the Grand, Duke
+Cosimo, sister of Francesco, Bianca Capello's lover, and of the
+Cardinal Ferdinando. Suspicion of adultery with Troilo Orsini had fallen
+on Isabella; and her husband, with the full concurrence of her brothers,
+removed her in 1576 from this world by poison.[206] No one thought the
+worse of Bracciano for this murder of his wife. In those days of
+abandoned vice and intricate villany, certain points of honor were
+maintained with scrupulous fidelity. A wife's adultery was enough to
+justify the most savage and licentious husband in an act of
+semi-judicial vengeance; and the shame she brought upon his head was
+shared by the members of her own house, so that they stood by,
+consenting to her death. Isabella, it may be said, left one son,
+Virginio, who became, in due time, Duke of Bracciano.
+
+It appears that in the year 1581, four years after Vittoria's marriage,
+the Duke of Bracciano satisfied Marcello of his intention to make her
+his wife, and of his willingness to countenance Francesco Peretti's
+murder. Marcello, feeling sure of his game, now introduced the Duke in
+private to his sister, and induced her to overcome any natural
+repugnance she may have felt for the unwieldy and gross lover. Having
+reached this point, it was imperative to push matters quickly on toward
+matrimony.
+
+[Footnote 206: The balance of probability leans against Isabella in this
+affair. At the licentious court of the Medici she lived with
+unpardonable freedom. Troilo Orsini was himself assassinated in Paris by
+Bracciano's orders a few years afterwards.]
+
+But how should the unfortunate Francesco be entrapped? They caught him
+in a snare of peculiar atrocity, by working on the kindly feelings which
+his love for Vittoria had caused him to extend to all the Accoramboni.
+Marcello, the outlaw, was her favorite brother, and Marcello at that
+time lay in hiding, under the suspicion of more than ordinary crime,
+beyond the walls of Rome. Late in the evening of April 18, while the
+Peretti family were retiring to bed, a messenger from Marcello arrived,
+entreating Francesco to repair at once to Monte Cavallo. Marcello had
+affairs of the utmost importance to communicate, and begged his
+brother-in-law not to fail him at a grievous pinch. The letter
+containing this request was borne by one Dominico d'Aquaviva, _alias_ Il
+Mancino, a confederate of Vittoria's waiting-maid. This fellow, like
+Marcello, was an outlaw; but when he ventured into Rome he frequented
+Peretti's house, and he had made himself familiar with its master as a
+trusty bravo. Neither in the message, therefore, nor in the messenger
+was there much to rouse suspicion. The time, indeed, was oddly chosen,
+and Marcello had never made a similar appeal on any previous occasion.
+Yet his necessities might surely have obliged him to demand some more
+than ordinary favor from a brother. Francesco immediately made himself
+ready to start out, armed only with his sword and attended by a single
+servant. It was in vain that his wife and his mother reminded him of the
+dangers of the night, the loneliness of Monte Cavallo, its ruinous
+palaces and robber-haunted caves. He was resolved to undertake the
+adventure, and went forth, never to return. As he ascended the hill, he
+fell to earth, shot with three harquebusses. His body was afterwards
+found on Monte Cavallo, stabbed through and through, without a trace
+that could identify the murderers. Only, in the course of subsequent
+investigations, Il Mancino (February 24, 1582) made the following
+statements:--That Vittoria's mother, assisted by the waiting woman, had
+planned the trap; that Marchionne of Gubbio and Paolo Barca of
+Bracciano, two of the Duke's men, had despatched the victim. Marcello
+himself, it seems, had come from Bracciano to conduct the whole affair.
+Suspicion fell immediately upon Vittoria and her kindred, together with
+the Duke of Bracciano; nor was this diminished when the Accoramboni,
+fearing the pursuit of justice, took refuge in a villa of the Duke's at
+Magnanapoli a few days after the murder.
+
+A cardinal's nephew, even in those troublous times, was not killed
+without some noise being made about the matter. Accordingly, Pope
+Gregory XIII. began to take measures for discovering the authors of the
+crime. Strange to say, however, the Cardinal Montalto, notwithstanding
+the great love he was known to bear his nephew, begged that the
+investigation might be dropped. The coolness with which he first
+received the news of Francesco Peretti's death, the dissimulation with
+which he met the Pope's expression of sympathy in a full consistory, his
+reserve while greeting friends on ceremonial visits of condolence, and,
+more than all, the self-restraint he showed in the presence of the Duke
+of Bracciano, impressed the society of Rome with the belief that he was
+of a singularly moderate and patient temper. It was thought that the man
+who could so tamely submit to his nephew's murder, and suspend the arm
+of justice when already raised for vengeance, must prove a mild and
+indulgent ruler. When, therefore, in the fifth year after this event,
+Montalto was elected Pope, men ascribed his elevation in no small
+measure to his conduct at the present crisis. Some, indeed, attributed
+his extraordinary moderation and self-control to the right cause.
+'_Veramente costui è un gran frate_!' was Gregory's remark at the close
+of the consistory when Montalto begged him to let the matter of
+Peretti's murder rest. '_Of a truth, that fellow is a consummate
+hypocrite_!' How accurate this judgment was, appeared when Sixtus V.
+assumed the reins of power. The priest who, as monk and cardinal, had
+smiled on Bracciano, though he knew him to be his nephew's assassin,
+now, as Pontiff and sovereign, bade the chief of the Orsini purge his
+palace and dominions of the scoundrels he was wont to harbor, adding
+significantly, that if the Cardinal Felice Peretti forgave what had been
+done against him in a private station, the same man would exact
+uttermost vengeance for disobedience to the will of Sixtus. The Duke of
+Bracciano judged it best, after that warning, to withdraw from Rome.
+
+Francesco Peretti had been murdered on April 16, 1581. Sixtus V. was
+proclaimed on April 24, 1585. In this interval Vittoria underwent a
+series of extraordinary perils and adventures. First of all, she had
+been secretly married to the Duke in his gardens of Magnanapoli at the
+end of April 1581. That is to say, Marcello and she secured their prize,
+as well as they were able, the moment after Francesco had been removed
+by murder. But no sooner had the marriage become known, than the Pope,
+moved by the scandal it created, no less than by the urgent instance of
+the Orsini and Medici, declared it void. After some while spent in vain
+resistance, Bracciano submitted, and sent Vittoria back to her father's
+house. By an order issued under Gregory's own hand, she was next removed
+to the prison of Corte Savella, thence to the monastery of S. Cecilia in
+Trastevere, and finally to the Castle of S. Angelo. Here at the end of
+December 1581, she was put on her trial for the murder of her first
+husband. In prison she seems to have borne herself bravely, arraying her
+beautiful person in delicate attire, entertaining visitors, exacting
+from her friends the honors due to a duchess, and sustaining the
+frequent examinations to which she was submitted with a bold, proud
+front. In the middle of the month of July her constancy was sorely tried
+by the receipt of a letter in the Duke's own handwriting, formally
+renouncing his marriage. It was only by a lucky accident that she was
+prevented on this occasion from committing suicide. The Papal court
+meanwhile kept urging her either to retire to a monastery or to accept
+another husband. She firmly refused to embrace the religious life, and
+declared that she was already lawfully united to a living husband, the
+Duke of Bracciano. It seemed impossible to deal with her; and at last,
+on November 8, she was released from prison under the condition of
+retirement to Gubbio. The Duke had lulled his enemies to rest by the
+pretense of yielding to their wishes. But Marcello was continually
+beside him at Bracciano, where we read of a mysterious Greek enchantress
+whom he hired to brew love-philters for the furtherance of his ambitious
+plots. Whether Bracciano was stimulated by the brother's arguments or by
+the witch's potions need not be too curiously questioned. But it seems
+in any case certain that absence inflamed his passion instead of cooling
+it.
+
+Accordingly, in September 1583, under the excuse of a pilgrimage to
+Loreto, he contrived to meet Vittoria at Trevi, whence he carried her in
+triumph to Bracciano. Here he openly acknowledged her as his wife,
+installing her with all the splendor due to a sovereign duchess. On
+October 10 following, he once more performed the marriage ceremony in
+the principal church of his fief; and in the January of 1584 he brought
+her openly to Rome. This act of contumacy to the Pope, both as feudal
+superior and as Supreme Pontiff, roused all the former opposition to his
+marriage. Once more it was declared invalid. Once more the Duke
+pretended to give way. But at this juncture Gregory died; and while the
+conclave was sitting for the election of the new Pope, he resolved to
+take the law into his own hands, and to ratify his union with Vittoria
+by a third and public marriage in Rome. On the morning of April 24,
+1585, their nuptials were accordingly once more solemnized in the Orsini
+palace. Just one hour after the ceremony, as appears from the
+marriage-register, the news arrived of Cardinal Montalto's election to
+the Papacy. Vittoria lost no time in paying her respects to Camilla,
+sister of the new Pope, her former mother-in-law. The Duke visited
+Sixtus V. in state to compliment him on his elevation. But the reception
+which both received proved that Rome was no safe place for them to live
+in. They consequently made up their minds for flight.
+
+A chronic illness from which Bracciano had lately suffered furnished a
+sufficient pretext. This seems to have been something of the nature of a
+cancerous ulcer, which had to be treated by the application of raw meat
+to open sores. Such details are only excusable in the present narrative
+on the ground that Bracciano's disease considerably affects our moral
+judgment of the woman who could marry a man thus physically tainted, and
+with her husband's blood upon his hands. At any rate, the Duke's _lupa_
+justified his trying what change of air, together with the sulphur
+waters of Abano, would do for him.
+
+The Duke and Duchess arrived in safety at Venice, where they had engaged
+the Dandolo palace on the Zueca. There they only stayed a few days,
+removing to Padua, where they had hired palaces of the Foscari in the
+Arena and a house called De'Cavalli. At Salò, also, on the Lake of
+Garda, they provided themselves with fit dwellings for their princely
+state and their large retinues, intending to divide their time between
+the pleasures which the capital of luxury afforded and the simpler
+enjoyments of the most beautiful of the Italian lakes. But _la gioia dei
+profani è un fumo passaggier_. Paolo Giordano Orsini, Duke of Bracciano,
+died suddenly at Salò on November 10, 1585, leaving the young and
+beautiful Vittoria helpless among enemies. What was the cause of his
+death? It is not possible to give a clear and certain answer. We have
+seen that he suffered from a horrible and voracious disease, which after
+his removal from Rome seems to have made progress. Yet though this
+malady may well have cut his life short, suspicion of poison was not, in
+the circumstances, quite unreasonable. The Grand Duke of Tuscany, the
+Pope, and the Orsini family were all interested in his death. Anyhow, he
+had time to make a will in Vittoria's favor, leaving her large sums of
+money, jewels, goods, and houses--enough, in fact, to support her ducal
+dignity with splendor. His hereditary fiefs and honors passed by right
+to his only son, Virginio.
+
+Vittoria, accompanied by her brother, Marcello, and the whole court of
+Bracciano, repaired at once to Padua, where she was soon after joined by
+Flaminio, and by the Prince Lodovico Orsini. Lodovico Orsini assumed the
+duty of settling Vittoria's affairs under her dead husband's will. In
+life he had been the duke's ally as well as relative. His family pride
+was deeply wounded by what seemed to him an ignoble, as it was certainly
+an unequal, marriage. He now showed himself the relentless enemy of the
+Duchess. Disputes arose between them as to certain details, which seem
+to have been legally decided in the widow's favor. On the night of
+December 22, however, forty men, disguised in black and fantastically
+tricked out to elude detection, surrounded her palace. Through the long
+galleries and chambers hung with arras, eight of them went, bearing
+torches, in search of Vittoria and her brothers. Marcello escaped,
+having fled the house under suspicion of the murder of one of his own
+followers. Flaminio, the innocent and young, was playing on his lute and
+singing _Miserere_ in the great hall of the palace. The murderers
+surprised him with a shot from one of their harquebusses. He ran,
+wounded in the shoulder, to his sister's room. She, it is said, was
+telling her beads before retiring for the night. When three of the
+assassins entered, she knelt before the crucifix, and there they stabbed
+her in the left breast, turning the poignard in the wound, and asking
+her with savage insults if her heart was pierced. Her last words were,
+'Jesus, I pardon you.' Then they turned to Flaminio, and left him
+pierced with seventy-four stiletto wounds.
+
+The authorities of Padua identified the bodies of Vittoria and Flaminio,
+and sent at once for further instructions to Venice. Meanwhile it
+appears that both corpses were laid out in one open coffin for the
+people to contemplate. The palace and the church of the Eremitani, to
+which they had been removed, were crowded all through the following day
+with a vast concourse of the Paduans. Vittoria's dead body, pale yet
+sweet to look upon, the golden hair flowing around her marble shoulders,
+the red wound in her breast uncovered, the stately limbs arrayed in
+satin as she died, maddened the populace with its surpassing loveliness.
+'_Dentibus fremebant_.' says the chronicler, when they beheld that
+gracious lady stiff in death. And of a truth, if her corpse was actually
+exposed in the chapel of the Eremitani, as we have some right to assume,
+the spectacle must have been impressive. Those grim gaunt frescoes of
+Mantegna looked down on her as she lay stretched upon her bier, solemn
+and calm, and, but for pallor, beautiful as though in life. No wonder
+that the folk forgot her first husband's murder, her less than comely
+marriage to the second. It was enough for them that this flower of
+surpassing loveliness had been cropped by villains in its bloom.
+Gathering in knots around the torches placed beside the corpse, they
+vowed vengeance against the Orsini; for suspicion, not unnaturally, fell
+on Prince Lodovico.
+
+The Prince was arrested and interrogated before the court of Padua. He
+entered their hall attended by forty armed men, responded haughtily to
+their questions and demanded free passage for his courier to Virginio
+Orsini, then at Florence. To this demand the court acceded; but the
+precaution of waylaying the courier and searching his person was very
+wisely taken. Besides some formal despatches which announced Vittoria's
+assassination, they found in this man's boot a compromising letter,
+declaring Virginio a party to the crime, and asserting that Lodovico had
+with his own poignard killed their victim. Padua placed itself in a
+state of defense, and prepared to besiege the palace of Prince Lodovico,
+who also got himself in readiness for battle. Engines, culverins, and
+fire-brands were directed against the barricades which he had raised.
+The militia was called out and the Brenta was strongly guarded.
+Meanwhile the Senate of S. Mark had despatched the Avogadore, Aloisio
+Bragadin, with full power, to the scene of action. Lodovico Orsini, it
+may be mentioned, was in their service: and had not this affair
+intervened, he would in a few weeks have entered on his duties as
+Governor for Venice of Corfu.
+
+The bombardment of Orsini's palace began on Christmas Day. Three of the
+Prince's men were killed in the first assault; and since the artillery
+brought to bear upon him threatened speedy ruin to the house and its
+inhabitants, he made up his mind to surrender. 'The Prince Luigi,'
+writes one chronicler of these events, 'walked attired in brown, his
+poignard at his side, and his cloak slung elegantly under his arm. The
+weapon being taken from him he leaned upon a balustrade, and began to
+trim his nails with a little pair of scissors he happened to find
+there.'
+
+On the 27th he was strangled in prison by order of the Venetian
+Republic. His body was carried to be buried, according to his own will,
+in the church of S. Maria dell'Orto at Venice. Two of his followers were
+hanged next day. Fifteen were executed on the following Monday; two of
+these were quartered alive; one of them the Conte Paganello, who
+confessed to having slain Vittoria, had his left side probed with his
+own cruel dagger. Eight were condemned to the galleys, six to prison,
+and eleven were acquitted.
+
+Thus ended this terrible affair, which brought, it is said, good credit,
+and renown to the lords of Venice through all nations of the civilized
+world. It only remains to be added that Marcello Accoramboni was
+surrendered to the Pope's vengeance and beheaded at Ancona, where also
+his mysterious accomplice, the Greek sorceress, perished.
+
+
+
+_The Duchess of Palliano_.
+
+
+It was the custom of Italians in the 16th and 17th centuries to compose
+and circulate narratives of tragic or pathetic incidents in real life.
+They were intended to satisfy curiosity in an age when newspapers and
+law reports did not exist, and also to suit the taste of ladies and
+gentlemen versed in Boccaccio and Bandello. Resembling the London
+letters of our ancestors, they passed from hand to hand, rarely found
+their way into the printing office, and when they had performed their
+task were left to moulder in the dust of bookcases. The private archives
+of noble families abound in volumes of such tales, and some may still be
+found upon the shelves of public libraries. These MS. collections
+furnish a mine of inexhaustible riches to the student of manners. When
+checked by legal documents, they frequently reveal carelessness,
+inaccuracy, or even willful distortion of facts. The genius of the
+Novella, so paramount in popular Italian literature of that epoch,
+presided over their composition, adding _intreccio_ to disconnected
+facts, heightening sympathy by the suggestion of romantic motives,
+turning the heroes or the heroines of their adventures into saints, and
+blackening the faces of the villains. Yet these stories, pretending to
+be veracious and aiming at information no less than entertainment,
+present us with even a more vivid picture of customs than the Novelle.
+By their truthful touches of landscape and incident painting, by their
+unconscious revelation of contemporary sentiment in dialogue and ethical
+analysis of motives, they enable us to give form and substance to the
+drier details of the law-courts. One of these narratives I propose to
+condense from the transcript made by Henri Beyle, for the sake of the
+light it throws upon the tragedy of the Caraffa family.[207] It opens
+with an account of Paul IV.'s ascent to power and a description of his
+nephews. Don Giovanni, the eldest son of the Count of Montorio, was
+married to Violante de Cardona, sister of the Count Aliffe. Paul
+invested him with the Duchy of Palliano, which he wrested from Marc
+Antonio Colonna. Don Carlo, the second son, who had passed his life as a
+soldier, entered the Sacred College; and Don Antonio, the third, was
+created Marquis of Montebello. The cardinal, as prime minister, assumed
+the reins of government in Rome. The Duke of Palliano disposed of the
+Papal soldiery. The Marquis of Montebello, commanding the guard of the
+palace, excluded or admitted persons at his pleasure. Surrounded by
+these nephews, Paul saw only with their eyes, heard only what they
+whispered to him, and unwittingly lent his authority to their
+lawlessness. They exercised an unlimited tyranny in Rome, laying hands
+on property and abusing their position to gratify their lusts. No woman
+who had the misfortune to please them was safe; and the cells of
+convents were as little respected as the palaces of gentlefolk. To
+arrive at justice was impossible; for the three brothers commanded all
+avenues, civil, ecclesiastical, and military, by which the Pope could be
+approached.
+
+Violante, Duchess of Palliano, was a young woman distinguished for her
+beauty no less than for her Spanish pride. She had received a thoroughly
+Italian education; could recite the sonnets of Petrarch and the stanzas
+of Ariosto by heart, and repeated the tales of Ser Giovanni and other
+novelists with an originality that lent new charm to their style.[208]
+Her court was a splendid one, frequented by noble youths and gentlewomen
+of the best blood in Naples. Two of these require particular notice:
+Diana Brancaccio, a relative of the Marchioness of Montebello; and
+Marcello Capecce, a young man of exceptional beauty. Diana was a woman
+of thirty years, hot-tempered, tawny-haired, devotedly in love with
+Domiziano Fornari, a squire of the Marchese di Montebello's household.
+Marcello had conceived one of those bizarre passions for the Duchess, in
+which an almost religious adoration was mingled with audacity,
+persistence, and aptitude for any crime. The character of his mistress
+gave him but little hope. Though profoundly wounded by her husband's
+infidelities, insulted in her pride by the presence of his wanton
+favorites under her own roof, and assailed by the importunities of the
+most brilliant profligates in Rome, she held a haughty course, above
+suspicion, free from taint or stain, Marcello could do nothing but sigh
+at a distance and watch his opportunity.
+
+[Footnote 207: 'La Duchesse de Palliano,' in _Chroniques et Nouvelles_,
+De Stendhal (Henri Beyle).]
+
+[Footnote 208: This touch shows what were then considered the
+accomplishments of a noble woman.]
+
+At this point, the narrator seems to sacrifice historical accuracy for
+the sake of combining his chief characters in one intrigue.[209]
+
+[Footnote 209: It was a street-brawl, in which the Cardinal Monte played
+an indecent part, that finally aroused the anger of Paul IV. De
+Stendhal's MS. shifts the chief blame on to the shoulders of Cardinal
+Caraffa, who indeed appears to have been in the habit of keeping bad
+company.]
+
+Though he assumes the tone of a novelist rather than a chronicler, there
+has hitherto been nothing but what corresponds to fact in his
+description of the Caraffa Cabal. He now explains their downfall; and
+opens the subject after this fashion. At the beginning of the year 1559,
+the Pope's confessor ventured to bring before his notice the scandalous
+behavior of the Papal nephews. Paul at first refused to credit this
+report. But an incident happened which convinced him of its truth. On
+the feast of the Circumcision--a circumstance which aggravated matters
+in the eyes of a strictly pious Pontiff--Andrea Lanfranchi, secretary to
+the Duke of Palliano, invited the Cardinal Caraffa to a banquet. One of
+the loveliest and most notorious courtesans of Rome, Martuccia, was
+also present; and it so happened that Marcello Capecce at this epoch
+believed he had more right to her favors than any other man in the
+capital. That night he sought her in her lodgings, pursued her up and
+down, and learned at last that she was supping with Lanfranchi and the
+Cardinal. Attended by armed men, he made his way to Lanfranchi's house,
+entered the banquet room, and ordered Martuccia to come away with him at
+once. The Cardinal, who was dressed in secular habit, rose, and, drawing
+his sword, protested against this high-handed proceeding. Martuccia, by
+favor of their host, was his partner that evening. Upon this, Marcello
+called his men; but when they recognized the Cardinal nephew, they
+refused to employ violence. In the course of the quarrel, Martuccia made
+her escape, followed by Marcello, Caraffa, and the company. There ensued
+a street-brawl between the young man and the Cardinal; but no blood was
+spilt, and the incident need have had but slight importance, if the Duke
+of Palliano had not thought it necessary to place Lanfranchi and
+Marcello under arrest. They were soon released, because it became
+evident that the chief scandal would fall upon the Cardinal, who had
+clearly been scuffling and crossing swords in a dispute about a common
+prostitute. The three Caraffa brothers resolved on hushing the affair
+up. But it was too late. The Pope heard something, which sufficed to
+confirm his confessor's warnings; and on January 27, he pronounced the
+famous sentence on his nephews. The Cardinal was banished to Cività
+Lavinia, the Duke to Soriano, the Marquis to Montebello. The Duchess
+took up her abode with her court in the little village of Gallese. It
+was here that the episode of her love and tragic end ensued.
+
+Violante found herself almost alone in a simple village among mountains,
+half-way between Rome and Orvieto, surrounded indeed by lovely forest
+scenery, but deprived of all the luxuries and entertainments to which
+she was accustomed. Marcello and Diana were at her side, the one eager
+to pursue his hitherto hopeless suit, and the other to further it for
+her own profit. One day Marcello committed the apparent imprudence of
+avowing his passion. The Duchess rejected him with scorn, but disclosed
+the fact to Diana, who calculated that if she could contrive to
+compromise her mistress, she might herself be able to secure the end she
+had in view of marrying Domiziano. In the solitude of those long days of
+exile the waiting-woman returned again and again to the subject of
+Marcello's devotion, his beauty, his noble blood and his manifold good
+qualities. She arranged meetings in the woods between the Duchess and
+her lover, and played her cards so well that during the course of the
+fine summer weeks Violante yielded to Marcello. Diana now judged it wise
+to press her own suit forward with Domiziano. But this cold-blooded
+fellow knew that he was no fit match for a relative of the Marchioness
+of Montebello. He felt, besides, but little sentiment for his fiery
+_innamorata_. Dreading the poignard of the Caraffas, if he should
+presume to marry her, he took the prudent course of slipping away in
+disguise from the port of Nettuno. Diana maddened by disappointment,
+flew to the conclusion that the Duchess had planned her lover's removal,
+and resolved to take a cruel revenge. The Duke of Palliano was residing
+at Soriano, only a few miles from Gallese. To bring him secret
+information of his wife's intrigue was a matter of no difficulty. At
+first he refused to believe her report. Had not Violante resisted the
+seductions of all Rome, and repelled the advances even of the Duke of
+Guise? At last she contrived to introduce him into the bedroom of the
+Duchess at a moment when Marcello was also there. The circumstances were
+not precisely indicative of guilt. The sun had only just gone down
+behind the hills; a maid was in attendance; and the Duchess lay in bed,
+penciling some memoranda. Yet they were sufficient to arouse the Duke's
+anger. He disarmed Marcello and removed him to the prisons of Soriano,
+leaving Violante under strict guard at Gallese.
+
+The Duke of Palliano had no intention of proclaiming his jealousy or of
+suggesting his dishonor, until he had extracted complete proof. He
+therefore pretended to have arrested Marcello on the suspicion of an
+attempt to poison him. Some large toads, bought by the young man at a
+high price two or three months earlier, lent color to this accusation.
+Meanwhile the investigation was conducted as secretly as possible by the
+Duke in person, his brother-in-law Count Aliffe, and a certain Antonio
+Torando, with the sanction of the Podestà of Soriano. After examining
+several witnesses, they became convinced of Violante's guilt. Marcello
+was put to the torture, and eventually confessed. The Duke stabbed him
+to death with his own hands, and afterwards cut Diana's throat for her
+share in the business. Both bodies were thrown into the prison-sewer.
+Meanwhile Paul IV. had retained the young Cardinal, Alfonso Caraffa, son
+of the Marquis of Montebello, near his person. This prelate thought it
+right to inform his grand-uncle of the occurrences at Soriano. The Pope
+only answered: 'And the Duchess? What have they done with her?' Paul IV.
+died in August, and the Conclave, which ended in the election of Pius
+IV., was opened. During the important intrigues of that moment, Cardinal
+Alfonso found time to write to the Duke, imploring him not to leave so
+dark a stain upon his honor, but to exercise justice on a guilty wife.
+On August 28, 1559, the Duke sent the Count Aliffe, and Don Leonardo del
+Cardine, with a company of soldiers to Gallese. They told Violante that
+they had arrived to kill her, and offered her the offices of two
+Franciscan monks. Before her death, the Duchess repeatedly insisted on
+her innocence, and received the Sacrament from the hands of Friar
+Antonio of Pavia. The Count, her brother, then proceeded to her
+execution. She covered her eyes with a handkerchief, which she, with
+perfect _sang froid_, drew somewhat lower in order to shut his sight
+out. Then he adjusted the cord to her neck; but, finding that it would
+not exactly fit, he removed it and walked away. The Duchess raised the
+bandage from her face, and said: "Well! what are we about then?" He
+answered: "The cord was not quite right, and I am going to get another,
+in order that you may not suffer." When he returned to the room, he
+arranged the handkerchief again, fixed the cord, turned the wand in the
+knot behind her neck, and strangled her. The whole incident, on the part
+of the Duchess, passed in the tone of ordinary conversation. She died
+like a good Christian, frequently repeating the words _Credo, Credo_.
+
+Contrary to the usual custom and opinion of the age, this murder of an
+erring wife and sister formed part of the accusations brought against
+the Duke of Palliano and Count Aliffe. It will be remembered that they
+were executed in Rome, together with the elder Cardinal Caraffa, during
+the pontificate of Pius IV.
+
+_Wife-Murders._
+
+It would be difficult to give any adequate notion of the frequency of
+wife-murders at this epoch in the higher ranks of society. I will,
+however, mention a few, noticed by me in the course of study. Donna
+Pellegrina, daughter of Bianca Capello before her marriage with the
+Grand Duke of Tuscany, was killed at Bologna in 1598 by four masked
+assassins at the order of her husband, Count Ulisse Bentivoglio. She had
+been suspected or convicted of adultery; and the Court of Florence sent
+word to the Count, 'che essendo vero quanto scriveva, facesse quello che
+conveniva a cavaliere di honore.' In the light of open day, together
+with two of her gentlewomen and her coachman, she was cut to pieces and
+left on the road.[210] In 1690 at Naples Don Carlo Gesualdo, son of the
+Prince of Venosta, assassinated his wife and cousin Donna Maria
+d'Avalos, together with her lover, Fabricio Caraffa, Duke of Andri. This
+crime was committed in his palace by the husband, attended by a band of
+cut-throats.[211] In 1577, at Milan, Count Giovanni Borromeo, cousin of
+the Cardinal Federigo, stabbed his wife, the Countess Giulia
+Sanseverina, sister of the Contessa di Sala, at table, with three mortal
+wounds. A mere domestic squabble gave rise to this tragedy.[212] In
+1598, in his villa of Zenzalino at Ferrara, the Count Ercole Trotti,
+with the assistance of a bravo called Jacopo Lazzarini, killed his wife
+Anna, daughter of the poet Guarini. Her own brother Girolamo connived at
+the act and helped to facilitate its execution. She was
+accused--falsely, as it afterwards appeared from Girolamo's
+confession--of an improper intimacy with the Count Ercole Bevilacqua. I
+may add that Count Ercole Trotti's father, Alfonso, had murdered his own
+wife, Michela Granzena, in the same villa.[213]
+
+[Footnote 210: Mutinelli, _Storia Arcana_, vol. ii. p. 64.]
+
+[Footnote 211: _Ib._ vol. ii. p. 162.]
+
+[Footnote 212: _Ib._ vol. i. p. 343.]
+
+_The Medici_.
+
+The history of the Medicean family during the sixteenth century
+epitomizes the chief features of social morality upon which I have been
+dwelling in this chapter. It will be remembered that Alessandro de'
+Medici, the first Duke of Florence, poisoned his cousin Ippolito, and
+was himself assassinated by his cousin Lorenzino. To the second of these
+crimes Cosimo, afterwards Grand Duke of Tuscany, owed the throne of
+Florence, on which, however, he was not secure until he had removed
+Lorenzino from this world by the poignard of a bravo. Cosimo maintained
+his authority by a system of espionage, remorseless persecution, and
+assassination, which gave color even to the most improbable of
+legends.[214]
+
+[Footnote 213: _I Guarini, Famiglia Nobile Ferrarese_ (Bologna,
+Romagnoli, 1870), pp. 83-87.]
+
+[Footnote 214: In addition to the victims of his vengeance who perished
+by the poignard, he publicly executed in Florence forty-two political
+offenders.]
+
+But it is not of him so much as of his children that I have to speak.
+Francesco, who reigned from 1564 till 1587, brought disgrace upon his
+line by marrying the infamous Bianca Capello, after authorizing the
+murder of her previous husband. Bianca, though incapable of bearing
+children, flattered her besotted paramour before this marriage by
+pretending to have borne a son. In reality, she had secured the
+co-operation of three women on the point of child-birth; and when one of
+these was delivered of a boy, she presented this infant to Francesco,
+who christened him Antonio de'Medici. Of the three mothers who served
+in this nefarious transaction, Bianca contrived to assassinate two, but
+not before one of the victims to her dread of exposure made full
+confession at the point of death. The third escaped. Another woman who
+had superintended the affair was shot between Florence and Bologna in
+the valleys of the Apennines. Yet after the manifestation of Bianca's
+imposture, the Duke continued to recognize Antonio as belonging to the
+Medicean family; and his successor was obliged to compel this young man
+to assume the Cross of Malta, in order to exclude his posterity from the
+line of princes.[215]
+
+[Footnote 215: See Mutinelli, _Storia Arcana_, vol. ii. pp.54-56, for
+Antonio's reception into the Order.]
+
+The legend of Francesco's and Bianca's mysterious death is well known.
+The Duchess had engaged in fresh intrigues for palming off a spurious
+child upon her husband. These roused the suspicions of his brother
+Cardinal Ferdinando de'Medici, heir presumptive to the crown. An angry
+correspondence followed, ending in a reconciliation between the three
+princes. They met in the autumn of 1587 at the villa of Poggio a Cajano.
+Then the world was startled by the announcement that the Grand Duke had
+died of fever after a few days' illness, and that Bianca had almost
+immediately afterwards followed him to the grave. Ferdinand, on
+succeeding to the throne, refused her the interment suited to her rank,
+defaced her arms on public edifices, and for her name and titles in
+official documents substituted the words, 'la pessima Bianca.' What
+passed at Poggio a Cajano is not known. It was commonly believed in
+Italy that Bianca, meaning to poison the Cardinal at supper, had been
+frustrated in her designs by a blunder which made her husband the victim
+of this plot, and that she ended her own life in despair or fell a
+victim to the Cardinal's vengeance. This story is rejected both by Botta
+and Galluzzi; but Litta has given it a partial credence.[216] Two of
+Cosimo's sons died previously, in the year 1562, under circumstances
+which gave rise to similar malignant rumors. Don Garzia and the Cardinal
+Giovanni were hunting together in the Pisan marshes, when the latter
+expired after a short illness, and the former in a few days met with a
+like fate. Report ran that Don Garzia had stabbed his brother, and that
+Cosimo, in a fit of rage, ran him through the body with his own sword.
+In this case, although Litta attaches weight to the legend, the balance
+of evidence is strongly in favor of both brothers having been carried
+off by a pernicious fever contracted simultaneously during their
+hunting expedition.[217] Each instance serves however, to show in what
+an atmosphere of guilt the Medicean princes were enveloped. No one
+believed that they could die except by fraternal or paternal hands. And
+the authentic crimes of the family certainly justified this popular
+belief. I have already alluded to the murders of Ippolito, Alessandro,
+and Lorenzino. I have told how the Court of Florence sanctioned the
+assassination of Bianca's daughter by her husband at Bologna.[218] I
+must now proceed to relate the tragic tales of the princesses of the
+house.
+
+Pietro de'Medici, a fifth of Cosimo's sons, had rendered himself
+notorious in Spain and Italy by forming a secret society for the most
+revolting debaucheries.[219] Yet he married the noble lady Eleonora di
+Toledo, related by blood to Cosimo's first wife. Neglected and outraged
+by her husband, she proved unfaithful, and Pietro hewed her in pieces
+with his own hands at Caffaggiolo. Isabella de'Medici, daughter of
+Cosimo, was married to the Duke of Bracciano. Educated in the empoisoned
+atmosphere of Florence, she, like Eleonora di Toledo, yielded herself to
+fashionable profligacy, and was strangled by her husband at
+Cerretto.[220]
+
+[Footnote 216: I refer, of course, to Galluzzi's _Storia del Gran
+Ducato_, vol. iv. pp. 241-244. Botta's _Storia d'Italia_, Book xiv., and
+Litta's _Famiglie Celebri_ under the pedigree of Medici.]
+
+[Footnote 217: See Galluzzi, _op. cit._ vol. iii. p, 25, and Botta, _op.
+cit._ Book xii.]
+
+[Footnote 218: See above, p. 381.]
+
+[Footnote 219: Litta may be consulted for details; also Galluzzi, _op.
+cit._ vol. v. p. 174.]
+
+[Footnote 220: It maybe worth mentioning that Virginio Orsini,
+Bracciano's son and heir, married Donna Flavia, grand niece of Sixtus
+V., and consequently related to the man his father murdered in order to
+possess Vittoria Accoramboni. See Mutinelli, _Storia Arcana_, vol. ii.
+p. 72.]
+
+Both of these murders took place in 1576. Isabella's death, as I have
+elsewhere related, opened the way for the Duke of Bracciano's marriage
+with Vittoria Accoramboni, which had been prepared by the assassination
+of her first husband, and which led to her own murder at Padua.[221]
+Another of Cosimo's daughters, Lucrezia de'Medici, became Duchess of
+Ferrara, fell under a suspicion of infidelity, and was possibly removed
+by poison in 1561.[222] The last of his sons whom I have to mention, Don
+Giovanni, married a dissolute woman of low birth called Livia, and
+disgraced the name of Medici by the unprincely follies of his life.
+Eleonora de'Medici, third of his daughters, introduces a comic element
+into these funereal records. She was affianced to Vincenzo Gonzaga, heir
+of the Duchy of Mantua. But suspicions, arising out of the circumstances
+of his divorce from a former wife, obliged him to prove his marital
+capacity before the completion of the contract. This he did at Venice,
+before a witness, upon the person of a virgin selected for the
+experiment.[223] Maria de'Medici, the only child of Duke Francesco,
+became Queen of France.
+
+[Footnote 221: See above, pp. 361-369.]
+
+[Footnote 222: Galluzzi, vol. iii. p. 5, says that she died of a putrid
+fever. Litta again inclines to the probability of poison. But this must
+counted among the doubtful cases.]
+
+[Footnote 223: See Galluzzi, _op. cit._ vol. iv. pp. 195-197, for the
+account of a transaction which throws curious light upon the customs of
+the age. It was only stipulated that the trial should not take place
+upon a Friday. Otherwise, the highest ecclesiastics gave it their full
+approval.] The history of her amours with Concini forms an episode in
+French annals.
+
+If now we eliminate the deaths of Don Garcia, Cardinal Giovanni, Duke
+Francesco, Bianca Capello, and Lucrezia de'Medici, as doubtful, there
+will still remain the murders of Cardinal Ippolito, Duke Alessandro,
+Lorenzino de'Medici, Pietro Bonaventuri (Bianca's husband), Pellegrina
+Bentivoglio (Bianca's daughter), Eleonora di Toledo, Francesco Casi
+(Eleonora's lover), the Duchess of Bracciano, Troilo Orsini (lover of
+this Duchess), Felice Peretti (husband of Vittoria Accoramboni), and
+Vittoria Accoramboni--eleven murders, all occurring between 1535 and
+1585, an exact half century, in a single princely family and its
+immediate connections. The majority of these crimes, that is to say
+seven, had their origin in lawless passion.[224]
+
+[Footnote 224: I have told the stories in this chapter as dryly as I
+could. Yet it would be interesting to analyze the fascination they
+exercised over our Elizabethan playwrights, some of whose Italian
+tragedies handle the material with penetrative imagination. For the
+English mode of interpreting southern passions see my _Italian Byways_,
+pp. 142 _et seq._, and a brilliant essay in Vernon Lee's _Euphorion_.]
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VI.
+
+SOCIAL AND DOMESTIC MORALS: PART II.
+
+
+     Tales illustrative of Bravi and Banditti--Cecco Bibboni--Ambrogio
+     Tremazzi--Lodovico dall'Armi--Brigandage--Piracy--Plagues--The
+     Plagues of Milan, Venice, Piedmont--Persecution of the
+     Untori--Moral State of the Proletariate--Witchcraft--Its Italian
+     Features--History of Giacomo Centini.
+
+
+The stories related in the foregoing chapter abundantly demonstrate the
+close connection between the aristocracy and their accomplices--bravos
+and bandits. But it still remains to consider this connection from the
+professional murderer's own point of view. And for this purpose, I will
+now make use of two documents vividly illustrative of the habits,
+sentiments, and social status of men who undertook to speculate in
+bloodshed for reward. They are both autobiographical; and both relate
+tragedies which occupied the attention of all Italy.
+
+
+_Cecco Bibboni_.
+
+The first of these documents is the report made by Cecco Bibboni
+concerning his method adopted for the murder of Lorenzino de'Medici at
+Venice in 1546. Lorenzino, by the help of a bravo called Scoroncolo, had
+assassinated his cousin Alessandro, Duke of Florence, in 1537. After
+accomplishing this deed, which gained for him the name of Brutus, he
+escaped from the city; and a distant relative of the murdered and the
+murderer, Cosimo de'Medici, was chosen Duke in Alessandro's stead. One
+of the first acts of his reign was to publish a ban of outlawry against
+Lorenzino. His portrait was painted according to old Tuscan usage head
+downwards, and suspended by one foot, upon the wall of Alessandro's
+fortress. His house was cut in twain from roof to pavement, and a narrow
+passage was driven through it, which received the name of Traitor's
+Alley, _Chiasso del Traditore_. The price put upon his head was
+enormous--four thousand golden florins, with a pension of one hundred
+florins to the murderer and his heirs in perpetuity. The man who should
+kill Lorenzino was, further, to enjoy amnesty from all offenses and to
+exercise full civic rights; he was promised exemption from taxes, the
+privilege of carrying arms with two attendants in the whole domain of
+Florence, and the prerogative of restoring ten outlaws at his choice. If
+he captured Lorenzino and brought him alive to Florence, the reward
+would be double in each item. There was enough here to raise cupidity
+and stir the speculative spirit. Cecco Bibboni shall tell us how the
+business was brought to a successful termination.[225]
+
+[Footnote 225: For the Italian text see _Lorenzino de'Medici_, Daelli,
+Milano, 1862. The above is borrowed from my _Italian Byways_.]
+
+'When I returned from Germany,' begins Bibboni, 'where I had been in
+the pay of the Emperor, I found at Vicenza Bebo da Volterra, who was
+staying in the house of M. Antonio da Roma, a nobleman of that city.
+This gentleman employed him because of a great feud he had; and he was
+mighty pleased, moreover, at my coming, and desired that I too should
+take up my quarters in his palace.'
+
+Bibboni proceeds to say how another gentleman of Vicenza, M. Francesco
+Manente, had at this time a feud with certain of the Guazzi and the
+Laschi, which had lasted several years, and cost the lives of many
+members of both parties and their following. M. Francesco, being a
+friend of M. Antonio, besought that gentleman to lend him Bibboni and
+Bebo for a season; and the two _bravi_ went together with their new
+master to Celsano, a village in the neighborhood. 'There both parties
+had estates, and all of them kept armed men in their houses, so that not
+a day passed without feats of arms, and always there was some one killed
+or wounded. One day, soon afterwards, the leaders of our party resolved
+to attack the foe in their house, where we killed two, and the rest,
+numbering five men, entrenched themselves in a ground-floor apartment;
+whereupon we took possession of their harquebusses and other arms, which
+forced them to abandon the villa and retire to Vicenza; and within a
+short space of time this great feud was terminated by an ample peace.'
+After this Bebo took service with the Rector of the University in Padua,
+and was transferred by his new patron to Milan. Bibboni remained at
+Vicenza with M. Galeazzo della Seta, who stood in great fear of his
+life, notwithstanding the peace which had been concluded between the two
+factions. At the end of ten months he returned to M. Antonio da Roma and
+his six brothers, 'all of whom being very much attached to me, they
+proposed that I should live my life with them, for good or ill, and be
+treated as one of the family; upon the understanding that if war broke
+out and I wanted to take part in it, I should always have twenty-five
+crowns and arms and horse, with welcome home, so long as I lived; and in
+case I did not care to join the troops, the same provision for my
+maintenance.'
+
+From these details we comprehend the sort of calling which a bravo of
+Bibboni's species followed. Meanwhile Bebo was at Milan. 'There it
+happened that M. Francesco Vinta, of Volterra, was on embassy from the
+Duke of Florence. He saw Bebo, and asked him what he was doing in Milan,
+and Bebo answered that he was a knight errant.' This phrase--derived, no
+doubt, from the romantic epics then in vogue--was a pretty euphemism for
+a rogue of Bebo's quality. The ambassador now began cautiously to sound
+his man, who seems to have been outlawed from the Tuscan duchy, telling
+him he knew a way by which he might return with favor to his home, and
+at last disclosing the affair of Lorenzino. Bebo was puzzled at first,
+but when he understood the matter, he professed his willingness, took
+letters from the envoy to the Duke of Florence, and, in a private
+audience with Cosimo, informed him that he was ready to attempt
+Lorenzino's assassination. He added that 'he had a comrade fit for such
+a job, whose fellow for the business could not easily be found.'
+
+Bebo now traveled to Vicenza, and opened the whole matter to Bibboni,
+who weighed it well, and at last, being convinced that the Duke's
+commission to his comrade was _bonâ fide_, determined to take his share
+in the undertaking. The two agreed to have no accomplices. They went to
+Venice, and 'I,' says Bibboni, 'being most intimately acquainted with
+all that city, and provided there with many friends, soon quietly
+contrived to know where Lorenzino lodged, and took a room in the
+neighborhood, and spent some days in seeing how we best might rule our
+conduct.' Bibboni soon discovered that Lorenzino never left his palace;
+and he therefore remained in much perplexity, until, by good luck,
+Ruberto Strozzi arrived from France in Venice, bringing in his train a
+Navarrese servant, who had the nickname of Spagnoletto. This fellow was
+a great friend of the bravo. They met, and Bibboni told him that he
+should like to go and kiss the hands of Messer Ruberto, whom he had
+known in Rome. Strozzi inhabited the same palace as Lorenzino. 'When we
+arrived there, both Messer Ruberto and Lorenzino were leaving the house,
+and there were around them so many gentlemen and other persons, that I
+could not present myself, and both straightway stepped into the
+gondola. Then I, not having seen Lorenzino for a long while past, and
+because he was very quietly attired, could not recognize the man
+exactly, but only as it were between certainty and doubt. Wherefore I
+said to Spagnoletto, "I think I know that gentleman, but don't remember
+where I saw him." And Messer Ruberto was giving him his right hand. Then
+Spagnoletto answered, "You know him well enough; he is Messer Lorenzino.
+But see you tell this to nobody. He goes by the name of Messer Dario,
+because he lives in great fear for his safety, and people don't know
+that he is now in Venice." I answered that I marveled much, and if I
+could have helped him, would have done so willingly. Then I asked where
+they were going, and he said, to dine with Messer Giovanni della Casa,
+who was the Pope's Legate. I did not leave the man till I had drawn from
+him all I required.'
+
+Thus spoke the Italian Judas. The appearance of La Casa on the scene is
+interesting. He was the celebrated author of the _Capitolo del Forno_,
+the author of many sublime and melancholy sonnets, who was now at Venice
+prosecuting a charge of heresy against Pier Paolo Vergerio, and paying
+his addresses to a noble lady of the Quirini family. It seems that on
+the territory of San Marco he made common cause with the exiles from
+Florence, for he was himself by birth a Florentine, and he had no
+objection to take Brutus-Lorenzino by the hand.
+
+After the noblemen had rowed off in their gondola to dine with the
+Legate, Bibboni and his friend entered their palace, where he found
+another old acquaintance, the house-steward, or _spenditore_ of
+Lorenzino. From him he gathered much useful information. Pietro Strozzi,
+it seems, had allowed the tyrannicide one thousand five hundred crowns a
+year, with the keep of three brave and daring companions (_tre compagni
+bravi e facinorosi_), and a palace worth fifty crowns on lease. But
+Lorenzino had just taken another on the Campo di San Polo at three
+hundred crowns a year, for which swagger (_altura_) Pietro Strozzi had
+struck a thousand crowns off his allowance. Bibboni also learned that he
+was keeping house with his uncle, Alessandro Soderini, another
+Florentine outlaw, and that he was ardently in love with a certain
+beautiful Barozza. This woman was apparently one of the grand courtesans
+of Venice. He further ascertained the date when he was going to move
+into the palace at San Polo, and, 'to put it briefly, knew everything he
+did, and, as it were, how many times a day he spit.' Such were the
+intelligences of the servants' hall, and of such value were they to men
+of Bibboni's calling.
+
+In the Carnival of 1546 Lorenzino meant to go masqued in the habit of a
+gypsy woman to the square of San Spirito, where there was to be a joust.
+Great crowds of people would assemble, and Bibboni hoped to do his
+business there. The assassination, however, failed on this occasion, and
+Lorenzino took up his abode in the palace he had hired upon the Campo
+di San Polo. This Campo is one of the largest open places in Venice,
+shaped irregularly, with a finely curving line upon the western side,
+where two of the noblest private houses in the city are still standing.
+Nearly opposite these, in the south-western angle, stands, detached, the
+little old church of San Polo. One of its side entrances opens upon the
+square; the other on a lane which leads eventually to the Frari. There
+is nothing in Bibboni's narrative to make it clear where Lorenzino hired
+his dwelling. But it would seem from certain things which he says later
+on, that in order to enter the church his victim had to cross the
+square. Meanwhile Bibboni took the precaution of making friends with a
+shoemaker, whose shop commanded the whole Campo, including Lorenzino's
+palace. In this shop he began to spend much of his time; 'and oftentimes
+I feigned to be asleep; but God knows whether I was sleeping, for my
+mind, at any rate, was wide awake.'
+
+A second convenient occasion for murdering Lorenzino soon seemed to
+offer. He was bidden to dine with Monsignor della Casa; and Bibboni,
+putting a bold face on, entered the Legate's palace, having left Bebo
+below in the loggia, fully resolved to do the business. 'But we found,'
+he says, 'that they had gone to dine at Murano, so that we remained with
+our tabors in their bag.' The island of Murano at that period was a
+favorite resort of the Venetian nobles, especially of the more literary
+and artistic, who kept country-houses there, where they enjoyed the
+fresh air of the lagoons and the quiet of their gardens.
+
+The third occasion, after all these weeks of watching, brought success
+to Bibboni's schemes. He had observed how Lorenzino occasionally so far
+broke his rules of caution as to go on foot, past the church of San
+Polo, to visit the beautiful Barozza; and he resolved, if possible, to
+catch him on one of these journeys. 'It so chanced on February 28, which
+was the second Sunday of Lent, that having gone, as was my wont, to pry
+out whether Lorenzino would give orders for going abroad that day, I
+entered the shoemaker's shop, and stayed awhile, until Lorenzino came to
+the window with a napkin round his neck--for he was combing his hair
+--and at the same moment I saw a certain Giovan Battista Martelli, who
+kept his sword for the defense of Lorenzino's person, enter and come
+forth again. Concluding that they would probably go abroad, I went home
+to get ready and procure the necessary weapons, and there I found Bebo
+asleep in bed, and made him get up at once, and we came to our
+accustomed post of observation, by the church of San Polo, where our men
+would have to pass.' Bibboni now retired to his friend the shoemaker's,
+and Bebo took up his station at one of the side doors of San Polo: 'and,
+as good luck would have it, Giovan Battista Martelli came forth, and
+walked a piece in front, and then Lorenzino came, and then Alessandro
+Soderini, going the one behind the other, like storks, and Lorenzino, on
+entering the church, and lifting up the curtain of the door, was seen
+from the opposite door by Bebo, who at the same time noticed how I had
+left the shop, and so we met upon the street as we had agreed, and he
+told me that Lorenzino was inside the church.'
+
+To any one who knows the Campo di San Polo, it will be apparent that
+Lorenzino had crossed from the western side of the piazza and entered
+the church by what is technically called its northern door. Bebo,
+stationed at the southern door, could see him when he pushed the heavy
+_stoia_ or leather curtain aside, and at the same time could observe
+Bibboni's movements in the cobbler's shop. Meanwhile Lorenzino walked
+across the church and came to the same door where Bebo had been
+standing. 'I saw him issue from the church and take the main street;
+then came Alessandro Soderini, and I walked last of all; and when we
+reached the point we had determined on, I jumped in front of Alessandro
+with the poignard in my hand, crying, "Hold hard, Alessandro, and get
+along with you, in God's name, for we are not here for you!" He then
+threw himself around my waist, and grasped my arms, and kept on calling
+out. Seeing how wrong I had been to try to spare his life, I wrenched
+myself as well as I could from his grip, and with my lifted poignard
+struck him, as God willed, above the eyebrow, and a little blood
+trickled from the wound. He, in high fury, gave me such a thrust that I
+fell backward, and the ground besides was slippery from having rained a
+little. Then Alessandro drew his sword, which he carried in its
+scabbard, and thrust at me in front, and struck me on the corselet,
+which for my good fortune was of double mail. Before I could get ready I
+received three passes, which, had I worn a doublet instead of that
+mailed corselet, would certainly have run me through. At the fourth pass
+I had regained my strength and spirit, and closed with him, and stabbed
+him four times in the head, and being so close he could not use his
+sword, but tried to parry with his hand and hilt, and I, as God willed,
+struck him at the wrist below the sleeve of mail, and cut his hand off
+clean, and gave him then one last stroke on his head. Thereupon he
+begged for God's sake spare his life, and I, in trouble about Bebo, left
+him in the arms of a Venetian nobleman, who held him back from jumping
+into the canal.'
+
+Who this Venetian nobleman, found unexpectedly upon the scene, was, does
+not appear. Nor, what is still more curious, do we hear anything of that
+Martelli, the bravo, 'who kept his sword for the defense of Lorenzino's
+person.' The one had arrived accidentally, it seems. The other must have
+been a coward and escaped from the scuffle.
+
+'When I turned,' proceeds Bibboni, 'I found Lorenzino on his knees. He
+raised himself, and I in anger, gave him a great cut across the head,
+which split it in two pieces, and laid him at my feet, and he never
+rose again.'
+
+Bebo, meanwhile, had made off from the scene of action. And Bibboni,
+taking to his heels, came up with him in the little square of San
+Marcello. They now ran for their lives till they reached the traghetto
+di San Spirito, where they threw their poignards into the water,
+remembering that no man might carry these in Venice under penalty of the
+galleys. Bibboni's white hose were drenched with blood. He therefore
+agreed to separate from Bebo, having named a rendezvous. Left alone, his
+ill luck brought him face to face with twenty constables (_sbirri_). 'In
+a moment I conceived that they knew everything, and were come to capture
+me, and of a truth I saw that it was over with me. As swiftly as I could
+I quickened pace and got into a church, near to which was the house of a
+Compagnia, and the one opened into the other, and knelt down and prayed
+commending myself with fervor to God for my deliverance and safety. Yet
+while I prayed, I kept my eyes well opened and saw the whole band pass
+the church, except one man who entered, and I strained my sight so that
+I seemed to see behind as well as in front, and then it was I longed for
+my poignard, for I should not have heeded being in a church.' But the
+constable, it soon appeared, was not looking for Bibboni. So he gathered
+up his courage, and ran for the Church of San Spirito, where the Padre
+Andrea Volterrano was preaching to a great congregation. He hoped to go
+in by one door and out by the other, but the crowd prevented him, and he
+had to turn back and face the _sbirri_. One of them followed him, having
+probably caught sight of the blood upon his hose. Then Bibboni resolved
+to have done with the fellow, and rushed at him, and flung him down with
+his head upon the pavement, and ran like mad, and came at last, all out
+of breath to San Marco.
+
+It seems clear that before Bibboni separated from Bebo they had crossed
+the water, for the Sestiere di San Polo is separated from the Sestiere
+di San Marco by the Grand Canal. And this they must have done at the
+traghetto di San Spirito. Neither the church nor the traghetto are now
+in existence, and this part of the story is therefore obscure.[226]
+
+[Footnote 226: So far as I can discover, the only church of San Spirito
+in Venice was a building on the island of San Spirito, erected by
+Sansavino, which belonged to the Sestiere di S. Croce, and which was
+suppressed in 1656. Its plate and the fine pictures which Titian painted
+there were transferred at that date to S. M. della Salute. I cannot help
+inferring that either Bibboni's memory failed him, or that his words
+were wrongly understood by printer or amanuensis. If for S. Spirito, we
+substitute S. Stefano, the account would be intelligible.]
+
+Having reached San Marco, he took a gondola at the Ponte della Paglia,
+where tourists are now wont to stand and contemplate the Ducal Palace
+and the Bridge of Sighs. First, he sought the house of a woman of the
+town who was his friend; then changed purpose, and rowed to the palace
+of the Count Salici da Collalto. 'He was a great friend and intimate of
+ours, because Bebo and I had done him many and great services in times
+past. There I knocked; and Bebo opened the door, and when he saw me
+dabbled with blood, he marveled that I had not come to grief and fallen
+into the hands of justice; and, indeed, had feared as much because I had
+remained so long away.' It appears, therefore, that the Palazzo Collalto
+was their rendezvous. 'The Count was from home; but being known to all
+his people, I played the master and went into the kitchen to the fire,
+and with soap and water turned my hose, which had been white, to a grey
+color.' This is a very delicate way of saying that he washed out the
+blood of Alessandro and Lorenzino!
+
+Soon after the Count returned, and 'lavished caresses' upon Bebo and his
+precious comrade. They did not tell him what they had achieved that
+morning, but put him off with a story of having settled a _sbirro_ in a
+quarrel about a girl. Then the Count invited them to dinner; and being
+himself bound to entertain the first physician of Venice, requested them
+to take it in an upper chamber. He and his secretary served them with
+their own hands at table. When the physician arrived, the Count went
+downstairs; and at this moment a messenger came from Lorenzino's mother,
+begging the doctor to go at once to San Polo, for that her son had been
+murdered and Soderini wounded to the death. It was now no longer
+possible to conceal their doings from the Count, who told them to pluck
+up courage and abide in patience. He had himself to dine and take his
+siesta, and then to attend a meeting of the Council.
+
+About the hour of vespers, Bibboni determined to seek better refuge.
+Followed at a discreet distance by Bebo, he first called at their
+lodgings and ordered supper. Two priests came in and fell into
+conversation with them. But something in the behavior of one of these
+good men roused his suspicions. So they left the house, took a gondola,
+and told the man to row hard to S. Maria Zobenigo. On the way he bade
+him put them on shore, paid him well, and ordered him to wait for them.
+They landed near the palace of the Spanish embassy; and here Bibboni
+meant to seek sanctuary. For it must be remembered that the houses of
+ambassadors, no less than those of princes of the Church, were
+inviolable. They offered the most convenient harboring-places to
+rascals. Charles V., moreover, was deeply interested in the vengeance
+taken on Alessandro de'Medici's murderer, for his own natural daughter
+was Alessandro's widow and Duchess of Florence. In the palace they were
+received with much courtesy by about forty Spaniards, who showed
+considerable curiosity, and told them that Lorenzino and Alessandro
+Soderini had been murdered that morning by two men whose description
+answered to their appearance. Bibboni put their questions by and asked
+to see the ambassador. He was not at home. 'In that case,' said Bibboni,
+'take us to the secretary. Attended by some thirty Spaniards, 'with
+great joy and gladness,' they were shown into the secretary's chamber.
+He sent the rest of the folk away, 'and locked the door well, and then
+embraced and kissed us before we had said a word, and afterwards bade us
+talk freely without any fear.' When Bibboni had told the whole story, he
+was again embraced and kissed by the secretary, who thereupon left them
+and went to the private apartment of the ambassador. Shortly after he
+returned and led them by a winding staircase into the presence of his
+master. The ambassador greeted them with great honor, told them he would
+strain all the power of the empire to hand them in safety over to Duke
+Cosimo, and that he had already sent a courier to the Emperor with the
+good news.
+
+So they remained in hiding in the Spanish embassy; and in ten days' time
+commands were received from Charles himself that everything should be
+done to convey them safely to Florence. The difficulty was how to
+smuggle them out of Venice, where the police of the Republic were on
+watch, and Florentine outlaws were mounting guard on sea and shore to
+catch them. The ambassador began by spreading reports on the Rialto
+every morning of their having been seen at Padua, at Verona, in Friuli.
+He then hired a palace at Malghera, near Mestre, and went out daily with
+fifty Spaniards, and took carriage or amused himself with horse exercise
+and shooting. The Florentines, who were on watch, could only discover
+from his people that he did this for amusement. When he thought that he
+had put them sufficiently off their guard, the ambassador one day took
+Bibboni and Bebo out by Canaregio to Malghera, concealed in his own
+gondola, with the whole train of Spaniards in attendance. And though on
+landing, the Florentines challenged them, they durst not interfere with
+an ambassador or come to battle with his men. So Bebo and Bibboni were
+hustled into a coach, and afterwards provided with two comrades and four
+horses. They rode for ninety miles without stopping to sleep, and on the
+day following this long journey reached Trento, having probably threaded
+the mountain valleys above Bassano, for Bibboni speaks of a certain
+village where the people talked half German. The Imperial Ambassador at
+Trento forwarded them next day to Mantua; from Mantua they came to
+Piacenza; thence passing through the valley of the Taro, crossing the
+Apennines at Cisa, descending on Pontremoli, and reaching Pisa at night,
+the fourteenth day after their escape from Venice.
+
+When they arrived at Pisa, Duke Cosimo was supping. So they went to an
+inn, and next morning presented themselves to his Grace. Cosimo welcomed
+them kindly, assured them of his gratitude, confirmed them in the
+enjoyment of their rewards and privileges, and swore that they might
+rest secure of his protection in all parts of his dominion. We may
+imagine how the men caroused together after this reception. As Bibboni
+adds, 'We were now able for the whole time of life left us to live
+splendidly, without a thought or care.' The last words of his narrative
+are these: 'Bebo, from Pisa, at what date I know not, went home to
+Volterra, his native town, and there finished his days; while I abode in
+Florence, where I have had no further wish to hear of wars, but to live
+my life in holy peace.'
+
+So ends the story of the two _bravi_. We have reason to believe, from
+some contemporary documents which Cantù has brought to light, that
+Bibboni exaggerated his own part in the affair. Luca Martelli, writing
+to Varchi, says that it was Bebo who clove Lorenzino's skull with a
+cutlass. He adds this curious detail, that the weapons of both men were
+poisoned, and that the wound inflicted by Bibboni on Soderini's hand was
+a slight one. Yet, the poignard being poisoned, Soderini died of it. In
+other respects Martelli's brief account agrees with that given by
+Bibboni, who probably did no more, his comrade being dead, than claim
+for himself, at some expense of truth, the lion's share of their heroic
+action.
+
+_Ambrogio Tremazzi_.[227]
+
+[Footnote 227: The text is published, from Florentine Archives, in
+Gnoli's _Vittoria Accoramboni_, pp. 404-414.]
+
+In illustration of this narrative, and in evidence that it stands by no
+means solitary on the records of that century, I shall extract some
+passages from the report made by Ambrogio Tremazzi of Modigliana
+concerning the assassination of Troilo Orsini. Troilo it will be
+remembered, was the lover of the Medicean Duchess of Bracciano. After
+the discovery of their amours, and while the lady was being strangled by
+her husband, with the sanction of her brother Troilo escaped to France.
+Ambrogio Tremazzi knowing that his murder would be acceptable to the
+Medici, undertook the adventure; moved, as he says, 'solely by the
+desire of bringing myself into favorable notice with the Grand Duke; for
+my mind revolted at the thought of money payments, and I had in view the
+acquisition of honor and praise rather, being willing to risk my life
+for the credit of my Prince, and not my life only, but also to incur
+deadly and perpetual feud with a powerful branch of the Orsini family.'
+On his return from France, having successfully accomplished the mission,
+Ambrogio Tremazzi found that the friends who had previously encouraged
+his hopes, especially the Count Ridolfo Isolami, wished to compromise
+his reward by the settlement of a pension on himself and his associate.
+Whether he really aimed at a more honorable recognition of his services,
+or whether he sought to obtain better pecuniary terms, does not appear.
+But he represents himself as gravely insulted; 'seeing that my tenor of
+life from boyhood upwards has been always honorable, and thus it ever
+shall be.' After this exordium in the form of a letter addressed to one
+Signor Antonio [Serguidi], he proceeds to render account of his
+proceedings. It seems that Don Piero de'Medici gave him three hundred
+crowns for his traveling expenses; after which, leaving his son, a boy
+of twelve years, as hostage in the service of Piero, he set off and
+reached Paris on August 12, 1577. There he took lodgings at the sign of
+the Red Horse, near the Cordeilliers, and began at once to make
+inquiries for Troilo. He had brought with him from Italy a man called
+Hieronimo Savorano. Their joint investigations elicited the fact that
+Troilo had been lately wounded in the service of the King of France, and
+was expected to arrive in Paris with the Court. It was not until the eve
+of All Saints' day that the Court returned. Soon afterwards, Ambrogio
+was talking at the door of a house with some Italian comedians, when a
+young man, covered with a tawny-colored mantle, passed by upon a brown
+horse, bearing a servant behind him on the crupper. This was Troilo
+Orsini; and Ambrogio marked him well. Troilo, after some minutes'
+conversation with the players, rode forward to the Louvre. The _bravo_
+followed him and discovered from his servant where he lodged.
+Accordingly, he engaged rooms in the Rue S. Honoré, in order to be
+nearer to his victim.
+
+Some time, however, elapsed before he was able to ascertain Troilo's
+daily habits. Chance at last threw them together. He was playing
+_primiero_ one evening in the house of an actress called Vittoria, when
+Troilo entered, with two gentlemen of Florence. He said he had been
+absent ten days from Paris. Ambrogio, who had left his harquebuss at
+home, not expecting to meet him, 'was consequently on that occasion
+unable to do anything.' Days passed without a better opportunity, till,
+on November 30, 'the feast of S. Andrew, which is a lucky day for me, I
+rose and went at once to the palace, and, immediately on my arrival, saw
+him at the hour when the king goes forth to mass.' Ambrogio had to
+return as he went; for Troilo was surrounded by too many gentlemen of
+the French Court; but he made his mind up then and there 'to see the end
+of him or me.' He called his comrade Hieronimo, posted him on a bridge
+across the Seine, and proceeded to the Court, where Troilo was now
+playing racquets with princes of the royal family. Ambrogio hung about
+the gates until Troilo issued from the lodgings of Monseigneur de
+Montmorenci, still tracked by his unknown enemy, and thence returned to
+his own house on horseback attended by several servants. After waiting
+till the night fell, Troilo again left home on horseback preceded by his
+servants with torches. Ambrogio followed at full speed, watched a
+favorable opportunity, and stopped the horse. When I came up with him, I
+seized the reins with my left hand and with my right I set my harquebuss
+against his side, pushing it with such violence that if it had failed to
+go off it would at any rate have dislodged him from his seat. The gun
+took effect and he fell crying out "Eh! Eh!" In the tumult which
+ensued, I walked away, and do not know what happened afterwards.'
+Ambrogio then made his way back to his lodgings, recharged his
+harquebuss, ate some supper and went to bed. He told Hieronimo that
+nothing had occurred that night. Next day he rose as usual, and returned
+to the Court, hoping to hear news of Troilo. In the afternoon, at the
+Italian theatre, he was informed that an Italian had been murdered, at
+the instance, it was thought, of the Grand Duke of Florence. Hieronimo
+touched his arm, and whispered that he must have done the deed; but
+Ambrogio denied the fact. It seems to have been his object to reserve
+the credit of the murder for himself, and also to avoid the possibility
+of Hieronimo's treachery in case suspicion fell upon him. Afterwards he
+learned that Troilo lay dangerously wounded by a harquebuss. Further
+details made him aware that he was himself suspected of the murder, and
+that Troilo could not recover. He therefore conferred upon the matter
+with Hieronimo in Notre Dame, and both of them resolved to leave Paris
+secretly. This they did at once, relinquishing clothes, arms, and
+baggage in their lodgings, and reached Italy in safety.
+
+_Lodovico dall'Armi_.
+
+The relations of trust which _bravi_ occasionally maintained with
+foreign Courts, supply some curious illustrations of their position in
+Italian society. One characteristic instance may be selected from
+documents in the Venetian Archives referring to Lodovico dall'Armi.[228]
+This man belonged to a noble family of Bologna; and there are reasons
+for supposing that his mother was sister to Cardinal Campeggi, famous in
+the annals of the English Reformation. Outlawed from his native city for
+a homicide, Lodovico adopted the profession of arms and the management
+of secret diplomacy. He first took refuge at the Court of France, where
+in 1541 he obtained such credit, especially with the Dauphin, that he
+was entrusted with a mission for raising revolt in Siena against the
+Spaniards.[229] His transactions in that city with Giulio Salvi, then
+aspiring to its lordship, and in Rome with the French ambassador, led to
+a conspiracy which only awaited the appearance of French troops upon the
+Tuscan frontier to break out into open rebellion. The plot, however,
+transpired before it had been matured; and Lodovico took flight through
+the Florentine territory. He was arrested at Montevarchi and confined in
+the fortress of Florence, where he made such revelations as rendered the
+extinction of the Sienese revolt an easy matter. After this we do not
+hear of him until he reappears at Venice in the year 1545. He was now
+accredited to the English ambassador with the title of Henry VIII.'s
+'Colonel,' and enjoyed the consideration accorded to a powerful
+monarch's privy agent.
+
+[Footnote 228: See Rawdon Brown's _Calendar of State Papers_, vol. iv.]
+
+[Footnote 229: See Botta, Book IV., for the story of Lodovico's
+intrigues at Siena.]
+
+His pension amounted to fifty crowns a month, while he kept eight
+captains at his orders, each of whom received half that sum as pay.
+These subordinates were people of some social standing. We find among
+them a Trissino of Vicenza and a Bonifacio of Verona, the one entitled
+Marquis and the other Count. What the object of Lodovico's residence in
+Italy might be, did not appear. Though he carried letters of
+recommendation from the English Court, he laid no claim to the rank of
+diplomatic envoy. But it was tolerably well known that he employed
+himself in levying troops. Whether these were meant to be used against
+France or in favor of Savoy, or whether, as the Court of Rome suggested,
+Henry had given orders for the murder of his cousin, Cardinal Pole, at
+Trento, remained an open question. Lodovico might have dwelt in peace
+under the tolerant rule of the Venetians, had he not exposed himself to
+a collision with their police. In the month of August he assaulted the
+captain of the night guard in a street brawl; and it was also proved
+against him that he had despatched two of his men to inflict a wound of
+infamy upon a gentleman at Treviso. These offenses, coinciding with
+urgent remonstrances from the Papal Curia, gave the Venetian Government
+fair pretext for expelling him from their dominions. A ban was therefore
+published against him and fourteen of his followers. The English
+ambassador declined to interfere in his behalf, and the man left Italy.
+At the end of August he appeared at Brussels, where he attempted to
+excuse himself in an interview with the Venetian ambassador. Now began a
+diplomatic correspondence between the English Court and the Venetian
+Council, which clearly demonstrates what kind of importance attached to
+this private agent. The Chancellor Lord Wriothesley, and the Secretary
+Sir William Paget, used considerable urgency to obtain a suspension of
+the ban against Dall'Armi. After four months' negotiation, during which
+the Papal Court endeavored to neutralize Henry's influence, the Doge
+signed a safe-conduct for five years in favor of the bravo. Early in
+1546 Lodovico reappeared in Lombardy. At Mantua he delivered a letter
+signed by Henry himself to the Duke Francesco Gonzaga, introducing 'our
+noble and beloved familiar Lodovico Dall'Armi,' and begging the Duke to
+assist him in such matters as he should transact at Mantua in the king's
+service.[230] Lodovico presented this letter in April; but the Duchess,
+who then acted as regent for her son Francesco, refused to receive him.
+She alleged that the Duke forbade the levying of troops for foreign
+service, and declined to complicate his relations with foreign powers.
+It seems, from a sufficiently extensive correspondence on the affairs of
+Lodovico, that he was understood by the Italian princess to be charged
+with some special commission for recruiting soldiers against the French.
+
+[Footnote 230: This letter is dated February 16, 1546.]
+
+The peace between England and France, signed at Guines in June,
+rendered Lodovico's mission nugatory; and the death of Henry VIII. in
+January 1547 deprived him of his only powerful support. Meanwhile he had
+contrived to incur the serious displeasure of the Venetian Republic. In
+the autumn of 1546 they outlawed one of their own nobles, Ser Mafio
+Bernardo, on the charge of his having revealed state secrets to France.
+About the middle of November, Bernardo, then living in concealment at
+Ravenna, was lured into the pine forest by two men furnished with tokens
+which secured his confidence. He was there murdered, and the assassins
+turned out to be paid instruments of Lodovico. It now came to light that
+Lodovico and Ser Mafio Bernardo had for some time past colluded in
+political intrigue. If, therefore, the murder had a motive, this was
+found in Lodovico's dread of revelations under the event of Ser Mario's
+capture. Submitted to torture in the prisons of the Ten, Ser Mafio might
+have incriminated his accomplice both with England and Venice. It was
+obvious why he had been murdered by Lodovico's men. Dall'Armi was
+consequently arrested and confined in Venice. After examination,
+followed by a temporary release, he prudently took flight into the Duchy
+of Milan. Though they held proof of his guilt in the matter of Ser
+Mafio's murder, the Venetians were apparently unwilling to proceed to
+extremities against the King of England's man. Early in February,
+however, Sir William Paget surrendered him in the name of Lord
+Protector Somerset to the discretion of S. Mark. Furnished with this
+assurance that Dall'Armi had lost the favor of England, the Signory
+wrote to demand his arrest and extradition from the Spanish governor in
+Milan. He was in fact arrested on February 10. The letter announcing his
+capture describes him as a man of remarkably handsome figure, accustomed
+to wear a crimson velvet cloak and a red cap trimmed with gold. It is
+exactly in this costume that Lodovico has been represented by Bonifazio
+in a picture of the Massacre of the Innocents. The bravo there stands
+with his back partly turned, gazing stolidly upon a complex scene of
+bloodshed. He wears a crimson velvet mantle, scarlet cap and white
+feather, scarlet stockings, crimson velvet shoes, and rose-colored silk
+underjacket. His person is that of a gallant past the age of thirty,
+high-complexioned, with short brown beard, spare whiskers and moustache.
+He is good to look at, except that the sharp set mouth suggests cynical
+vulgarity and shallow rashness. On being arrested in Milan, Lodovico
+proclaimed himself a privileged person _(persona pubblica)_, bearing
+credentials from the King of England; and, during the first weeks of his
+confinement, he wrote to the Emperor for help. This was an idle step.
+Henry's death had left him without protectors, and Charles V. felt no
+hesitation in abandoning his suppliant to the Venetians. When the usual
+formalities regarding extradition had been completed, the Milanese
+Government delivered Lodovico at the end of April into the hands of the
+Rector of Brescia, who forwarded him under a guard of two hundred men to
+Padua. He was hand-cuffed; and special directions were given regarding
+his safety, it being even prescribed that if he refused food it should
+be thrust down his throat. What passed in the prisons of the State,
+after his arrival at Venice, is not known. But on May 14, he was
+beheaded between the columns on the Molo.
+
+Venice, at this epoch, incurred the reproaches of her neighbors for
+harboring adventurers of Lodovico's stamp. One of the Fregosi of Genoa a
+certain Valerio, and Pietro Strozzi, the notorious French agent, all of
+whom habitually haunted the lagoons, roused sufficient public anxiety to
+necessitate diplomatic communications between Courts, and to disquiet
+fretful Italian princelings. Banished from their own provinces, and
+plying a petty Condottiere trade, such men, when they came together on a
+neutral ground, engaged in cross-intrigues which made them politically
+dangerous. They served no interest but that of their own egotism, and
+they were notoriously unscrupulous in the means employed to effect
+immediate objects. At the same time, the protection which they claimed
+from foreign potentates withdrew them from the customary justice of the
+State. Bedmar's conspiracy in 1617-18 revealed to Venice the full extent
+of the peril which this harborage of ruffians involved; for though
+grandees of the distinction of the Duke of Ossuna were involved in it,
+the main agents, on whose ambition and audacity all depended, sprang
+from those French, English, Spanish, and Italian mercenaries, who
+crowded the low quarters of the city, alert for any mischief, and
+inflamed with the wildest projects of self-aggrandizement by policy and
+bloodshed. Nothing testifies to the social and political decrepitude of
+Italy in this period more plainly than the importance which folk like
+Lodovico Dall'Armi acquired, and the revolutionary force which a man
+like Jaffier commanded.
+
+
+_Brigands, Pirates, Plague_.
+
+After collecting these stories, which illustrate the manners of the
+upper classes in society and prove their dependence upon henchmen paid
+to subserve lawless passions, it would be interesting to lay bare the
+life of the common people with equal lucidity. This, however, is a more
+difficult matter. Statistics of dubious value can indeed be gathered
+regarding the desolation of villages by brigands, the multitudes
+destroyed by pestilence and famine, and the inroads of Mediterranean
+pirates. I propose, therefore, to touch lightly upon these points, and
+especially to use our records of plague in different Italian districts
+as tests for contrasting the condition of the people at this epoch with
+that of the same people in the Middle Ages.
+
+Brigandage, though this was certainly a curse of the first magnitude to
+Central and Southern Italy, cannot be paralleled, either for the
+miseries it inflicted, or for the ferocity it stimulated, with the
+municipal warfare of the twelfth, thirteenth and fourteenth centuries.
+In those internecine struggles whole cities disappeared, and fertile
+districts were periodically abandoned to wolves. The bands of an Alfonso
+Piccolomini or a Sciarra Colonna plundered villages, exacted black mail,
+and held prisoners for ransom.[231] But their barbarities were
+insignificant, when compared with those commonly perpetrated by
+wandering companies of adventure before the days of Alberigo da
+Barbiano; nor did brigands cost Italy so much as the mercenary troops,
+which, after the Condottiere system had been developed, became a
+permanent drain upon the resources of the country. The raids of Tunisian
+and Algerian Corsairs were more seriously mischievous; since the whole
+sea-board from Nice to Reggio lay open to the ravages of such incarnate
+fiends as Barbarossa and Dragut, while the Adriatic was infested by
+Uscocchi, and the natives of the Regno not unfrequently turned pirates
+in emulation of their persecutors.[232]
+
+[Footnote 231: See Mutinelli, _Storia Arcana_, vol. ii. p. 167, for the
+pillage of Lucera by Pacchiarotto.]
+
+[Footnote 232: Sarpi's _History of the Uscocchi_ may be consulted for
+this singular episode in the Iliad of human savagery. See Mutinelli,
+_op. cit._ vol. ii. p. 182, on the case of the son and heir of the Duke
+of Termoli joining them; and _ibid._ p. 180 on the existence of pirates
+at Capri.]
+
+Yet even these injuries may be reckoned light, when we consider what
+Italy had suffered between 1494 and 1527 from French, Spanish, German
+and Swiss troops in combat on her soil. The pestilences of the Middle
+Ages notably the Black Death of 1348, of which Boccaccio has left an
+immortal description, exceeded in virulence those which depopulated
+Italian cities during the period of my history. But plagues continued to
+be frequent; and some of these are so memorable that they require to be
+particularly noticed. At Venice in 1575-77, a total of about 50,000
+persons perished; and in 1630-31, 46,490 were carried off within a space
+of sixteen months in the city, while the number of those who died at
+large in the lagoons amounted to 94,235.[233] On these two occasions the
+Venetians commemorated their deliverance by the erection of the
+Redentore and S. Maria della Salute, churches which now form principal
+ornaments of the Giudecca and the Grand Canal. Milan was devastated at
+the same periods by plagues, of which we have detailed accounts in the
+dispatches of resident Venetian envoys.[234] The mortality in the second
+of these visitations was terrible. Before September 1629, fourteen
+thousand had succumbed; between May and August 1630, forty-five thousand
+victims had been added to the tale.[235]
+
+[Footnote 233: Mutinelli, _Annali Urbani di Venezia_, pp.
+470-483,549-550.]
+
+[Footnote 234: Mutinelli, _Storia Arcana_, vol. i. p. 310-340, and vol.
+xiv. pp. 30-65.]
+
+[Footnote 235: It is worth mentioning that Ripamonte calculates the
+mortality from plague in Milan in 1524 at 140,000.]
+
+At Naples in the year 1656, more than fifty thousand perished between
+May and July; the dead were cast naked into the sea, and the Venetian
+envoy describes the city as _'non più città ma spelonca di
+morti_.'[236] In July his diary is suddenly interrupted, whether by
+departure from the stricken town, or more probably by death, we know
+not. Savoy was scourged by a fearful pestilence in the years 1598-1600.
+Of this plague we possess a frightfully graphic picture in the same
+accurate series of the State documents.[237] Simeone Contarini, then
+resident at Savigliano, relates that more than two-thirds of the
+population in that province had been swept away before the autumn of
+1598, and that the evil was spreading far and wide through Piedmont. In
+Alpignano, a village of some four hundred inhabitants, only two
+remained. In Val Moriana, forty thousand expired out of a total of
+seventy thousand. The village of San Giovanni counted but twelve
+survivors from a population of more than four thousand souls. In May
+1599, the inhabitants of Turin were reduced by flight and death to four
+thousand; and of these there died daily numbers gradually rising through
+the summer from 50 to 180. The streets were encumbered with unburied
+corpses, the houses infested by robbers and marauders. Some incidents
+reported of this plague are ghastly in their horror. The infected were
+treated with inhuman barbarity, and retorted with savage fury, battering
+their assailants with the pestiferous bodies of unburied victims.
+
+[Footnote 236: Mutinelli, _op. cit._ vol. in. pp. 229-233. Botta has
+given an account of this plague in the twenty-sixth book of his
+_History_.]
+
+[Footnote 237: Mutinelli, _op. cit._ vol. ii. pp. 287-307.]
+
+To the miseries of pestilence and its attendant famine were added
+lawlessness and license, raging fires, and what was worst of all, the
+dark suspicion that the sickness had been introduced by malefactors.
+This belief appears to have taken hold upon the popular mind during the
+plague of 1598 in Savoy and in Milan.[238] Simeone Contarini reports
+that two men from Geneva confessed to having come with the express
+purpose of disseminating infection. He also gives curious particulars of
+two who were burned, and four who were quartered at Turin in 1600 for
+this offense.[239] 'These spirits of hell,' as he calls them, indicated
+a wood in which they declared that they had buried a pestilential liquid
+intended to be used for smearing houses. The wood was searched, and some
+jars were discovered. A surgeon at the same epoch confessed to having
+meant to spread the plague at Mondovi. Other persons, declaring
+themselves guilty of a similar intention, described a horn filled with
+poisonous stuff collected from the sores of plague-stricken corpses,
+which they had concealed outside the walls of Turin. This too was
+discovered; and these apparent proofs of guilt so infuriated the people
+that every day some criminals were sacrificed to judicial vengeance.
+
+[Footnote 238: See Mutinelli, _op. cit._ p. 241 and p. 289. We hear of
+the same belief at Milan in 1576, _op. cit._ vol. i. pp. 311-315.]
+
+[Footnote 239: _Ibid._ p. 309. See also vol. iii. p. 254 for a similar
+narration.]
+
+The name given to the unfortunate creatures accused of this diabolical
+conspiracy was _Untori_ or the Smearers. The plague of Milan in 1629-30
+obtained the name of 'La Peste degli Untori' (as that of 1576 had been
+called 'La Peste di S. Carlo'), because of the prominent part played in
+it by the smearers.[240] They were popularly supposed to go about the
+city daubing walls, doors, furniture, choir-stalls, flowers, and
+articles of food with plague stuff. They scattered powders in the air,
+or spread them in circles on the pavement. To set a foot upon one of
+these circles involved certain destruction. Hundreds of such _untori_
+were condemned to the most cruel deaths by justice firmly persuaded of
+their criminality. Exposed to prolonged tortures, the majority confessed
+palpable absurdities. One woman at Milan said she had killed four
+thousand people. But, says Pier Antonio Marioni, the Venetian envoy,
+although tormented to the utmost, none of them were capable of revealing
+the prime instigators of the plot. So thoroughly convinced was he,
+together with the whole world, of their guilt, that he never paused to
+reflect upon the fallacy contained in this remark. The rack-stretched
+wretches could not reveal their instigators, because there were none;
+and the acts of which they accused themselves were the delirious
+figments of their own torture-fretted brains. We possess documents
+relating to the trial of the Milanese _untori_, which make it clear that
+crimes of this sort must have been imaginary. As in cases of
+witchcraft, the first accusation was founded upon gossip and delation.
+The judicial proceedings were ruled by prejudice and cruelty. Fear and
+physical pain extorted confessions and complicated accusations of their
+neighbors from multitudes of innocent people.[241] Indeed the parallel
+between these unfortunate smearers and no less wretched witches is a
+close one. I am inclined to think that, as some crazy women fancied they
+were witches, so some morbid persons of this period in Italy believed in
+their power of spreading plague, and yielded to the fascination of
+malignity. Whether such moral mad folk really extended the sphere of the
+pestilence to any appreciable extent remains a matter for conjecture;
+and it is quite certain that all but a small percentage of the accused
+were victims of calumny.
+
+After taking brigandage, piracy, and pestilence into account, the
+decline of Italy must be attributed to other causes. These I believe to
+have been the extinction of commercial republics, the decay of free
+commonwealths, iniquitous systems of taxation, the insane display of
+wealth by unproductive princes, and the diversion of trade into foreign
+channels. Florence ceased to be the center of wool manufacture, Venice
+lost her hold upon the traffic between East and West.[242] Stagnation
+fell like night upon the land, and the population suffered from a
+general atrophy.
+
+[Footnote 240: Mutinelli, _op. cit._ vol. ii. pp. 51-65.]
+
+
+[Footnote 241: Cantù's _Ragionamenti sulla Storia Lombarda del Secolo
+XVII._ Milano, 1832. The trial may also be read in Mutinelli, _Storm
+Arcana_, vol. iv. pp. 175-201. Mutinelli inclines to believe in the
+_Untori_. So do many grave historians, including Nani and Botta. See
+Cantù, _Storia degli Italiani_, Milano, 1876, vol. ii. p. 215.]
+
+[Footnote 242: Mr. Ruskin has somewhere maintained that the decline of
+Venice was not due to this cause, but to fornication. He should read the
+record given by Mutinelli (_Diari Urbani_, p. 157), of Venetian
+fornication in 1340, at the time when the Ducal Palace was being covered
+with its sculpture. The public prostitutes were reckoned then at 11,654.
+Adulteries, rapes, infanticides were matters of daily occurrence. Yet
+the Renaissance had not begun, and the expansion of Venice, which roused
+the envious hostility of Europe, had yet to happen.]
+
+_The Proletariate_.
+
+In what concerns social morality it would be almost impossible to define
+the position of the proletariate, tillers of the soil, and artisans, at
+this epoch. These classes vary in their goodness and their badness, in
+their drawbacks and advantages, from age to age far less than those who
+mold the character of marked historical periods by culture. They enjoy
+indeed a greater or a smaller immunity from pressing miseries. They are
+innocent or criminal in different degrees. But the ground-work of
+humanity in them remains comparatively unaltered; and their moral
+qualities, so far as these may be exceptional, reflect the influences of
+an upper social stratum. It is clear from the histories related in this
+chapter that members of the lowest classes were continually mixing with
+the nobles and the gentry in the wild adventures of that troubled
+century. They, like their betters, were undergoing a tardy
+metamorphosis from mediaeval to modern conditions, retaining vices of
+ferocity and grossness, virtues of loyalty and self-reliance, which
+belonged to earlier periods. They, too, were now infected by the
+sensuous romance of pietism, the superstitious respect for sacraments
+and ceremonial observances which had been wrought by the Catholic
+Revival into ecstatic frenzy. They shared those correlative yearnings
+after sacrilegious debauchery, felt those allurements of magic arts,
+indulged that perverted sense of personal honor which constituted
+psychological disease in the century which we are studying. It can,
+moreover, be maintained that Italian society at no epoch has been so
+sharply divided into sections as that of the feudalized races. In this
+period of one hundred years, from 1530 to 1630, when education was a
+privilege of the few, and when Church and princes combined to retard
+intellectual progress, the distinction between noble and plebeian,
+burgher and plowman, though outwardly defined, was spiritually and
+morally insignificant. As in the Renaissance, so now, vice trickled
+downwards from above, infiltrating the masses of the people with its
+virus. But now, even more decidedly than then, the upper classes
+displayed obliquities of meanness, baseness, intemperance, cowardice,
+and brutal violence, which are commonly supposed to characterize
+villeins.
+
+I had thought to throw some light upon the manners of the Italian
+proletariate by exploring the archives of trials for witchcraft. But I
+found that these were less common than in Germany, France, Spain, and
+England at a corresponding period. In Italy witchcraft, pure and simple,
+was confined, for the most part, to mountain regions, the Apennines of
+the Abruzzi, and the Alps of Bergamo and Tyrol.[243] In other provinces
+it was confounded with crimes of poisoning, the procuring of abortion,
+and the fomentation of conspiracies in private families. These facts
+speak much for the superior civilization of the Italian people
+considered as a whole. We discover a common fund of intelligence, vice,
+superstition, prejudice, enthusiasm, craft, devotion, self-assertion,
+possessed by the race at large. Only in districts remote from civil life
+did witchcraft assume those anti-social and repulsive features which are
+familiar to Northern nations. Elsewhere it penetrated, as a subtle
+poison, through society, lending its supposed assistance to passions
+already powerful enough to work their own accomplishment. It existed,
+not as an endemic disease, a permanent delirium of maddened peasants,
+but as a weapon in the arsenal of malice on a par with poisons and
+provocatives to lust.
+
+I might illustrate this position by the relation of a fantastic attempt
+made against the life of Pope Urban VIII.[244]
+
+[Footnote 243: Dandolo's _Streghe Tirolesi_, and Cantù's work on the
+Diocese of Como show how much Subalpine Italy had in common in Northern
+Europe in this matter.]
+
+[Footnote 244: See _Rassegna Settimanale_, September 18, 1881.]
+
+Giacomo Centini, the nephew of Cardinal d'Ascoli, fostered a fixed idea,
+the motive of his madness being the promotion of his uncle to S. Peter's
+Chair. In 1633 he applied to a hermit, who professed profound science in
+the occult arts and close familiarity with demons. The man, in answer to
+Giacomo's inquiries, said that Urban had still many years to live, that
+the Cardinal d'Ascoli would certainly succeed him, and that he held it
+in his power to shorten the Pope's days. He added that a certain Fra
+Cherubino would be useful, if any matter of grave moment were resolved
+on; nor did he reject the assistance of other discreet persons. Giacomo,
+on his side, produced a Fra Domenico; and the four accomplices set at
+work to destroy the reigning Pope by means of sorcery. They caused a
+knife to be forged, after the model of the Key of Solomon, and had it
+inscribed with Cabalistic symbols. A clean virgin was employed to spin
+hemp into a thread. Then they resorted to a distant room in Giacomo's
+palace, where a circle was drawn with the mystic thread, a fire was
+lighted in the center, and upon it was placed an image of Pope Urban
+formed of purest wax. The devil was invoked to appear and answer whether
+Urban had deceased this life after the melting of the image. No infernal
+visitor responded to the call; and the hermit accounted for this failure
+by suggesting that some murder had been committed in the palace. As
+things went at that period, this excuse was by no means feeble, if only
+the audience, bent on unholy invocation of the power of evil, would
+accept it as sufficient. Probably more than one murder had taken place
+there, of which the owner was dimly conscious. The psychological
+curiosity to note is that avowed malefactors reckoned purity an
+essential element in their nefarious practice. They tried once more in a
+vineyard, under the open heavens at night. But no demon issued from the
+darkness, and the hermit laid this second mischance to the score of bad
+weather. Giacomo was incapable of holding his tongue. He talked about
+his undertaking to the neighbors, and promised to make them all
+Cardinals when he should become the Papal nephew. Meanwhile he pressed
+the hermit forward on the path of folly; and this man, driven to his
+wits' end for a device, said that they must find seven priests together,
+one of whom should be assassinated to enforce the spell. It was natural,
+while the countryside was being raked for seven convenient priests by
+such a tattler as Giacomo, that suspicions should be generated in the
+people. Information reached Rome, in consequence of which the persons
+implicated in this idiotic plot were conveyed thither and given over to
+the mercies of the Holy Office. The upshot of their trial was that
+Giacomo lost his head, while the hermit and Fra Cherubino were burned
+alive, and Fra Domenico went to the galleys for life. Several other men
+involved in the process received punishments of considerable severity.
+It must be added in conclusion that the whole story rests upon the
+testimony of Inquisitorial archives, and that the real method of Giacomo
+Centini's apparent madness yet remains to be investigated. The few facts
+that we know about him, from his behavior on the scaffold and a letter
+he wrote his wife, prejudice me in his favor.
+
+Enough, and more than enough, perhaps, has been collected in this
+chapter, to throw light upon the manners of Italians during the
+Counter-Reformation. It would have been easy to repeat the story of the
+Countess of Cellant and her murdered lovers, or of the Duchess of Amalfi
+strangled by her brothers for a marriage below her station. The
+massacres committed by the Raspanti in Ravenna would furnish a whole
+series of illustrative crimes. From the deeds of Alfonso Piccolomini,
+Sciarra and Fabrizio Colonna details sufficient to fill a volume with
+records of atrocious savagery could be drawn. The single episode of
+Elena Campireali, who plighted her troth to a bandit, became Abbess of
+the Convent at Castro, intrigued with a bishop, and killed herself for
+shame on the return of her first lover, would epitomize in one drama all
+the principal features of this social discord. The dreadful tale of the
+Baron of Montebello might be told again, who assaulted the castle of the
+Marquis of Pratidattolo, and, by the connivance of a sister whom he
+subsequently married, murdered the Marquis with his mother, children,
+and relatives. The hunted life of Alessandro Antelminelli, pursued
+through all the States of Europe by assassins, could be used to
+exemplify the miseries of proscribed exiles. But what is the use of
+multiplying instances, when every pedigree in Litta, every chronicle of
+the time, every history of the most insignificant township, swarms with
+evidence to the same purpose? We need not adopt the opinion that society
+had greatly altered for the worse. We must rather decide that mediaeval
+ferocity survived throughout the whole of that period which witnessed
+the Catholic Revival, and that the piety which distinguished it was not
+influential in curbing vehement passions.
+
+The conclusions to be drawn from the facts before us seem to be in
+general these. The link between government and governed in Italy had
+snapped. The social bond was broken, and the constituents that form a
+nation were pursuing divers aims. On the one hand stood Popes and
+princes, founding their claims to absolute authority upon titles that
+had slight rational or national validity. These potentates were
+ill-combined among themselves, and mutually jealous. On the other side
+were ranged disruptive forces of the most heterogeneous kinds--remnants
+from antique party-warfare, fragments of obsolete domestic feuds, new
+strivings after freer life in mentally down-trodden populations,
+blending with crime and misery and want and profligacy to compose an
+opposition which exasperated despotism. These anarchical conditions were
+due in large measure to the troubles caused by foreign campaigns of
+invasion. They were also due to the Spanish type of manners imposed upon
+the ruling classes, which the native genius accepted with fraudulent
+intelligence, and to which it adapted itself by artifice. We must
+further reckon the division between cultured and uncultured people,
+which humanism had effected, and which subsisted after the benefits
+conferred by humanism had been withdrawn from the race. The retirement
+of the commercial aristocracy from trade, and their assumption of
+princely indolence in this period of political stagnation, was another
+factor of importance. But the truest cause of Italian retrogression
+towards barbarism must finally be discerned in the sharp check given to
+intellectual evolution by the repressive forces of the Counter-Reformation.
+
+
+END OF THE FIRST VOLUME.
+
+
+
+
+INDEX.
+
+
+A
+
+ACADEMIES, Italian, the flourishing time of, i. 52.
+
+ACCIAIUOLI, Roberto, i. 33.
+
+ACCOLTI, Benedetto, conspirator against Pius IV., i. 132.
+
+ACCORAMBONI, Claudio (father of Vittoria), i. 356.
+
+---Marcello (brother of Vittoria):
+  intrigues for the marriage of his sister with the
+  Duke of Bracciano, i. 358 _sqq._;
+  procures the murder of her husband, 362;
+  employs a Greek enchantress to brew love-philters, 365;
+  his death, 372.
+
+---Tarquinia (mother of Vittoria), i. 356.
+
+---Vittoria, the story of, i. 355 _sqq._;
+  her birth and parentage, 356;
+  marriage with Felice Peretti, 357;
+  intrigue with the Duke of Bracciano, 360;
+  the murder of her husband, 362;
+  her marriage with Bracciano, 364;
+  annulled by the Pope, 364, 366;
+  the union renounced by the Duke, 365;
+  put on trial for the murder of Peretti, _ib._;
+  their union publicly ratified by the Duke, 366;
+  flight from Rome, _ib._;
+  death of Bracciano, 367;
+  her murder procured by Lodovico Orsini, 369.
+
+'ACTS of Faith,' i. 107, 176, 187.
+
+ADMINISTRATOR, the (Jesuit functionary), i. 273.
+
+'ADONE,' Marino's:
+  its publication, ii. 264;
+  critique of the poem, 266 _sqq._
+
+ALBANI, Francesco, Bolognese painter, ii. 355, 358.
+
+ALEXANDER VI., Pope, parallel between, and Pope Paul IV., i. 106.
+
+ALFONSO II., Duke of Ferrara:
+  sketch of his Court, ii. 28 _sqq._;
+  his second marriage, 30;
+  treatment of Tasso, 38, 51, 53, 58, 60 _sqq._;
+  his third marriage, 66;
+  estimate of the reasons why he imprisoned Tasso, 66 _sqq._
+
+ALFONSO the Magnanimous:
+  arrangements under his will, i. 4.
+
+ALIDOSI, Cardinal Francesco, murder of, i. 36.
+
+ALLEGORY, hypocrisy of the, exemplified in Tasso, ii. 44;
+  in Marino, 272;
+  in Ortensi's moral interpretations of Bandello's
+ _Novelle_, 272 _n._
+
+ALTEMPS, Cardinal d' (Mark of Hohen Ems), legate at Trent, i. 119 _n._
+
+ALVA, Duke of, defeat of the Duke of Guise by, i. 103.
+
+'AMADIS of Gaul,' the favorite book of Loyola in his youth, i. 232.
+
+AMIAS, Beatrice, mother of Francesco Cenci, i. 346.
+
+'AMINTA,' Tasso's pastoral drama, first production of, ii. 39;
+  its style, 114.
+
+ANGELUZZO, Giovanni, Tasso's first teacher, ii. 12.
+
+ANIMA Mundi, Bruno's doctrine of, ii. 177.
+
+ANTONIANO, a censor of the _Gerusalemme Liberata_, ii. 43.
+
+---Silvio, a boy _improvvisatore_, anecdote of, ii. 328.
+
+AQUAVIVA, the fifth General of the Jesuits, i. 248.
+
+AQUITAINE, Duke of, Guercino's painting of in Bologna, ii. 367.
+
+ARAGONESE Dynasty, the, in Italy, i. 4.
+
+ARBUES, Peter, Saint of the Inquisition in Aragon, i. 161, 178.
+
+ARETINO, Pietro, i. 42, 70;
+  satire of on Paul IV., 108.
+
+'ARIE Divote,' Palestrina's, ii. 335.
+
+ARISTOTLE'S Axiom on Taste, ii. 371, 374.
+
+ARMADA, Spanish, i. 149.
+
+ARMI, Lodovico dall', a _bravo_ of noble family, i. 409;
+  accredited at Venice as Henry VIII.'s 'Colonel,' 410;
+  his career of secret diplomacy, 411;
+  negotiations between Lord Wriothesley and Venice regarding
+  the ban issued against him, 412;
+  his downfall, 413;
+  personal appearance, 414;
+  execution, 415.
+
+ARNOLFINI, Massimiliano, paramour of Lucrezia Buonvisi, i. 331;
+  procures the assassination of her husband, 332;
+  flight from justice, 332;
+  outlawed, 336;
+  his wanderings and wretched end, 339.
+
+ART of Memory, Bruno's, ii. 139.
+
+ART of Poetry, Tasso's Dialogues on the, ii. 22, 24;
+  influence of its theory on Tasso's own work, 25.
+
+ASSISTANTS, the (Jesuit functionaries), i. 273.
+
+ASTORGA, Marquis of, i. 22.
+
+AURORA, the Ludovisi fresco of, ii. 368.
+
+AVILA, Don Luigi d', i. 128.
+
+
+B
+
+BAGLIONI, Malatesta, i. 46.
+
+BAINI'S _Life of Palestrina_, ii. 316 _sqq._
+
+BALBI, Cesare, on Italian decadence, ii. 3.
+
+BANDITTI, tales illustrative of, i. 388 _sqq._
+
+'BANDO' (of outlawry), recitation of the terms of a, i. 328.
+
+BARBIERI, Giovanni Francesco, _see_ IL GUERCINO.
+
+BARCELONA, the Treaty of, i. 15.
+
+BARNABITES, Order of the:
+  their foundation, i. 80.
+
+BAROCCIO, Federigo, ii. 349.
+
+BAROZZA, a Venetian courtezan, i. 394, 396.
+
+BASEL, Council of, i. 94.
+
+BEARD, unshorn, worn in sign of mourning, i. 36.
+
+BEDELL, William (Bishop of Kilmore), on Fra Paolo and
+  Fra Fulgenzio, ii. 231.
+
+BEDMAR'S conspiracy, ii. 186.
+
+BELLARMINO, Cardinal, on the inviolability of the Vulgate, i. 212;
+  relations of, with Fra Paolo Sarpi, ii. 213, 222;
+  his censure of the _Pastor Fido_, 251.
+
+BELRIGUARDO, the villa of, Tasso at, ii. 53.
+
+BEMBO, Pietro, i. 30, 41.
+
+BENDEDEI, Taddea, wife of Guarini, ii. 245.
+
+BENTIVOGLI, the semi-royal offspring of King Enzo of Sardinia, ii. 304.
+
+BIBBONI, Cecco:
+  his account of how he murdered Lorenzino de'Medici, i. 488 _sqq._;
+  his associate, Bebo, details of the life of a _bravo_, 389;
+  tracking an outlaw, 392;
+  the wages of a tyrannicide, 394;
+  the _bravo's_ patient watching, 395;
+  the murder, 397;
+  flight of the assassins, 399;
+  their reception by Count Collalto, 401;
+  they seek refuge at the Spanish embassy, 402;
+  protected by Charles V.'s orders, 403;
+  conveyed to Pisa, 404;
+  well provided for their future life, _ib._
+
+BITONTO. Pasquale di, one of the assassins of Sarpi, ii. 212.
+
+BLACK garments of Charles V., the, i. 43.
+
+BLACK Pope, the, i. 275.
+
+BLOIS, Treaty of, i. 12.
+
+BOBADILLA, Nicholas, associate of Ignatius Loyola, i. 240;
+  his work as a Jesuit in Bavaria, 258.
+
+BOLOGNA and Modena, humors of the conflict between, ii. 304.
+
+BOLOGNESE school of painters, the, ii. 343 _sqq._;
+  why their paintings are now neglected, 375 _sqq._;
+  mental condition of Bolognese art, 376.
+
+BONELLI, Michele, nephew of Pius V., i. 147.
+
+BONIFAZIO of Montferrat, Marquis, one of the Paleologi, i. 23.
+
+BORGIA, Francis (Duke of Gandia), third General of the Jesuits, i. 256;
+  prevented by Loyola from accepting a Cardinal's hat, 260.
+
+BORROMEO, Carlo:
+  his character, i. 115;
+  a possible successor to Pius IV., 135;
+  ruled in Rome by the Jesuits, 142;
+  his intimacy with Sarpi, ii. 194.
+
+---Federigo, i. 115;
+  letter of, forbidding soldiers' visits to convents, 316 _n._
+
+BRANCACCIO, Diana, treachery of, towards the Duchess of Palliano, i. 378;
+  her murder, 379.
+
+'BRAVI,' maintenance of by Italian nobles, i. 313;
+  tales illustrative of, 388 _sqq._;
+  relations of trust between _bravi_ and foreign Courts, 409.
+
+BRIGANDAGE in Italy, i. 416.
+
+BROWN, Mr. H.F., his researches in the Venetian archives, i. 189 _n._
+
+BRUCCIOLI, Antonio, translator of the Bible into Italian, i. 76.
+
+BRUNO, Giordano:
+  his birth, and training as a Dominican, ii. 129;
+  early speculative doubts, 130;
+  _Il Candelajo_, 131, 183;
+  early studies, 133;
+  prosecution for heresy, 134;
+  a wandering student, 135;
+  at Geneva, 136;
+  Toulouse, 137;
+  at the Sorbonne, 138;
+  the Art of Memory, 139, 154;
+  _De Umbris Idearum_, _ib._;
+  relations with Henri III., 140;
+  Bruno's person and conversation, 141;
+  in England, _ib._;
+  works printed in London, 142;
+  descriptions of London life, _ib._;
+  opinion of Queen Elizabeth, 143;
+  lecturer at Oxford, 144;
+  address to the Vice-Chancellor, 146;
+  academical opposition, 147;
+  the Ash-Wednesday Supper, _ib._;
+  in the family of Castelnau, 148;
+  in Germany, 149;
+  Bruno's opinion of the Reformers, _ib._;
+  the _De Monade_ and _De Triplici Minimo_, 150;
+  Bruno in a monastery at Frankfort, 151;
+  invited to Venice, 153;
+  a guest of Mocenigo there, 154;
+  his occupations, 156;
+  denounced by Mocenigo and imprisoned by the Inquisition, 157;
+  the heads of the accusation, 157 _sqq._;
+  trial, 159;
+  recantation, 160;
+  estimate of Bruno's apology, 161;
+  his removal to and long imprisonment at Rome, 163;
+  his execution, 164;
+  evidence of his martyrdom, 164 _sqq._;
+  Schoppe's account, 165;
+  details of Bruno's treatment in Rome, 167;
+  the burning at the stake, 167 _sq._;
+  Bruno a martyr, 168;
+  contrast with Tasso, 169;
+  Bruno's mental attitude, 170 _sq._;
+  his championship of the Copernican system, 172;
+  his relation to modern science and philosophy, 173;
+  conception of the universe, 173 _sqq._;
+  his theology, 175;
+  the _Anima Mundi_, 177;
+  anticipations of modern thought, 178, 182;
+  his want of method, 180;
+  the treatise on the Seven Arts, 182;
+  Bruno's literary style, 182 _sqq._;
+  his death contrasted with that of Sarpi, 239 _n._
+
+BRUSANTINI, Count Alessandro (Tassoni's 'Conte Culagna'), ii. 301, 306.
+
+BUCKET, the Bolognese, ii. 305.
+
+BUONCOMPAGNO, Giacomo, bastard, son of Gregory XIII., i. 150.
+
+---Ugo, _see_ GREGORY XIII.
+
+BUONVISI, Lucrezia, story of, i. 330;
+  intrigue with Arnolfini, 331;
+  murder of her husband, 332;
+  Lucrezia suspected of complicity, 334;
+  becomes a nun (Sister Umilia), _ib._;
+  the case against her, 338;
+  amours of inmates of her convent, 340;
+  Umilia's intrigue with Samminiati, _ib._;
+  discovery of their correspondence, 341;
+  trial and sentences of the nuns, 344;
+  Umilia's last days, 345.
+
+---Lelio, assassination of, i. 332.
+
+BURGUNDIAN diamond of Charles the Bold, the, i. 38.
+
+
+C
+
+CALCAGNINI, Celio, letter of, on religious controversies, i. 74.
+
+CALVAERT, Dionysius, a Flemish painter in Bologna, ii. 355.
+
+CALVETTI, Olimpio (one of the assassins of Francesco Cenci), i. 350.
+
+CALVIN, i. 73;
+  his relation to modern civilization, ii. 402.
+
+CAMBRAY, Treaty of (the Paix des Dames), i. 9, 15.
+
+CAMERA Apostolica, the, venality of, i. 140.
+
+CAMERINO, Duchy of, i. 86.
+
+CAMPANELLA, on the black robes of the Spaniards in Italy, i. 44.
+
+CAMPEGGI, Cardinal Lorenzo, i. 21.
+
+CAMPIREALI, Elena, the tale of, i. 428.
+
+CANELLO, U.A., on Italian society in the sixteenth century, i. 304 _n._
+
+CANISIUS, lieutenant of Loyola in Austria, i. 259;
+  appointed to the administration of the see of Vienna, 260.
+
+CANOSSA, Antonio, conspirator against Pius IV., i. 132.
+
+CAPELLO, Bianca, the story of, i. 382.
+
+CAPPELLA, Giulia (Rome), school for training choristers, ii. 316.
+
+CARACCI, the, Bolognese painters, ii. 345, 349 _sqq._
+
+CARAFFA, Cardinal, condemned to death by Pius IV., i. 115.
+
+---Giovanni Pietro (afterwards Pope Paul IV.),
+  causes the rejection of Contarini's
+  arrangement with the Lutherans, i. 78;
+  helps to found the Theatines, 79;
+  made Cardinal by Paul III., 88;
+  hatred of Spanish ascendency, 89;
+  becomes Pope Paul IV., 102;
+  quarrel with Philip II., 102 _sqq._;
+  opens negotiations with Soliman, 103;
+  reconciliation with Spain, 104;
+  nepotism, _ib._;
+  indignation against the misdoings of his relatives, 106;
+  ecclesiastical reforms, 107 _sq._;
+  zeal for the Holy Office, 107 _n._;
+  personal character, 108;
+  his death, _ib._;
+  his earlier relations with Ignatius Loyola, 242.
+
+CARAFFESCHI, evil character of the, i. 105;
+  four condemned to death by Pius IV., 115, 318.
+
+CARAVAGGIO, Michelangelo Amerighi da, Italian Realist painter, ii. 363 _n._
+
+CARDINE, Aliffe and Leonardo di (Caraffeschi),
+  condemned to death by Pius IV., i. 115.
+
+CARDONA, Violante de (Duchess of Palliano), story of, i. 373 _sqq._;
+  her accomplishments, 374;
+  character, _ib._;
+  passion of Marcello Capecce for her, _ib._;
+  her character compromised through Diana Brancaccio, 378;
+  murder of Marcello and Diana by the Duke, _ib._;
+  death of Violante at the hands of her brother, 380.
+
+CARLI, Orazio:
+  description of his being put to the torture, i. 333 _sq._
+
+CARLO Emmanuele of Savoy, Italian hopes founded on, ii. 246, 286;
+  friend of Marino, 262;
+  kindness to Chiabrera, 290;
+  treatment of Tassoni, 298.
+
+CARNESECCHI, condemned by the Roman Inquisition to be burned, i. 145.
+
+CARPI, attached to Ferrara, i. 40.
+
+CARRANZA, Archbishop of Toledo, condemned by the
+  Roman Inquisition to be burned, i. 145.
+
+CASA, Giovanni della (author of the _Capitolo del Forno_), i. 393, 395.
+
+CASTELNAU, Michel de, kindness of towards Giordano Bruno, ii. 141, 148.
+
+---Marie de, Bruno's admiration for, ii. 148.
+
+---Pierre de, the first Saint of the Inquisition, i. 161.
+
+CATALANI, Marzio (one of the assassins of Francesco Cenci), i. 350.
+
+CATEAU Cambrésis, the Peace of, i. 48.
+
+CATHOLIC Revival, the inaugurators of, at Bologna, i. 16;
+  transition from the Renaissance to, 65;
+  new religious spirit in Italy, 67;
+  the Popes and the Council of Trent, 96 _sqq._;
+  a Papal triumph, 130;
+  the Catholic Reaction generated the Counter-Reformation, 133;
+  its effect on social and domestic morals, 301 _sqq._
+
+CELEBRITY, vicissitudes of, ii. 368.
+
+CELIBACY, clerical, the question of, at Trent, i. 123.
+
+CELLANT, Contessa di, the model of Luini's S. Catherine, ii. 360 _n._
+
+'CENA delle Ceneri, La,' Bruno's, i. 85 _n._; ii. 140, 142, 183.
+
+CENCI, Beatrice, examination of the legend of, i. 351 _sqq._
+
+---Francesco: bastard son of Cristoforo Cenci, i. 346;
+  his early life, _ib._;
+  disgraceful charges against him, 348;
+  compounds by heavy money payment for his crimes, _ib._;
+  violent deaths of his sons, _ib._;
+  severity towards his children, 349;
+  his assassination procured by his wife and three children, 350;
+  the murderers denounced, _ib._;
+  their trial and punishments, 351.
+
+---Msgr. Christoforo, father of Francesco Cenci, i. 346.
+
+CENTINI, Giacomo: story of his attempts by sorcery on the
+  life of Urban VIII., i. 425.
+
+CESI, Msgr., invites Tasso to Bologna, ii. 22.
+
+CHARLES V., his compact with Clement VII., i. 15;
+  Emperor Elect, 16;
+  relations with Andrea Doria, 17;
+  at Genoa, 18;
+  his journey to Bologna, 20;
+  his reception there, 22;
+  the meeting with Clement, 23;
+  mustering of Italian princes, 25;
+  negotiations on Italian affairs, 26 _sqq._;
+  a treaty of peace signed, 31;
+  the difficulty with Florence, 32;
+  the question of the two crowns, 34 _sqq._;
+  description of the coronation, 37 _sqq._;
+  the events that followed, 39 _sqq._;
+  the net results of Charles's administration of Italian affairs, 45 _sqq._;
+  his relations with Paul III., 100;
+  his abdication, 102;
+  he protects the assassins of Lorenzino de'Medici, 403.
+
+CHARLES VIII., of France: his invasion of Italy, i. 8.
+
+CHIABRERA, Gabriello: his birth, ii. 287;
+  educated by the Jesuits, _ib._;
+  his youth, 288;
+  the occupations of a long life, 289;
+  courtliness, 290;
+  ode to Cesare d'Este, 291;
+  Chiabrera's aim to remodel Italian poetry on a Greek pattern. 292 _sqq._;
+  would-be Pindaric flights, 296;
+  comparison with Marino and Tassoni, _ib._
+
+CIOTTO, Giambattista, relations of, with Giordano Bruno, ii. 152 _sqq._
+
+CISNEROS, Garcia de, author of a work which suggested
+  S. Ignatius's _Exercitia_, i. 236.
+
+CLEMENT VII.: a prisoner in S. Angelo, i. 14;
+  compact with Charles V., 15;
+  their meeting at Bologna, 16 _sqq._;
+  negotiations with the Emperor Elect, 26 _sqq._;
+  peace signed, 31.
+
+CLEMENT VIII.: his Concordat with Venice, i. 193;
+  Index of Prohibited Books issued by him, _ib._;
+  his rules for the censorship of books, 198 _sqq._;
+  he confers a pension on Tasso, ii. 76.
+
+CLOUGH, Mr., lines of, on 'Christianized' monuments in Papal Rome, i. 154.
+
+COADJUTORS, Temporal and Spiritual (Jesuit grades), i. 271.
+
+COLLALTO, Count Salici da, patron of the _bravo_ Bibboni, i. 400.
+
+COLONNA, the, reduced to submission to the Popes, i. 7.
+
+---Vespasiano, Duke of Palliano, i. 77.
+
+---Vittoria, i. 77;
+  letter to, from Tasso in his childhood, ii. 15.
+
+COMANDINO, Federigo, Tasso's teacher, ii. 19.
+
+COMPANY OF JESUS, _see_ JESUITS.
+
+CONCLAVES, external influences on, in the election of Popes, i. 134.
+
+CONFEDERATION between Clement VII. and Charles V., i. 31.
+
+'CONFIRMATIONS,' Fra Fulgenzio's, ii. 201.
+
+CONSERVATISM and Liberalism, necessary contest between, ii. 386.
+
+'CONSIDERATIONS on the Censures,' Sarpi's, ii. 201.
+
+CONSTANCE, Council of, i. 92.
+
+CONTARINI, Gasparo: his negotiations between Catholics
+  and Protestants, i. 30;
+  treatment of his writings by Inquisitors, 31;
+  suspected of heterodoxy, 72;
+  intimacy with Gaetano di Thiene, 76;
+  his concessions to the Reformers repudiated by the Curia, 78;
+  memorial on ecclesiastical abuses, 79.
+
+---Simeone: his account of a plague at Savigliano, i. 419 _sq._
+
+'CONTRIBUTIONS of the Clergy, Discourse upon the,' Sarpi's, ii. 221.
+
+COPERNICAN system, the, Bruno's championship of, ii. 172.
+
+COREGLIA, one of the assassins of Lelio Buonvisi, i. 333 _sqq._
+
+CORONATION of Charles V., description of, i. 34 _sqq._;
+  notable people present at, 39 _sqq._
+
+CORSAIRS, Tunisian and Algerian, raids of, on Italian coasts, i. 417.
+
+COSCIA, Giangiacopo, guardian of Tasso's sister, ii. 16.
+
+COSIMO I. of Tuscany, the rule of, i. 46, 47.
+
+COSTANTINI, Antonio, Tasso's last letter written to, ii. 77;
+  sonnet on the poet, 78.
+
+COTERIES, religious, in Rome, Venice, Naples, i. 75 _sqq._
+
+COUNTER-REFORMATION: its intellectual and moral character, i. 63;
+  the term defined, 64 _n._;
+  decline of Renaissance impulse, 65;
+  criticism and formalism in Italy, _ib._;
+  contrast with the development of other European races, 66;
+  transition to the Catholic Revival, 67;
+  attitudes of Italians towards the German Reformation, 71;
+  free-thinkers, 73;
+  the Oratory of Divine Love, 76;
+  the Moderate Reformers, _ib._;
+  Gasparo Contarini, 78;
+  new Religious Orders, 79;
+  the Council of Trent, 97, 119;
+  Tridentine Reforms, 107, 134;
+  asceticism fashionable in Rome, 108, 142;
+  active hostilities against Protestantism, 148;
+  the new spirit of Roman polity, 149 _sqq._;
+  work of the Inquisition, 159 _sqq._;
+  the Index, 195 _sqq._;
+  twofold aim of Papal policy, 226;
+  the Jesuits, 229 _sqq._;
+  an estimate of the results of the Reformation
+  and of the Counter-Reformation, ii. 385 _sqq._
+
+COURIERS, daily post of, between the Council of Trent
+  and the Vatican, i. 121.
+
+COURT life in Italy, i. 20, 37, 41, 51; ii. 17, 29, 65, 201, 251.
+
+CRIMES of violence, in Italy in the sixteenth century, i. 304 _sqq._
+
+CRIMINAL procedure, of Italian governments in the sixteenth
+  century, i. 308 _sqq._
+
+CRITICISM, fundamental principles of, ii. 370;
+  the future of, 374.
+
+CROWNS, the iron and the golden, of the Emperor, i. 34.
+
+CULAGNA, Conte di, _see_ BRUSANTINI.
+
+CURIA, the, complicity of, with the attempts on Sarpi's life, ii. 213.
+
+
+D
+
+'DATATARIO:' amount and sources of its income, i. 140.
+
+DATI, Giovanbattista, amount of, with nuns, i. 341 _sq._
+
+'DECAMERONE,' Boccaccio's expurgated editions of, issued
+  in Rome, i. 224 _sq._
+
+DELLA CRUSCANS, the, attack of, on Tasso's poetry, ii. 35, 72, 117 _n._
+
+'DE Monade,' Bruno's, ii. 150, 152 _n._, 167.
+
+DEPRES, Josquin, the leader of the contrapuntal style in music, ii. 316.
+
+'DE Triplici Minimo,' Bruno's, ii. 150, 152 _n._, 167.
+
+'DE Umbris Idearum,' Bruno's, ii. 139.
+
+DEZA, Diego, Spanish Inquisitor, i. 182.
+
+DIACATHOLICON, the, meaning of the term as used by Sarpi, i. 231; ii. 202.
+
+DIALOGUES, Tasso's, ii. 22, 112.
+
+DIRECTORIUM, the (Lainez' commentary on the constitution
+  of the Jesuits), i. 249.
+
+DIVINE Right of sovereigns, the: why it found favor
+  among Protestants, i. 296.
+
+DOMENICHINO, Bolognese painter, ii. 355;
+  critique of Mr. Ruskin's invectives against his work, 359 _sqq._
+
+DOMINICANS, the, ousted as theologians by the Jesuits at Trent, i. 101;
+  their reputation for learning, ii. 130.
+
+DOMINIS, Marcantonio de, publishes in England
+  Sarpi's _History of the Council of Trent_, ii. 223.
+
+DONATO, Leonardo, Doge of Venice, ii. 198.
+
+DORIA, Andrea:
+  his relations with Charles V., i. 18.
+
+---Cardinal Girolamo, i. 21.
+
+
+E
+
+ECLECTICISM in painting, ii. 345 _sqq._, 375 _sqq._
+
+ECONOMICAL stagnation in Italy, i. 423.
+
+ELIZABETH, Queen (of England), Bruno's admiration of, ii. 143.
+
+EMANCIPATION of the reason, retarded by both the Reformation and the
+    Counter-Reformation, ii. 385 _sqq._
+
+EMIGRANTS from Italy, regulations of the Inquisition regarding, i. 227.
+
+ENZO, King (of Sardinia), a prisoner at Bologna, ii. 304.
+
+EPIC poetry, Italian speculations on, ii. 24;
+  Tasso's Dialogues on, 26.
+
+'EROICI Furori, Gli,' Bruno's, ii. 142, 183.
+
+ESPIONAGE, system of among the Jesuits, i. 273.
+
+ESTE, Alfonso d' (Duke of Ferrara), relations of, with Charles V., i. 40.
+
+---Cardinal Ippolito d', i. 127 _sq._
+
+---Cardinal Luigi d', Tasso in the service of, ii. 12, 27.
+
+---Don Cesare d', Chiabrera's Ode to, ii. 291.
+
+---House of, their possessions in Italy, i. 45. 48.
+
+---Isabella d', at the coronation of Charles V.. i. 21.
+
+---Leonora d', the nature of Tasso's attachment to, ii. 31 _sqq._, 36, 40,
+    51, 54 _n._, 56, 68;
+  her death, 71.
+
+---Lucrezia d', Tasso's attachment to, ii. 32, 39;
+  her marriage, 35;
+  her death, 40 _n._
+
+EVOLUTION in relation to Art, ii. 371 _sqq._
+
+'EXERCITIA Spiritualia' (Loyola's), i. 236;
+  manner of their use, 267 _sqq._
+
+EXTINCTION of republics in Italy, i. 45 _sqq._
+
+
+F
+
+FABER, Peter, associate of Loyola, i. 239;
+  his work as a Jesuit in Spain, 258.
+
+FARNESE, Alessandro, _see_ PAUL III.
+
+---Giulia, mistress of Alexander VI., i. 81.
+
+---Ottavio (grandson of Paul III.), Duke of Camerino, i. 86.
+
+---Pier Luigi (son of Paul III.), Duke of Parma, i. 86.
+
+FEDERATION, Italian, the five members of the, i. 3 _sqq._;
+  how it was broken up, 11.
+
+FERDINAND, Emperor, successor of Charles V., i. 102, 118;
+  his relations with Canisius and the Jesuits, 259.
+
+FERRARA, i. 7;
+  settlement of the Duchy of, by Charles V., i. 40;
+  life at the Court of, ii. 29, 65, 247, 251.
+
+FERRUCCI, Francesco, i. 46.
+
+FESTA, Costanzo, the _Te Deum_ of, ii. 329.
+
+FINANCES of the Papacy under Sixtus V., i. 152.
+
+FIORENZA, Giovanni di, one of the assassins of Sarpi, ii. 212.
+
+FLAMINIO, Marcantonio, i. 76.
+
+FLEMISH musicians in Rome, ii. 316 _sqq._
+
+FLORENCE:
+  condition of the Republic in 1494, i. 10;
+  Siege of the town (1530), 30 _sq._;
+  capitulation, 46;
+  under the rule of Spain, _ib._;
+  extinction of the Republic, 47;
+  the rule of Cosimo I., 49.
+
+FORMALISM, the development of, i. 66.
+
+FOSCARI, Francesco, the dogeship of, i. 9.
+
+FRANCIS I.: his capture at Pavia, i. 9, 13.
+
+FRECCI, Maddalò de', the betrayer of Tasso's love-affairs, ii. 51.
+
+FREDERICK II., Emperor: his edicts against heresy, i. 163.
+
+FREETHINKERS, Italian, i. 73 _sq._
+
+FULGENZIO, Fra, the preaching of at Venice, ii. 207;
+  his biography of Sarpi, _ib._
+
+FULKE GREVILLE, a supper at the house of, described
+  by Giordano Bruno, ii. 142, 147.
+
+
+G
+
+GALLICAN CHURCH, the: its interests in the Council of Trent, i. 126.
+
+GALLUZZI'S record of Jesuit attempts to seduce youth, i. 284.
+
+GATTINARA, Cardinal, Grand Chancellor of the Empire, i. 31.
+
+GAMBARA, Veronica, i. 41.
+
+GENERAL Congregation of the Jesuits, functions of the, i. 273.
+
+GENERAL of the Jesuits, position of, in regard to the Order, i. 272.
+
+GENOA, becomes subject to Spain, i. 18.
+
+GENTILE, Valentino, i. 73.
+
+GERSON'S _Considerations upon Papal Excommunications_,
+  translated by Sarpi, ii. 200.
+
+'GERUSALEMME Conquistata,' Tasso's, ii. 75, 114 _sq._, 124.
+
+'GERUSALEMME Liberata:' at first called _Gottifredo_, ii. 35;
+  its dedication, 38, 47 _sq._;
+  submitted by Tasso to censors, 43;
+  their criticisms, 43 _sq._, 50;
+  successful publication of the poem, 71;
+  its subject-matter, 92;
+  the romance of the epic, 93;
+  Tancredi, the hero, 94;
+  imitations of Dante and Virgil, 95 _sqq._;
+  artificiality, 100;
+  pompous cadences, 101;
+  oratorical dexterity, 102;
+  the similes and metaphors, _ib._;
+  Armida, the heroine, 106.
+
+GHISLIERI, Michele, _see_ PIUS V.
+
+---Paolo, a relative of Pius V., i. 147.
+
+GIBERTI, Gianmatteo, Bishop of Verona, i. 19.
+
+GILLOT, Jacques, letter from Sarpi to, on the relations
+  of Church and State, ii. 203.
+
+GIOVANNI FRANCESCO, Fra, an accomplice in the attacks on Sarpi, ii. 214.
+
+'GLI ETEREI,' Academy of, at Padua, ii. 26.
+
+GOLDEN crown, the, significance of, i. 34.
+
+GONGORISM, i. 66.
+
+GONZAGA, Cardinal Ercole, ambassador from Clement VII.
+  to Charles V., i. 19.
+
+---Cardinal Scipione, a friend of Tasso, ii. 26, 42, 46, 67, 73.
+
+---Don Ferrante, i. 25.
+
+---Eleanora Ippolita, Duchess of Urbino, i. 37.
+
+---Federigo, Marquis of Mantua, i. 26.
+
+---Vincenzo, obtains Tasso's release, ii. 73;
+  the circumstances of his marriage, i. 386.
+
+'GOTTIFREDO.' Tasso's first title for the _Gerusalemme Liberata_, ii. 35.
+
+GOUDIMEL, Claude: his school of music at Rome, ii. 323.
+
+GRANADA, Treaty of, i. 12.
+
+GRAND style (in art), the so-called, ii. 379.
+
+GREGORY XIII., Pope (Ugo Buoncompagno): his early career
+  and election, i. 149;
+  manner of life, 150;
+  treatment of his relatives, 151;
+  revival of obsolete rights of the Church, 152;
+  consequent confusion in the Papal States, _ib._
+
+GRISON mercenaries in Italy, i. 103 _n._
+
+GUARINI, on the death of Tasso, ii. 69 _n._;
+  publishes a revised edition of Tasso's lyrics, 72;
+  Guarini's parentage, 244;
+  at the Court of Alfonso II. of Ferrara, 245;
+  a rival of Tasso, _ib._;
+  engaged on foreign embassies, 246;
+  appointed Court poet, 247;
+  domestic troubles, 249;
+  his last years, 251;
+  his death, _ib._;
+  argument of the _Pastor Fido_, _ib._;
+  satire upon the Court of Ferrara, 254;
+  critique of the poem, 255;
+  its style, 256;
+  comparison with Tasso's _Aminta_, 275.
+
+GUELF and Ghibelline contentions: how they ended in Italy, i. 57.
+
+GUICCIARDINI, Francesco, i. 33.
+
+GUISE, Duke of: his defeat by Alva, i. 103;
+  his murder, 129.
+
+GUZMAN, Domenigo de (S. Dominic), founder of the Dominican Order, i. 162.
+
+
+H
+
+HEGEMONY, Spanish, economical and social condition of
+  the Italians under, i. 50;
+  the evils of, 61.
+
+HENCHENEOR, Cardinal William, i. 36.
+
+HENRI III., favor shown to Giordano Bruno by, ii. 139.
+
+HENRI IV., the murder of, i. 297.
+
+HENRY VIII.: his divorce from Katharine of Aragon, i. 44.
+
+HEROICO-comic poetry, Tassoni's _Secchia Rapita_,
+  the first example of, ii. 303.
+
+'HISTORY of the Council of Trent,' Sarpi's, ii. 222 _sqq._
+
+HOLY Office, _see_ INQUISITION.
+
+HOLY Roman Empire, the, ii. 393.
+
+HOMATA, Benedetta, attempted murder of by Gianpaolo Osio, i. 323 _sqq._
+
+HOMICIDE, lax morality of the Jesuits in regard to, i. 306 _n._
+
+HOSIUS, Cardinal, legate at Trent, i. 118.
+
+HUMANISM, the work of, ii. 385, 391;
+  what it involved, 392;
+  Rationalism, its offspring, 404.
+
+HUMANITY, the past and future of, ii. 408 _sqq._
+
+
+I
+
+IL BORGA, a censor of the _Gerusalemme Liberata_, ii. 43.
+
+'IL Candelajo,' Giordano Bruno's comedy, ii. 131, 183.
+
+IL GUERCINO (G.F. Barbieri), Bolognese painter, ii. 365;
+  his masterpieces, 367.
+
+'IL PADRE di Famiglio,' Tasso's Dialogue, ii. 63.
+
+'IL Pentito,' Tasso's name as one of Gli Eterei, ii. 26.
+
+INGEGNERI, Antonio, a friend of Tasso, ii. 64;
+  publishes the _Gerusalemme_, 71.
+
+INDEX Expurgatorius:
+  its first publication at Venice, i. 192;
+  effects on the printing trade there, 193;
+  the Index in concert with the Inquisition, 194;
+  origin of the Index, 195;
+  local lists of prohibited books, _ib._;
+  establishment of the Congregation of the Index, 197;
+  Index of Clement VIII., 198;
+  its preambles, _ib._;
+  regulations, 199 _sq._;
+  details of the censorship and correction of books, 201;
+  rules as to printers, publishers, and booksellers, 203;
+  responsibility of the Holy Office, 204;
+  annoyances arising from delays and ignorance on the part of censors, 205;
+  spiteful delators of charges of heresy, 207;
+  extirpation of books, 208;
+  proscribed literature, 209;
+  garbled works by Vatican students, 210;
+  effect of the Tridentine decree about the Vulgate, 212;
+  influence of the Index on schools and lecture-rooms, 213;
+  decline of humanism, 218;
+  the statutes on the _Ratio Status_, 220;
+  their object and effect, 221;
+  the treatment of lewd and obscene publications, 223;
+  expurgation of secular books, 224.
+
+INQUISITION, the, i. 159 _sqq._;
+  the first germ of the Holy Office, 161;
+  developed during the crusade against the Albigenses, _ib._;
+  S. Dominic its founder, 162;
+  introduced into Lombardy, etc., 164;
+  the stigma of heresy, 165;
+  three types of Inquisition, 166;
+  the number of victims, 166 _n._;
+  the crimes of which it took cognizance, 167;
+  the methods of the Apostolical Holy Office, 168;
+  treatment of the New Christians in Castile, 169, 171;
+  origin of the Spanish Holy Office, 170;
+  opposition of Queen Isabella, 171;
+  exodus of New Christians, 172;
+  the punishments inflicted, _ib._;
+  futile appeals to Rome, 173;
+  constitution of the Inquisition, 174;
+  its two most formidable features, 175;
+  method of its judicial proceedings, 176;
+  the sentence and its execution, 177;
+  the holocausts and their pageant, _ib._;
+  Torquemada's insolence, 179;
+  the body-guard of the Grand Inquisitor, 180;
+  number of Torquemada's victims, 181;
+  exodus of Moors from Castile, 182;
+  victims under Torquemada's successors, _ib._;
+  an Aceldama at Madrid, 184;
+  the Roman Holy Office, _ib._;
+  remodelled by Giov. Paolo Caraffa, 185;
+  'Acts of Faith' in Rome, 186;
+  numbers of the victims, 187;
+  in other parts of Italy, 188;
+  the Venetian Holy Office, 190;
+  dependent on
+  the State, _ib._;
+  Tasso's dread of the Inquisition, ii. 42, 45, 49, 51;
+  the case of Giordano Bruno, 134, 157 _sqq._;
+  Sarpi denounced to the Holy Office, 195.
+
+INTELLECTUAL and social activity in Italian cities, i. 51.
+
+INTERDICT of Venice (1606), ii. 198 _sqq._;
+  the compromise, 205.
+
+INVASION, wars of, in Italy, i. 11 _sqq._
+
+IRON crown, the, sent from Monza to Bologna, i. 36.
+
+'ITALIA Liberata,' Trissino's, ii. 24, 303.
+
+ITALIA Unita, ii. 407.
+
+ITALY:
+  its political conditions in 1494, i. 2 _sqq._;
+  the five members of its federation, 3;
+  how the federation was broken up, 11;
+  the League between Clement VII. and Charles V., 31;
+  review of the settlement of Italy effected by Emperor
+  and Pope, 45 _sqq._;
+  extinction of republics, 47;
+  economical and social condition of the Italians under
+  Spanish hegemony, 48;
+  intellectual life, 51;
+  predominance of Spain and Rome, 53 _sqq._;
+  Italian servitude, 58;
+  the evils of Spanish rule, 59 _sqq._;
+  seven Spanish devils in Italy, 61;
+  changes wrought by the Counter-Reformation, 64 _sqq._;
+  criticism and formalism, 65;
+  transition from the Renaissance to the Catholic Revival, _ib._;
+  attitude of Italians towards the German Reformation, 71.
+
+
+J
+
+JESUITS, Order of:
+  its importance in the Counter-Reformation, i. 229;
+  the Diacatholicon, 231;
+  works on the history of the Order, 231 _n._;
+  sketch of the life of Ignatius Loyola, 231 _sqq._;
+  the first foundation of the _Exercitia_, 236;
+  Peter Faber and Francis Xavier, 239;
+  the vows taken by Ignatius and his neophytes at Paris, 240;
+  their proposed mission to the Holy Land, 241;
+  their visits to Venice and Rome, 242 _sq._;
+  the name of the Order, 244;
+  negotiations in Rome, 245;
+  the fourth vow, 246;
+  the constitutions approved by Paul III., 247;
+  the Directorium of Lainez, 249;
+  the original limit of the number of members, _ib._;
+  Loyola's administration, 250;
+  asceticism deprecated, 251;
+  worldly wisdom of the founder, 253;
+  rapid spread of the Order, 254;
+  the Collegium Romanum, 255;
+  Collegium Germanicum, _ib._;
+  the Order deemed rivals by the Dominicans in Spain, _ib._;
+  successes in Portugal, 256;
+  difficulties in France, 257;
+  in the Low Countries, _ib._;
+  in Bavaria and Austria, 258;
+  Loyola's dictatorship, 259;
+  his adroitness in managing distinguished members of his Order, 260;
+  statistics of the Jesuits at Loyola's death, _ib._;
+  the autocracy of the General, 261;
+  Jesuit precepts on obedience, 263 _sq._;
+  addiction to Catholicism, 266;
+  the spiritual drill of the _Exercitia Spiritualia_, 267;
+  materialistic imagination, 268;
+  psychological adroitness of the method, 269;
+  position and treatment of the novice, 270;
+  the Jesuit Hierarchy, 271;
+  the General, 272;
+  five sworn spies to watch him, 273;
+  a system of espionage through the Order, 274;
+  position of a Jesuit, _ib._;
+  the Black Pope, 275;
+  the working of the Jesuit vow of poverty, 275 _sq._;
+  revision of the Constitutions by Lainez, 277;
+  the question about the _Monita Secreta_, 277 _sqq._;
+  estimate of the historical importance of the Jesuits, 280 _sq._;
+  their methods of mental tyranny, 281;
+  Jesuitical education, 282;
+  desire to gain the control of youth, 283;
+  their general aim the aggrandizement of the Order, 284;
+  treatment of _études fortes_, _ib._;
+  admixture of falsehood and truth, 285;
+  sham learning and sham art, 286;
+  Jesuit morality, 287;
+  manipulation of the conscience, 288;
+  casuistical ethics, 290;
+  system of confession and direction, 293;
+  political intrigues and doctrines, 294 _sqq._;
+  the theory of the sovereignty of the people, 296;
+  Jesuit connection with political plots, 297;
+  suspected in regard to the deaths of Popes, 298;
+  the Order expelled from various countries, 299 _n._;
+  relations of Jesuits to Rome, 299;
+  their lax morality in regard to homicide, 306 _n._, 314;
+  their support of the Interdict of Venice, ii. 198 _sqq._
+
+JEWS, Spanish, wealth and influence of, i. 169;
+  adoption of Christianity, _ib._;
+  attacked by the Inquisition, 170;
+  the edict for their expulsion, 171;
+  its results, 172.
+
+JULIUS II.:
+  results of his martial energy, i. 7.
+
+---III., Pope (Giov. Maria del Monte), i. 101.
+
+
+K
+
+KEPLER, high opinion of Bruno's speculations held by, ii. 164.
+
+KINGDOMS and States of Italy in 1494, enumeration of, i. 3.
+
+
+L
+
+'LA Cuccagna,' a satire by Marino, ii. 263.
+
+LAINEZ, James, associate of Ignatius Loyola, i. 240;
+  his influence on the development of the Jesuits, 248;
+  his commentary on the Constitutions (the Directorium), 249;
+  his work in Venice, etc., 254;
+  abject submission to Loyola, 262.
+
+LATERAN, Council of the, i. 95.
+
+LATIN and Teutonic factors in European civilization, ii. 393 _sqq._
+
+LATINI, Latino, on the extirpation of books by the Index, i. 208.
+
+LEGATES, Papal, at Trent, i. 97 _n._, 119.
+
+LE JAY, Claude, associate of Ignatius Loyola, i. 240;
+  his work as a Jesuit at Ferrara, 254;
+  in Austria. 258.
+
+LEONI, Giambattista, employed by Sarpi to write against
+  the Jesuits, ii. 200.
+
+LEPANTO, battle of, i. 149.
+
+LESCHASSIER, Sarpi's letters to, ii. 229, 235.
+
+'LE Sette Giornate,' Tasso's, ii. 75, 115, 124.
+
+LEYVA, Antonio de, at Bologna, i. 22.
+
+---Virginia Maria de (the Lady of Monza):
+  birth and parentage, i. 317;
+  a nun in a convent of the Umiliate, 318;
+  her seduction by Gianpaolo Osio, 318 _sqq._;
+  birth of her child, 321;
+  murder of her waiting-woman by Osio, 322;
+  the intrigue discovered, 323;
+  attempted murder by Osio of two of her associates, 324;
+  Virginia's punishment and after-life, 329.
+
+LONDON, Bruno's account of the life of the people of, ii. 142;
+  social life in, 143.
+
+LORENTE'S History of the Inquisition, cited, 171 _sqq._;
+  his account of the number of victims of the Holy Office, i. 181, 183 _n._
+
+LORRAINE, Cardinal:
+  his influence in the Council of Trent, i. 125 _sq._
+
+LO SPAGNOLETTO (Giuseppe Ribera), Italian Realist painter, ii. 363.
+
+LOUISA of Savoy, one of the arrangers of the Paix des Dames, i. 16.
+
+LOUIS XII.: his descent into Lombardy, and its results, i. 9;
+  allied with the Austrian Emperor and the King of Spain, i. 12.
+
+LOYOLA, Ignatius, founder of the Jesuits:
+  his birth and childhood, i. 231;
+  his youth and early training, _ib._;
+  illness at Pampeluna, 232;
+  pilgrimage to Montserrat, 234;
+  retreat at Manresa, _ib._;
+  his romance and discipline, 235;
+  journey to the Holy Land, 237;
+  his apprenticeship to his future calling, _ib._;
+  imprisoned by the Inquisition, 238;
+  studies theology in Paris, _ib._;
+  gains disciples there, 239;
+  his methods with them, _ib._;
+  with ten companions takes the vows of chastity and poverty, 240;
+  Ignatius at Venice, 241;
+  his relations with Caraffa and the Theatines, 242;
+  in Rome, 243;
+  the name of the new Order, 244;
+  its military organization, 245;
+  the project favored by Paul III., _ib._;
+  the Constitution approved by the Pope, 247;
+  his worldly wisdom, 248 _n._;
+  Loyola's creative force, 249;
+  his administration, 250 _sq._;
+  dislike of the common forms of monasticism, 251;
+  his aims and principles, 252;
+  comparison with Luther, 253;
+  rapid spread of the Order, 254;
+  special desire of Ignatius to get a firm hold on Germany, 258;
+  his dictatorship, 259;
+  adroitness in managing his subordinates, 260;
+  autocratic administration, 261;
+  insistence on the virtue of obedience, 263;
+  devotion to the Roman Church, 265;
+  the _Exercitia Spiritualia_, 267 _sqq._;
+  Loyola's dislike of asceticism, 270;
+  his interpretation of the vow of poverty, 275;
+  his instructions as to the management of consciences, 287 _sq._;
+  his doctrine on the fear of God, 304 _n._
+
+LUCERO EL TENEBROSO, the Spanish Inquisitor, i. 180.
+
+LUINI'S picture of S. Catherine, ii. 360.
+
+LULLY, Raymond:
+  his Art of Memory and Classification of the Sciences,
+  adapted by Giordano Bruno, ii. 139.
+
+LUNA, Don Juan de, i. 47.
+
+LUTHER, Bruno's high estimate of, ii. 149;
+  his relation to modern civilization, 402.
+
+LUTHERAN soldiers in Italy, i. 44.
+
+LUTHERANISM in Italy, i. 185.
+
+
+M
+
+MACAULAY, Lord, on Sarpi's religious opinions, ii. 227 _n._;
+  critique of his survey of the Catholic Revival, 400 _sqq._
+
+MAIN events in modern history, the, ii. 383 _sqq._
+
+MALATESTA, Roberto, leader of bandits in the Papal States, i. 152.
+
+MALIPIERO, Alessandro, a friend of Sarpi, ii. 210.
+
+MALVASIA, Count C.C., writings of, on the Bolognese painters, ii. 350 _n._
+
+MANRESA, Ignatius Loyola at, i. 234.
+
+MANRIQUE, Thomas, Master of the Sacred Palace, an expurgated
+  edition of the _Decamerone_ issued by, i. 224.
+
+MANSO, Marquis:
+  his _Life of Tasso_, ii. 54, 56, 58, 64, 70, 115;
+  friend of Marino in his youth, 261.
+
+MANTUA, raised to the rank of a duchy, i. 27.
+
+MANUZIO, Aldo (the younger), ill-treatment of, in Rome, i. 217 _sq._
+
+---Paolo:
+  works produced at his press in Rome, i. 220;
+  a friend of Chiabrera, ii. 287.
+
+MARCELLUS II., Pope (Marcello Cervini), i. 97, 101.
+
+MARGARET of Austria, one of the arrangers of the Paix des Dames, i. 16.
+
+MARIANAZZO, a robber chief, refusal of pardon by, i. 309.
+
+MARIGNANO, Marquis of (Gian Giacomo Medici), i. 109, 115.
+
+MARINISM, i. 66; ii. 299, 302.
+
+MARINO, Giovanni Battista:
+  his birth and parentage, ii. 260;
+  escapades of his youth in Naples, 261;
+  at the Court of Carlo Emanuele, 262;
+  his life in Turin, _ib._;
+  at the Court of Maria de'Medici, 263;
+  successful publication of the _Adone_, 264;
+  return to Naples, 265;
+  critique of the _Adone_, 266 _sq._;
+  the Epic of Voluptuousness, 268;
+  its effeminate sensuality, 268 _sq._;
+  cynical hypocrisy, 270;
+  the character of Adonis, 272;
+  ugliness and discord, 273;
+  Marino's poetic gifts, 274;
+  great variety of episodes, 276;
+  unity of theme, 277;
+  purity of poetic style rarely attained, 279;
+  false rhetoric, 280;
+  Marinism, 281;
+  verbal fireworks, 282;
+  Marino's real inadequacy, 285;
+  the _Pianto d'Italia_, 286;
+  comparison of Marino with Chiabrera, 296.
+
+MARTELLI, Giovan Battista, a _bravo_ attendant on
+  Lorenzino de'Medici, i. 396.
+
+MARTUCCIA, a notorious Roman courtesan, i. 375.
+
+MASANIELLO, cause of the rising of, in Naples, i. 49.
+
+MASSACRE of S. Bartholomew, i. 55, 149.
+
+MASSIMI, Eufrosina (second wife of Lelio Massimi), the
+  murder of, i. 354 _sq._
+
+---Lelio: violent deaths of the five sons whom he cursed, i. 355 _sq._
+
+'MATERIE Beneficiarie, Delle,' Sarpi's, ii. 219.
+
+MAXIMILIAN, Emperor, allied against Venice with Louis XII., i. 12.
+
+MAZZOLA, Francesco (Il Parmigianino), i. 42.
+
+MEDA, Caterina da (waiting-woman of Virginia de Leyva), murder of, i. 322.
+
+MEDIAEVAL habits, survival of, in Italy in the sixteenth century, i. 306.
+
+MEDICI, de', family of:
+  their advances towards Despotism, i. 10;
+  violent deaths of members, 382 _sqq._;
+  eleven murdered in a half-century, 387.
+
+---Alessandro, Duke of Florence, i. 19, 46, 388.
+
+---Cosimo, i. 46;
+  made Grand Duke of Tuscany, 47.
+
+---Giovanni, i. 11.
+
+---Ippolito, i. 19.
+
+---Lorenzino, assassination of his cousin Alessandro
+  (Duke of Florence) by, i. 388;
+  details of his own murder, 389 _sqq._
+
+---Lorenzo, i. 10.
+
+---Maria, the Court of, as Regent of France, ii. 263.
+
+---Piero, i. 10.
+
+MEDICI, Gian Giacomo (brother of Pius IV.), i. 50, 109.
+
+---Giovanni Angelo, _see_ PIUS IV.
+
+---Margherita (sister of Pius IV.), mother of Carlo Borromeo, i. 115 _n._
+
+MENDOZA, Don Hurtado de, i. 47.
+
+MERSENNE, evidence of, as to the burning of Giordano Bruno, ii. 164 _n._
+
+METAPHYSICAL speculators in Italy, i. 73.
+
+METAURUS, the, Tasso's ode to, ii. 63.
+
+METEMPSYCHOSIS, Bruno's doctrine of, ii. 160.
+
+MEXICO, the early Jesuits in, i. 260.
+
+MIANI, Girolamo, founder of the congregation of the Somascans, i. 79;
+  his relations with Loyola, 242.
+
+MICANZI, Fulgenzio, _see_ FULGENZIO, FRA.
+
+MILAN, Duchy of:
+  its state in 1494, i. 8.
+
+MOCENIGO, Giovanni:
+  his character, ii. 152;
+  invites Giordano Bruno to Venice, 153;
+  the object of the invitation, 154;
+  their intercourse, 155;
+  Bruno denounced to the Inquisition by Mocenigo, 157.
+
+---Luigi, on the relations between Pius IV. and Cardinal Morone, i. 110 _n._
+
+MODENA and Bologna, humors of the conflict between, ii. 304.
+
+MONOPOLIES, system of, in Italy, i. 49.
+
+MONTALTO, Cardinal, nephew of Sixtus V., i. 157.
+
+MONTEBELLO, Baron, the tale of, i. 428.
+
+MONTECATINO, Antonio, an enemy of Tasso at Ferrara, ii. 48, 50, 60, 62;
+  his downfall, 66.
+
+MONTE OLIVETO, the monastery of, Tasso at, ii, 74.
+
+MONZA, the Lady of, _see_ LEYVA, VIRGINIA MARIA DE.
+
+MORALS, social and domestic, in Italy, effect of the
+  Catholic Revival on, i. 301 _sqq._;
+  outcome of the Tridentine decrees, 302;
+  hypocrisy and ceremonial observances, 303;
+  sufferings of the lower classes, _ib._;
+  increase of crimes of violence, 304;
+  mistrust between the aristocracy and the _bourgeoisie_, 306;
+  survival of mediaeval habits, _ib._;
+  brigandage, 307;
+  criminal procedure, 308;
+  mutual jealousy of States afforded security to refugee homicides, 309;
+  toleration of outlaws, 310;
+  the Lucchese army of bandits, 311;
+  honorable murder, 312;
+  maintenance of _bravi_, _ib._;
+social violence countenanced by the Church, 314;
+  sexual morality, 315;
+  state of convents, 316;
+  profligate fanaticism, _ib._;
+  convent intrigues, 318 _sqq._
+
+MORATO, Peregrino, letter from Celio Calcagnini to, i. 74.
+
+MORNAY, Duplessis, Sarpi's letters to, ii. 229.
+
+MORONE, Cardinal, i. 26;
+  Papal legate at Trent, 97 _n._;
+  imprisoned by Paul IV., 110;
+  relations with Pius IV., _ib._;
+  liberal thinkers among his associates, 111 _n._;
+  his work in connection with the Council of Trent, 127.
+
+---Girolamo, i. 26, 72.
+
+MUNICIPAL wars, Italian, ii. 304.
+
+MURDERS in Italy in the sixteenth century, i. 305 _sqq._
+
+MURETUS:
+  his difficulties as a professor in Rome, i. 214, 216.
+
+MURTOLA, Gasparo, attempted assassination of the poet Marino by, ii. 263.
+
+MUSIC, Italian, decadence of, in the sixteenth century, ii. 315;
+  foreign musicians in Rome, 316;
+  the contrapuntal style, 317;
+  licenses allowed to performers, _ib._;
+  the medleys prepared by composers, _ib._;
+  disgraceful condition of Church music, 318;
+  orchestral _ricercari_, 320 _n._;
+  Savonarola's opinion of the Church music of his time, _ib._;
+  musical aptitude of the people, 322;
+  lack of a controlling element of correct taste, _ib._;
+  advent of Palestrina, _ib._;
+  the Congregation for the Reform of Music, 325;
+  rise of the Oratorio, 334;
+  music in England in the sixteenth century, 338;
+  rise of the Opera, 340.
+
+MUSICIANS, Italian, of the seventeenth cenutry, ii. 243.
+
+
+N
+
+NAPLES, kingdom of, separated from Sicily, i. 4;
+  its extent, _ib._;
+  in the hands of Spain, 12.
+
+NASSAU, Count of, i. 38.
+
+NATURE, the study of, among Italian philosophers, ii. 128.
+
+NEPOTISM, Papal:
+  the Caraffas, i. 104 _sq._;
+  the Borromeos, 115;
+  the Ghislieri, 147;
+  Gregory XIII.'s relatives, 151;
+  estimate of the incomes of Papal nephews, 156 _sqq._
+
+NEW Christians, the, in Spain, _see_ JEWS.
+
+NOBILI, Flaminio de', a censor of the _Gerusalemme Liberata_, ii. 43.
+
+NOLA, survival of Greek customs in, ii. 132.
+
+NOVICES, Jesuit, position of, i. 271.
+
+NUNNERIES, state of, in the sixteenth century, i. 315 _sqq._
+
+
+O
+
+OMERO, Fuggiguerra, sobriquet chosen by Tasso in his wanderings, ii. 64.
+
+OPERA, rise of the, in Florence, ii. 341.
+
+ORANGE, Prince of, leader of the Spanish army in
+  the siege of Florence, i. 18.
+
+ORATORIO (Musical), the:
+  its origins in Rome, ii. 334.
+
+ORATORY of Divine Love, the, i. 76.
+
+ORSINI, the, reduced to submission to the Popes, i. 7.
+
+---Paolo Giordano (Duke of Bracciano):
+  his passion for Vittoria Accoramboni, i. 358;
+  his gigantic stature and corpulence, 359;
+  poisons his first wife, 360;
+  treatment by Sixtus V., 363;
+  secret marriage with Vittoria, 364;
+  renounces the marriage, 365;
+  ratifies the union by public marriage, 366;
+  flight from Rome, _ib._:
+  death of the Duke, 367.
+
+---Prince Lodovico:
+  procures the murder of Vittoria Accoramboni and her brother, i. 368;
+  siege of his palace, 370;
+  his violent death, 371.
+
+---Troilo, lover of the Duchess of Bracciano, i. 360;
+  details of his murder by Ambrogio Tremazzi, 405 _sqq._
+
+OSIO, Gianpaolo:
+  his intrigue with Virginia de Leyva, i. 318 _sqq._;
+  murders her waiting-woman, 322;
+  attempts to murder two other nuns, 324;
+  his letter of defence to Cardinal Federigo Borromeo, 326;
+  condemned to death and outlawed, 327;
+  terms of the _Bando_, 328;
+  his end, 329.
+
+OSORIO, Don Alvaro, Grand Marshal of Spain, i. 22.
+
+OUTLAWRY in Italy in the sixteenth century, i. 307 _sqq._
+
+OXFORD, Giordano Bruno's reception at, ii. 144.
+
+
+P
+
+PACHECO, Cardinal, the foe of the Caraffeschi, i. 105.
+
+PADUAN school of scepictism, the, influence of, on Tasso, ii. 20.
+
+PAGANELLO, Conte, assassin of Vittoria Accoramboni, i. 371.
+
+PAINTING in the late years of the sixteenth century, ii. 344;
+  Eclecticism, 345;
+  influence of the Tridentine Council, 347;
+  the Mannerists, 348;
+  Baroccio, 349;
+  the Caracci, 350 _sqq._;
+  studies of the Bolognese painters, 352;
+  academical ideality, 354;
+  Guido, Albani, Domenichino, 355 _sqq._;
+  criticism of Domenichino's work, 359;
+  the Italian Realists, 363 _sqq._;
+  Lo Spada, 364;
+  Il Guercino, 365;
+  critical reaction against the Eclectics, 368;
+  fundamental principles of criticism, 370 _sqq._
+
+PAIX des Dames, i. 9, 16.
+
+PALAZZO Vernio, Academy (musical) of the, ii. 340;
+  distinguished composers of its school, 341.
+
+PALEARIO, Aonio:
+  his opinion of the Index, i. 197, 214.
+
+PALESTRINA, Giovanni Pier Luigi:
+  his birth and early musical training, ii. 323;
+  uneventful life of the _Princeps Musicae_, 324;
+  relations with the Congregation for Musical Reform, 325;
+  the legend and the facts about
+  _Missa Papae Marcelli_, 326 _sqq._, 331 _n._;
+  Palestrina's commission, 331;
+  the three Masses in competition, 332;
+  the award by the Congregation and the Pope, 334;
+  Palestrina's connection with S. Filippo Neri, 334;
+  _Arie Divote_ composed for the Oratory, 335 _sq._;
+  character of the new music, 335;
+  influence of Palestrina on Italian music, 336;
+  estimate of the general benefit derived by music from him, 337 _sq._
+
+PALLAVICINI, on Paul IV.'s seal for the Holy Office, i. 107 _n._
+
+PALLAVICINO, Matteo, murder of, by Marcello Accoramboni, i. 358.
+
+PALLIANO, Duchess of, _see_ CARDONA, VIOLANTE DE.
+
+---Duke of (nephew of Paul IV.), murders committed by, i. 379;
+  his execution, 380.
+
+PANCIROLI, Guido, Tasso's master in the study of law, ii. 20.
+
+PAPACY, the, its position after the sack of Rome, i. 13;
+  tyranny of, arising from the instinct of self-preservation, 54;
+  dislike of, for General Councils, 90;
+  manipulation of the Council of Trent, 97 _sqq._, 119 _sqq._;
+  its supremacy founded by that Council, 131;
+  later policy of the Popes, 149 _sqq._, 226.
+
+PAPAL States, the:
+  their condition in 1447, i. 5;
+  attempts to consolidate them into a kingdom, 6.
+
+PARMA and Piacenza, creation of the Duchy of, by Paul III., i. 86.
+
+PARMA, Duchy of, added to the States of the Church, i. 7.
+
+PARMIGIANINO, Il, painting of Charles V. by, i. 42.
+
+PARRASIO, Alessandro, one of the assassins of Sarpi, ii. 212.
+
+PART-SONGS, French Protestant, influence of, on Palestrina, ii. 324.
+
+PASSARI, Pietro, amours of, with the nuns of S. Chiara, Lucca, i. 340 _sq._
+
+'PASTOR Fido,' Guarini's, critique of, ii. 252 _sqq._
+
+PAUL III., Pope, sends Contarini to the conference at Rechensburg, i. 78;
+  receives a memorial on ecclesiastical abuses, 79;
+  establishes the Roman Holy Office, 80;
+  sanctions the Company of Jesus, _ib._;
+  his early life and education, 81;
+  love of splendor, 82;
+  peculiarity of his position, _ib._;
+  the Pope of the transition, 84;
+  jealous of Spanish ascendency in Italy, 85;
+  creates the Duchy of Parma for his son, 86 _sqq._;
+  members of the moderate reforming party made Cardinals, 88;
+  his repugnance to a General Council, 90;
+  indiction of a Council to be held at Trent, 97;
+  difficulties of his position, 100;
+  his death, 101;
+  his connection with the founding of the Jesuit Order, 245.
+
+PAUL IV., Pope, _see_ CARAFFA, GIOV. PIETRO.
+
+PAUL V., Pope:
+  details of his nepotism, i. 157 _n._;
+  places Venice under an interdict, ii. 198.
+
+PAVIA, the battle of, 13.
+
+PELLEGRINI, Cammillo, panegyrist of Tasso, ii. 72.
+
+PEPERARA, Laura, Tasso's relations with, ii. 31.
+
+PERETTI, Felice (nephew of Sixtus V.), husband of Vittoria
+  Accoramboni, i. 357;
+  his murder, 358.
+
+PESCARA, Marquis of, husband of Vittoria Colonna, i. 25.
+
+'PESTE di S. Carlo, La,' i. 421.
+
+'PETRARCA, Considerazioni sopra le Rime, del,' Tassoni's, ii. 298, 300.
+
+PETRONI, Lucrezia, second wife of Francesco Cenci, i. 348 _sq._
+
+PETRONIO, S., Bologna, reception of Charles V. by Clement VII. at, i. 23;
+  the Emperor's coronation at, 37 _sqq._
+
+PETRUCCI, Pandolfo, seduction of two sons of, by the Jesuits, i. 284.
+
+PHILIP II. of Spain:
+  his quarrel with Paul IV., i. 102;
+  the reconciliation, 104.
+
+PHILOSOPHERS of Southern Italy in the sixteenth century, ii. 126 _sqq._
+
+PIACENZA, added to the States of the Church, i. 7.
+
+PICCOLOMINI, Alfonso, leader of bandits in the Papal States, i. 152.
+
+'PIETRO Soave Polano,' anagram of 'Paolo Sarpi Veneto,' ii. 223.
+
+PIGNA (secretary to the Duke of Ferrara), a rival of Tasso, ii. 34, 45, 48.
+
+PINDAR, the professed model of Chiabrera's poetry, ii. 291, 294.
+
+PIRATES, raids of, on Italy, i. 417.
+
+PISA, first Council of, i. 92;
+  the second, 95.
+
+PIUS IV., Pope (Giov. Angelo Medici):
+  his parentage, i. 109;
+  Caraffa's antipathy to him, 110;
+  makes Cardinal Morone his counsellor, _ib._;
+  negotiations with the autocrats of Europe, 111;
+  his diplomatic character, 112;
+  the Tridentine decrees, _ib._;
+  keen insight into the political conditions of his time, 113;
+  independent spirit, 115;
+  treatment of his relatives, _ib._;
+  his brother's death helped him to the Papacy, _ib._;
+  the felicity of his life, 116;
+  the religious condition of Northern Europe in his reign, 117;
+  re-opening of the Council of Trent, 119;
+  his management of the difficulties connected with the Council, 127 _sqq._;
+  use of cajoleries and menaces, 129;
+  success of the Pope's plans, 130;
+  his Bull of ratification of the Tridentine decrees, 131;
+  his last days, 132;
+  estimate of the work of his reign, 133 _sqq._;
+  his lack of generosity, 142;
+  coldness in religious exercises, 144;
+  love of ease and good companions, 147.
+
+PIUS V., Pope (Michele Ghislieri):
+  his election, i. 137;
+  influence of Carlo Borromeo on him, 137, 145, 147;
+  ascetic virtues, 145;
+  zeal for the Holy Office, 145;
+  edict for the expulsion of prostitutes from Rome, 146;
+  his exercise of the Papal Supremacy, 148;
+  his Tridentine Profession of Faith, _ib._;
+  advocates rigid uniformity, 148;
+  promotes attacks on Protestants, _ib._
+
+PLAGUES:
+  in Venice, i. 418;
+  at Naples and in Savoy, _ib._;
+  statistics of the mortality, 418 _n._;
+  disease supposed to be wilfully spread by malefactors, 420.
+
+POETRY, Heroic, the problem of creating, in Italy, ii. 80.
+
+POLAND, the crown of, sought by Italian princes, ii. 246.
+
+POLE, Cardinal Reginald, i. 76;
+  Papal legate at Trent, 97 _n._
+
+POMA, Ridolfo, one of the assassins of Sarpi, ii. 212.
+
+POMPONIUS LAETUS, the teacher of Paul III., i. 81, 82.
+
+POPULAR melodies employed in Church music in the
+  sixteenth century, ii. 318.
+
+PORTRAIT of Charles V. by Titian, i. 42.
+
+'PRESS, Discourse upon the,' Sarpi's, ii. 220.
+
+'PRINCEPS Musicae,' the title inscribed on Palestrina's tomb, ii. 325.
+
+PRINTING:
+  effects of the Index Expurgatorius on the trade in Venice, i. 192;
+  firms denounced by name by Paul IV., 198, 208.
+
+PROFESSED of three and of four vows (Jesuit grades), i. 271 _sq._
+
+PROLETARIATE, the Italian, social morality of in the
+  sixteenth century, i. 224 _sqq._
+
+PROSTITUTES, Roman, expulsion of by Pius V., i. 146.
+
+PROTESTANT Churches in Italy, persecution of, i. 186.
+
+PROTESTANTISM in Italy, i. 71.
+
+PROVINCES, Jesuit, enumeration of the, i. 161.
+
+PUNCTILIO in the Sei Cento, ii. 288.
+
+PURISTS, Tuscan, Tassoni's ridicule of, ii. 308.
+
+PUTEO, Cardinal, legate at Trent, i. 119.
+
+
+Q
+
+QUEMADERO, the Inquisition's place of punishment at Seville, i. 178.
+
+QUENTIN, S., battle of, i. 103.
+
+QUERRO, Msgr., an associate of the Cenci family, i. 349, 350, 352.
+
+
+R
+
+'RAGGUAGLI di Parnaso,' Boccalini's, ii. 313.
+
+RANGONI, the, friends of Tasso and of his father, ii. 6, 23.
+
+'RATIO Status,' statutes of the Index on the, i. 220.
+
+RATIONALISM, the real offspring of Humanism, ii. 404.
+
+RAVENNA, exarchate of, i. 7.
+
+REALISTS, Italian school of painters, ii. 363 _sqq._
+
+RECHENSBURG, the conference at, i. 78, 88
+
+'RECITATIVO,' Claudio Monteverde the pioneer of, ii. 341.
+
+REFORMATION, the: position of Italians towards its doctrines, i. 72.
+
+REFORMING theologians in Italy, i. 76 _sq._
+
+RELIGIOUS Orders, new, foundation of, in Italy, i. 79 _sq._
+
+RELIGIOUS spirit of the Italian Church in the sixteenth century, i. 71.
+
+RENAISSANCE and Reformation: the impulses of both
+  simultaneously received by England, ii. 388.
+
+RENÉE of France, Duchess of Ferrara, i. 77.
+
+RENI, Guido, Bolognese painter, ii. 355;
+  his masterpieces, 358.
+
+REPUBLICAN governments in Italy, i. 5.
+
+RETROSPECT over the Renaissance, ii. 389 _sqq._
+
+REYNOLDS, Sir Joshua, admiration of, for the Bolognese
+  painters, ii. 359, 375.
+
+RIBERA, Giuseppe, _see_ LO SPAGNOLETTO.
+
+RICEI, Ottavia, attempted murder of, by Gianpaolo Osio, i. 323 _sqq._
+
+'RICERCARI,' employment of, in Italian music, ii. 343.
+
+RINALDO, Tasso's, first appearance of, ii. 22;
+  its preface, 82;
+  its subject-matter, 84;
+  its religious motive, 86;
+  its style, 86 _sqq._
+
+RODRIGUEZ d'Azevedo, Simon, associate of Ignatius Loyola, i. 240;
+  his work as a Jesuit in Portugal, 256, 262.
+
+ROMAN University, the, degraded condition of, in the sixteenth
+  century, i. 216.
+
+ROME, fluctuating population of, i. 137;
+  eleemosynary paupers, 139;
+  reform of Roman manners after the Council of Trent, 141;
+  expulsion of prostitutes, 146;
+  Roman society in Gregory XIII.'s reign, 152;
+  the headquarters of Catholicism, ii. 397;
+  relations with the Counter-Reformation, 398;
+  the complicated correlation of Italians with Papal Rome, 399;
+  the capital of a regenerated people, 408.
+
+RONDINELLI, Ercole, Tasso's instructions to, in regard to his MSS., ii. 35.
+
+ROSSI, Bastiano de', a critic of the _Gerusalemme Liberata_, ii. 72.
+
+---Porzia de' (mother of Torquato Tasso):
+  her parentage, ii. 5, 7;
+  her marriage, 7;
+  her death, probably by poison, 9;
+  her character, 12;
+  Torquato's love for her, 15.
+
+---Vittorio de':
+  his description of the ill-treatment of Aldo Manuzio in Rome, i. 217 _sq._
+
+ROVERE, Francesco della (Duke of Urbino), account of, i. 36.
+
+RUBBIERA, a fief of the Empire, i. 40.
+
+RUSKIN, Mr., on the cause of the decline of Venice, i. 423 _n._;
+  invectives of, against Domenichino's work, ii. 359.
+
+
+S
+
+SACRED Palace, the Master of the:
+  censor of books in Rome, i. 201.
+
+SALMERON, Alfonzo, associate of Ignatius Loyola, i. 240;
+  in Naples and Sicily, 254.
+
+SALUZZO ceded to Savoy, i. 56.
+
+SALVIATI, Leonardo, a critic of the _Gerusalemme Liberata_, ii. 72.
+
+SAMMINIATI, Tommaso, intrigue and correspondence of, with
+  Sister Umilia (Lucrezia Buonvisi), i. 341 _sqq._;
+  banished from Lucca, 344.
+
+S. ANNA, the hospital of, Tasso's confinement at, ii. 66 _sqq._
+
+SAN BENITO, the costume of persons condemned by the Inquisition, i. 177.
+
+SANSEVERINO, Amerigo, a friend of Bernardo Tasso, ii. 14.
+
+---Ferrante di, Prince of Salerno, i. 38; ii. 6 _sqq._
+
+SANTA CROCE, Ersilia di, first wife of Francesco Cenci, i. 347.
+
+SANVITALE, Eleonora, Tasso's love-affair with, ii. 48.
+
+SARDINIA, the island of, a Spanish province, i. 45.
+
+SARPI, Fra Paolo:
+  his birth and parentage, ii. 185;
+  his position in the history of Venice, 186;
+  his physical constitution, 189;
+  moral temperament, 190;
+  mental perspicacity, 191;
+  discoveries in magnetism and optics, 192;
+  studies and conversation, 193;
+  early entry into the Order of the Servites, _ib._;
+  his English type of character, 194;
+  denounced to the Inquisition, 195;
+  his independent attitude, 196;
+  his great love for Venice, 197;
+  the interdict of 1606, 198;
+  Sarpi's defence of Venice against the Jesuits, 199 _sqq._;
+  pamphlet warfare, 201;
+  importance of this episode, 202;
+  Sarpi's theory of Church and State, 203;
+  boldness of his views, 205;
+  compromise of the quarrel of the interdict, _ib._;
+  Sarpi's relations with Fra Fulgenzio, 207;
+  Sarpi warned by Schoppe of danger to his life, 208;
+  attacked by assassins, 209;
+  the _Stilus Romanae Curiae_, 211;
+  history of the assassins, 212;
+  complicity of the Papal Court, 213;
+  other attempts on Sarpi's life, 214 _sq._;
+  his opinion of the instigators, 216;
+  his so called heresy, 218;
+  his work as Theologian to the Republic, 219;
+  his minor writings, 221;
+  his opposition to Papal Supremacy, _ib._;
+  the _History of the Council of Trent_, 222;
+  its sources, 223;
+  its argument, 224;
+  deformation, not reformation, wrought by the Council, 225;
+  Sarpi's impartiality, 226;
+  was Sarpi a Protestant? 228;
+  his religious opinions, 229;
+  views on the possibility of uniting Christendom, 230;
+  hostility to ultra-papal Catholicism, 231;
+  critique of Jesuitry, 233;
+  of ultramontane education, 235;
+  the Tridentine Seminaries, 235;
+  Sarpi's dread lest Europe should succumb to Rome, 237;
+  his last days, 238;
+  his death contrasted with that of Giordano Bruno, 239 _n._;
+  his creed, 239;
+  Sarpi a Christian Stoic, 240.
+
+SARPI, citations from his writings, on the Papal
+  interpretation of the Tridentine decrees, i. 131 _n._;
+  details of the nepotism of the Popes, 156 _n._, 157 _n._;
+  denunciation of the Index, 197 _n._, 206, 208 _n._;
+  on the revival of polite learning, 215;
+  on the political philosophy of the statutes of the Index, 221;
+  on the Inquisition rules regarding emigrants from Italy, 227 _sq._;
+  his invention of the name 'Diacatholicon,' 231;
+  on the deflection of Jesuitry from Loyola's spirit and intention, 248;
+  on the secret statutes of the Jesuits, 278;
+  denunciations of Jesuit morality, 289 _n._;
+  on the murder of Henri IV., 297 _n._;
+  on the instigators of the attempts on his own life, ii. 215 _n._;
+  on the attitude of the Roman Court towards murder, 216;
+  on the literary polemics of James I., 229;
+  on Jesuit education and the Tridentine Seminaries, 237.
+
+SAVONAROLA'S opinion of the Church music of his time, ii. 320 _n._
+
+SAVOY, the house of:
+  its connection with important events in Italy, i. 16 _n._, 38, 56;
+  becomes an Italian dynasty, 58.
+
+'SCHERNO DEGLI DEI,' Bracciolini's, ii. 313.
+
+SCHOLASTICS (Jesuit grade), i. 271.
+
+SCHOPPE (Scioppius), Gaspar:
+  sketch of his career, ii. 165, 208;
+  his account of Bruno's heterodox opinions, 166;
+  description of the last hours of Bruno, 167.
+
+'SECCHIA RAPITA, LA,' Tassoni's, ii. 301 _sqq._
+
+SECONDARY writers of the Sei Cento, ii. 313.
+
+SEI CENTO, the, decline of culture in Italy in, ii. 242;
+  its musicians, 243.
+
+SEMINARIES, Tridentine, ii. 235.
+
+SERIPANDO, Cardinal, legate at Trent, i. 118.
+
+SERSALE, Alessandro and Antonio, Tasso's nephews, ii. 72.
+
+---Cornelia (sister of Tasso), ii. 7, 9, 15 _sq._, 55, 64;
+  her children, 72.
+
+SERVITES, General of the, complicity of, in the attempts on
+  Sarpi's life, ii. 214.
+
+SETTLEMENT of Italy effected by Charles V. and Clement VII.,
+  net results of, i. 45 _sqq._
+
+'SEVEN Liberal Arts, On the,' a lost treatise by Giordano
+  Bruno, ii. 156, 182.
+
+SFORZA, Francesco Maria, his relations with Charles V., i. 28.
+
+---Lodovico (Il Moro, ruler of Milan), invites Charles VIII.
+  into Italy, i. 8.
+
+SICILY, separated from Naples, i. 4.
+
+SIENA, republic of, subdued by Florence, i. 47.
+
+'SIGNS of the Times, The,' a lost work by Giordano Bruno, ii. 136.
+
+SIGONIUS: his _History of Bologna_ blocked by the Index, i. 207.
+
+SIMONETA, Cardinal, legate at Trent, i. 118, 121.
+
+SIXTUS V., Pope:
+  short-sighted hoarding of treasure by, i. 153;
+  his enactments against brigandage, 152;
+  accumulation of Papal revenues, _ib._;
+  public works, 153;
+  animosity against pagan art, _ib._;
+  works on and about S. Peter's, 154;
+  methods of increasing revenue, 155;
+  nepotism, 157;
+  development of the Papacy in his reign, 158;
+  his death predicted by Bellarmino, 298;
+  his behavior after the murder of his nephew (Felice Peretti), 362.
+
+SODERINI, Alessandro, assassinated together with his nephew
+  Lorenzino de'Medici, i. 398.
+
+SOLIMAN, Paul IV.'s negotiations with, i. 103.
+
+SOMASCAN Fathers, Congregation of the, i. 79.
+
+S. ONOFRIO, Tasso's death at, ii. 78;
+  the mask of his face at, 116.
+
+SORANZO, on the character of Pius IV., i. 111 _n._;
+  on Carlo Borromeo, 116 _n._;
+  on the changes in Roman society in 1565, 143.
+
+'SPACCIO della Bestia Trionfante, Lo,' Giordano Bruno's,
+  ii. 132 _n._, 140, 165, 183 _sq._
+
+SPADA, Lionello, Bolognese painter, ii. 364.
+
+SPAIN:
+  its position in Italy after the battle of Pavia, i. 14.
+
+SPANIARDS of the sixteenth century, character of, i. 59.
+
+SPERONI, Sperone:
+  his criticism of Tasso's _Gerusalemme_, ii. 44;
+  a friend of Chiabrera, 287.
+
+SPHERE, the, Giordano Bruno's doctrine of, ii. 135, 144 _sq._
+
+STENDHAL, De (Henri Beyle):
+  his _Chroniques et Nouvelles_ cited:
+    on the Cenci, i. 351 _sq._;
+    the Duchess of Palliano, 373.
+
+STERILITY of Protestantism, ii. 401.
+
+STROZZI, Filippo, i. 46.
+
+---Piero, i. 47.
+
+
+T
+
+TASSO, Bernardo (father of Torquato), i. 38;
+  his birth and parentage, ii. 5;
+  the _Amadigi_, 7, 11, 18, 35;
+  his youth and marriage, 7;
+  misfortunes, _ib._;
+  exile and poverty, 8;
+  death of his wife, 9;
+  his death, 10, 35;
+  his character, _ib._;
+  his _Floridante_, 35.
+
+---Christoforo (cousin of Torquato), ii. 14.
+
+---Torquato:
+  his relation to his epoch, ii. 2;
+  to the influences of Italian decadence, 4;
+  his father's position, 6;
+  Torquato's birth, 7;
+  the death of his mother, 9, 15;
+  what Tasso inherited from his father, 11;
+  Bernardo's treatment of his son, _ib._;
+  Tasso's precocity as a child, 12;
+  his early teachers, _ib._;
+  pious ecstasy in his ninth year, 13;
+  with his father in Rome, 14;
+  his first extant letter, 15;
+  his education, 16;
+  with his father at the Court of Urbino, 17;
+  mode of life here, 18;
+  acquires familiarity with Virgil, 19;
+  studies and annotates the _Divina Commedia_, _ib._;
+  metaphysical studies and religious doubts, 20;
+  reaction, _ib._;
+  the appearance of the _Rinaldo_, 21;
+  leaves Padua for Bologna, _ib._;
+  Dialogues on the Art of Poetry, 22, 24, 26;
+  flight to Modena, 22;
+  speculations upon Poetry, 23;
+  Tasso's theory of the Epic, 24;
+  he joins the Academy 'Gli Eterei' at Padua, as 'Il Pentito,' 26;
+  enters the service of Luigi d'Este, 27;
+  life at the Court of Ferrara, 28;
+  Tasso's love-affairs, 31;
+  the problem of his relations with Leonora and Lucrezia
+  d'Este, 32 _sqq._, 48, 51;
+  quarrel with Pigna, 34;
+  his want of tact, _ib._;
+  edits his _Floridante_, 35;
+  visit to Paris, _ib._;
+  the _Gottifredo_ (_Gerusalemme Liberata_), 35, 38, 42, 48, 50;
+  his instructions to Rondinelli, _ib._;
+  life at the Court of Charles IX., 36;
+  rupture with Luigi d'Este, 38;
+  enters the service of Alfonso, Duke of Ferrara, _ib._;
+  renewed relations with Leonora, _ib._;
+  production and success of _Aminta_, 39;
+  relations with Lucrezia d'Este (Duchess of Urbino), _ib._;
+  his letters to Leonora, 41;
+  his triumphant career, _ib._;
+  submits the _Gerusalemme_ to seven censors, 43;
+  their criticisms, _ib._;
+  literary annoyances, 44;
+  discontent with Ferrara, 45;
+  Tasso's sense of his importance, _ib._;
+  the beginning of his ruin, 46;
+  he courts the Medici, 47;
+  action of his enemies at Ferrara, 48;
+  doubts as to his sanity, 49;
+  his dread of the Inquisition, _ib._;
+  persecution by the courtiers, 50;
+  revelation of his love affairs by Maddalò de'Frecci, 51;
+  Tasso's fear of being poisoned, _ib._;
+  outbreak of mental malady, 52;
+  temporary imprisonment, _ib._;
+  estimate of the hypothesis that Tasso feigned madness, 53;
+  his escape from the Convent of S. Francis, 54;
+  with his sister at Sorrento, 55;
+  hankering after Ferrara, 56;
+  his attachment to the House of Este, 57;
+  terms on which he is received back, 58;
+  second flight from Ferrara, 61;
+  at Venice, Urbino, Turin, 63;
+  'Omero Fuggiguerra,' 64;
+  recall to Ferrara, 65;
+  imprisoned at S. Anna, 66;
+  reasons for his arrest, 67;
+  nature of his malady, 69;
+  life in the hospital, 71;
+  release and wanderings, 73;
+  the _Torrismondo_, _ib._;
+  work on the _Gerusalemme Conquistata_ and
+  the _Sette Giornate_, 75;
+  last years at Naples and Rome, 76;
+  at S. Onofrio, 76;
+  death, 78;
+  imaginary Tassos, 79;
+  condition of romantic and heroic poetry in Tasso's youth, 80;
+  his first essay in poetry, 81;
+  the preface to _Rinaldo_, 82;
+  subject-matter of the poem, 84;
+  its religious motive, 86;
+  Latinity of diction, _ib._;
+  weak points of style, 88;
+  lyrism and idyll, 89;
+  subject of the _Gerusalemme Liberata_, 92;
+  its romance, 94;
+  imitation of Virgil, 97;
+  of Dante, 97, 99;
+  rhetorical artificiality, 100;
+  sonorous verses, 101;
+  oratorical dexterity, 102;
+  similes and metaphors, _ib._;
+  majestic simplicity, 104;
+  the heroine, 106;
+  Tasso, the poet of Sentiment, 108;
+  the _Non so che_, 109 _sq._;
+  Sofronia, Erminia, Clorinda, 109 _sqq._;
+  the Dialogues and the tragedy _Torrismondo_, 113;
+  the _Gerusalemme Conquistata_ and
+  _Le Sette Giornate_, 115, 124;
+  personal appearance of Tasso, 115;
+  general survey of his character, 116 _sqq._;
+  his relation to his age, 120;
+  his mental attitude, 122;
+  his native genius, 124.
+
+TASSONI, Alessandro:
+  his birth, ii. 297;
+  treatment by Carlo Emmanuele, 298;
+  his independent spirit, _ib._;
+  aim at originality of thought, 299;
+  his criticism of Dante and Petrarch, 300;
+  the _Secchia Rapita_:
+    its origin and motive, 301;
+    its circulation in manuscript copies, 302;
+  Tassoni the inventor of heroico-comic poetry, 303;
+  humor and sarcasm in Italian municipal wars, 304;
+  the episode of the Bolognese bucket, _ib._;
+  irony of the _Secchia Rapita_, 306;
+  method of Tassoni's art, _ib._;
+  ridicule of contemporary poets, 307;
+  satire and parody, 308;
+  French imitators of Tasso, 310;
+  episodes of pure poetry, 311;
+  sustained antithesis between poetry and melodiously-worded slang, 312;
+  Tassoni's rank as a literary artist, _ib._
+
+TAXATION, the methods of, adopted by Spanish Viceroys in Italy, i. 49.
+
+TENEBROSI, the (school of painters), ii. 365.
+
+TESTI, Fulvio, Modenese poet, ii. 314.
+
+TEUTONIC tribes, relations of with the Italians, ii. 393;
+  unreconciled antagonisms, 394;
+  divergence, 395;
+  the Church, the battle-field of Renaissance and Reformation, 395.
+
+THEATINES, foundation of the Order of, i. 79.
+
+THEORY, Italian love of, in Tasso's time, ii. 25;
+  critique of Tasso's theory of poetry, 26, 42.
+
+THIENE, Gaetano di, founder of the Theatines, i. 76.
+
+THIRTY Divine Attributes, Bruno's doctrine of, ii. 139.
+
+TINTORETTO'S picture of S. Agnes, ii. 361.
+
+TITIAN, portrait of Charles V. by, i. 42.
+
+TOLEDO, Don Pietro di, Viceroy of Naples, i. 38; ii. 7.
+
+---Francesco da, confessor of Gregory XIII., i. 150.
+
+TORQUEMADA, the Spanish Inquisitor, i. 173, 179, 181.
+
+TORRE, Delia, the family of, ancestors, of the Tassi, ii. 5.
+
+'TORRISMONDO,' Tasso's tragedy of, ii. 73, 113 _sq._
+
+TORTURE, cases of witnesses put to, i. 333 _sqq._
+
+TOUCH, the sense of, Marino's praises of, ii. 270.
+
+TOULOUSE, power of the Inquisition in, ii. 137.
+
+TRAGIC narratives circulated in manuscript in the
+  sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, i. 372.
+
+'TREATISE on the Inquisition,' Sarpi's, ii. 220.
+
+---'on the Interdict,' Sarpi's, ii. 201.
+
+TREMAZZI, Ambrogio:
+  his own report of how he wrought the murder of Troilo
+  Orsini, i. 405 _sqq._;
+  his notions about his due reward, 406.
+
+TRENT, Council of:
+  Indiction of, by Paul III., i. 97;
+  numbers of its members, 97 _n._, 119 _n._;
+  diverse objects of the Spanish, French, and German
+  representatives, 98, 122;
+  the articles which it confirmed, 98;
+  method of procedure, 99, 120;
+  the Council transferred to Bologna, 100;
+  Paul IV.'s measures of ecclesiastical reform, 107;
+  the Council's decrees actually settled in the four Courts, 112, 119;
+  its organization by Pius IV., 118 _sqq._;
+  inauspicious commencement, 119;
+  the privileges of the Papal legates, 120;
+  daily post of couriers to the Vatican, 121;
+  arts of the Roman Curia, 122;
+  Spanish, French, Imperial Opposition, 123;
+  clerical celibacy and Communion under both forms, _ib._;
+  packing the Council with Italian bishops, 125;
+  the interests of the Gallican Church, 126;
+  interference of the Emperor Ferdinand, _ib._;
+  confusion in the Council, 126 _n._;
+  envoys to France and the Emperor, 127;
+  cajoleries and menaces, 129;
+  action of the Court of Spain, 130;
+  firmness of the Spanish bishops, 130 _n._;
+  Papal Supremacy decreed, 131;
+  reservation in the Papal Bull of ratification, 131 _and note_;
+  Tridentine Profession of Faith (Creed of Pius V.), 148.
+
+TUSCANY, creation of the Grand Duchy of, i. 47.
+
+TWO SICILIES, the kingdom of the, i. 45.
+
+'TYRANNY of the kiss,' the, exemplified in the _Rinaldo_, ii. 90;
+  in the _Pastor Fido_, 255;
+  in the _Adone_, 272.
+
+
+U
+
+UNIVERSAL Monarchy, end of the belief in, i. 34.
+
+UNIVERSE, Bruno's conception of the, ii. 173 _sqq._
+
+UNIVERSITIES, Italian, i. 51.
+
+'UNTORI, La Peste degli,' i. 421;
+  trial of the _Untoti_, 421.
+
+URBAN VIII., fantastic attempt made against the life of, i. 425 _sq._
+
+URBINO, the Court of, life at, ii. 17 _sq._
+
+
+V
+
+VALDES, Juan:
+  his work _On the Benefits of Christ's Death_, i. 76.
+
+VALORI, Baccio, i. 33.
+
+VASTO, Marquis of, i. 25.
+
+VENETIAN ambassadors' despatches cited:
+  on the manners of the Roman Court in 1565, i. 142, 147;
+  the expulsion of prostitutes from Rome, 146.
+
+VENICE, the Republic of, its possessions in the fifteenth century, i. 9;
+  relations with Spain in 1530, 45;
+  rise of a contempt for commerce in, 49;
+  the constitution of its Holy Office, 190;
+  Concordat with Clement VIII., 193;
+  Tasso at, ii. 19 _sq._;
+  its condition in Sarpi's youth, 185;
+  political indifference of its aristocracy, 186;
+  put under interdict by Paul V., 198.
+
+VENIERO, Maffeo, on Tasso's mental malady, ii. 52, 63.
+
+VERONA, Peter of (Peter Martyr), Italian Dominican Saint
+  of the Inquisition, i. 161.
+
+VERVINS, the Treaty of, i. 48, 56.
+
+VETTORI, Francesco, i. 33.
+
+VIRGIL, Tasso's admiration of, ii. 25;
+  translations and adaptations from, 98.
+
+VISCONTI, the dynasty of, i. 8.
+
+---Valentina, grandmother of Louis XII. of France, i. 8.
+
+VITELLI, Alessandro, i. 46.
+
+VITELLOZZI, Vitellozzo, influence of, in the reform of
+  Church music, ii. 325.
+
+VITI, Michele, one of the assassins of Sarpi, ii. 212.
+
+'VOCERO,' the, i. 332.
+
+VOLTERRA, Bebo da, associate of Bibboni in the murder of
+  Lorenzino de'Medici, i. 390 _sqq._
+
+VULGATE, the:
+  results of its being declared inviolable, i. 210.
+
+
+W
+
+WALDENSIANS in Calabria, the, i. 188.
+
+WITCHCRAFT, chiefly confined to the mountain regions of Italy, i. 425;
+  mainly used as a weapon of malice, _ib._;
+  details of the sorcery practised by Giacomo Centini, 425 _sqq._
+
+WIFE-MURDERS in Italy in the sixteenth century, i. 380 _sq._, 385.
+
+
+X
+
+XAVIER, Francis, associate of Ignatius Loyola, i. 239;
+  his work as a Jesuit in Portugal, 256;
+  his mission to the Indies, 260.
+
+XIMENES, Cardinal, as Inquisitor General, i. 182.
+
+
+Z
+
+ZANETTI, Guido, delivered over to the Roman Inquisition, i. 145.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+RENAISSANCE IN ITALY
+
+_THE CATHOLIC REACTION_
+
+In Two Parts
+
+BY
+
+JOHN ADDINGTON SYMONDS
+
+    _'Il mondo invecchia,
+    E invecchiando intristisce_'
+
+    TASSO, _Aminta_, Act 2, sc. 2
+
+
+PART II
+
+NEW YORK HENRY HOLT AND COMPANY
+
+1887 _AUTHOR'S EDITION_
+
+
+
+
+CONTENTS OF THE SECOND VOLUME.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+
+     CHAPTER VII.
+
+     TORQUATO TASSO.
+
+     Tasso's Relation to his Age--Balbi on that Period--The Life of
+     Bernardo Tasso--Torquato's Boyhood--Sorrento, Naples, Rome,
+     Urbino--His first Glimpse of the Court--Student Life at Padua and
+     Bologna--The _Rinaldo_--Dialogues on Epic Poetry--Enters the
+     Service of Cardinal d'Este--The Court of Ferrara--Alfonso II. and
+     the Princesses--Problem of Tasso's Love--Goes to France with
+     Cardinal d'Este--Enters the Service of Duke Alfonso--The
+     _Aminta_--Tasso at Urbino--Return to Ferrara--Revision of the
+     _Gerusalemme_--Jealousies at Court--Tasso's Sense of His own
+     Importance--Plans a Change from Ferrara to Florence--First Symptoms
+     of Mental Disorder--Persecutions of the Ferrarese Courtiers--Tasso
+     confined as a Semi-madman--Goes with Duke Alfonso to
+     Belriguardo--Flies in Disguise from Ferrara to Sorrento--Returns to
+     Court Life at Ferrara--Problem of his Madness--Flies again--Mantua,
+     Venice, Urbino, Turin--Returns once more to Ferrara--Alfonso's
+     Third Marriage--Tasso's Discontent--Imprisoned for Seven Years in
+     the Madhouse of S. Anna--Character of Tasso--Character of Duke
+     Alfonso--Nature of the Poet's Malady--His Course of Life in
+     Prison--Released at the Intercession of Vincenzo Gonzaga--Goes to
+     Mantua--The _Torrismondo_--An Odyssey of Nine Years--Death at Sant
+     Onofrio in Rome--Constantini's Sonnet
+
+
+     CHAPTER VIII.
+
+     THE "GERUSALEMME LIBERATA."
+
+     Problem of Creating Heroic Poetry--The Preface to Tasso's
+     _Rinaldo_--Subject of _Rinaldo_--Blending of Romantic Motives with
+     Heroic Style--Imitation of Virgil--Melody and Sentiment--Choice of
+     Theme for the _Gerusalemme_--It becomes a Romantic Poem after
+     all--Tancredi the real Hero--Nobility of Tone--Virgilian
+     Imitation--Borrowings from Dante--Involved Diction--Employment of
+     Sonorous Polysyllabic Words--Quality of Religious Emotion in this
+     Poem--Rhetoric--Similes--The Grand Style of Pathos--Verbal
+     Music--The Chant d'Amour--Armida--Tasso's Favorite Phrase, _Un non
+     so che_--His Power over Melody and Tender Feeling--Critique of
+     Tasso's Later Poems--General Survey of his Character
+
+
+     CHAPTER IX.
+
+     GIORDANO BRUNO.
+
+     Scientific Bias of the Italians checked by Catholic
+     Revival--Boyhood of Bruno--Enters Order of S. Dominic at
+     Naples--Early Accusations of Heresy--Escapes to Rome--Teaches the
+     Sphere at Noli--Visits Venice--At Geneva--At Toulouse--At
+     Paris--His Intercourse with Henri III.--Visits England--The French
+     Ambassador in London--Oxford--Bruno's Literary Work in
+     England--Returns to Paris--Journeys into Germany--Wittenberg,
+     Helmstädt, Frankfort--Invitation to Venice from Giovanni
+     Mocenigo--His Life in Venice--Mocenigo denounces him to the
+     Inquisition--His Trial at Venice--Removal to Rome--Death by Burning
+     in 1600--Bruno's Relation to the Thought of his Age and to the
+     Thought of Modern Europe--Outlines of his Philosophy
+
+
+     CHAPTER X.
+
+     FRA PAOLO SARPI.
+
+     Sarpi's Position in the History of Venice--Parents and
+     Boyhood--Entrance into the Order of the Servites--His Personal
+     Qualities--Achievements as a Scholar and a Man of Science--His Life
+     among the Servites--In Bad Odor at Rome--Paul V. places Venice
+     under Interdict--Sarpi elected Theologian and Counselor of the
+     Republic--His Polemical Writings--Views on Church and State--The
+     Interdict Removed--Roman Vengeance--Sarpi attacked by Bravi--His
+     Wounds, Illness, Recovery--Subsequent History of the
+     Assassins--Further Attempts on Sarpi's Life--Sarpi's Political and
+     Historical Works--History of the Council of Trent--Sarpi's Attitude
+     towards Protestantism His Judgment of the Jesuits--Sarpi's
+     Death--The Christian Stoic
+
+
+     CHAPTER XI.
+
+     GUARINI, MARINO, CHIABRERA, TASSONI.
+
+     Dearth of Great Men--Guarini a Link between Tasso and the
+     Seventeenth Century--His Biography--The _Pastor Fido_--Qualities of
+     Guarini as Poet--Marino the Dictator of Letters--His Riotous Youth
+     at Naples--Life at Rome, Turin, Paris--Publishes the _Adone_--The
+     Epic of Voluptuousness--Character and Action of Adonis--Marino's
+     Hypocrisy--Sentimental Sweetness--Brutal Violence--Violation of
+     Artistic Taste--Great Powers of the Poet--Structure of the
+     _Adone_--Musical Fluency--Marinism--Marino's Patriotic
+     Verses--Contrast between Chiabrera and Marino--An Aspirant after
+     Pindar--Chiabrera's Biography--His Court Life--Efforts of Poets in
+     the Seventeenth Century to attain to Novelty--Chiabrera's
+     Failure--Tassoni's Life--His Thirst to Innovate--Origin of the
+     _Secchia Rapita_--Mock-Heroic Poetiy--The Plot of this Poem--Its
+     Peculiar Humor--Irony and Satire--Novelty of the Species--Lyrical
+     Interbreathings--Sustained Contrast of Parody and Pathos--The Poet
+     Testi
+
+
+     CHAPTER XII.
+
+     PALESTRINA AND THE ORIGINS OF MODERN MUSIC.
+
+     Italy in Renaissance produces no National School of Music--Flemish
+     Composers in Rome--Singers and Orchestra--The Chaotic, Indecency
+     of this Contrapuntal Style--Palestrina's Birth and Early
+     History--Decrees of the Tridentine Council upon Church Music--The
+     Mass of Pope Marcello--Palestrina Satisfies the Cardinals with his
+     New Style of Sacred Music--Pius IV. and his Partiality for
+     Music--Palestrina and Filippo Neri--His Motetts--The Song of
+     Solomon set to Melody--Palestrina, the Saviour of Music--The
+     Founder of the Modern Style--Florentine Essays in the Oratorio
+
+
+     CHAPTER XIII.
+
+     THE BOLOGNESE SCHOOL OF PAINTERS.
+
+     Decline of Plastic Art--Dates of the Eclectic Masters--The
+     Mannerists--Baroccio--Reaction started by Lodovico Caracci--His
+     Cousins Annibale and Agostino--Their Studies--Their Academy at
+     Bologna--Their Artistic Aims--Dionysius Calvaert--Guido Reni--The
+     Man and his Art--Domenichino--Ruskin's Criticism--Relation of
+     Domenichino to the Piety of his Age--Caravaggio and the
+     Realists--Ribera--Lo Spagna--Guercino--His Qualities as
+     Colorist--His Terribleness--Private Life--Digression upon
+     Criticism--Reasons why the Bolognese Painters, are justly now
+     Neglected
+
+
+     CHAPTER XIV.
+
+     CONCLUSION.
+
+     The Main Events of European History--Italy in the
+     Renaissance--Germany and Reformation--Catholic Reaction--Its
+     Antagonism to Renaissance and Reformation--Profound Identity of
+     Renaissance and Reformation--Place of Italy in European
+     Civilization--Want of Sympathy between Latin and Teutonic
+     Races--Relation of Rome to Italy--Macaulay on the Roman Church--On
+     Protestantism--Early Decline of Renaissance Enthusiasms--Italy's
+     Present and Future
+
+
+
+
+RENAISSANCE IN ITALY.
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VII.
+
+TORQUATO TASSO.
+
+     Tasso's Relation to his Age--Balbi on that Period--The Life of
+     Bernardo Tasso--Torquato's Boyhood--Sorrento, Naples, Rome,
+     Urbino--His first Glimpse of the Court--Student Life at Padua and
+     Bologna--The _Rinaldo_--Dialogues on Epic Poetry--Enters the
+     Service of Cardinal d'Este--The Court of Ferrara--Alfonso II. and
+     the Princesses--Problem of Tasso's Love--Goes to France with
+     Cardinal d'Este--Enters the Service of Duke Alfonso--The
+     _Aminta_--Tasso at Urbino--Return to Ferrara--Revision of the
+     _Gerusalemme_--Jealousies at Court--Tasso's Sense of His own
+     Importance--Plans a Change from Ferrara to Florence--First Symptoms
+     of Mental Disorder--Persecutions of the Ferrarese Courtiers--Tasso
+     confined as a Semi-madman--Goes with Duke Alfonso to
+     Belriguardo--Flies in Disguise from Ferrara to Sorrento--Returns to
+     Court Life at Ferrara--Problem of his madness--Flies again--Mantua,
+     Venice, Urbino, Turin--Returns once more to Ferrara--Alfonso's
+     Third Marriage--Tasso's Discontent--Imprisoned for Seven years in
+     the madhouse of S. Anna--Character of Tasso--Character of Duke
+     Alfonso--Nature of the Poet's Malady--His Course of Life in
+     Prison--Released at the Intercession of Vincenzo Gonzaga--Goes to
+     Mantua--The _Torrismondo_--An Odyssey of nine Years--Death at Sant
+     Onofrio in Rome--Constantini's Sonnet.
+
+
+It was under the conditions which have been set forth in the foregoing
+chapters that the greatest literary genius of his years in Europe, the
+poet who ranks among the four first of Italy, was educated, rose to
+eminence, and suffered. The political changes introduced in 1530, the
+tendencies of the Catholic Revival, the terrorism of the Inquisition,
+and the educational energy of the Jesuits had, each and all, their
+manifest effect in molding Tasso's character. He represents that period
+when the culture of the Renaissance was being superseded, when the
+caries of court-service was eating into the bone and marrow of Italian
+life, when earlier forms of art were tending to decay, or were passing
+into the new form of music. Tasso was at once the representative poet of
+his age and the representative martyr of his age. He was the latter,
+though this may seem paradoxical, in even a stricter sense than Bruno.
+Bruno, coming into violent collision with the prejudices of the century,
+expiated his antagonism by a cruel death. Tasso, yielding to those
+influences, lingered out a life of irresolute misery. His nature was
+such, that the very conditions which shaped it sufficed to enfeeble,
+envenom, and finally reduce it to a pitiable ruin.
+
+Some memorable words of Cesare Balbi may serve as introduction to a
+sketch of Tasso's life. 'If that can be called felicity which gives to
+the people peace without activity; to nobles rank without power; to
+princes undisturbed authority within their States without true
+independence or full sovereignty; to literary men and artists numerous
+occasions for writing, painting, making statues, and erecting edifices
+with the applause of contemporaries but the ridicule of posterity; to
+the whole nation ease without dignity and facilities for sinking
+tranquilly into corruption; then no period of her history was so
+felicitous for Italy as the 140 years which followed the peace of
+Cateau-Cambrèsis. Invasions ceased: her foreign lord saved Italy from
+intermeddling rivals. Internal struggles ceased: her foreign lord
+removed their causes and curbed national ambitions. Popular revolutions
+ceased: her foreign lord bitted and bridled the population of her
+provinces. Of bravi, highwaymen, vulgar acts of vengeance, tragedies
+among nobles and princes, we find indeed abundance; but these affected
+the mass of the people to no serious extent. The Italians enjoyed life,
+indulged in the sweets of leisure, the sweets of vice, the sweets of
+making love and dangling after women. From the camp and the
+council-chamber, where they had formerly been bred, the nobles passed
+into petty courts and moldered in a multitude of little capitals. Men
+bearing historic names, insensible of their own degradation, bowed the
+neck gladly, groveled in beatitude. Deprived of power, they consoled
+themselves with privileges, patented favors, impertinences vented on the
+common people. The princes amused themselves by debasing the old
+aristocracy to the mire, depreciating their honors by the creations of
+new titles, multiplying frivolous concessions, adding class to class of
+idle and servile dependents on their personal bounty. In one word, the
+paradise of mediocrities came into being.'
+
+Tasso was born before the beginning of this epoch. But he lived into
+the last decade of the sixteenth century. In every fiber of his
+character he felt the influences of Italian decadence, even while he
+reacted against them. His misfortunes resulted in great measure from his
+not having wholly discarded the traditions of the Renaissance, though
+his temperament and acquired habits made him in many points sympathetic
+to the Counter-Reformation. At the same time, he was not a mediocrity,
+but the last of an illustrious race of nobly gifted men of genius.
+Therefore he never patiently submitted to the humiliating conditions
+which his own conception of the Court, the Prince, the Church, and the
+Italian gentleman logically involved at that period. He could not be
+contented with the paradise of mediocrities described by Balbi. Yet he
+had not strength to live outside its pale. It was the pathos of his
+situation that he persisted in idealizing this paradise, and expected to
+find in it a paradise of exceptional natures. This it could not be. No
+one turns Circe's pigsty into a Parnassus. If Tasso had possessed force
+of character enough to rend the trammels of convention and to live his
+own life in a self-constructed sphere, he might still have been
+unfortunate. Nature condemned him to suffering. But from the study of
+his history we then had risen invigorated by the contemplation of
+heroism, instead of quitting it, as now we do, with pity, but with pity
+tempered by a slight contempt.
+
+Bernardo, the father of Torquato Tasso, drew noble blood from both his
+parents. The Tassi claimed to be a branch of that ancient Guelf house of
+Delia Torre, lords of Milan, who were all but extirpated by the Visconti
+in the fourteenth century. A remnant established themselves in mountain
+strongholds between Bergamo and Como, and afterwards took rank among the
+more distinguished families of the former city. Manso affirms that
+Bernardo's mother was a daughter of those Venetian Cornari who gave a
+queen to Cyprus.[1] He was born at Venice in the year 1493; and, since
+he died in 1568, his life covered the whole period of national glory,
+humiliation, and attempted reconstruction which began with the invasion
+of Charles VIII. and ended with the closing of the Council of Trent.
+Born in the pontificate of Alexander VI., he witnessed the reigns of
+Julius II., Leo X., Clement VII., Paul IV., Pius IV., and died in that
+of Pius V.
+
+All the illustrious works of Italian art and letters were produced while
+he was moving in the society of princes and scholars. He saw the
+Renaissance in its splendor and decline. He watched the growth,
+progress, and final triumph of the Catholic Revival. Having stated that
+the curve of his existence led upward from a Borgia and down to a
+Ghislieri Vicar of Christ, the merest tyro in Italian history knows what
+vicissitudes it spanned.
+
+[Footnote 1: This is doubtful. Serrassi believed that Bernardo's mother
+was also a Tasso.]
+
+Though the Tassi were so noble, Bernardo owned no wealth. He was left
+an orphan at an early age under the care of his uncle, Bishop of
+Recanati. But in 1520 the poignard of an assassin cut short this
+guardian's life; and, at the age of seventeen, he was thrown upon the
+world. After studying at Padua, where he enjoyed the patronage of Bembo,
+and laid foundations for his future fame as poet, Bernardo entered the
+service of the Modenese Rangoni in the capacity of secretary. Thus began
+the long career of servitude to princes, of which he frequently
+complained, but which only ended with his death.[2] The affairs of his
+first patrons took him to Paris at the time when a marriage was arranged
+between Renée of France and Ercole d'Este. He obtained the post of
+secretary to this princess, and having taken leave of the Rangoni, he
+next established himself at Ferrara. Only for three years, however; for
+in 1532 reasons of which we are ignorant, but which may have been
+connected with the heretical sympathies of Renée, induced him to resign
+his post. Shortly after this date, we find him attached to the person of
+Ferrante Sanseverino, Prince of Salerno, one of the chief feudatories
+and quasi-independent vassals of the Crown of Naples. In the quality of
+secretary he attended this patron through the campaign of Tunis in 1535,
+and accompanied him on all his diplomatic expeditions.
+
+[Footnote 2: He speaks in his letters of the difficulty 'di sottrarre il
+collo all difficile noioso arduo giogo della servitù dei Principi.'
+_Lettere Ined._ Bologna, Romagnoli, p. 34.]
+
+The Prince of Salerno treated him more as an honored friend and
+confidential adviser than as a paid official. His income was good, and
+leisure was allowed him for the prosecution of his literary studies. In
+this flourishing state of his affairs, Bernardo contracted an alliance
+with Porzia de'Rossi, a lady of a noble house, which came originally
+from Pistoja, but had been established for some generations in Naples.
+She was connected by descent or marriage with the houses of Gambacorti,
+Caracciolo, and Caraffa. Their first child, Cornelia, was born about the
+year 1537. Their second, Torquato, saw the light in March 1544 at
+Sorrento, where his father had been living some months previously and
+working at his poem, the _Amadigi_.
+
+At the time of Torquato's birth Bernardo was away from home, in
+Lombardy, France, and Flanders, traveling on missions from his Prince.
+However, he returned to Sorrento for a short while in 1545, and then
+again was forced to leave his family. Married at the mature age of
+forty-three, Bernardo was affectionately attached to his young wife, and
+proud of his children. But the exigencies of a courtier's life debarred
+him from enjoying the domestic happiness for which his sober and gentle
+nature would have fitted him. In 1547 the events happened which ruined
+him for life, separated him for ever from Porzia, drove him into
+indigent exile, and marred the prospects of his children. In that year,
+the Spanish Viceroy, Don Pietro Toledo, attempted to introduce the
+Inquisition, on its Spanish basis, into Naples. The population resented
+this exercise of authority with the fury of despair, rightly judging
+that the last remnants of their liberty would be devoured by the foul
+monster of the Holy Office. They besought the Prince of Salerno to
+intercede for them with his master, Charles V., whom he had served
+loyally up to this time, and who might therefore be inclined to yield to
+his expostulations. The Prince doubted much whether it would be prudent
+to accept the mission of intercessor. He had two counsellors, Bernardo
+Tasso and Vincenzo Martelli. The latter, who was an astute Florentine,
+advised him to undertake nothing so perilous as interposition between
+the Viceroy and the people. Tasso, on the contrary, exhorted him to
+sacrifice personal interest, honors, and glory, for the duty which he
+owed his country. The Prince chose the course which Tasso recommended.
+Charles V. disgraced him, and he fled from Naples to France, adopting
+openly the cause of his imperial sovereign's enemies. He was immediately
+declared a rebel, with confiscation of his fiefs and property. Bernardo
+and his infant son were included in the sentence. After twenty-two years
+of service, Bernardo now found himself obliged to choose between
+disloyalty to his Prince or a disastrous exile. He took the latter
+course, and followed Ferrante Sanseverino to Paris. But Bernardo Tasso,
+though proving himself a man of honor in this severe trial, was not of
+the stuff of Shakespeare's Kent; and when the Prince of Salerno
+suspended payment of his salary he took leave of that master. Some
+differences arising from the discomforts and irritations of both exiles
+had early intervened between them. Tasso was miserably poor. 'I have to
+stay in bed,' he writes, 'to mend my hose; and if it were not for the
+old arras I brought with me from home, I should not know how to cover my
+nakedness.'[3] Besides this he suffered grievously in the separation
+from his wife, who was detained at Naples by her relatives--'brothers
+who, instead of being brothers, are deadly foes, cruel wild beasts
+rather than men; a mother who is no mother but a fell enemy, a fury from
+hell rather than a woman.'[4] His wretchedness attained its climax when
+Porzia died suddenly on February 3, 1556. Bernardo suspected that her
+family had poisoned her; and this may well have been. His son Torquato,
+meanwhile had joined him in Rome; but Porzia's brothers refused to
+surrender his daughter Cornelia, whom they married to a Sorrentine
+gentleman, Marzio Sersale, much to Bernardo's disgust, for Sersale was
+apparently of inferior blood. They also withheld Porzia's dowry and the
+jointure settled on her by Bernardo--property of considerable value
+which neither he nor Torquato were subsequently able to recover.
+
+[Footnote 3: _Lett. Ined_. p. 100]
+
+[Footnote 4: _Letter di Torquato Tasso_, February 15, 1556, vol. II. p.
+157.]
+
+In this desperate condition of affairs, without friends or credit, but
+conscious of his noble birth and true to honor, the unhappy poet
+bethought him of the Church. If he could obtain a benefice, he would
+take orders. But the King of France and Margaret of Valois, on whose
+patronage he relied, turned him a deaf ear; and when war broke out
+between Paul IV. and Spain, he felt it prudent to leave Rome. It was at
+this epoch that Bernardo entered the service of Guidubaldo della Rovere,
+Duke of Urbino, with whom he remained until 1563, when he accepted the
+post of secretary from Guglielmo, Duke of Mantua. He died in 1569 at
+Ostiglia, so poor that his son could scarcely collect money enough to
+bury him after selling his effects. Manso says that a couple of
+door-curtains, embroidered with the arms of Tasso and De'Rossi, passed
+on this occasion into the wardrobe of the Gonzaghi. Thus it seems that
+the needy nobleman had preserved a scrap of his heraldic trophies till
+the last, although he had to patch his one pain of breeches in bed at
+Rome. It may be added, as characteristic of Bernardo's misfortunes, that
+even the plain marble sarcophagus, inscribed with the words _Ossa
+Bernardi Tassi_ which Duke Guglielmo erected to his memory in S. Egidio
+at Mantua, was removed in compliance with a papal edict ordering that
+monuments at a certain height above the ground should be destroyed to
+save the dignity of neighboring altars!
+
+Such were the events of Bernardo Tasso's life. I have dwelt upon them
+in detail, since they foreshadow and illustrate the miseries of his more
+famous son. In character and physical qualities Torquato inherited no
+little from his father. Bernardo was handsome, well-grown, conscious of
+his double dignity as a nobleman and poet. From the rules of honor, as
+he understood them, he deviated in no important point of conduct. Yet
+the life of courts made him an incorrigible dangler after princely
+favors. The _Amadigi_, upon which he set such store, was first planned
+and dedicated to Charles V., then altered to suit Henri II. of France,
+and finally adapted to the flattery of Philip II., according as its
+author's interests with the Prince of Salerno and the Duke of Urbino
+varied. No substantial reward accrued to him, however, from its
+publication. His compliments wasted their sweetness on the dull ears of
+the despot of Madrid. In misfortune Bernardo sank to neither crime nor
+baseness, even when he had no clothes to put upon his back. Yet he took
+the world to witness of his woes, as though his person ought to have
+been sacred from calamities of common manhood. A similar dependent
+spirit was manifested in his action as a man of letters. Before
+publishing the _Amadigi_ he submitted it to private criticism, with the
+inevitable result of obtaining feigned praises and malevolent
+strictures. Irresolution lay at the root of his treatment of Torquato.
+While groaning under the collar of courtly servitude, he determined
+that the youth should study law. While reckoning how little his own
+literary fame had helped him, he resolved that his son should adopt a
+lucrative profession. Yet no sooner had Torquato composed his _Rinaldo_,
+than the fond parent had it printed, and immediately procured a place
+for him in the train of the Cardinal Luigi d'Este. It is singular that
+the young man, witnessing the wretchedness of his father's life, should
+not have shunned a like career of gilded misery and famous indigence.
+But Torquato was born to reproduce Bernardo's qualities in their
+feebleness and respectability, to outshine him in genius, and to
+outstrip him in the celebrity of his misfortunes.
+
+In the absence of his father little Torquato grew up with his mother and
+sister at Sorrento under the care of a good man, Giovanni Angeluzzo who
+gave him the first rudiments of education. He was a precocious infant,
+grave in manners, quick at learning, free from the ordinary
+naughtinesses of childhood. Manso reports that he began to speak at six
+months, and that from the first he formed syllables with precision. His
+mother Porzia appears to have been a woman of much grace and sweetness,
+but timid and incapable of fighting the hard battle of the world. A
+certain shade of melancholy fell across the boy's path even in these
+earliest years, for Porzia, as we have seen, met with cruel treatment
+from her relatives, and her only support, Bernardo, was far away in
+exile. In 1552 she removed with her children to Naples, where Torquato
+was sent at once to the school which the Jesuits had opened there in the
+preceding year. These astute instructors soon perceived that they had no
+ordinary boy to deal with. They did their best to stimulate his mental
+faculties and to exalt his religious sentiments; so that he learned
+Greek and Latin before the age of ten, and was in the habit of
+communicating at the altar with transports of pious ecstasy in his ninth
+year.[5] The child recited speeches and poems in public, and received an
+elementary training in the arts of composition. He was in fact the
+infant prodigy of those plausible Fathers, the prize specimen of their
+educational method. As might have been expected, this forcing system
+overtaxed his nerves. He rose daily before daybreak to attack his books,
+and when the nights were long he went to morning school attended by a
+servant carrying torches.
+
+[Footnote 5: 'Sentendo in me non so qual nuova insolita contentezza,'
+'non so qual segreta divozione.' _Lettere_, vol. ii. p. 90.]
+
+Without seeking to press unduly on these circumstances, we may fairly
+assume that Torquato's character received a permanent impression from
+the fever of study and the premature pietism excited in him by the
+Jesuits in Naples. His servile attitude toward speculative thought, that
+anxious dependence upon ecclesiastical authority, that scrupulous
+mistrust of his own mental faculties, that pretense of solving problems
+by accumulated citations instead of going to the root of the matter,
+whereby his philosophical writings are rendered nugatory, may with
+probability be traced to the mechanical and interested system of the
+Jesuits. He was their pupil for three years, after which he joined his
+father in Rome. There he seems to have passed at once into a healthier
+atmosphere. Bernardo, though a sound Catholic, was no bigot; and he had
+the good sense to choose an able master for his son--'a man of profound
+learning, possessed of both the ancient languages, whose method of
+teaching is the finest and most time-saving that has yet been tried; a
+gentleman withal, with nothing of the pedant in him.'[6] The boy was
+lucky also in the companion of his studies, a cousin, Cristoforo Tasso,
+who had come from Bergamo to profit by the tutor's care.
+
+[Footnote 6: Bernardo's _Letter to Cav. Giangiacopo Tasso_, December 6,
+1554.]
+
+The young Tasso's home cannot, however, have been a cheerful one. The
+elderly hidalgo sitting up in bed to darn a single pair of hose, the
+absent mother pining for her husband and tormented by her savage
+brother's avarice, environed the precocious child of ten with sad
+presentiments. That melancholy temperament which he inherited from
+Bernardo was nourished by the half-concealed mysteriously-haunting
+troubles of his parents. And when Porzia died suddenly, in 1556, we can
+hardly doubt that the father broke out before his son into some such
+expressions of ungovernable grief as he openly expressed in the letter
+to Amerigo Sanseverino.[7] Is it possible, then, thought Torquato, that
+the mother from whose tender kisses and streaming tears I was severed
+but one year ago,[8] has died of poison--poisoned by my uncles? Sinking
+into the consciousness of a child so sensitive by nature and so early
+toned to sadness, this terrible suspicion of a secret death by poison
+incorporated itself with the very essence of his melancholy humor, and
+lurked within him to flash forth in madness at a future period of life.
+That he was well acquainted with the doleful situation of his family is
+proved by his first extant letter. Addressed to the noble lady Vittoria
+Colonna on behalf of Bernardo and his sister, this is a remarkable
+composition for a boy of twelve.[9] His poor father, he says, is on the
+point of dying of despair, oppressed by the malignity of fortune and the
+rapacity of impious men. His uncle is bent on marrying Cornelia to some
+needy gentleman, in order to secure her mother's estate for himself.
+'The grief, illustrious lady, of the loss of property is great, but that
+of blood is crushing. This poor old man has naught but my sister and
+myself; and now that fortune has deprived him of wealth and of the wife
+he loved like his own soul, he cannot bear that that man's avarice
+should rob him of his beloved daughter, with whom he hoped to end in
+rest these last years of his failing age. In Naples we have no friends;
+for my father's disaster makes every one shy of us: our relatives are
+our enemies. Cornelia is kept in the house of my uncle's kinsman
+Giangiacopo Coscia, where no one is allowed to speak to her or give her
+letters.'
+
+[Footnote 7: Dated February 13, 1556.]
+
+[Footnote 8: See _Opere_, vol. iv. p. 100, for Tasso's description of
+the farewell to his mother, which he remembered deeply, even in later
+life.]
+
+[Footnote 9: _Lettere_, vol. i. p. 6.]
+
+In the midst of these afflictions, which already tuned the future poet's
+utterance to a note of plaintive pathos and ingenuous appeal for aid,
+Torquato's studies were continued on a sounder plan and in a healthier
+spirit than at Naples. The perennial consolation of his troubled life,
+that delight in literature which made him able to anticipate the lines
+of Goethe--
+
+    That naught belongs to me I know,
+    Save thoughts that never cease to flow
+      From founts that cannot perish,
+    And every fleeting shape of bliss
+    Which kindly fortune lets me kiss,
+      Or in my bosom cherish--
+
+now became the source of an inner brightness which not even the
+'malignity of fortune,' the 'impiety of men,' the tragedy of his
+mother's death, the imprisonment of his sister, and the ever-present
+sorrow of his father, 'the poor gentleman fallen into misery and
+misfortune through no fault of his own,' could wholly overcloud. The boy
+had been accustomed in Naples to the applause of his teachers and
+friends. In Rome he began to cherish a presentiment of his own genius. A
+'vision splendid' dawned upon his mind; and every step he made in
+knowledge and in mastery of language enforced the delightful conviction
+that 'I too am a poet.' Nothing in Tasso's character was more tenacious
+than the consciousness of his vocation and the kind of self-support he
+gained from it. Like the melancholy humor which degenerated into
+madness, this sense of his own intellectual dignity assumed extravagant
+proportions, passed over into vanity, and encouraged him to indulge
+fantastic dreams of greatness. Yet it must be reckoned as a mitigation
+of his suffering; and what was solid in it at the period of which I now
+am writing, was the certainty of his rare gifts for art.
+
+The Roman residence was broken by Bernardo's journey to Urbino in quest
+of the appointment he expected from Duke Guidubaldo. He sent Torquato
+with his cousin Cristoforo meanwhile to Bergamo, where the boy enjoyed a
+few months of sympathy and freedom. This appears to have been the only
+period of his life in which Tasso experienced the wholesome influences
+of domesticity. In 1557 his father sent for him to Pesaro, and Tasso
+made his first entrance into a Court at the age of thirteen. This event
+decided the future of his existence. Urbino was not what it had been in
+the time of Duke Federigo, or when Castiglione composed his Mirror of
+the Courtier on its model. Yet it retained the old traditions of gentle
+living, splendor tempered by polite culture, aristocratic urbanity
+refined by arts and letters. The evil days of Spanish manners and
+Spanish bigotry, of exhausted revenues and insane taxation, were but
+dawning; and the young prince, Francesco Maria, who was destined to
+survive his heir and transfer a ruined duchy to the mortmain of the
+Church, was now a boy of eight years old. In fact, though the Court of
+Urbino labored already under that manifold disease of waste which
+drained the marrow of Italian principalities, its atrophy was not
+apparent to the eye. It could still boast of magnificent pageants,
+trains of noble youths and ladies moving through its stately palaces and
+shady villa-gardens, academies of learned men discussing the merits of
+Homer and Ariosto and discoursing on the principles of poetry and drama.
+Bernardo Tasso read his _Amadigi_ in the evenings to the Duchess. The
+days were spent in hunting and athletic exercises; the nights in
+masquerades or dances. Love and ambition wore an external garb of
+ceremonious beauty; the former draped itself in sonnets, the latter in
+rhetorical orations. Torquato, who was assigned as the companion in
+sport and study to the heir-apparent, shared in all these pleasures of
+the Court. After the melancholy of Rome, his visionary nature expanded
+under influences which he idealized with fatal facility. Too young to
+penetrate below that glittering surface, flattered by the attention paid
+to his personal charm or premature genius, stimulated by the
+conversation of politely educated pedants, encouraged in studies for
+which he felt a natural aptitude, gratified by the comradeship of the
+young prince whose temperament corresponded to his own in gravity, he
+conceived that radiant and romantic conception of Courts, as the only
+fit places of abode for men of noble birth and eminent abilities, which
+no disillusionment in after life was able to obscure. We cannot blame
+him for this error, though error it indubitably was. It was one which he
+shared with all men of his station at that period, which the poverty of
+his estate, the habits of his father, and his own ignorance of home-life
+almost forced upon his poet's temperament.
+
+At Urbino Tasso read mathematics under a real master, Federigo
+Comandino, and carried on his literary studies with enthusiasm. It was
+probably at this time that he acquired the familiar knowledge of Virgil
+which so powerfully influenced his style, and that he began to form his
+theory of epic as distinguished from romantic poetry. After a residence
+of two years he removed to Venice, where his father was engaged in
+polishing the _Amadigi_ for publication. Here a new scene of interest
+opened out for him; and here he first enjoyed the sweets of literary
+fame. Bernardo had been chosen secretary by an Academy, in which men
+like Veniero, Molino, Gradenigo, Mocenigo, and Manuzio, the most learned
+and the noblest Venetians, met together for discussion. The slim lad of
+fifteen was admitted to their sessions, and surprised these elders by
+his eloquence and erudition. It is noticeable that at this time he
+carefully studied and annotated Dante's _Divine Comedy_, a poem almost
+neglected by Italians in the Cinque Cento. It seemed good to his father
+now that he should prosecute his studies in earnest, with the view of
+choosing a more lucrative profession than that of letters or
+Court-service. Bernardo, while finishing the _Amadigi_, which he
+dedicated to Philip II., sent his son in 1560 to Padua. He was to become
+a lawyer under the guidance of Guido Panciroli. But Tasso, like Ovid,
+like Petrarch, like a hundred other poets, felt no inclination for
+juristic learning. He freely and frankly abandoned himself to the
+metaphysical conclusions which were being then tried between Piccolomini
+and Pendasio, the one an Aristotelian dualist, the other a materialist
+for whom the soul was not immortal. Without force of mind enough to
+penetrate the deepest problems of philosophy, Tasso was quick to
+apprehend their bearings. The Paduan school of scepticism, the logomachy
+in vogue there, unsettled his religious opinions. He began by
+criticising the doubts of others in his light of Jesuit-instilled
+belief; next he found a satisfaction for self-esteem in doubting too;
+finally he called the mysteries of the Creed in question, and debated
+the articles of creation, incarnation, and immortality. Yet he had not
+the mental vigor either to cut this Gordian knot, or to untie it by
+sound thinking. His erudition confused him; and he mistook the lumber of
+miscellaneous reading for philosophy. Then a reaction set in. He
+remembered those childish ecstasies before the Eucharist: he recalled
+the pictures of a burning hell his Jesuit teachers had painted; he
+heard the trumpets of the Day of Judgment, and the sentence 'Go ye
+wicked!' On the brink of heresy he trembled and recoiled. The spirit of
+the coming age, the spirit of Bruno, was not in him. To all appearances
+he had not heard of the Copernican discovery. He wished to remain a true
+son of the Church, and was in fact of such stuff as the Catholic Revival
+wanted. Yet the memory of these early doubts clung to him, principally,
+we may believe, because he had not force to purge them either by severe
+science or by vivid faith. Later, when his mind was yielding to
+disorder, they returned in the form of torturing scruples and vain
+terrors, which his fervent but superficial pietism, his imaginative but
+sensuous religion, were unable to efface. Meanwhile, with one part of
+his mind devoted to these problems, the larger and the livelier was
+occupied with poetry. To law, the _Brod-Studium_ indicated by his
+position in the world, he only paid perfunctory attention. The
+consequence was that before he had completed two years of residence in
+Padua, his first long poem, the _Rinaldo_, saw the light. In another
+chapter I mean to discuss the development of Tasso's literary theories
+and achievements. It is enough here to say that the applause which
+greeted the _Rinaldo_, conquered his father's opposition. Proud of its
+success, Bernardo had it printed, and Torquato in the beginning of his
+nineteenth year counted among the notable romantic poets of his
+country.
+
+At the end of 1563, Tasso received an invitation to transfer himself
+from Padua to Bologna. This proposal came from Monsignor Cesi, who had
+recently been appointed by Pope Pius IV. to superintend public studies
+in that city. The university was being placed on a new footing, and to
+secure the presence of a young man already famous seemed desirable. An
+exhibition was therefore offered as an inducement; and this Tasso
+readily accepted. He spent about two years at Bologna, studying
+philosophy and literature, planning his Dialogues on the Art of Poetry,
+and making projects for an epic on the history of Godfred. Yet in spite
+of public admiration and official favor, things did not go smoothly with
+Tasso at Bologna. One main defect of his character, which was a want of
+tact, began to manifest itself. He showed Monsignor Cesi that he had a
+poor opinion of his literary judgment, came into collision with the
+pedants who despised Italian, and finally uttered satiric epigrams in
+writing on various members of the university. Other students indulged
+their humor in like pasquinades. But those of Tasso were biting, and he
+had not contrived to render himself generally popular. His rooms were
+ransacked, his papers searched; and finding himself threatened with a
+prosecution for libel, he took flight to Modena. No importance can be
+attached to this insignificant affair, except in so far as it
+illustrates the unlucky aptitude for making enemies by want of _savoir
+vivre_ which pursued Tasso through life. His real superiority aroused
+jealousy; his frankness wounded the self-love of rivals whom he treated
+with a shadow of contempt. As these were unable to compete with him in
+eloquence, or to beat him in debate, they soothed their injured feelings
+by conspiracy and calumny against him.
+
+In an age of artifice and circumspection, while paying theoretical
+homage to its pedantries, and following the fashion of its compliments,
+Tasso was nothing if not spontaneous and heedless. This appears in the
+style of his letters and prose compositions, which have the air of being
+uttered from the heart. The excellences and defects of his poetry,
+soaring to the height of song and sinking into frigidity or baldness
+when the lyric impulse flags, reveal a similar quality. In conduct this
+spontaneity assumed a form of inconsiderate rashness, which brought him
+into collision with persons of importance, and rendered universities and
+Courts, the sphere of his adoption, perilous to the peace of so
+naturally out-spoken and self-engrossed a man. His irritable
+sensibilities caused him to suffer intensely from the petty vengeance of
+the people he annoyed; while a kind of amiable egotism blinded his eyes
+to his own faults, and made him blame fortune for sufferings of which
+his indiscretion was the cause.
+
+After leaving Bologna, Tasso became for some months house-guest of his
+father's earliest patrons, the Modenese Rangoni. With them he seems to
+have composed his Dialogues upon the Art of Poetry. For many years the
+learned men of Italy had been contesting the true nature of the Epic.
+One party affirmed that the ancients ought to be followed; and that the
+rules of Aristotle regarding unity of plot, dignity of style, and
+subordination of episodes, should be observed. The other party upheld
+the romantic manner of Ariosto, pleading for liberty of fancy, richness
+of execution, variety of incident, intricacy of design. Torquato from
+his earliest boyhood had heard these points discussed, and had watched
+his father's epic, the _Amadigi_, which was in effect a romantic poem
+petrified by classical convention, in process of production. Meanwhile
+he carefully studied the text of Homer and the Latin epics, examined
+Horace and Aristotle, and perused the numerous romances of the Italian
+school. Two conclusions were drawn from this preliminary course of
+reading: first, that Italy as yet possessed no proper epic; Trissino's
+_Italia Liberata_ was too tiresome, the _Orlando Furioso_ too
+capricious; secondly, that the _spolia opima_ in this field of art would
+be achieved by him who should combine the classic and romantic manners
+in a single work, enriching the unity of the antique epic with the
+graces of modern romance, choosing a noble and serious subject,
+sustaining style at a sublime altitude, but gratifying the prevalent
+desire for beauty in variety by the introduction of attractive episodes
+and the ornaments of picturesque description. Tasso, in fact, declared
+himself an eclectic; and the deep affinity he felt for Virgil, indicated
+the lines upon which the Latin language in its romantic or Italian stage
+of evolution might be made to yield a second Aeneid adapted to the
+requirements of modern taste. He had, indeed, already set before himself
+the high ambition of supplying this desideratum. The note of prelude had
+been struck in _Rinaldo_; the subject of the _Gerusalemme_ had been
+chosen. But the age in which he lived was nothing if not critical and
+argumentative. The time had long gone by when Dante's massive cathedral,
+Boccaccio's pleasure domes, Boiardo's and Ariosto's palaces of
+enchantment, arose as though unbidden and unreasoned from the maker's
+brain. It was now impossible to take a step in poetry or art without a
+theory; and, what was worse, that theory had to be exposed for
+dissertation and discussion. Therefore Tasso, though by genius the most
+spontaneous of men, commenced the great work of his life with criticism.
+Already acclimatized to courts, coteries, academies, formed in the
+school of disputants and pedants, he propounded his _Ars Poetica_ before
+establishing it by an example. This was undoubtedly beginning at the
+wrong end; he committed himself to principles which he was bound to
+illustrate by practice. In the state of thought at that time prevalent
+in Italy, burdened as he was with an irresolute and diffident
+self-consciousness, Tasso could not deviate from the theory he had
+promulgated. How this hampered him, will appear in the sequel, when we
+come to notice the discrepancy between his critical and creative
+faculties. For the moment, however, the Dialogues on Epic Poetry only
+augmented his fame.
+
+Scipione Gonzaga, one of Tasso's firmest and most illustrious friends,
+had recently established an Academy at Padua under the name of Gli
+Eterei. At his invitation the young poet joined this club in the autumn
+of 1564, assumed the title of Il Pentito in allusion to his desertion of
+legal studies, and soon became the soul of its society. His dialogues
+excited deep and wide-spread interest. After so much wrangling between
+classical and romantic champions, he had transferred the contest to new
+ground and introduced a fresh principle into the discussion. This
+principle was, in effect, that of common sense, good taste and instinct.
+Tasso meant to say: there is no vital discord between classical and
+romantic art; both have excellences, and it is possible to find defects
+in both; pedantic adherence to antique precedent must end in frigid
+failure under the present conditions of intellectual culture; yet it
+cannot be denied that the cycle of Renaissance poetry was closed by
+Ariosto; let us therefore attempt creation in a liberal spirit, trained
+by both these influences. He could not, however, when he put this theory
+forward in elaborate prose, abstain from propositions, distinctions,
+deductions, and conclusions, all of which were discutable, and each of
+which his critics and his honor held him bound to follow. In short,
+while planning and producing the _Gerusalemme_, he was involved in
+controversies on the very essence of his art. These controversies had
+been started by himself and he could not do otherwise than maintain the
+position he had chosen. His poet's inspiration, his singer's
+spontaneity, came thus constantly into collision with his own deliberate
+utterances. A perplexed self-scrutiny was the inevitable result, which
+pedagogues who were not inspired and could not sing, but who delighted
+in minute discussion, took good care to stimulate. The worst, however,
+was that he had erected in his own mind a critical standard with which
+his genius was not in harmony. The scholar and the poet disagreed in
+Tasso; and it must be reckoned one of the drawbacks of his age and
+education that the former preceded the latter in development. Something
+of the same discord can be traced in contemporary painting, as will be
+shown when I come to consider the founders of the Bolognese Academy.
+
+At the end of 1565 Tasso was withdrawn from literary studies and society
+in Padua. The Cardinal Luigi d'Este offered him a place in his
+household; and since this opened the way to Ferrara and Court-service,
+it was readily accepted. It would have been well for Tasso, at this
+crisis of his fate, if the line of his beloved Aeneid--
+
+    Heu, fuge crudeles terras, fuge littus avarum--
+
+that line which warned young Savonarola away from Ferrara, had sounded
+in his ears, or met his eyes in some Virgilian _Sortes_. It would have
+been well if his father, disillusioned by the _Amadigi's_ ill-success,
+and groaning under the galling yoke of servitude to Princes, had
+forbidden instead of encouraging this fatal step. He might himself have
+listened to the words of old Speroni, painting the Court as he had
+learned to know it, a Siren fair to behold and ravishing of song, but
+hiding in her secret caves the bones of men devoured, and 'mighty poets
+in their misery dead.' He might even have turned the pages of Aretino's
+_Dialogo delle Corti_, and have observed how the ruffian who best could
+profit by the vices of a Court, refused to bow his neck to servitude in
+their corruption. But no man avoids his destiny, because few draw wisdom
+from the past and none foresee the future. To Ferrara Tasso went with a
+blithe heart. Inclination, the custom of his country, the necessities of
+that poet's vocation for which he had abandoned a profession, poverty
+and ambition, vanity and the delights of life, combined to lure him to
+his ruin.
+
+He found Ferrara far more magnificent than Urbino. Pageants, hunting
+parties, theatrical entertainments, assumed fantastic forms of splendor
+in this capital, which no other city of Italy, except Florence and
+Venice upon rare occasions, rivaled. For a long while past Ferrara had
+been the center of a semi-feudal, semi-humanistic culture, out of which
+the Masque and Drama, music and painting, scholarship and poetry,
+emerged with brilliant originality, blending mediaeval and antique
+elements in a specific type of modern romance. This culminated in the
+permanent and monumental work began by Boiardo in the morning, and
+completed by Ariosto in the meridian of the Renaissance. Within the
+circuit of the Court the whole life of the Duchy seemed to concentrate
+itself. From the frontier of Venice to the Apennines a tract of fertile
+country, yielding all necessaries of life, corn, wine, cattle, game,
+fish, in abundance, poured its produce into the palaces and castles of
+the Duke. He, like other Princes of his epoch, sucked each province dry
+in order to maintain a dazzling show of artificial wealth. The people
+were ground down by taxes, monopolies of corn and salt, and sanguinary
+game-laws. Brutalized by being forced to serve the pleasures of their
+masters, they lived the lives of swine. But why repaint the picture of
+Italian decadence, or dwell again upon the fever of that phthisical
+consumption? Men like Tasso saw nothing to attract attention in the
+rotten state of Ferrara. They were only fascinated by the hectic bloom
+and rouged refinement of its Court. And even the least sympathetic
+student must confess that the Court at any rate was seductive. A more
+cunningly combined medley of polite culture, political astuteness,
+urbane learning, sumptuous display, diplomatic love-intrigue and genial
+artistic productiveness, never before or since has been exhibited upon a
+scale so grandiose within limits so precisely circumscribed, or been
+raised to eminence so high from such inadequate foundations of
+substantial wealth. Compare Ferrara in the sixteenth with Weimar in the
+eighteenth century, and reflect how wonderfully the Italians even at
+their last gasp understood the art of exquisite existence!
+
+Alfonso II., who was always vainly trying to bless Ferrara with an heir,
+had arranged his second sterile nuptials when Tasso joined the Court in
+1565. It was therefore at a moment of more than usual parade of splendor
+that the poet entered on the scene of his renown and his misfortune. He
+was twenty-one years of age; and twenty-one years had to elapse before
+he should quit Ferrara, ruined in physical and mental health,--_quantum
+mutatus ab illo_ Torquato! The diffident and handsome stripling, famous
+as the author of _Rinaldo_, was welcomed in person with special honors
+by the Cardinal, his patron. Of such favors as Court-lacqueys prize,
+Tasso from the first had plenty. He did not sit at the common table of
+the serving gentlemen, but ate his food apart; and after a short
+residence, the Princesses, sisters of the Duke, invited him to share
+their meals. The next five years formed the happiest and most tranquil
+period of his existence. He continued working at the poem which had then
+no name, but which we know as the _Gerusalemme Liberata_. Envies and
+jealousies had not arisen to mar the serenity in which he basked. Women
+contended for his smiles and sonnets. He repaid their kindness with
+somewhat indiscriminate homage and with the verses of occasion which
+flowed so easily from his pen. It is difficult to trace the history of
+Tasso's loves through the labyrinth of madrigals, odes and sonnets which
+belong to this epoch of his life. These compositions bear, indeed, the
+mark of a distinguished genius; no one but Tasso could have written them
+at that period of Italian literature. Yet they lack individuality of
+emotion, specific passion, insight into the profundities of human
+feeling. Such shades of difference as we perceive in them, indicate the
+rhetorician seeking to set forth his motive, rather than the lover
+pouring out his soul. Contrary to the commonly received legend, I am
+bound to record my opinion that love played a secondary part in Tasso's
+destinies. It is true that we can discern the silhouettes of some
+Court-ladies whom he fancied more than others. The first of these was
+Laura Peperara, for whom he is supposed to have produced some sixty
+compositions. The second was the Princess Leonora d'Este. Tasso's
+attachment to her has been so shrouded in mystery, conjecture and
+hair-splitting criticism, that none but a very rash man will pronounce
+confident judgment as to its real nature. Nearly the same may be said
+about his relations to her sister, Lucrezia. He has posed in literary
+history as the Rizzio of the one lady and the Chastelard of the other.
+Yet he was probably in no position at any moment of his Ferrarese
+existence to be more than the familiar friend and most devoted slave of
+either. When he joined the Court, Lucrezia was ten and Leonora nine
+years his senior. Each of the sisters was highly accomplished, graceful
+and of royal carriage. Neither could boast of eminent beauty. Of the
+two, Lucrezia possessed the more commanding character. It was she who
+left her husband, Francesco Maria della Rovere, because his society
+wearied her, and who helped Clement VIII. to ruin her family, when the
+Papacy resolved upon the conquest of Ferrara. Leonora's health was
+sickly. For this reason she refused marriage, living retired in studies,
+acts of charity, religion, and the company of intellectual men.
+Something in her won respect and touched the heart at the same moment;
+so that the verses in her honor, from whatever pen they flowed, ring
+with more than merely ceremonial compliment. The people revered her like
+a saint; and in times of difficulty she displayed high courage and the
+gifts of one born to govern. From the first entrance of Tasso into
+Ferrara, the sisters took him under their protection. He lived with them
+on terms of more than courtly intimacy; and for Leonora there is no
+doubt that he cherished something like a romantic attachment. This is
+proved by the episode of Sofronia and Olindo in the _Gerusalemme_, which
+points in carefully constructed innuendoes to his affection. It can
+even be conceded that Tasso, who was wont to indulge fantastic visions
+of unattainable greatness, may have raised his hopes so high as
+sometimes to entertain the possibility of winning her hand. But if he
+did dally with such dreams, the realities of his position must in sober
+moments have convinced him of their folly. Had not a Duchess of Amalfi
+been murdered for contracting a marriage with a gentleman of her
+household? And Leonora was a grand-daughter of France; and the cordon of
+royalty was being drawn tighter and tighter yearly in the Italy of his
+day. That a sympathy of no commonplace kind subsisted between this
+delicate and polished princess and her sensitively gifted poet, is
+apparent. But it may be doubted whether Tasso had in him the stuff of a
+grand passion. Mobile and impressible, he wandered from object to object
+without seeking or attaining permanence. He was neither a Dante nor a
+Petrarch; and nothing in his _Rime_ reveals solidity of emotion. It may
+finally be said that had Leonora returned real love, or had Tasso felt
+for her real love, his earnest wish to quit Ferrara when the Court grew
+irksome, would be inexplicable. Had their _liaison_ been scandalous, as
+some have fancied, his life would not have been worth two hours'
+Purchase either in the palace or the prison of Alfonso.
+
+Whatever may be thought of Tasso's love-relations to these sisters--and
+the problem is open to all conjectures in the absence of clear
+testimony--it is certain that he owed a great deal to their kindness.
+The marked favor they extended to him, was worth much at Court: and
+their maturer age and wider experience enabled them to give him many
+useful hints of conduct. Thus, when he blundered into seeming rivalry
+with Pigna (the Duke's secretary, the Cecil of that little state), by
+praising Pigna's mistress, Lucrezia Bendidio, in terms of imprudent
+warmth, it was Leonora who warned him to appease the great man's anger.
+This he did by writing a commentary upon three of Pigna's leaden
+Canzoni, which he had the impudence to rank beside the famous three
+sisters of Petrarch's Canzoniere. The flattery was swallowed, and the
+peril was averted. Yet in this first affair with Pigna we already hear
+the grumbling of that tempest which eventually ruined Tasso. So eminent
+a poet and so handsome a young man was insupportable among a crowd of
+literary mediocrities and middle-aged gallants. Furthermore the
+brilliant being, who aroused the jealousies of rhymesters and of lovers,
+had one fatal failing--want of tact. In 1568, for example, he set
+himself up as a target to all malice by sustaining fifty conclusions in
+the Science of Love before the Academy of Ferrara. As he afterwards
+confessed, he ran the greatest risks in this adventure; but who, he
+said, could take up arms against a lover? Doubtless there were many
+lovers present; but none of Tasso's eloquence and skill in argument.
+
+In 1569, Tasso was called to his father's sickbed at Ostiglia on the Po.
+He found the old man destitute and dying. There was not money to bury
+him decently; and when the funeral rites had been performed by the help
+of money-lenders, nothing remained to pay for a monument above his
+graven What the Romans called _pietas_ was a strong feature in
+Torquato's character. At crises of his life he invariably appealed to
+the memory of his parents for counsel and support. When the Delia
+Cruscans attacked his own poetry, he answered them with a defense of the
+_Amadigi_; and he spent much time and pains in editing the _Floridante_,
+which naught but filial feeling could possibly have made him value at
+the worth of publication.
+
+In the spring of the next year, Lucrezia d'Este made her inauspicious
+match with the Duke of Urbino, Tasso's former playmate. She was a woman
+of thirty-four, he a young man of twenty-one. They did not love each
+other, had no children, and soon parted with a sense of mutual relief.
+In the auturmn Tasso accompanied the Cardinal Luigi d'Este into France,
+leaving his MSS. in the charge of Ercole Rondinelli. The document drawn
+up for this friend's instructions in case of his death abroad is
+interesting. It proves that the _Gerusalemme_, here called _Gottifredo_,
+was nearly finished; for Tasso wished the last six cantos and portions
+of the first two to be published. He also gave directions for collection
+and publication of his lovesonnets and madrigals, but requested
+Rondinelli to bury 'the others, whether of love or other matters which
+were written in the service of some friend,' in his grave. This last
+commission demands comment. That Tasso should have written verses to
+oblige a friend, was not only natural but consistent with custom. Light
+wares like sonnets could be easily produced by a practiced man of
+letters, and the friend might find them valuable in bringing a fair foe
+to terms. But why should any one desire to have such verses buried in
+his grave? The hypothesis which has been strongly urged by those who
+believe in the gravity of Tasso's _liaison_ with Leonora, is that he
+used this phrase to indicate love-poems which might compromise his
+mistress. We cannot, however, do more than speculate upon the point.
+There is nothing to confirm or to refute conjecture in the evidence
+before us.
+
+Tasso met with his usual fortunes at the Court of Charles IX. That is to
+say, he was petted and caressed, wrote verses, and paid compliments. It
+was just two years before the Massacre of S. Bartholomew, and France
+presented to the eyes of earnest Catholics the spectacle of truly
+horrifying anarchy. Catherine de'Medici inclined to compromise matters
+with the Huguenots. The social atmosphere reeked with heresy and
+cynicism. In that Italianated Court, public affairs and religious
+questions were treated from a purely diplomatic point of view. Not
+principle, but practical convenience ruled conduct and opinion. The
+large scale on which Machiavellism manifested itself in the discordant
+realm of France, the apparent breakdown of Catholicism as a national
+institution, struck Tasso with horror. He openly proclaimed his views,
+and roundly taxed the government with dereliction of their duty to the
+Church. An incurable idealist by temperament, he could not comprehend
+the stubborn actualities of politics. A pupil of the Jesuits, he would
+not admit that men like Coligny deserved a hearing. An Italian of the
+decadence, he found it hard to tolerate the humors of a puissant nation
+in a state of civil warfare. But his master, Luigi d'Este, well
+understood the practical difficulties which forced the Valois into
+compromise, and felt no personal aversion for lucrative transaction with
+the heretic. Though a prince of the Church, he had not taken priest's
+orders. He kept two objects in view. One was succession to the Duchy of
+Ferrara, in case Alfonso should die without heirs.[10]
+
+[Footnote 10: Cardinal Ferdinando de'Medici succeeded in a like position
+to the Grand Duchy of Tuscany. But Luigi d'Este did not survive his
+brother.]
+
+The other was election to the Papacy. In the latter event France, the
+natural ally of the Estensi, would be of service to him, and the Valois
+monarchs, his cousins, must therefore be supported in their policy.
+Tasso had been brought to Paris to look graceful and to write madrigals.
+It was inconvenient, it was unseemly, that a man of letters in the
+Cardinal's train should utter censures on the Crown, and should profess
+more Catholic opinions than his patron. Without the scandal of a public
+dismissal, it was therefore contrived that Tasso should return to Italy;
+and after this rupture, the suspicious poet regarded Luigi d'Este as his
+enemy. During his confinement in S. Anna he even threw the chief blame
+of his detention upon the Cardinal.[11]
+
+After spending a short time at Rome in the company of the Cardinals
+Ippolito d'Este and Albano, Tasso returned to Ferrara in 1572. Alfonso
+offered him a place in his own household with an annual stipend worth
+about 88 _l_. of our money. No duties were attached to this post, except
+the delivery of a weekly lecture in the university. For the rest, Tasso
+was to prosecute his studies, polish his great poem, and augment the
+luster of the court by his accomplishments.[12] It was of course
+understood that the _Gerusalemme_, when completed, should be dedicated
+to the Duke and shed its splendor on the House of Este. Who was happier
+than Torquato now? Having recently experienced the discomforts of
+uncongenial service, he took his place again upon a firmer footing in
+the city of his dreams. The courtiers welcomed him with smiles. He was
+once more close to Leonora, basking like Rinaldo in Armida's garden,
+with golden prospects of the fame his epic would achieve to lift him
+higher in the coming years.
+
+[Footnote 11: See _Lettere_, vol. ii. p. 80: to Giacomo Buoncompagno.]
+
+[Footnote 12: 'Egli mi disse, allor che suo mi fece: Tu canta, or che
+se' 'n ozio.']
+
+No wonder that the felicity of this moment expanded in a flower of
+lyric beauty which surpassed all that Tasso had yet published. He
+produced _Aminta_ in the winter of 1572-3. It was acted with
+unparalleled applause; for this pastoral drama offered something
+ravishingly new, something which interpreted and gave a vocal utterance
+to tastes and sentiments that ruled the age. While professing to exalt
+the virtues of rusticity, the _Aminta_ was in truth a panegyric of Court
+life, and Silvia reflected Leonora in the magic mirror of languidly
+luxurious verse. Poetry melted into music. Emotion exhaled itself in
+sensuous harmony. The art of the next two centuries, the supreme art of
+song, of words subservient to musical expression, had been indicated.
+This explains the sudden and extraordinary success of the _Aminta_. It
+was nothing less than the discovery of a new realm, the revelation of a
+specific faculty which made its author master of the heart of Italy. The
+very lack of concentrated passion lent it power. Its suffusion of
+emotion in a shimmering atmosphere toned with voluptuous melancholy,
+seemed to invite the lutes and viols, the mellow tenors, and the trained
+soprano voices of the dawning age of melody. We may here remember that
+Palestrina, seven years earlier in Rome, had already given his Mass of
+Pope Marcello to the world.
+
+Lucrezia d'Este, now Duchess of Urbino, who was anxious to share the
+raptures of _Aminta_, invited Tasso to Pesaro in the summer of 1573,
+and took him with her to the mountain villa of Casteldurante. She was an
+unhappy wife, just on the point of breaking her irksome bonds of
+matrimony. Tasso, if we may credit the deductions which have been drawn
+from passages in his letters, had the privilege of consoling the
+disappointed woman and of distracting her tedious hours. They roamed
+together through the villa gardens, and spent days of quiet in the
+recesses of her apartments. He read aloud passages from his unpublished
+poem, and composed sonnets in her honor, praising the full-blown beauty
+of the rose as lovelier than its budding charm. The duke her husband,
+far from resenting this intimacy, heaped favors and substantial gifts
+upon his former comrade. He had not, indeed, enough affection for his
+wife to be jealous of her. Yet it is indubitable that if he had
+suspected her of infidelity the Italian code of honor would have
+compelled him to make short work with Tasso.[13]
+
+[Footnote 13: This is how he wrote in his Diary about Lucrezia. 'Finally
+the Duke decided upon his marriage with Donna Lucrezia d'Este, which
+took place, though little to his taste, for she was old enough to have
+been his mother.' 'The Duchess wished to return to Ferrara, where she
+subsequently chose to remain, a resolution which gave no annoyance to
+her husband; for, as she was unlikely to bring him a family, her absence
+mattered little.' 'February 15, 1598. Heard that Madame Lucrezia d'Este,
+Duchess of Urbino, my wife, died at Ferrara during the night of the
+11th.' (Dennistoun's _Dukes of Urbino_, vol. iii. pp. 127, 146, 156.)
+Francesco Maria had been attached in Spain to a lady of unsuitable
+condition, and his marriage with Lucrezia was arranged to keep him out
+of a _mésalliance_.]
+
+Meanwhile it seemed as though Leonora had been forgotten by her servant.
+We possess one letter written to her from Casteldurante on September 3,
+1573, in which he encloses a sonnet, disparaging it by comparison with
+those which he believes she has been receiving from another poet
+(Guarino probably), and saying that, though the verses were written, not
+for himself, but 'at the requisition of a poor lover, who, having been
+for some while angry with his lady, now is forced to yield and crave for
+pardon,' yet he hopes that they 'will effect the purpose he
+desires.'[14] Few of Tasso's letters to Leonora have survived. This,
+therefore, is a document of much importance; and it is difficult to
+resist the conclusion that he was indirectly begging Leonora to forgive
+him for some piece of petulance or irritation. At any rate, his position
+between the two princesses at this moment was one of delicacy, in which
+a less vain and more cautious man than Tasso might have found it hard to
+keep his head cool.
+
+[Footnote 14: _Lettere_, vol. i, p. 47. The sonnet begins, 'Sdegno,
+debil guerrier.']
+
+Up to the present time his life had been, in spite of poverty and
+domestic misfortunes, one almost uninterrupted career of triumph. But
+his fiber had been relaxed in the irresponsible luxurious atmosphere of
+Courts, and his self-esteem had been inflated by the honors paid to him
+as the first poet of his age in Europe. Moreover, he had been
+continuously over-worked and over-wrought from childhood onwards. Now,
+when he returned to Ferrara with the Duchess of Urbino at the age of
+twenty-nine, it remained to be seen whether he could support himself
+with stability upon the slippery foundation of princely favor, whether
+his health would hold out, and whether he would be able to bring the
+publication of his long expected poem to a successful issue.
+
+In 1574 he accompanied Duke Alfonso to Venice, and witnessed the
+magnificent reception of Henri III, on his return from Poland. A fever,
+contracted during those weeks of pleasure, prevented him from working at
+the epic for many months. This is the first sign of any serious failure
+in Tasso's health. At the end of August 1574, however, the _Gerusalemme_
+was finished, and in the following February he began sending the MS. to
+Scipione Gonzaga at Rome. So much depended on its success, that doubts
+immediately rose within its author's mind. Will it fulfill the
+expectation raised in every Court and literary coterie of Italy? Will it
+bear investigation in the light of the Dialogues on Epic Poetry? Will
+the Church be satisfied with its morality; the Holy Office with its
+doctrine? None of these diffidences assailed Tasso when he flung
+_Aminta_ negligently forth and found he had produced a masterpiece. It
+would have been well for him if he had turned a deaf ear to the doubting
+voice on this occasion also. But he was not of an independent character
+to start with; and his life had made him sensitively deferent to
+literary opinion. Therefore, in an evil hour, yielding to Gonzaga's
+advice, he resolved to submit the _Gerusalemme_ in MS. to four
+censors--Il Borga, Flaminio de'Nobili, vulpine Speroni with his
+poisoned fang of pedantry, precise Antoniano with his inquisitorial
+prudery. They were to pass their several criticisms on the plot,
+characters, diction, and ethics of the _Gerusalemme_; Tasso was to
+entertain and weigh their arguments, reserving the right of following or
+rejecting their advice, but promising to defend his own views. To the
+number of this committee he shortly after added three more scholars,
+Francesco Piccolomini, Domenico Veniero, and Celio Magno.[15] Not to
+have been half maddened by these critics would have proved Tasso more or
+less than human. They picked holes in the structure of the epic, in its
+episodes, in its theology, in its incidents, in its language, in its
+title. One censor required one alteration, and another demanded the
+contrary. This man seemed animated by an acrid spite; that veiled his
+malice in the flatteries of candid friendship. Antoniano was for cutting
+out the love passages: Armida, Sofronia, Erminia, Clorinda, were to
+vanish or to be adapted to conventual proprieties. It seemed to him more
+than doubtful whether the enchanted forest did not come within the
+prohibitions of the Tridentine decrees. As the revision advanced,
+matters grew more serious. Antoniano threw out some decided hints of
+ecclesiastical displeasure; Tasso, reading between the lines, scented
+the style of the Collegium Germanicum.
+
+[Footnote 15: Tasso consulted almost every scholar he could press into
+his service. But the official tribunal of correction was limited to the
+above named four acting in concert with Scipione Gonzaga.]
+
+Speroni spoke openly of plagiarism--plagiarism from himself
+forsooth!--and murmured the terrible words between his teeth, 'Tasso is
+mad!' He was in fact driven wild, and told his tormentors that he would
+delay the publication of the epic, perhaps for a year, perhaps for his
+whole life, so little hope had he of its success.[16] At last he
+resolved to compose an allegory to explain and moralize the poem. When
+he wrote the _Gerusalemme_ he had no thought of hidden meanings; but
+this seemed the only way of preventing it from being dismembered by
+hypocrites and pedants.[17] The expedient proved partially successful.
+When Antoniano and his friends were bidden to perceive a symbol in the
+enchanted wood and other marvels, a symbol in the loves of heroines and
+heroes, a symbol even in Armida, they relaxed their wrath. The
+_Gerusalemme_ might possibly pass muster now before the Congregation of
+the Index. Tasso's correspondence between March 1575 and July 1576 shows
+what he suffered at the hands of his revisers, and helps to explain the
+series of events which rendered the autumn of that latter year
+calamitous for him.[18] There are, indeed, already indications in the
+letters of those months that his nerves, enfeebled by the quartan fever
+under which he labored, and exasperated by carping or envious criticism,
+were overstrung.
+
+[Footnote 16: _Lettere_, vol. i. p. 114.]
+
+[Footnote 17: _Ib_. vol. i. p. 192.]
+
+[Footnote 18: Vol. i. pp. 55-215.]
+
+Suspicions began to invade his mind. He complained of headache. His
+spirits alternated between depression and hysterical gayety. A dread
+lest the Inquisition should refuse the imprimatur to his poem haunted
+him. He grew restless, and yearned for change of scene.
+
+The events of 1575, 1576, and 1577 require to be minutely studied: for
+upon our interpretation of them must depend the theory which we hold of
+Tasso's subsequent misfortunes. It appears that early in the year 1575
+he was becoming discontented with Ferrara. A party in the Court, led by
+Pigna, did their best to make his life there disagreeable. They were
+jealous of the poet's fame, which shone with trebled splendor after the
+production of _Aminta_. Tasso's own behavior provoked, if it did not
+exactly justify their animosity. He treated men at least his equals in
+position with haughtiness, which his irritable temper rendered
+insupportable. We have it from his own pen that 'he could not bear to
+live in a city where the nobles did not yield him the first place, or at
+least admit him to absolute equality'; that 'he expected to be adored by
+friends, served by serving-men, caressed by domestics, honored by
+masters, celebrated by poets, and pointed out by all.'[19]
+
+[Footnote 19: _Lettere_, vol. iii. p. 41, iv. p. 332.]
+
+He admitted that it was his habit 'to build castles in the air of
+honors, favors, gifts and graces, showered on him by emperors and kings
+and mighty princes'; that 'the slightest coldness from a patron seemed
+to him a tacit act of dismissal, or rather an open act of
+violence.'[20] His blood, he argued, placed him on a level with the
+aristocracy of Italy; but his poetry lifted him far above the vulgar
+herd of noblemen. At the same time, while claiming so much, he
+constantly declared himself unfit for any work or office but literary
+study, and expressed his opinion that princes ought to be his
+tributaries.[21] Though such pretensions may not have been openly
+expressed at this period of his life, it cannot be doubted that Tasso's
+temper made him an unpleasant comrade in Court-service. His
+sensitiveness, as well as the actual slenderness of his fortunes,
+exposed him only too obviously to the malevolent tricks and petty
+bullyings of rivals. One knows what a boy of that stamp has to suffer at
+public schools, and a Court is after all not very different from an
+academy.
+
+Such being the temper of his mind, Tasso at this epoch turned his
+thoughts to bettering himself, as servants say. His friend Scipione
+Gonzaga pointed out that both the Cardinal de'Medici and the Grand Duke
+of Tuscany would be glad to welcome him as an ornament of their
+households. Tasso nibbled at the bait all through the summer; and in
+November, under the pretext of profiting by the Jubilee, he traveled to
+Rome. This journey, as he afterwards declared, was the beginning of his
+ruin.[22] It was certainly one of the principal steps which led to the
+prison of S. Anna.
+
+[Footnote 20: _Lettere_, vol. iii. p. 164, v. p. 6.]
+
+[Footnote 21: _Ib._ vol. iii. pp. 85, 86, 88, 163, iv. pp. 8, 166, v. p.
+87.]
+
+[Footnote 22: Letter to Fabio Gonzaga in 1590 (vol. iv. p. 296).]
+
+There were many reasons why Alfonso should resent Tasso's entrance into
+other service at this moment. The House of Este had treated him with
+uniform kindness. The Cardinal, the duke and the princesses had
+severally marked him out by special tokens of esteem. In return they
+expected from him the honors of his now immortal epic. That he should
+desert them and transfer the dedication of the _Gerusalemme_ to the
+Medici, would have been nothing short of an insult; for it was notorious
+that the Estensi and the Medici were bitter foes, not only on account of
+domestic disagreements and political jealousies, but also because of the
+dispute about precedence in their titles which had agitated Italian
+society for some time past. In his impatience to leave Ferrara, Tasso
+cast prudence to the winds, and entered into negotiations with the
+Cardinal de'Medici in Rome. When he traveled northwards at the beginning
+of 1576, he betook himself to Florence. What passed between him and the
+Grand Duke is not apparent. Yet he seems to have still further
+complicated his position by making political disclosures which were
+injurious to the Duke of Ferrara. Nor did he gain anything by the offer
+of his services and his poem to Francesco de'Medici. In a letter of
+February 4, 1576, the Grand Duke wrote that the Florentine visit of that
+fellow, 'whether to call him a mad or an amusing and astute spirit, I
+hardly know,'[23] had been throughout a ridiculous affair; and that
+nothing could be less convenient than his putting the _Gerusalemme_ up
+to auction among princes. One year later, he said bluntly that 'he did
+not want to have a madman at his Court.'[24] Thus Tasso, like his
+father, discovered that a noble poem, the product of his best pains, had
+but small substantial value. It might, indeed, be worth something to the
+patron who paid a yearly exhibition to its author; but it was not a gem
+of such high price as to be wrangled for by dukes who had the cares of
+state upon their shoulders. He compromised himself with the Estensi, and
+failed to secure a retreat in Florence.
+
+[Footnote 23: _Lettere_, vol. iii. p. viii.]
+
+Meanwhile his enemies at Ferrara were not idle. Pigna had died in the
+preceding November. But Antonio Montecatino, who succeeded him as ducal
+secretary, proved even a more malicious foe, and poisoned Alfonso's mind
+against the unfortunate poet. The two princesses still remained his
+faithful friends, until Tasso's own want of tact alienated the
+sympathies of Leonora. When he returned in 1576, he found the beautiful
+Eleonora Sanvitale, Countess of Scandiano, at Court. Whether he really
+fell in love with her at first sight, or pretended to do so in order to
+revive Leonora d'Este's affection by jealousy, is uncertain.[25] At any
+rate he paid the countess such marked attentions, and wrote for her and
+a lady of her suite such splendid poetry, that all Ferrara rang with
+this amour. A sonnet in Tasso's handwriting, addressed to Leonora d'Este
+and commented by her own pen, which even Guasti, no credulous believer
+in the legend of the poet's love, accepts as genuine, may be taken as
+affording proof that the princess was deeply wounded by her servant's
+conduct.[26]
+
+[Footnote 24: _Lettere_, vol. iii. p. xxx. note 34.]
+
+[Footnote 25: Guarino, in a sonnet, hinted at the second supposition.
+See Rosini's _Saggio sugli Amori_, &c. vol. xxxiii. of his edition of
+Tasso, p. 51.]
+
+[Footnote 26: _Lettere_, vol. iii. p. xxxi.]
+
+It is obvious that, though Tasso's letters at this period show no signs
+of a diseased mind, his conduct began to strike outsiders as insane.
+Francesco de'Medici used the plain words _matto_ and _pazzo_. The
+courtiers of Ferrara, some in pity, some in derision, muttered 'Madman,'
+when he passed. And he spared no pains to prove that he was losing
+self-control. In the month of January 1577, he was seized with scruples
+of faith, and conceived the notion that he ought to open his mind to the
+Holy Office. Accordingly, he appeared before the Inquisitor of Bologna,
+who after hearing his confession, bade him be of good cheer, for his
+self-accusations were the outcome of a melancholy humor. Tasso was, in
+fact, a Catholic molded by Jesuit instruction in his earliest childhood;
+and though, like most young students, he had speculated on the
+groundwork of theology and metaphysic, there was no taint of heresy or
+disobedience to the Church in his nature. The terror of the Inquisition
+was a morbid nightmare, first implanted in his mind by the experience of
+his father's collision with the Holy Office, enforced by Antoniano's
+strictures on his poem, and justified to some extent by the sinister
+activity of the institution which had burned a Carnesecchi and a
+Paleario. However it grew up, this fancy that he was suspected as a
+heretic took firm possession of his brain, and subsequently formed a
+main feature of his mental disease. It combined with the suspiciousness
+which now became habitual. He thought that secret enemies were in the
+habit of forwarding delations against him to Rome.
+
+All through these years (1575-1577) his enemies drew tighter cords
+around him. They were led and directed by Montecatino, the omnipotent
+persecutor, and hypocritical betrayer. In his heedlessness Tasso left
+books and papers loose about his rooms. These, he had good reason to
+suppose, were ransacked in his absence. There follows a melancholy tale
+of treacherous friends, dishonest servants, false keys, forged
+correspondence, scraps and fragments of imprudent compositions pieced
+together and brought forth to incriminate him behind his back. These
+arts were employed all through the year which followed his return to
+Ferrara in 1576. But they reached their climax in the spring of 1577. He
+had lost his prestige, and every servant might insult him, and every cur
+snap at his heels. Even the _Gerusalemme_, became an object of derision.
+It transpired that the revisers, to whom he had confided it, were
+picking the poem to pieces; ignoramuses who could not scan a line, went
+about parroting their pedantries and strictures. At the beginning of
+1576 Tasso had begged Alfonso to give him the post of historiographer
+left vacant by Pigna. It was his secret hope that this would be refused,
+and that so he would obtain a good excuse for leaving Ferrara.[27] But
+the duke granted his request. In the autumn of that year, one of the
+band of his tormentors, Maddalò de'Frecci, betrayed some details of his
+love-affairs. What these were we do not know. Tasso resented the insult,
+and gave the traitor a box on the ears in the courtyard of the castle.
+Maddalò and his brothers, after this, attacked Tasso on the piazza, but
+ran away before they reached him with their swords. They were outlawed
+for the outrage, and the duke of Ferrara, still benignant to his poet,
+sent him a kind message by one of his servants. This incident weighed on
+Tasso's memory. The terror of the Inquisition blended now with two new
+terrors. He conceived that his exiled foes were plotting to poison him.
+He wondered whether Maddalò's revelations had reached the duke's ears,
+and if so, whether Alfonso would not inflict sudden vengeance. There is
+no sufficient reason, however, to surmise that Tasso's conscience was
+really burdened with a guilty secret touching Leonora d'Este. On the
+contrary, everything points to a different conclusion. His mind was
+simply giving way. Just as he conjured up the ghastly specter of the
+Inquisition, so he fancied that the duke would murder him. Both the
+Inquisition and the duke were formidable; but the Holy Office mildly
+told him to set his morbid doubts at rest, and the duke on a subsequent
+occasion coldly wrote: 'I know he thinks I want to kill him. But if
+indeed I did so, it would be easy enough.' The duke, in fact, had no
+sufficient reason and no inclination to tread upon this insect.
+
+[Footnote 27: _Lettere_, vol. i. p. 139.]
+
+In June 1577, the crisis came. On the seventeenth evening of the month
+Tasso was in the apartments of the Duchess of Urbino. He had just been
+declaiming on the subject of his imaginary difficulties with the
+Inquisition, when something in the manner of a servant who passed by
+aroused his suspicion. He drew a knife upon the man--like Hamlet in his
+mother's bedchamber. He was immediately put under arrest, and confined
+in a room of the castle. Next day Maffeo Veniero wrote thus to the Grand
+Duke of Tuscany about the incident. 'Yesterday Tasso was imprisoned for
+having drawn a knife upon a servant in the apartment of the Duchess of
+Urbino. The intention has been to stay disorder and to cure him, rather
+than to inflict punishment. He suffers under peculiar delusions,
+believing himself guilty of heresy and dreading poison; which state of
+mind arises, I incline to think, from melancholic blood forced in upon
+the heart and vaporing to the brain. A wretched case, in truth,
+considering his great parts and his goodness!'[28]
+
+Tasso was soon released, and taken by the duke his villa of Belriguardo.
+Probably this excursion was designed to soothe the perturbed spirits of
+the poet. But it may also have had a different object. Alfonso may have
+judged it prudent to sift the information laid before him by Tasso's
+enemies. We do not know what passed between them. Whether moral pressure
+was applied, resulting in the disclosure of secrets compromising Leonora
+d'Este, cannot now be ascertained; nor is it worth while to discuss the
+hypothesis that the Duke, in order to secure his family's honor, imposed
+on Tasso the obligation of feigning madness.[29] There is a something
+not entirely elucidated, a sediment of mystery in Tasso's fate, after
+this visit to Belriguardo, which criticism will not neglect to notice,
+but which no testing, no clarifying process of study, has hitherto
+explained. All we can rely upon for certain is that Alfonso sent him
+back to Ferrara to be treated physically and spiritually for
+derangement; and that Tasso thought his life was in danger. He took up
+his abode in the Convent of S. Francis, submitted to be purged, and
+began writing eloquent letters to his friends and patrons.
+
+[Footnote 28: _Lettere_, vol. i. p. 228.]
+
+[Footnote 29: This is Rosini's hypothesis in the Essay cited above. The
+whole of his elaborate and ingenious theory rests upon the supposition
+that Alfonso at Belriguardo extorted from Tasso an acknowledgment of his
+_liaison_ Leonora, and spared his life on the condition of his playing a
+fool's part before the world. But we have no evidence whatever adequate
+to support the supposition.]
+
+Those which he addressed to the Duke of Ferrara at this crisis, weigh
+naturally heaviest in the scale of criticism.[30] They turn upon his
+dread of the Inquisition, his fear of poison, and his diplomatic
+practice with Florence. While admitting 'faults of grave importance' and
+'vacillation in the service of his prince,' he maintains that his secret
+foes have exaggerated these offenses, and have succeeded in prejudicing
+the magnanimous and clement spirit of Alfonso. He is particularly
+anxious about the charge of heresy. Nothing indicates that any guilt of
+greater moment weighed upon his conscience.[31] After scrutinizing all
+accessible sources of information, we are thus driven to accept the
+prosaic hypothesis that Tasso was deranged, and that his Court-rivals
+had availed themselves of a favorable opportunity for making the duke
+sensible of his insanity.
+
+After the middle of July, the Convent of S. Francis became intolerable
+to Tasso. His malady had assumed the form of a multiplex fear, which
+never afterwards relaxed its hold on his imagination. The Inquisition,
+the duke, the multitude of secret enemies plotting murder, haunted him
+day and night like furies. He escaped, and made his way, disguised in a
+peasant's costume, avoiding cities, harboring in mountain hamlets, to
+Sorrento.
+
+[Footnote 30: _Lettere_, vol. i. 257-262.]
+
+[Footnote 31: Those who adhere to the belief that all Tasso's troubles
+came upon him through his _liaison_ with Leonora, are here of course
+justified in arguing that on _this_ point he could not write openly to
+the Duke. Or they may question the integrity of the document.]
+
+Manos, who wrote the history of Tasso's life in the spirit of a
+novelist, has painted for us a romantic picture of the poet in a
+shepherd's hut.[32] It recalls Erminia among the pastoral people.
+Indeed, the interest of that episode in the _Gerusalemme_ is heightened
+by the fact that its ill-starred author tested the reality of his
+creation ofttimes in the course of this pathetic pilgrimage. Artists of
+the Bolognese Academy have placed Erminia on their canvases. But, up to
+the present time, I know of no great painter who has chosen the more
+striking incident of Tasso exchanging his Court-dress for sheepskin and
+a fustian jacket in the smoky cottage at Velletri.
+
+He reached Sorrento safely--'that most enchanting region, which at all
+times offers a delightful sojourn to men and to the Muses; but at the
+warm season of the year, when other places are intolerable, affords
+peculiar solace in the verdure of its foliage, the shadow of its woods,
+the lightness of the fanning airs, the freshness of the limpid waters
+flowing from impendent hills, the fertile expanse of tilth, the serene
+air, the tranquil sea, the fishes and the birds and savory fruits in
+marvelous variety; all which delights compose a garden for the intellect
+and senses, planned by Nature in her rarest mood, and perfected by art
+with most consummate curiosity.'[33] Into this earthly paradise the
+wayworn pilgrim entered.
+
+[Footnote 32: Rosini's edition of Tasso, vol. xxx. p. 144.]
+
+[Footnote 33: Manso, _ib._ p. 46.]
+
+It was his birthplace; and here his sister still dwelt with her
+children. Tasso sought Cornelia's home. After a dramatic scene of
+suspense, he threw aside his disguise, declared himself to be the poet
+of Italy and her brother; and for a short while he seemed to forget
+Courts and schools, pedants and princes, in that genial atmosphere.
+
+Why did he ever leave Sorrento? That is the question which leaps to the
+lips of a modern free man. The question itself implies imperfect
+comprehension of Tasso's century and training. Outside the Court, there
+was no place for him. He had been molded for Court-life from childhood.
+It was not merely that he had no money; assiduous labor might have
+supplied him with means of subsistence. But his friends, his fame, his
+habits, his ingrained sense of service, called him back to Ferrara. He
+was not simply a man, but that specific sort of man which Italians
+called _gentiluomo_--a man definitely modified and wound about with
+intricacies of association. Therefore, he soon began a correspondence
+with the House of Este. If we may trust Manso, Leonora herself wrote
+urgently insisting upon his return.[34] Yet in his own letters Tasso
+says that he addressed apologies to the duke and both princesses.
+Alfonso and Lucrezia vouchsafed no answer. Leonora replied coldly that
+she could not help him.[35]
+
+[Footnote 34: Manso, _ib._ p. 147.]
+
+[Footnote 35: _Lettere_, vol. i. p. 275.]
+
+Anyhow, Ferrara drew him back. It is of some importance here to
+understand Tasso's own feeling for the duke, his master. A few months
+later, after he had once more experienced the miseries of Court-life,
+he wrote: 'I trusted in him, not as one hopes in men but as one trusts
+in God.... I was inflamed with the affection for my lord more than ever
+was man with the love of woman, and became unawares half an idolater....
+He it was who from the obscurity of my low fortunes raised me to the
+light and reputation of the Court; who relieved me from discomforts, and
+placed me in a position of honorable ease; he conferred value on my
+compositions by listening to them when I read them, and by every mark of
+favor; he deigned to honor me with a seat at his table and with his
+familiar conversation; he never refused a favor which I begged for;
+lastly, at the commencement of my troubles, he showed me the affection,
+not of a master, but of a father and a brother.'[36] These words, though
+meant for publication, have the ring of truth in them. Tasso was
+actually attached to the House of Este, and cherished a vassal's loyalty
+for the duke, in spite of the many efforts which he made to break the
+fetters of Ferrara. At a distance, in the isolation and the ennui of a
+village, the irksomeness of those chains was forgotten. The poet only
+remembered how sweet his happier years at Court had been. The sentiment
+of fidelity revived. His sanguine and visionary temperament made him
+hope that all might yet be well.
+
+Without receiving direct encouragement from the duke, Tasso accordingly
+decided on returning.
+
+[Footnote 36: _Lettere_, vol. i. p. 278, ii. p. 26.]
+
+His sister is said to have dissuaded him; and he is reported to have
+replied that he was going to place himself in a voluntary prison.[37] He
+first went to Rome, and opened negotiations with Alfonso's agents. In
+reply to their communications, the duke wrote upon March 22, 1578, as
+follows: 'We are content to take Tasso back; but first he must recognize
+the fact that he is full of melancholic humors, and that his old notions
+of enmities and persecutions are solely caused by the said humors. Among
+other signs of his disorder, he has conceived the idea that we want to
+compass his death, whereas we have always received him gladly and shown
+favor to him. It can easily be understood that if we had entertained
+such a fancy, the execution of it would have presented no difficulty.
+Therefore let him make his mind up well, before he comes, to submit
+quietly and unconditionally to medical treatment. Otherwise, if he means
+to scatter hints and words again as he did formerly, we shall not only
+give ourselves no further trouble about him, but if he should stay here
+without being willing to undergo a course of cure, we shall at once
+expel him from our state with the order not to return.'[38] Words could
+not be plainer than these. Yet, in spite of them, such was the
+allurement of the cage for this clipped singing-bird, that Tasso went
+obediently back to Ferrara. Possibly he had not read the letter written
+by a greater poet on a similar occasion: 'This is not the way of coming
+home, my father! Yet if you or others find one not beneath the fame of
+Dante and his honor, that will I pursue with no slack step. But if none
+such give entrance to Florence, I will never enter Florence. How! Shall
+I not behold the sun and stars from every spot of earth? Shall I not be
+free to meditate the sweetest truths in every place beneath the sky
+unless I make myself ignoble, nay, ignominious to the people and the
+state of Florence? Nor truly will bread fail.' These words, if Tasso had
+remembered them, might have made his cheek blush for his own servility
+and for the servile age in which he lived. But the truth is that the
+fleshpots of Egyptian bondage enticed him; and moreover he knew, as
+half-insane people always know, that he required treatment for his
+mental infirmities. In his heart of hearts he acknowledged the justice
+of the duke's conditions.
+
+[Footnote 37: Manso, p. 147. Here again the believers in the Leonora
+_liaison_ may argue that by prison he meant love-bondage, hopeless
+servitude to the lady from whom he could expect nothing now that her
+brother was acquainted with the truth.]
+
+[Footnote 38: _Lettere_, vol. i. p. 233.]
+
+An Epistle or Oration addressed by Tasso to the Duke of Urbino, sets
+forth what happened after his return to Ferrara in 1578.[39]
+
+[Footnote 39: _Lettere_, i. pp. 271-290.]
+
+He was aware that Alfonso thought him both malicious and mad. The first
+of these opinions, which he knew to be false, he resolved to pass in
+silence. But he openly admitted the latter, 'esteeming it no disgrace to
+make a third to Solon and Brutus.' Therefore he began to act the madman
+even in Rome, neglecting his health, exposing himself to hardships, and
+indulging intemperately in food and wine. By these means, strange as it
+may seem, he hoped to win back confidence and prove himself a discreet
+servant of Alfonso. Soon after reaching Ferrara, Tasso thought that he
+was gaining ground. He hints that the duke showed signs of raising him
+to such greatness and showering favors upon him so abundant that the
+sleeping viper of Court envy stirred. Montecatino now persuaded his
+master that prudence and his own dignity indicated a very different line
+of treatment. If Tasso was to be great and honored, he must feel that
+his reputation flowed wholly from the princely favor, not from his
+studies and illustrious works. Alfonso accordingly affected to despise
+the poems which Tasso presented, and showed his will that: 'I should
+aspire to no eminence of intellect, to no glory of literature, but
+should lead a soft delicate and idle life immersed in sloth and
+pleasure, escaping like a runaway from the honor of Parnassus, the
+Lyceum and the Academy, into the lodgings of Epicurus, and should harbor
+in those lodgings in a quarter where neither Virgil nor Catullus nor
+Horace nor Lucretius himself had ever stayed.' This excited such
+indignation in the poet's breast that: 'I said oftentimes with open face
+and free speech that I would rather be a servant of any prince his enemy
+than submit to this indignity, and in short _odia verbis aspera movi_.'
+Whereupon, the duke caused his papers to be seized, in order that the
+still imperfect epic might be prepared for publication by the hated
+hypocritical Montecatino. When Tasso complained, he only received
+indirect answers; and when he tried to gain access to the princesses, he
+was repulsed by their doorkeepers. At last: 'My infinite patience was
+exhausted. Leaving my books and writings, after the service of thirteen
+years, persisted in with luckless constancy, I wandered forth like a new
+Bias, and betook myself to Mantua, where I met with the same treatment
+as at Ferrara.'
+
+This account sufficiently betrays the diseased state of Tasso's mind.
+Being really deranged, yet still possessed of all his literary
+faculties, he affected that his eccentricity was feigned. The duke had
+formed a firm opinion of his madness; and he chose to flatter this whim.
+Yet when he arrived at Ferrara he forgot the strict conditions upon
+which Alfonso sanctioned his return, began to indulge in dreams of
+greatness, and refused the life of careless ease which formed part of
+the programme for his restoration to health. In these circumstances he
+became the laughing-stock of his detractors; and it is not impossible
+that Alfonso, convinced of his insanity, treated him like a Court-fool.
+Then he burst out into menaces and mutterings of anger. Having made
+himself wholly intolerable, his papers were sequestrated, very likely
+under the impression that he might destroy them or escape with them into
+some quarter where they would be used against the interests of his
+patron. Finally he so fatigued everybody by his suspicions and
+recriminations that the duke forebore to speak with him, and the
+princesses closed their doors against him.
+
+From this moment Tasso was a ruined man; he had become that worst of
+social scourges, a courtier with a grievance, a semi-lunatic all the
+more dangerous and tiresome because his mental powers were not so much
+impaired as warped. Studying his elaborate apology, we do not know
+whether to despise the obstinacy of his devotion to the House of Este,
+or to respect the sentiment of loyalty which survived all real or
+fancied insults. Against the duke he utters no word of blame. Alfonso is
+always magnanimous and clement, excellent in mind and body, good and
+courteous by nature, deserving the faithful service and warm love of his
+dependents. Montecatino is the real villain. 'The princes are not
+tyrants--they are not, no, no: he is the tyrant.'[40]
+
+After quitting Ferrara, Tasso wandered through Mantua, Padua, Venice,
+coldly received in all these cities; for 'the hearts of men were
+hardened by their interests against him.' Writing from Venice to the
+Grand Duke in July, Maffeo Veniero says: 'Tasso is here, disturbed in
+mind; and though his intellect is certainly not sound, he shows more
+signs of affliction than of insanity.'[41]
+
+[Footnote 40: _Lettere_, ibid. p. 289.]
+
+[Footnote 41: _Lettere_, ibid. p. 233.]
+
+The sequestration of his only copy of the _Gerusalemme_ not unnaturally
+caused him much distress; and Veniero adds that the chief difficulty
+under which he labored was want of money. Veniero hardly understood the
+case. Even with a competence it is incredible that Tasso would have been
+contented to work quietly at literature in a private position.[42] From
+Venice he found his way southward to Urbino, writing one of his
+sublimest odes upon the road from Pesaro.[43]
+
+[Footnote 42: Tasso declares his inability to live outside the Court.
+'Se fra i mali de l'animo, uno de'più gravi è l'ambizione, egli ammalò
+di questo male già molti anni sono, nè mai è risanato in modo ch'io
+abbia potuto sprezzare affatto i favori e gli onori del mondo, e chi può
+dargli' (_Lettere_, vol. iii. p. 56). 'Io non posso acquetarmi in altra
+fortuna di quella ne la quale già nacqui' (_Ibid._ p. 243).]
+
+[Footnote 43: It is addressed to the Metaurus, and begins: 'O del grand,
+Apennino.']
+
+Francesco Maria della Rovere received him with accustomed kindness; but
+the spirit of unrest drove him forth again, and after two months we find
+him once more, an indigent and homeless pedestrian, upon the banks of
+the Sesia. He wanted to reach Vercelli, but the river was in flood, and
+he owed a night's lodging to the chance courtesy of a young nobleman.
+Among the many picturesque episodes in Tasso's wanderings none is more
+idyllically beautiful than the tale of his meeting with this handsome
+youth. He has told it himself in the exordium to his Dialogue _Il Padre
+di Famiglia_. When asked who he was and whither he was going, he
+answered: 'I was born in the realm of Naples, and my mother was a
+Neapolitan; but I draw my paternal blood from Bergamo, a Lombard city.
+My name and surname I pass in silence: they are so obscure that if I
+uttered them, you would know neither more nor less of my condition. I am
+flying from the anger of a prince and fortune. My destination is the
+state of Savoy.' Upon this pilgrimage Tasso chose the sobriquet of
+_Omero Fuggiguerra_. Arriving at Turin, he was refused entrance by the
+guardians of the gate. The rags upon his back made them suspect he was a
+vagabond infected with the plague. A friend who knew him, Angelo
+Ingegneri, happened to pass by, and guaranteed his respectability. Manso
+compares the journey of this penniless and haggard fugitive through the
+cities of Italy to the meteoric passage of a comet.[44] Wherever he
+appeared, he blazed with momentary splendor. Nor was Turin slow to hail
+the lustrous apparition. The Marchese Filippo da Este entertained him in
+his palace. The Archbishop, Girolamo della Rovere, begged the honor of
+his company. The Duke of Savoy, Carlo Emanuele, offered him the same
+appointments as he had enjoyed at Ferrara. Nothing, however, would
+content his morbid spirit. Flattered and caressed through the months of
+October and November he began once more in December to hanker after his
+old home. Inconceivable as it may seem, he opened fresh negotiations
+with the duke; and Alfonso, on his side, already showed a will to take
+him back. Writing to his sister from Pesaro at the end of September,
+Tasso stay that a gentleman had been sent from Ferrara expressly to
+recall him.[45] The fact seems to be that Tasso was too illustrious to
+be neglected by the House of Este. Away from their protection, he was
+capable of bringing on their name the slur of bad treatment and
+ingratitude. Nor would it have looked well to publish the _Gerusalemme_
+with its praises of Alfonso, while the poet was lamenting his hard fate
+in every town of Italy. The upshot of these negotiations was that Tasso
+resolved on retracing his steps. He reached Ferrara again upon February
+21, 1579, two days before Margherita Gonzaga, the duke's new bride, made
+her pompous entrance into the city. But his reception was far from being
+what he had expected. The duke's heart seemed hardened. Apartments
+inferior to his quality were assigned him, and to these he was conducted
+by a courtier with ill-disguised insolence. The princesses refused him
+access to their lodgings, and his old enemies openly manifested their
+derision for the kill-joy and the skeleton who had returned to spoil
+their festival. Tasso, querulous as he was about his own share in the
+disagreeables of existence, remained wholly unsympathetic to the trials
+of his fellow-creatures. Self-engrossment closed him in a magic
+prison-house of discontent.
+
+[Footnote 44: _Op. cit._ p. 143.]
+
+[Footnote 45: _Lettere_, vol. i. p. 268.]
+
+Therefore when he saw Ferrara full of merry-making guests, and heard
+the marriage music ringing through the courtyards of the castle, he
+failed to reflect with what a heavy heart the duke might now be entering
+upon his third sterile nuptials. Alfonso was childless, brotherless,
+with no legitimate heir to defend his duchy from the Church in case of
+his decease. The irritable poet forgot how distasteful at such a moment
+of forced gayety and hollow parade his reappearance, with the old
+complaining murmurs, the old suspicions, the old restless eyes, might be
+to the master who had certainly borne much and long with him. He only
+felt himself neglected, insulted, outraged:
+
+                Questa è la data fede?
+    Son questi i miei bramati alti ritorni?[46]
+
+Then he burst out into angry words, which he afterwards acknowledged to
+have been 'false, mad and rash.'[47] The duke's patience had reached its
+utmost limit. Tasso was arrested, and confined in the hospital for mad
+folk at S. Anna. This happened in March 1579. He was detained there
+until July 19, 1586, a period of seven years and four months.
+
+[Footnote 46: From the sonnet, _Sposa regal_ (_Opere_ vol. iii. p.
+218).]
+
+[Footnote 47: _Lettere_, vol. ii. p. 67.]
+
+No one who has read the foregoing pages will wonder why Tasso was
+imprisoned. The marvel is rather that the fact should have roused so
+many speculations. Alfonso was an autocratic princeling. His favorite
+minister Montecatino fell in one moment from a height of power to
+irrecoverable ruin. The famous preacher Panigarola, for whom he
+negotiated a Cardinal's hat, lost his esteem by seeking promotion at
+another Court, and had to fly Ferrara. His friend, Ercole Contrario, was
+strangled in the castle on suspicion of having concealed a murder. Tasso
+had been warned repeatedly, repeatedly forgiven; and now when he turned
+up again with the same complaints and the same menaces, Alfonso
+determined to have done with the nuisance. He would not kill him, but he
+would put him out of sight and hearing. If he was guilty, S. Anna would
+be punishment enough. If he was mad, it might be hoped that S. Anna
+would cure him. To blame the duke for this exercise of authority, is
+difficult. Noble as is the poet's calling, and faithful as are the
+wounds of a devoted friend and servant, there are limits to princely
+patience. It is easier to blame Tasso for the incurable idealism which,
+when he was in comfort at Turin, made him pine 'to kiss the hand of his
+Highness, and recover some part of his favor on the occasion of his
+marriage.'[48]
+
+Three long letters, written by Tasso during the early months of his
+imprisonment, discuss the reasons for his arrest.[49] Two of these are
+directed to his staunch friend Scipione Gonzaga, the third to Giacomo
+Buoncompagno, nephew of Pope Gregory XIII. Partly owing to omissions
+made by the editors before publication, and partly perhaps to the
+writer's reticence, they throw no very certain light even on his own
+opinion.[50] But this much appears tolerably clear. Tasso was half-mad
+and altogether irritable. He had used language which could not be
+overlooked. The Duke continued to resent his former practice with the
+Medici, and disapproved of his perpetual wanderings. The courtiers had
+done their utmost to prejudice his mind by calumnies and gossip, raking
+up all that seemed injurious to Tasso's reputation in the past acts of
+his life and in the looser verses found among his papers. It may also be
+conceded that they contrived to cast an unfavorable light upon his
+affectionate correspondence with the two princesses. Tasso himself laid
+great stress upon his want of absolute loyalty, upon some lascivious
+compositions, and lastly upon his supposed heresies. It is not probable
+that the duke attached importance to such poetry as Tasso may have
+written in the heat of youth; and it is certain that he regarded the
+heresies as part of the poet's hallucinations. It is also far more
+likely that the Leonora episode passed in his mind for another proof of
+mental infirmity than that he judged it seriously. It was quite enough
+that Tasso had put himself in the wrong by petulant abuse of his
+benefactor and by persistent fretfulness. Moreover, he was plainly
+brain-sick. That alone justified Alfonso in his own eyes.
+
+
+[Footnote 48: _Lettere_, vol. ii. 34.]
+
+[Footnote 49: _Ibid._ pp. 7-62, 80-93.]
+
+[Footnote 50: We are met here as elsewhere in the perplexing problem of
+Tasso's misfortunes with the difficulty of having to deal with mutilated
+documents. Still the mere fact that Tasso was allowed to correspond
+freely with friends and patrons, shows that Alfonso dreaded no
+disclosures, and confirms the theory that he only kept Tasso locked up
+out of harm's way.]
+
+And brain-sick Tasso was, without a shadow of doubt.[51] It is hardly
+needful to recapitulate his terror of the Inquisition, dread of being
+poisoned, incapacity for self-control in word and act, and other signs
+of incipient disease. During the residence in S. Anna this malady made
+progress. He was tormented by spectral voices and apparitions. He
+believed himself to be under the influence of magic charms. He was
+haunted by a sprite, who stole his books and flung his MSS. about the
+room. A good genius, in the form of a handsome youth, appeared and
+conversed with him. He lost himself for hours together in abstraction,
+talking aloud, staring into vacancy, and expressing surprise that other
+people could not see the phantoms which surrounded him. He complained
+that his melancholy passed at moments into delirium (which he called
+_frenesia_), after which he suffered from loss of memory and
+prostration. His own mind became a constant cause of self-torture.
+Suspicious of others, he grew to be suspicious of himself. And when he
+left S. Anna, these disorders, instead of abating, continued to afflict
+him, so that his most enthusiastic admirers were forced to admit that
+'he was subject to constitutional melancholy with crises of delirium,
+but not to actual insanity.'[52] At first, his infirmity did not
+interfere with intellectual production of a high order, though none of
+his poetry, after the _Gerusalemme_ was completed in 1574, rose to the
+level of his earlier work. But in course of time the artist's faculty
+itself was injured, and the creations of his later life are unworthy of
+his genius.
+
+[Footnote 51: A letter written by Guarini, the old friend, rival and
+constant Court-companion of Tasso at Ferrara, upon the news of his death
+in 1595, shows how a man of cold intellect judged his case. 'The death
+by which Tasso has now paid his debt to nature, seems to me like the
+termination of that death of his in this world which only bore the outer
+semblance of life.' See Casella's _Pastor Fido_, p. xxxii. Guarini means
+that when Tasso's mind gave way, he had really died in his own higher
+self, and that his actual death was a release.]
+
+[Footnote 52: Tasso's own letters after the beginning of 1579, and
+Manso's Life (_op. cit._ pp. 156-176), are the authorities for the
+symptoms detailed above. Tasso so often alludes to his infirmities that
+it is not needful to accumulate citations. I will, however, quote two
+striking examples. 'Sono infermo come soleva, e stanco della infermita,
+la quale è _non sol malattia del corpo ma de la mente_' (_Lettere_, vol.
+iii. p. 160). 'Io sono poco sano e tanto maninconico che _sono riputato
+matto da gli altri e da me stesso_' (_Ib._ p. 262).]
+
+The seven years and four months of Tasso's imprisonment may be passed
+over briefly. With regard to his so-called dungeon, it is certain that,
+after some months spent in a narrow chamber, he obtained an apartment of
+several rooms. He was allowed to write and receive as many letters as he
+chose. Friends paid him visits, and he went abroad under surveillance in
+the city of Ferrara. To extenuate the suffering which a man of his
+temper endured in this enforced seclusion would be unjust to Tasso.
+There is no doubt that he was most unhappy. But to exaggerate his
+discomforts would be unjust to the duke. Even Manso describes 'the
+excellent and most convenient lodgings' assigned him in S. Anna,
+alludes to the provision for his cure by medicine, and remarks upon the
+opposition which he offered to medical treatment. According to this
+biographer, his own endeavors to escape necessitated a strict watch upon
+his movements.[53] Unless, therefore, we flatly deny the fact of his
+derangement, which is supported by a mass of testimony, it may be
+doubted whether Tasso was more miserable in S. Anna than he would have
+been at large. The subsequent events of his life prove that his release
+brought no mitigation of his malady.
+
+[Footnote 53: _Op. cit._ p. 155.]
+
+It was, however, a dreary time. He spent his days in writing letters to
+all the princes of Italy, to Naples, to Bergamo, to the Roman Curia,
+declaiming on his wretchedness and begging for emancipation. Occasional
+poems flowed from his pen. But during this period he devoted his serious
+hours mainly to prose composition. The bulk of his Dialogues issued from
+S. Anna. On August 7, 1580, Celio Malaspina published a portion of the
+_Gerusalemme_ at Venice, under the title of _Il Gottifredo di M.
+Torquato Tasso_. In February of the following year, his friend Angelo
+Ingegneri gave the whole epic to the world. Within six months from that
+date the poem was seven times reissued. This happened without the
+sanction or the supervision of the luckless author; and from the sale of
+the book he obtained no profit. Leonora d'Este died upon February 10,
+1581. A volume of elegies appeared on this occasion; but Tasso's Muse
+uttered no sound.[54] He wrote to Panigarola that 'a certain tacit
+repugnance of his genius' forced him to be mute.[55] His rival Guarini
+undertook a revised edition of his lyrics in 1582. Tasso had to bear
+this dubious compliment in silence. All Europe was devouring his poems;
+scribes and versifiers were building up their reputation on his fame.
+Yet he could do nothing. Embittered by the piracies of publishers,
+infuriated by the impertinence of editors, he lay like one forgotten in
+that hospital. His celebrity grew daily; but he languished, penniless
+and wretched, in confinement which he loathed. The strangest light is
+cast upon his state of mind by the efforts which he now made to place
+two of his sister's children in Court-service. He even tried to
+introduce one of them as a page into the household of Alfonso.
+Eventually, Alessandro Sersale was consigned to Odoardo Farnese, and
+Antonio to the Duke of Mantua. In 1585 new sources of annoyance rose.
+Two members of the Delia Crusca Academy in Florence, Leonardo Salviati
+and Bastiano de'Rossi, attacked the _Gerusalemme_. Their malevolence was
+aroused by the panegyric written on it by Cammillo Pellegrini, a
+Neapolitan, and they exposed it to pedantically quibbling criticism.
+Tasso replied in a dignified apology. But he does not seem to have
+troubled himself overmuch with this literary warfare, which served
+meanwhile to extend the fame of his immortal poem. At this time new
+friends gathered round him. Among these the excellent Benedictine,
+Angelo Grillo, and the faithful Antonio Costantini demand commemoration
+from all who appreciate disinterested devotion to genius in distress. At
+length, in July 1586, Vincenzo Gonzaga, heir apparent to the Duchy of
+Mantua, obtained Tasso's release. He rode off with this new patron to
+Mantua, leaving his effects at S. Anna, and only regretting that he had
+not waited on the Duke of Ferrara to kiss his hand as in duty bound.[56]
+Thus to the end he remained an incorrigible courtier; or rather shall we
+say that, after all his tribulations, he preserved a doglike feeling of
+attachment for his master?
+
+[Footnote 54: _Lacrime di diversi poeti volgari_, &c. (Vicenza, 1585).]
+
+[Footnote 55: _Lettere_, vol. ii. p. 103. The significance of this
+message to Panigarola is doubtful. Did Tasso mean that the contrast
+between past and present was too bitter? 'Most friendship is feigning,
+most loving mere folly.']
+
+[Footnote 56: All the letters written from Mantua abound in references
+to this neglect of duty.]
+
+The rest of Tasso's life was an Odyssey of nine years. He seemed at
+first contented with Mantua, wrote dialogues, completed the tragedy of
+_Torrismondo_ and edited his father's _Floridante_. But when Vincenzo
+Gonzaga succeeded to the dukedom, the restless poet felt himself
+neglected. His young friend had not leisure to pay him due attention. He
+therefore started on a journey to Loreto, which had long been the object
+of his pious aspiration. Loreto led to Rome, where Scipione Gonzaga
+resided as Patriarch of Jerusalem and Cardinal. Rome suggested Southern
+Italy, and Tasso hankered after the recovery of his mother's fortune.
+Accordingly he set off in March 1588 for Naples, where he stayed, partly
+with the monks of Monte Oliveto, and partly with the Marchese Manso.
+Rome saw him again in November; and not long afterwards an agent of the
+Duke of Urbino wrote this pitiful report of his condition. 'Every one is
+ready to welcome him to hearth and heart; but his humors render him
+mistrustful of mankind at large. In the palace of the Cardinal Gonzaga
+there are rooms and beds always ready for his use, and men reserved for
+his especial service. Yet he runs away and mistrusts even that friendly
+lord. In short, it is a sad misfortune that the present age should be
+deprived of the greatest genius which has appeared for centuries. What
+wise man ever spoke in prose or verse better than this madman?[57] In
+the following August, Scipione Gonzaga's servants, unable to endure
+Tasso's eccentricities, turned him from their master's house, and he
+took refuge in a monastery of the Olivetan monks. Soon afterwards he was
+carried to the hospital of the Bergamasques. His misery now was great,
+and his health so bad that friends expected a speedy end.[58] Yet the
+Cardinal Gonzaga again opened his doors to him in the spring of 1590.
+Then the morbid poet turned suspicious, and began to indulge fresh hopes
+of fortune in another place. He would again offer himself to the
+Medici. In April he set off for Tuscany, and alighted at the convent of
+Monte Oliveto, near Florence. Nobody wanted him; he wandered about the
+Pitti like a spectre, and the Florentines wrote: _actum est de eo_.[59]
+Some parting compliments and presents from the Grand Duke sweetened his
+dismissal. He returned to Rome; but each new journey told upon his
+broken health, and another illness made him desire a change of scene.
+This time Antonio Costantini offered to attend upon him. They visited
+Siena, Bologna and Mantua. At Mantua, Tasso made some halt, and took a
+new long poem, the _Gerusalemme Conquistata_, seriously in hand. But the
+demon of unrest pursued him, and in November 1591 he was off again with
+the Duke of Mantua to Rome. From Rome he went to Naples at the beginning
+of the following year, worked at the _Conquistata_, and began his poem
+of the _Sette Giornate_.[60] He was always occupied with the vain hope
+of recovering a portion of his mother's estate. April saw him once more
+upon his way to Rome. Clement VIII. had been elected, and Tasso expected
+patronage from the Papal nephews.[61]
+
+[Footnote 57: _Lettere_, vol. iv. p. 147.]
+
+[Footnote 58: _Ibid._ p. 229.]
+
+[Footnote 59: _Lettere_, vol. iv. p. 315.]
+
+[Footnote 60: Yet he now felt that his genius had expired. 'Non posso
+più fare un verso: la vena è secca, e l'ingegno è stanco' (_Lettere_,
+vol. v. p. 90).]
+
+[Footnote 61: During the whole period of his Roman residence, Tasso,
+like his father in similar circumstances, hankered after ecclesiastical
+honors. His letters refer frequently to this ambition. He felt the
+parallel between himself and Bernardo Tasso: 'La mia depressa
+condizione, e la mia infelicità, quasi ereditaria' (vol. iv. p. 288).]
+
+He was not disappointed. They received him into their houses, and for a
+while he sojourned in the Vatican. The year 1593 seems, through their
+means, to have been one of comparative peace and prosperity. Early in
+the summer of 1594 his health obliged him to seek change of air. He went
+for the last time to Naples. The Cardinal of S. Giorgio, one of the
+Pope's nephews, recalled him in November to be crowned poet in Rome. His
+entrance into the Eternal City was honorable, and Clement granted him a
+special audience; but the ceremony of coronation had to be deferred
+because of the Cardinal's ill health.
+
+Meanwhile his prospects seemed likely to improve. Clement conferred on
+him a pension of one hundred ducats, and the Prince of Avellino, who had
+detained his mother's estate, compounded with him for a life-income of
+two hundred ducats. This good fortune came in the spring of 1595. But it
+came too late; for his death-illness was upon him. On the first of April
+he had himself transported to the convent of S. Onofrio, which overlooks
+Rome from the Janiculan hill. 'Torrents of rain were falling with a
+furious wind, when the carriage of Cardinal Cinzio was seen climbing the
+steep ascent. The badness of the weather made the fathers think there
+must be some grave cause for this arrival. So the prior and others
+hurried to the gate, where Tasso descended with considerable difficulty,
+greeting the monks with these words: 'I am come to die among you.''[62]
+The last of Tasso's letters, written to Antonio Costantini from S.
+Onofrio, has the quiet dignity of one who struggles for the last time
+with the frailty of his mortal nature.[63]
+
+'What will my good lord Antonio say when he shall hear of his Tasso's
+death? The news, as I incline to think, will not be long in coming; for
+I feel that I have reached the end of life, being unable to discover any
+remedy for this tedious indisposition which has supervened on the many
+others I am used to--like a rapid torrent resistlessly sweeping me away.
+The time is past when I should speak of my stubborn fate, to mention not
+the world's ingratitude, which, however, has willed to gain the victory
+of bearing me to the grave a pauper; the while I kept on thinking that
+the glory which, despite of those that like it not, this age will
+inherit from my writings, would not have left me wholly without guerdon.
+I have had myself carried to this monastery of S. Onofrio; not only
+because the air is commended by physicians above that of any other part
+of Rome, but also as it were upon this elevated spot and by the
+conversation of these devout fathers to commence my conversation in
+heaven. Pray God for me; and rest assured that as I have loved and
+honored you always in the present life, so will I perform for you in
+that other and more real life what appertains not to feigned but to
+veritable charity. And to the Divine grace I recommend you and myself.'
+
+[Footnote 62: Manso _op. cit._ p. 215.]
+
+[Footnote 63: This letter proves conclusively that, whatever was the
+nature of Tasso's malady, and however it had enfeebled his faculties as
+poet, he was in no vulgar sense a lunatic.]
+
+On April 25, Tasso expired at midnight, with the words _In manus tuas,
+Domine_, upon his lips. Had Costantini, his sincerest friend, been
+there, he might have said like Kent:
+
+             O, let him pass! he hates him much
+    That would upon the rack of this tough world
+    Stretch him out longer.
+
+But Costantini was in Mantua; and this sonnet, which he had written for
+his master, remains Tasso's truest epitaph, the pithiest summary of a
+life pathetically tragic in its adverse fate--
+
+    Friends, this is Tasso, not the sire but son;
+    For he of human offspring had no heed,
+    Begetting for himself immortal seed
+    Of art, style, genius and instruction.
+
+    In exile long he lived and utmost need;
+    In palace, temple, school, he dwelt alone;
+    He fled, and wandered through wild woods unknown;
+    On earth, on sea, suffered in thought and deed.
+
+    He knocked at death's door; yet he vanquished him
+    With lofty prose and with undying rhyme;
+    But fortune not, who laid him where he lies.
+
+    Guerdon for singing loves and arms sublime,
+    And showing truth whose light makes vices dim,
+    Is one green wreath; yet this the world denies.
+
+The wreath of laurel which the world grudged was placed upon his bier;
+and a simple stone, engraved with the words _Hic jacet Torquatus
+Tassus_, marked the spot where he was buried.
+
+The foregoing sketch of Tasso's life and character differs in some
+points from the prevalent conceptions of the poet. There is a legendary
+Tasso, the victim of malevolent persecution by pedants, the mysterious
+lover condemned to misery in prison by a tyrannous duke. There is also a
+Tasso formed by men of learning upon ingeniously constructed systems;
+Rosini's Tasso, condemned to feign madness in punishment for courting
+Leonora d'Este with lascivious verses; Capponi's Tasso, punished for
+seeking to exchange the service of the House of Este for that of the
+House of Medici; a Tasso who was wholly mad; a Tasso who remained
+through life the victim of Jesuitical influences. In short, there are as
+many Tassos as there are Hamlets. Yet these Tassos of the legend and of
+erudition do not reproduce his self-revealed lineaments. Tasso's letters
+furnish documents of sufficient extent to make the real man visible,
+though something yet remains perhaps not wholly explicable in his
+tragedy.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VIII.
+
+THE GERUSALEMME LIBERATA.
+
+     Problem of Creating Heroic Poetry--The Preface to Tasso's
+     _Rinaldo_--Subject of _Rinaldo_--Blending of Romantic Motives with
+     Heroic Style--Imitation of Virgil--Melody and Sentiment--Choice of
+     Theme for the _Gerusalemme_--It becomes a Romantic Poem after
+     all--Tancredi the real Hero--Nobility of Tone--Virgilian
+     Imitation--Borrowings from Dante--Involved Diction--Employment of
+     Sonorous Polysyllabic Words--Quality of Religious Emotion in this
+     Poem--Rhetoric--Similes--The Grand Style of Pathos--Verbal
+     Music--The Chant d'Amour--Armida--Tasso's Favorite Phrase, _Un non
+     so che_--His Power over Melody and Tender Feeling--Critique of
+     Tasso's Later Poems--General Survey of his Character.
+
+
+In a previous portion of this work, I attempted to define the Italian
+Romantic Epic, and traced the tale of Orlando from Pulci through Boiardo
+and Ariosto to the burlesque of Folengo. There is an element of humor
+more or less predominant in the _Morgante Maggiore_, the _Orlando
+Innamorato_, and the _Orlando Furioso_. This element might almost be
+regarded as inseparable from the species. Yet two circumstances
+contributed to alter the character of Italian Romance after the
+publication of the _Furioso_. One of these was the unapproachable
+perfection of that poem. No one could hope to surpass Ariosto in his own
+style, or to give a fresh turn to his humor without passing into broad
+burlesque. The romantic poet had therefore to choose between sinking
+into parody with Folengo and Aretino, or soaring into the sublimities of
+solemn art. Another circumstance was the keen interest aroused in
+academic circles by Trissino's unsuccessful epic, and by the discussion
+of heroic poetry which it stimulated. The Italian nation was becoming
+critical, and this critical spirit lent itself readily to experiments in
+hybrid styles of composition which aimed at combining the graces of the
+Romantic with the dignity of the Heroic poem. The most meritorious of
+these hybrids was Bernardo Tasso's _Amadigi_, a long romance in octave
+stanzas, sustained upon a grave tone throughout, and distinguished from
+the earlier romantic epics by a more obvious unity of subject. Bernardo
+Tasso possessed qualities of genius and temper which suited his proposed
+task. Deficient in humor, he had no difficulty in eliminating that
+element from the _Amadigi_. Chivalrous sentiment took the place of
+irony; scholarly method supplied the want of wayward fancy.
+
+It was just at this point that the young Torquato Tasso made his first
+essay in poetry. He had inherited his father's temperament, its want of
+humor, its melancholy, its aristocratic sensitiveness. At the age of
+seventeen he was already a ripe scholar, versed in the critical
+questions which then agitated learned coteries in Italy. The wilding
+graces and the freshness of the Romantic Epic, as conceived by Boiardo
+and perfected by Ariosto, had forever disappeared. To 'recapture that
+first fine careless rapture' was impossible. Contemporary conditions of
+society and thought rendered any attempt to do so futile. Italy had
+passed into a different stage of culture; and the representative poem of
+Tasso's epoch was imperatively forced to assume a different character.
+Its type already existed in the _Amadigi_, though Bernardo Tasso had not
+the genius to disengage it clearly, or to render it attractive. How
+Torquato, while still a student in his teens at Padua, attacked the
+problem of narrative poetry, appears distinctly in his preface to
+_Rinaldo_. 'I believe,' he says, 'that you, my gentle readers, will not
+take it amiss if I have diverged from the path of modern poets, and have
+sought to approach the best among the ancients. You shall not, however,
+find that I am bound by the precise rules of Aristotle, which often
+render those poems irksome which might otherwise have yielded you much
+pleasure. I have only followed such of his precepts as do not limit your
+delight: for instance, in the frequent use of episodes, making the
+characters talk in their own persons, introducing recognitions and
+peripeties by necessary or plausible motives, and withdrawing the poet
+as far as possible from the narration. I have also endeavored to
+construct my poem with unity of interest and action, not, indeed, in any
+strict sense, but so that the subordinate portions should be seen to
+have their due relation to the whole.' He then proceeds to explain why
+he has abandoned the discourses on moral and general topics with which
+Ariosto opened his Cantos, and hints that he has taken Virgil, the
+'Prince of Poets,' for his model. Thus the Romantic Epic, as conceived
+by Tasso, was to break with the tradition of the Cantastorie, who told
+the tale in his own person and introduced reflections on its incidents.
+It was to aim at unity of subject and to observe classical rules of art,
+without, however, sacrificing the charm of variety and those delights
+which episodes and marvelous adventures yielded to a modern audience.
+The youthful poet begs that his _Rinaldo_ should not be censured on the
+one hand by severely Aristotelian critics who exclude pleasure from
+their ideal, or on the other by amateurs who regard the _Orlando
+Furioso_ as the perfection of poetic art. In a word, he hopes to produce
+something midway between the strict heroic epic, which had failed in
+Trissino's _Italia Liberata_ through dullness, and the genuine romantic
+epic, which in Ariosto's masterpiece diverged too widely from the rules
+of classical pure taste. This new species, combining the attractions of
+romance with the simplicity of epic poetry, was the gift which Tasso at
+the age of eighteen sought to present in his _Rinaldo_ to Italy. The
+_Rinaldo_ fulfilled fairly well the conditions propounded by its author.
+It had a single hero and a single subject--
+
+    Canto i felici affanni, e i primi ardori,
+      Che giovinetto ancor soffrì Rinaldo,
+      E come il trasse in perigliosi errori
+      Desir di gloria ed amoroso caldo.
+
+The perilous achievements and the passion of Rinaldo in his youth form
+the theme of a poem which is systematically evolved from the first
+meeting of the son of Amon with Clarice to their marriage under the
+auspices of Malagigi. There are interesting episodes like those of young
+Florindo and Olinda, unhappy Clizia and abandoned Floriana. Rinaldo's
+combat with Orlando in the Christian camp furnishes an anagnorisis;
+while the plot is brought to its conclusion by the peripeteia of
+Clarice's jealousy and the accidents which restore her to her lover's
+arms. Yet though observant of his own classical rules, Tasso remained in
+all essential points beneath the spell of the Romantic Epic. The changes
+which he introduced were obvious to none but professional critics. In
+warp and woof the _Rinaldo_ is similar to Boiardo's and Ariosto's tale
+of chivalry; only the loom is narrower, and the pattern of the web less
+intricate. The air of artlessness which lent its charm to Romance in
+Italy has disappeared, yielding place to sustained elaboration of
+Latinizing style. Otherwise the fabric remains substantially
+unaltered--like a Gothic dwelling furnished with Palladian
+window-frames. We move in the old familiar sphere of Paladins and
+Paynims, knights errant and Oriental damsels, magicians and distressed
+maidens. The action is impelled by the same series of marvelous
+adventures and felicitous mishaps. There are the same encounters in war
+and rivalries in love between Christian and Pagan champions; journeys
+through undiscovered lands and over untracked oceans; fantastic
+hyperboles of desire, ambition, jealousy, and rage, employed as motive
+passions. Enchanted forests; fairy ships that skim the waves without
+helm or pilot; lances endowed with supernatural virtues; charmed gardens
+of perpetual spring; dismal dungeons and glittering palaces, supply the
+furniture of this romance no less than of its predecessors. Rinaldo,
+like any other hero of the Renaissance, is agitated by burning thirst
+for fame and blind devotion to a woman's beauty. We first behold him
+pining in inglorious leisure[64]:--
+
+    Poi, ch'oprar non poss'io che di me s'oda
+      Con mia gloria ed onor novella alcuna,
+      O cosa, ond' io pregio n'acquisti e loda,
+      E mia fama rischiari oscura e bruna.
+
+The vision of Clarice, appearing like Virgil's Camilla, stirs him from
+this lethargy. He falls in love at first sight, as Tasso's heroes always
+do, and vows to prove himself her worthy knight by deeds of unexampled
+daring. Thus the plot is put in motion; and we read in well-appointed
+order how the hero acquired his horse, Baiardo, Tristram's magic lance,
+his sword Fusberta from Atlante, his armor from Orlando, the trappings
+of his charger from the House of Courtesy, the ensign of the lion
+rampant on his shield from Chiarello, and the hand of his lady after
+some delays from Malagigi.
+
+[Footnote 64: Canto i. 17.]
+
+No new principle is introduced into the romance. As in earlier poems of
+this species, the religious motive of Christendom at war with Islam
+becomes a mere machine; the chivalrous environment affords a vehicle for
+fanciful adventures. Humor, indeed, is conspicuous by its absence.
+Charles the Great assumes the sobriety of empire; and his camp, in its
+well-ordered gravity, prefigures that of Goffredo in the
+_Gerusalemme_.[65] Thus Tasso's originality must not be sought in the
+material of his work, which is precisely that of the Italian romantic
+school in general, nor yet in its form, which departs from the romantic
+tradition in details so insignificant as to be inessential. We find it
+rather in his touch upon the old material, in his handling of the
+familiar form. The qualities of style, sympathy, sentiment, selection in
+the use of phrase and image, which determined his individuality as a
+poet, rendered the _Rinaldo_ a novelty in literature. It will be
+therefore well to concentrate attention for a while upon those
+subjective peculiarities by right of which the _Rinaldo_ ranks as a
+precursor of the _Gerusalemme_.
+
+The first and the most salient of these is a pronounced effort to
+heighten style by imitation of Latin poets. The presiding genius of the
+work is Virgil. Pulci's racy Florentine idiom; Boiardo's frank and
+natural Lombard manner; Ariosto's transparent and unfettered modern
+phrase, have been supplanted by a pompous intricacy of construction.
+
+[Footnote 65: Canto vi. 64-9.]
+
+The effort to impose Latin rules of syntax on Italian is obvious in
+such lines as the following:[66]
+
+    Torre ei l'immagin volle, che sospesa
+      Era presso l'altar gemmato e sacro,
+      Ove in chiaro cristal lampade accesa
+      Fea lume di Ciprigna al simulacro:
+
+or in these:
+
+    Umida i gigli e le vermiglie rose
+    Del volto, e gli occhi bei conversa al piano,
+    Gli occhi, onde in perle accolto il pianto uscia,
+    La giovinetta il cavalier seguia.
+
+Virgil is directly imitated, where he is least worthy of imitation, in
+the details of his battle-pieces. Thus:[67]
+
+    Si riversa Isolier tremando al piano,
+    Privo di senso e di vigore ignudo,
+    Ed a lui gli occhi oscura notte involve,
+    Ed ogni membro ancor se gli dissolve.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+    Quel col braccio sospeso in aria stando,
+    Nè lo movendo a questa o a quella parte,
+    Chè dalla spada ciò gli era conteso,
+    Voto sembrava in sacro tempio appeso.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+    Mentre ignaro di ciò che 'l ciel destine,
+    Così diceva ancor, la lancia ultrice
+    Rinaldo per la bocca entro gli mise,
+    E la lingua e 'l parlar per mezzo incise.
+
+This Virgilian imitation yields some glowing flowers of poetry in longer
+passages of description. Among these may be cited the conquest of
+Baiardo in the second canto, the shipwreck in the tenth, the chariot of
+Pluto in the fourth, and the supper with queen Floriana in the ninth.
+
+[Footnote 66: Canto iii. 40, 45.]
+
+[Footnote 67: Canto ii. 22, iv. 28, 33.]
+
+The episode of Floriana, while closely studied upon the Aeneid, is also
+a first sketch for that of Armida. Indeed, it should be said in passing
+that Tasso anticipates the _Gerusalemme_ throughout the _Rinaldo_. The
+murder of Anselmo by Rinaldo (Canto XI.) forecasts the murder of
+Gernando by his namesake, and leads to the same result of the hero's
+banishment. The shipwreck, the garden of courtesy, the enchanted boat,
+and the charmed forest, are motives which reappear improved and
+elaborated in Tasso's masterpiece.[68]
+
+While Tasso thus sought to heighten diction by Latinisms, he revealed
+another specific quality of his manner in _Rinaldo_. This is the
+inability to sustain heroic style at its ambitious level. He frequently
+drops at the close of the octave stanza into a prosaic couplet, which
+has all the effect of bathos. Instances are not far to seek:[69]
+
+    Già tal insegna acquistò l'avo, e poi
+    La portàr molti de'nipoti suoi.
+       *       *       *       *       *
+    E a questi segni ed al crin raro e bianco
+    Monstrava esser dagli anni oppresses e stanco.
+       *       *       *       *       *
+    Fu qui vicin dal saggio Alchiso il Mago,
+    Di far qualch'opra memorabil vago.
+       *       *       *       *       *
+                         Io son Rinaldo,
+    Solo di servir voi bramoso e caldo.
+
+[Footnote 68: _Rinaldo_, cantos x. vii.]
+
+[Footnote 69: Canto i. 25, 31, 41, 64.]
+
+The reduplication of epithets, and the occasional use of long sonorous
+Latin words, which characterize Tasso's later manner, are also
+noticeable in these couplets. Side by side with such weak endings should
+be placed some specimens, no less characteristic, of vigorous and noble
+lines:[70]
+
+              Nel cor consiston l'armi,
+    Onde il forte non e chi mai disarmi.
+       *       *       *       *       *
+                Si sta placido e cheto,
+    Ma serba dell'altiero nel mansueto.
+
+If the _Rinaldo_ prefigures Tasso's maturer qualities of style, it is no
+less conspicuous for the light it throws upon his eminent poetic
+faculty. Nothing distinguished him more decidedly from the earlier
+romantic poets than power over pathetic sentiment conveyed in melodious
+cadences of oratory. This emerges in Clarice's monologue on love and
+honor, that combat of the soul which forms a main feature of the lyrics
+in _Aminta_ and of Erminia's episode in the _Gerusalemme_.[71] This
+steeps the whole story of Clizia in a delicious melancholy,
+foreshadowing the death-scene of Clorinda.[72] This rises in the
+father's lamentation over his slain Ugone, into the music of a threnody
+that now recalls Euripides and now reminds us of mediaeval litanies.[73]
+Censure might be passed upon rhetorical conceits and frigid affectations
+in these characteristic outpourings of pathetic feeling. Yet no one can
+ignore their liquid melody, their transference of emotion through sound
+into modulated verse.
+
+[Footnote 70: _Rinaldo_, Canto ii. 28, 44.]
+
+[Footnote 71: Canto ii. 3-11.]
+
+[Footnote 72: Canto vii. 16-51.]
+
+[Footnote 73: Canto vii. 3-11.]
+
+That lyrical outcry, finding rhythmic utterance for tender sentiment,
+which may be recognized as Tasso's chief addition to romantic poetry,
+pierces like a song through many passages of mere narration. Rinaldo,
+while carrying Clarice away upon Baiardo, with no chaste intention in
+his heart, bids her thus dry her tears:[74]
+
+    Egli dice: Signora, onde vi viene
+      Sì spietato martir, sì grave affanno?
+      Perchè le luci angeliche e serene
+      Ricopre della doglia oscuro panno?
+      Forse fia l'util vostro e 'l vostro bene
+      Quel ch'or vi sembra insupportabil danno,
+      Deh! per Dio, rasciugate il caldo pianto.
+      E l'atroce dolor temprate alquanto.
+
+It is not that we do not find similar lyrical interbreathings in the
+narrative of Ariosto. But Tasso developed the lyrism of the octave
+stanza into something special, lulling the soul upon gentle waves of
+rising and falling rhythm, foreshadowing the coming age of music in
+cadences that are untranslateable except by vocal melody. In like
+manner, the idyl, which had played a prominent part in Boiardo's and in
+Ariosto's romance, detaches itself with a peculiar sweetness from the
+course of Tasso's narrative. This appears in the story of Florindo,
+which contains within itself the germ of the _Aminta_, the _Pastor Fido_
+and the _Adone_.[75] Together with the bad taste of the artificial
+pastoral, its preposterous costume (stanza 13), its luxury of tears
+(stanza 23), we find the tyranny of kisses (stanzas 28, 52), the
+yearning after the Golden Age (stanza 29), and all the other apparatus
+of that operatic species. Tasso was the first poet to bathe Arcady in a
+golden afternoon light of sensuously sentimental pathos. In his idyllic
+as in his lyrical interbreathings, melody seems absolutely demanded to
+interpret and complete the plangent rhythm of his dulcet numbers.
+Emotion so far predominates over intelligence, so yearns to exhale
+itself in sound and shun the laws of language, that we find already in
+_Rinaldo_ Tasso's familiar _Non so che_ continually used to adumbrate
+sentiments for which plain words are not indefinite enough.
+
+[Footnote 74: Canto iv. 47.]
+
+[Footnote 75: Canto v. 12-57.]
+
+The _Rinaldo_ was a very remarkable production for a young man of
+eighteen. It showed the poet in possession of his style and displayed
+the specific faculties of his imagination. Nothing remained for Tasso
+now but to perfect and develop the type of art which he had there
+created. Soon after his first settlement in Ferrara, he began to
+meditate a more ambitious undertaking. His object was to produce the
+heroic poem for which Italy had long been waiting, and in this way to
+rival or surpass the fame of Ariosto. Trissino had chosen a national
+subject for his epic; but the _Italia Liberata_ was an acknowledged
+failure, and neither the past nor the present conditions of the Italian
+people offered good material for a serious poem. The heroic enthusiasms
+of the age were religious. Revived Catholicism had assumed an attitude
+of defiance. The Company of Jesus was declaring its crusade against
+heresy and infidelity throughout the world. Not a quarter of a century
+had elapsed since Charles V. attacked the Mussulman in Tunis; and before
+a few more years had passed, the victory of Lepanto was to be won by
+Italian and Spanish navies. Tasso, therefore, obeyed a wise instinct
+when he made choice of the first crusade for his theme, and of Godfrey
+of Boulogne for his hero. Having to deal with historical facts, he
+studied the best authorities in chronicles, ransacked such books of
+geography and travel as were then accessible, paid attention to
+topography, and sought to acquire what we now call local coloring for
+the details of his poem. Without the sacrifice of truth in any important
+point, he contrived to give unity to the conduct of his narrative, while
+interweaving a number of fictitious characters and marvelous
+circumstances with the historical personages and actual events of the
+crusade. The vital interest of the _Gerusalemme Liberata_ flows from
+this interpolated material, from the loves of Rinaldo and Tancredi, from
+the adventures of the Pagan damsels Erminia, Armida and Clorinda. The
+_Gerusalemme_ is in truth a Virgilian epic, upon which a romantic poem
+has been engrafted. Goffredo, idealized into statuesque frigidity,
+repeats the virtues of Aeneas; but the episode of Dido, which enlivens
+Virgil's hero, is transferred to Rinaldo's part in Tasso's story. The
+battles of Crusaders and Saracens are tedious copies of the battle in
+the tenth Aeneid; but the duels of Tancredi with Clorinda and Argante
+breathe the spirit and the fire of chivalry. The celestial and infernal
+councils, adopted as machinery, recall the rival factions in Olympus;
+but the force by which the plot moves is love. Pluto and the angel
+Gabriel are inactive by comparison with Armida, Erminia and Clorinda.
+Tasso in truth thought that he was writing a religious and heroic poem.
+What he did write, was a poem of sentiment and passion--a romance. Like
+Anacreon he might have cried:
+
+    thelô legein Atreidas
+    thelô de Kadmon adein,
+    ha barbitos de chordais
+    Erôta mounon êchei.
+
+He displayed, indeed, marvelous ingenuity and art in so connecting the
+two strains of his subject, the stately Virgilian history and the
+glowing modern romance, that they should contribute to the working of a
+single plot. Yet he could not succeed in vitalizing the former, whereas
+the latter will live as long as human interest in poetry endures. No one
+who has studied the _Gerusalemme_ returns with pleasure to Goffredo, or
+feels that the piety of the Christian heroes is inspired. He skips canto
+after canto dealing with the crusade, to dwell upon those lyrical
+outpourings of love, grief, anguish, vain remorse and injured affection
+which the supreme poet of sentiment has invented for his heroines; he
+recognizes the genuine inspiration of Erminia's pastoral idyl, of
+Armida's sensuous charms, of Clorinda's dying words, of the Siren's
+song and the music of the magic bird: of all, in fact, which is not
+pious in the poem.
+
+Tancredi, between Erminia and Clorinda, the one woman adoring him, the
+other beloved by him--the melancholy graceful modern Tancredi, Tasso's
+own soul's image--is the veritable hero of the _Gerusalemme_; and by a
+curious unintended propriety he disappears from the action before the
+close, without a word. The force of the poem is spiritualized and
+concentrated in Clorinda's death, which may be cited as an instance of
+sublimity in pathos. It is idyllized in the episode of Erminia among the
+shepherds, and sensualized in the supreme beauty of Armida's garden.
+Rinaldo is second in importance to Tancredi; and Goffredo, on whom Tasso
+bestows the blare of his Virgilian trumpet from the first line to the
+last, is poetically of no importance whatsoever. Argante, Solimano,
+Tisaferno, excite our interest, and win the sympathy we cannot spare the
+saintly hero; and in the death of Solimano Tasso's style, for once,
+verges upon tragic sublimity.
+
+What Tasso aimed at in the _Gerusalemme_ was nobility. This quality had
+not been prominent in Ariosto's art. If he could attain it, his ambition
+to rival the _Orlando Furioso_ would be satisfied. One main condition of
+success Tasso brought to the achievement. His mind itself was eminently
+noble, incapable of baseness, fixed on fair and worthy objects of
+contemplation. Yet the personal nobility which distinguished him as a
+thinker and a man, was not of the heroic type. He had nothing Homeric
+in his inspiration, nothing of the warrior or the patriot in his nature.
+His genius, when it pursued its bias, found instinctive utterance in
+elegy and idyl, in meditative rhetoric and pastoral melody. In order to
+assume the heroic strain, Tasso had recourse to scholarship, and gave
+himself up blindly to the guidance of Latin poets. This was consistent
+with the tendency of the Classical Revival; but since the subject to be
+dignified by epic style was Christian and mediaeval, a discord between
+matter and manner amounting almost to insincerity resulted. Some
+examples will make the meaning of this criticism more apparent. When
+Goffredo rejects the embassy of Atlete and Argante, he declares his firm
+intention of delivering Jerusalem in spite of overwhelming perils. The
+crusaders can but perish:
+
+    Noi morirem, ma non morremo inulti. (i. 86.)
+
+This of course is a reminiscence of Dido's last words, and the
+difference between the two situations creates a disagreeable
+incongruity. The nod of Jove upon Olympus is translated to express the
+fiat of the Almighty (xiii. 74); Gabriel is tricked out in the plumes
+and colors of Mercury (i. 13-15); the very angels sinning round the
+throne become 'dive sirene' (xiv. 9); the armory of heaven is described
+in terms which reduce Michael's spear and the arrows of pestilence to
+ordinary weapons (vii. 81); Hell is filled with harpies, centaurs,
+hydras, pythons, the common lumber of classical Tartarus (iv. 5); the
+angel sent to cure Goffredo's wound culls dittany on Ida (xi. 72); the
+heralds, interposing between Tancredi and Argante, hold pacific scepters
+and have naught of chivalry (vi. 51). It may be said that both Dante
+before Tasso, and Milton after him, employed similar classical language
+in dealing with Christian and mediaeval motives. But this will hardly
+serve as an excuse; for Dante and Milton communicate so intense a
+conviction of religious earnestness that their Latinisms, even though
+incongruous, are recognized as the mere clothing of profoundly felt
+ideas. The sublimity, the seriousness, the spiritual dignity is in their
+thought, not in its expression; whereas Tasso too frequently leaves us
+with the certainty that he has sought by ceremonious language to realize
+more than he could grasp with the imagination. In his council of the
+powers of hell, for instance, he creates monsters of huge dimensions and
+statuesque distinctness; but these are neither grotesquely horrible like
+Dante's, nor are they spirits with incalculable capacity for evil like
+Milton's.
+
+    Stampano alcuni il suol di ferine orme,
+    E in fronte umana ban chiome d'angui attorte;
+    E lor s'aggira dietro immensa coda,
+    Che quasi sferza si ripiega e snoda.
+
+Against this we have to place the dreadful scene of Satan with his
+angels transformed to snakes (_Par. Lost_, x. 508-584), and the
+Dantesque horror of the 'vermo reo che 'l mondo fora' (_Inf._ xxxiv.
+108). Again when Dante cries--
+
+                  O Sommo Giove,
+    Che fosti in terra per noi crocifisso!
+
+we feel that the Latin phrase is accidental. The spirit of the poet
+remains profoundly Christian. Tasso's Jehovah-Jupiter is always 'il Re
+del Ciel'; and the court of blessed spirits which surrounds his 'gran
+seggio,' though described with solemn pomp of phrase, cannot be compared
+with the Mystic Rose of Paradise (ix. 55-60). What Tasso lacks is
+authenticity of vision; and his heightened style only renders this
+imaginative poverty, this want of spiritual conviction, more apparent.
+
+His frequent borrowings from Virgil are less unsuccessful when the
+matter to be illustrated is not of this exalted order. Many similes
+(vii. 55, vii. 76, viii. 74) have been transplanted with nice propriety.
+Many descriptions, like that of the approach of night (ii-96), of the
+nightingale mourning for her young (xii. 90), of the flying dream (xiv.
+6), have been translated with exquisite taste. Dido's impassioned
+apostrophe to Aeneas reappears appropriately upon Armida's lips (xvi.
+56). We welcome such culled phrases as the following:
+
+                   l'orticel dispensa
+    Cibi non compri alia mia parca mensa (vii. 10).
+
+    Premer gli alteri, e sollevar gl'imbelli (x. 76).
+
+    E Tisaferno, il folgore di Marte (xvii. 31).
+
+    Va, vedi, e vinci (xvii. 38).
+
+    Ma mentre dolce parla e dolce ride (iv. 92).
+
+    Chè vinta la materia è dal lavoro (xvi. 2).
+
+    Non temo io te, nè tuoi gran vanti, o fero:
+    Ma il Cielo e il mio nemico amor pavento (xix. 73).
+
+It may, however, be observed that in the last of these passages Tasso
+does not show a just discriminative faculty. Turnus said:
+
+                     Non me tua fervida terrent
+    Dicta, ferox: Di me terrent et Jupiter hostis.
+
+From Jupiter to Amor is a descent from sublimity to pathos. In like
+manner when Hector's ghost reappears in the ghost of Armida's mother,
+
+    Quanto diversa, oimè, da quel che pria
+    Visto altrove (iv. 49),
+
+the reminiscence suggests ideas that are unfavorable to the modern
+version.
+
+In his description of battles, the mustering of armies, and military
+operations, Tasso neither draws from mediaeval sources nor from
+experience, but imitates the battle-pieces of Virgil and Lucan,
+sometimes with fine rhetorical effect and sometimes with wearisome
+frigidity. The death of Latino and his five sons is both touching in
+itself, and a good example of this Virgilian mannerism (ix. 35). The
+death of Dudone is justly celebrated as a sample of successful imitation
+(iii. 45):
+
+    Cade; e gli occhi, ch'appena aprir si ponno,
+    Dura quiete preme e ferreo sonno.
+
+The wound of Gerniero, on the contrary, illustrates the peril of
+seeking after conceits in the inferior manner of the master (ix. 69):
+
+    La destra di Gerniero, onde ferita
+    Ella fu pria, manda recisa al piano;
+    Tratto anco il ferro, e con tremanti dita
+    Semiviva nel suol guizza la mano.
+
+The same may be said about the wound of Algazèl (ix. 78) and the death
+of Ardonio (xx. 39). In the description of the felling of the forest
+(iii. 75, 76) and of the mustering of the Egyptian army (xvii. 1-36)
+Tasso's Virgilian style attains real grandeur and poetic beauty.
+
+Tasso was nothing if not a learned poet. It would be easy to illustrate
+what he has borrowed from Lucretius, or to point out that the pathos of
+Clorinda's apparition to Tancredi after death is a debt to Petrarch. It
+may, however, suffice here to indicate six phrases taken straight from
+Dante; since the _Divine Comedy_ was little studied in Tasso's age, and
+his selection of these lines reflects credit on his taste. These are:
+
+    Onorate l'altissimo campione! (iii. 73: _Inf._ iv.)
+
+    Goffredo intorno gli occhi gravi e tardi (vii. 58: _Inf._. iv.).
+
+                   a riveder le stelle (iv. 18: _Inf._ xxxiv.).
+
+    Ond' è ch'or tanto ardire in voi s'alletti? (ix. 76: _Inf._ ix.)
+
+    A guisa di leon quando si posa (x. 56: _Purg._ vi.)
+
+                  e guardi e passi (xx. 43: _Inf._ in.)
+
+As in the _Rinaldo_, so also in the _Gerusalemme_, Tasso's classical
+proclivities betrayed him into violation of the clear Italian language.
+Afraid of what is natural and common, he produced what is artificial and
+conceited. Hence came involved octaves like the following (vi. 109):
+
+      Siccome cerva, ch'assetata il passo
+    Mova a cercar d'acque lucenti e vive,
+    Ove un bel fonte distillar da un sasso
+    O vide un fiume tra frondose rive,
+    Se incontra i cani allor che il corpo lasso
+    Ristorar crede all'onde, all'ombre estive,
+    Volge indietro fuggendo, e la paura
+    La stanchezza obbliar face e l'arsura.
+
+The image is beautiful; but the diction is elaborately intricate,
+rhetorically indistinct. We find the same stylistic involution in these
+lines (xii. 6):
+
+    Ma s'egli avverrà pur che mia ventura
+    Nel mio ritorno mi rinchiuda il passo,
+    D'uom che in amor m'è padre a te la cura
+    E delle fide mie donzelle io lasso.
+
+The limpid well of native utterance is troubled at its source by
+scholastic artifices in these as in so many other passages of Tasso's
+masterpiece. Nor was he yet emancipated from the weakness of _Rinaldo_.
+Trying to soar upon the borrowed plumes of pseudo-classical sublimity,
+he often fell back wearied by this uncongenial effort into prose. Lame
+endings to stanzas, sudden descents from highly-wrought to pedestrian
+diction, are not uncommon in the _Gerusalemme_. The poet, diffident of
+his own inspiration, sought inspiration from books. In the magnificence
+of single lines again, the _Gerusalemme_ reminds us of _Rinaldo_. Tasso
+gained dignity of rhythm by choosing Latin adjectives and adverbs with
+pompous cadences. No versifier before his date had consciously employed
+the sonorous music of such lines as the following:--
+
+    Foro, tentando inaccessibil via (ii. 29).
+
+    Ond' Amor l'arco inevitabil tende (iii. 24).
+
+    Questa muraglia impenetrabil fosse (iii. 51).
+
+    Furon vedute fiammeggiare insieme (v. 28).
+
+    Qual capitan ch'inespugnabil terra (v. 64).
+
+    Sotto l'inevitabile tua spada (xvi. 33).
+
+    Immense solitudini d'arena (xvii. I).
+
+The last of these lines presents an impressive landscape in three
+melodious words.
+
+These verbal and stylistic criticisms are not meant to cast reproach on
+Tasso as a poet. If they have any value, it is the light they throw upon
+conditions under which the poet was constrained to work. Humanism and
+the Catholic Revival reduced this greatest genius of his age to the
+necessity of clothing religious sentiments in scholastic phraseology,
+with the view of attaining to epic grandeur. But the Catholic Revival
+was no regeneration of Christianity from living sources; and humanism
+had run its course in Italy, and was ending in the sands of critical
+self-consciousness. Thus piety in Tasso appears superficial and
+conventional rather than profoundly felt or originally vigorous; while
+the scholarship which supplied his epic style is scrupulous and timid.
+
+The enduring qualities of Tasso as a modern poet have still to be
+indicated; and to this more grateful portion of my argument I now
+address myself. Much might be said in the first place about his
+rhetorical dexterity--the flexibility of language in his hands, and the
+copiousness of thought, whereby he was able to adorn varied situations
+and depict diversity of passions with appropriate diction. Whether Alete
+is subtly pleading a seductive cause, or Goffredo is answering his
+sophistries with well-weighed arguments; whether Pluto addresses the
+potentates of hell, or Erminia wavers between love and honor; whether
+Tancredi pours forth the extremity of his despair, or Armida heaps
+reproaches on Rinaldo in his flight; the musical and luminously polished
+stanzas lend themselves without change of style to every gradation of
+the speaker's mood. In this art of rhetoric, Tasso seems to have taken
+Livy for his model; and many of his speeches which adorn the graver
+portions of his poem are noticeable for compact sententious wisdom.
+
+In fancy Tasso was not so naturally rich and inventive as the author of
+_Orlando Furioso_. Yet a gallery of highly-finished pictures might be
+collected from his similes and metaphors. What pride and swiftness mark
+this vision of a thunderbolt:
+
+    Grande ma breve fulmine il diresti,
+    Che inaspettato sopraggiunga e passi;
+    Ma del suo corso momentaneo resti
+    Vestigio eterno in dirupati sassi (xx. 93).
+
+How delicately touched is this uprising of the morning star from ocean:
+
+    Qual mattutina Stella esce dell'onde
+    Rugiadosa e stillante; o come fuore
+    Spuntò nascendo già dalle feconde
+    Spume dell'ocean la Dea d'amore (xv. 60).
+
+Here is an image executed in the style of Ariosto. Clorinda has received
+a wound on her uncovered head:
+
+    Fu levissima piaga, e i biondi crini
+    Rosseggiaron così d'alquante stille,
+    Come rosseggia l'or che di rubini
+    Per man d'illustre artefice sfaville (iii. 30).
+
+Flowers furnish the poet with exquisite suggestions of color:
+
+    D'un bel pallor ha il bianco volto asperso,
+    Come a gigli sarian miste viole (xii. 69).
+
+    Quale a pioggia d'argento e mattutina
+    Si rabbellisce scolorita rosa (xx. 129).
+
+Sometimes the painting is minutely finished like a miniature:
+
+      Così piuma talor, che di gentile
+    Amorosa colomba il collo cinge,
+    Mai non sì scorge a sè stessa simile,
+    Ma in diversi colori al sol si tinge:
+    Or d'accesi rubin sembra un monile,
+    Or di verdi smeraldi il lume finge,
+    Or insieme li mesce, e varia e vaga
+    In cento modi i riguardanti appaga (xv. 5).
+
+Sometimes the style is broad, the touch vigorous:
+
+      Qual feroce destrier, ch'al faticoso
+    Onor dell'arme vincitor sia tolto,
+    E lascivo marito in vil riposo
+    Fra gli armenti e ne'paschi erri dìsciolto,
+
+    Se il desta o suon di tromba, o luminoso
+    Acciar, cola tosto annitrendo è volto;
+    Già già brama l'arringo, el'uom sul dorso
+    Portando, urtato riurtar nel corso (xvi. 28).
+
+I will content myself with referring to the admirably conceived simile
+of a bulky galleon at sea attacked by a swifter and more agile vessel
+(xix. 13), which may perhaps have suggested to Fuller his famous
+comparison of Shakespeare and Ben Jonson in their wit encounters.
+
+But Tasso was really himself, incomparable and unapproachable, when he
+wrote in what musicians would call the _largo e maestoso_ mood.
+
+    Giace l'alta Cartago; appena i segni
+    Dell'alte sue ruine il lido serba.
+    Muoino le città, muoino i regni;
+    Copre i fasti e le pompe arena ed erba;
+    E l'uomo d'esser mortal par che si sdegni!
+    Oh nostra mente cupida e superba! (xv. 20).
+
+This is perfect in its measured melancholy, the liquid flow of its
+majestic simplicity. The same musical breadth, the same noble sweetness,
+pervade a passage on the eternal beauty of the heavens compared with the
+brief brightness of a woman's eyes:
+
+                           oh quante belle
+    Luci il tempio celeste in sè raguna!
+    Ha il suo gran carro il di; le aurate stelle
+    Spiega la notte e l'argentata luna;
+    Ma non è chi vagheggi o questa o quelle;
+    E miriam noi torbida luce e bruna,
+    Che un girar d'occhi, un balenar di riso
+    Scopre in breve confin di fragil viso (xviii. 15).
+
+This verbal music culminates in the two songs of earthly joy, the
+_chants d'amour_, or hymns to pleasure, sung by Armida's ministers
+(xiv. 60-65, xvi. 12, 13). Boiardo and Ariosto had painted the
+seductions of enchanted gardens, where valor was enthralled by beauty,
+and virtue dulled by voluptuous delights. It remained for Tasso to give
+that magic of the senses vocal utterance. From the myrtle groves of
+Orontes, from the spell-bound summer amid snows upon the mountains of
+the Fortunate Isle, these lyrics with their penetrative sweetness, their
+lingering regret, pass into the silence of the soul. It is eminently
+characteristic of Tasso's mood and age that the melody of both these
+honeyed songs should thrill with sadness. Nature is at war with honor;
+youth passes like a flower away; therefore let us love and yield our
+hearts to pleasure while we can. _Sehnsucht_, the soul of modern
+sentiment, the inner core of modern music, makes its entrance into the
+sphere of art with these two hymns. The division of the mind, wavering
+between natural impulse and acquired morality, gives the tone of
+melancholy to the one chant. In the other, the invitation to
+self-abandonment is mingled with a forecast of old age and death. Only
+Catullus, in his song to Lesbia, among the ancients touched this note;
+only Villon, perhaps, in his Ballade of Dead Ladies, touched it among
+the moderns before Tasso. But it has gone on sounding ever since through
+centuries which have enjoyed the luxury of grief in music.
+
+If Tancredi be the real hero of the _Gerusalemme_, Armida is the
+heroine. The action of the epic follows her movements. She combines the
+parts of Angelica and Alcina in one that is original and novel. A
+sorceress, deputed by the powers of hell to defeat the arms of the
+crusaders, Armida falls herself in love with a Christian champion. Love
+changes her from a beautiful white witch into a woman.[76] When she
+meets Rinaldo in the battle, she discharges all her arrows vainly at the
+man who has deserted her. One by one, they fly and fall; and as they
+wing their flight, Love wounds her own heart with his shafts:
+
+    Scocca I' arco più volte, e non fa piaga
+    E, mentre ella saetta, amor lei piaga (xx. 65).
+
+Then she turns to die in solitude. Rinaldo follows, and stays her in the
+suicidal act. Despised and rejected as she is, she cannot hate him. The
+man she had entangled in her wiles has conquered and subdued her nature.
+To the now repentant minister of hell he proposes baptism; and Armida
+consents:
+
+    Sì parla, e prega; e i preghi bagna e scalda
+    Or di lagrime rare, or di sospiri:
+    Onde, siccome suol nevosa falda
+    Dov'arde il sole, o tepid' aura spiri,
+    Così l'ira che in lei parea sì salda,
+    Solvesi, e restan sol gli altri desiri.
+    _Ecco l'ancilla tua_; d'essa a tuo senno
+    Dispon, gli disse, e le fia legge il cenno (xx. 136).
+
+[Footnote 76: I may incidentally point out how often this motive has
+supplied the plot to modern ballets.]
+
+This metamorphosis of the enchantress into the woman in Armida, is the
+climax of the _Gerusalemme_. It is also the climax and conclusion of
+Italian romantic poetry, the resolution of its magic and marvels into
+the truths of human affection. Notice, too, with what audacity Tasso has
+placed the words of Mary on the lips of his converted sorceress!
+Deliberately planning a religious and heroic poem, he assigns the spoils
+of conquered hell to love triumphant in a woman's breast. Beauty, which
+in itself is diabolical, the servant of the lords of Hades, attains to
+apotheosis through affection. In Armida we already surmise _das ewig
+Weibliche_ of Goethe's Faust, Gretchen saving her lover's soul before
+Madonna's throne in glory.
+
+What was it, then, that Tasso, this 'child of a later and a colder age,'
+as Shelley called him, gave of permanent value to European literature?
+We have seen that the _Gerusalemme_ did not fulfill the promise of
+heroic poetry for that eminently unheroic period. We know that neither
+the Virgilian hero nor the laboriously developed theme commands the
+interest of posterity. We feel that religious emotion is feeble here,
+and that the classical enthusiasm of the Renaissance is on the point of
+expiring in those Latinistic artifices. Yet the interwoven romance
+contains a something difficult to analyze, intangible and
+evanescent--_un non so che_, to use the poet's favorite phrase--which
+riveted attention in the sixteenth century, and which harmonizes with
+our own sensibility to beauty. Tasso, in one word, was the poet, not of
+passion, not of humor, not of piety, not of elevated action, but of
+that new and undefined emotion which we call Sentiment. Unknown to the
+ancients, implicit in later mediaeval art, but not evolved with
+clearness from romance, alien to the sympathies of the Renaissance as
+determined by the Classical Revival, sentiment, that _non so che_ of
+modern feeling, waited for its first apocalypse in Tasso's work. The
+phrase which I have quoted, and which occurs so frequently in this
+poet's verse, indicates the intrusion of a new element into the sphere
+of European feeling. Vague, indistinct, avoiding outline, the phrase _un
+non so che_ leaves definition to the instinct of those who feel, but
+will not risk the limitation of their feeling by submitting it to words.
+Nothing in antique psychology demanded a term of this kind. Classical
+literature, in close affinity to sculpture, dealt with concrete images
+and conscious thoughts. The mediaeval art of Dante, precisely,
+mathematically measured, had not felt the need of it. Boccaccio's
+clear-cut intaglios from life and nature, Petrarch's compassed melodies,
+Poliziano's polished arabesques, Ariosto's bright and many colored
+pencilings, were all of them, in all their varied phases of Renaissance
+expression, distinguished by decision and firmness of drawing.
+Vagueness, therefore, had hitherto found no place in European poetry or
+plastic art. But music, the supreme symbol of spiritual infinity in art,
+was now about to be developed; and the specific touch of Tasso, the
+musician-poet, upon portraiture and feeling, called forth this quality
+of vagueness, a vagueness that demanded melody to give what it refused
+from language to accept. Mendelssohn when some one asked him what is
+meant by music, replied that it had meanings for his mind more
+unmistakable than those which words convey; but what these meanings
+were, he did not or he could not make clear. This certainty of
+sentiment, seeming vague only because it floats beyond the scope of
+language in regions of tone and color and emotion, is what Tasso's _non
+so che_ suggests to those who comprehend. And Tasso, by his frequent
+appeal to it, by his migration from the plastic into the melodic realm
+of the poetic art, proved himself the first genuinely sentimental artist
+of the modern age. It is just this which gave him a wider and more
+lasting empire over the heart through the next two centuries than that
+claimed by Ariosto.
+
+It may not be unprofitable to examine in detail Tasso's use of the
+phrase to which so much importance has been assigned in the foregoing
+paragraph. We meet it first in the episode of Olindo and Sofronia.
+Sofronia, of all the heroines of the _Gerusalemme_, is the least
+interesting, notwithstanding her magnanimous mendacity and Jesuitical
+acceptance of martyrdom. Olindo touches the weaker fibers of our
+sympathy by his feminine devotion to a woman placed above him in the
+moral scale, whose love he wins by splendid falsehood equal to her own.
+The episode, entirely idle in the action of the poem, has little to
+recommend it, if we exclude the traditionally accepted reference to
+Tasso's love for Leonora d'Este. But when Olindo and Sofronia are
+standing, back to back, against the stake, Aladino, who has decreed
+their death by burning, feels his rude bosom touched with sudden pity:
+
+    Un non so che d'inusitato e molle
+    Par che nel duro petto al re trapasse:
+    Ei presentillo, e si sdegnò; nè voile
+    Piegarsi, e gli occhi torse, e si ritrasse (ii. 37).
+
+The intrusion of a lyrical emotion, unknown before in the tyrant's
+breast, against which he contends with anger, and before the force of
+which he bends, prepares us for the happy _dénouement_ brought about by
+Clorinda. This vague stirring of the soul, this _non so che_, this
+sentiment, is the real agent in Sofronia's release and Olindo's
+beatification.
+
+Clorinda is about to march upon her doom. She is inflamed with the
+ambition to destroy the engines of the Christian host by fire at night;
+and she calls Argante to her counsels:
+
+    Buona pezza è, signor, che in sè raggira
+    Un non so che d'insolito e d'audace
+    La mia mente inquieta; o Dio l'inspira,
+    O l'uom del suo voler suo Dio si face (xii. 5).
+
+Thus at this solemn point of time, when death is certainly in front,
+when she knows not whether God has inspired her or whether she has made
+of her own wish a deity, Clorinda utters the mystic word of vague
+compulsive feeling.
+
+Erminia, taken captive by Tancredi after the siege of Antioch, is
+brought into her master's tent. He treats her with chivalrous courtesy,
+and offers her a knight's protection:
+
+    Allora un non so che soave e piano
+    Sentii, ch'al cor mi scese, e vi s'affisse,
+    Che, serpendomi poi per l'alma vaga,
+    Non so come, divenne incendio e piaga (xix. 94).
+
+At that moment, by the distillation of that vague emotion into vein and
+marrow, Erminia becomes Tancredi's slave, and her future is determined.
+
+These examples are, perhaps, sufficient to show how Tasso, at the
+turning-points of destiny for his most cherished personages, invoked
+indefinite emotion to adumbrate the forces with which will contends in
+vain. But the master phrase rings even yet more tyrannously in the
+passage of Clorinda's death, which sums up all of sentiment included in
+romance. Long had Tancredi loved Clorinda. Meeting her in battle, he
+stood her blows defenseless; for Clorinda was an Amazon, reduced by
+Tasso's gentle genius to womanhood from the proportions of Marfisa.
+Finally, with heart surcharged with love for her, he has to cross his
+sword in deadly duel with this lady. Malign stars rule the hour: he
+knows not who she is: misadventure makes her, instead of him, the victim
+of their encounter. With her last breath she demands baptism--the good
+Tasso, so it seems, could not send so fair a creature of his fancy as
+Clorinda to the shades without viaticum; and his poetry rises to the
+sublime of pathos in this stanza:
+
+      Amico, hai vinto: io ti perdon: perdona
+    Tu ancora: al corpo no, che nulla pave;
+    All'alma sì: deh! per lei prega; e dona
+    Battesmo a me ch'ogni mia colpa lave.
+    In queste voci languide risuona
+    Un non so che di flebile e soave
+    Ch'al cor gli serpe, ed ogni sdegno ammorza,
+    E gli occhi a lagrimar gl'invoglia e sforza (xii. 66).
+
+Here the vague emotion, the _non so che_, distils itself through
+Clorinda's voice into Tancredi's being. Afterwards it thrills there like
+moaning winds in an Aeolian lyre, reducing him to despair upon his bed
+of sickness, and reasserting its lyrical charm in the vision which he
+has of Clorinda among the trees of the enchanted forest. He stands
+before the cypress where the soul of his dead lady seems to his
+misguided fancy prisoned; and the branches murmur in his ears:
+
+    Fremere intanto udia continuo il vento
+    Tra le frondi del bosco e tra i virgulti,
+    E trarne un suon che flebile concento
+    Par d'umani sospiri e di singulti;
+    E un non so che confuso instilla al core
+    Di pietà, di spavento e di dolore (xiii. 40).
+
+The master word, the magic word of Tasso's sentiment, is uttered at this
+moment of illusion. The poet has no key to mysteries locked up within
+the human breast more powerful than this indefinite _un non so che_.
+
+Enough has been said to show how Tasso used the potent spell of
+vagueness, when he found himself in front of supreme situations. This
+is in truth the secret of his mastery over sentiment, the spell whereby
+he brings nature and night, the immense solitudes of deserts, the
+darkness of forests, the wailings of the winds and the plangent litanies
+of sea-waves into accord with overstrained humanity. It was a great
+discovery; by right of it Tasso proved himself the poet of the coming
+age.
+
+When the _Gerusalemme_ was completed, Tasso had done his best work as a
+poet. The misfortunes which began to gather round him in his
+thirty-first year, made him well-nigh indifferent to the fate of the
+poem which had drained his life-force, and from which he had expected so
+much glory. It was published without his permission or supervision. He,
+meanwhile, in the prison of S. Anna, turned his attention to prose
+composition. The long series of dialogues, with which he occupied the
+irksome leisure of seven years, interesting as they are in matter and
+genial in style, indicate that the poet was now in abeyance. It remained
+to be seen whether inspiration would revive with freedom. No sooner were
+the bolts withdrawn than his genius essayed a fresh flight. He had long
+meditated the composition of a tragedy, and had already written some
+scenes. At Mantua in 1586-7 this work took the form of _Torrismondo_. It
+cannot be called a great drama, for it belongs to the rigid declamatory
+species of Italian tragedy; and Tasso's genius was romantic, idyllic,
+elegiac, anything but genuinely tragic. Yet the style is eminent for
+nobility and purity. Just as the _Aminta_ showed how unaffected Tasso
+could be when writing without preconceived theories of heightened
+diction, so the _Torrismondo_ displays an unstrained dignity of simple
+dialogue. It testifies to the plasticity of language in the hands of a
+master, who deliberately chose and sustained different styles in
+different species of poetry, and makes us regret that he should have
+formed his epic manner upon so artificial a type. The last chorus of
+_Torrismondo_ deserves to be mentioned as a perfect example of Tasso's
+melancholy elegiac pathos.
+
+Meanwhile he began to be dissatisfied with the _Gerusalemme_, and in
+1588 he resolved upon remodeling his masterpiece. The real vitality of
+that poem was, as we have seen, in its romance. But Tasso thought
+otherwise. During the fourteen years which elapsed since its completion,
+the poet's youthful fervor had been gradually fading out. Inspiration
+yielded to criticism; piety succeeded to sentiment and enthusiasm for
+art. Therefore, in this later phase of his maturity, with powers
+impaired by prolonged sufferings and wretched health, tormented by
+religious scruples and vague persistent fear, he determined to eliminate
+the romance from the epic, to render its unity of theme more rigorous,
+and to concentrate attention upon the serious aspects of the subject.
+The result of this plan, pursued through five years of wandering, was
+the _Gerusalemme Conquistata_, a poem which the world has willingly let
+die, in which the style of the _Gerusalemme Liberata_ is worsened, and
+which now serves mainly to establish by comparison the fact that what
+was immortal in Tasso's art was the romance he ruthlessly rooted out. A
+further step in this transition from art to piety is marked by the poem
+upon the Creation of the World, called _Le Sette Giornate_. Written in
+blank verse, it religiously but tamely narrates the operation of the
+Divine Artificer, following the first chapter of Genesis and expanding
+the motive of each of the seven days with facile rhetoric. Of action and
+of human interest the poem has none; of artistic beauty little. The
+sustained descriptive style wearies; and were not this the last work of
+Tasso, it would not be mentioned by posterity.
+
+Tasso has already occupied us through two chapters. Before passing
+onward I must, however, invite the reader to pause awhile and
+reconsider, even at the risk of retrospect and repetition, some of the
+salient features of his character. And now I remember that of his
+personal appearance nothing has hitherto been said. 'Tasso was tall,
+well-proportioned, and of very fair complexion. His thick hair and beard
+were of a light-brown color. His head was large, forehead broad and
+square, eyebrows dark, eyes large, lively and blue, nose large and
+curved toward the mouth, lips thin and pale.' So writes Manso, the
+poet's friend and biographer, adding: 'His voice was clear and sonorous;
+but he read his poems badly, because of a slight impediment in his
+speech, and because he was short-sighted.' I know not whether I am
+justified in drawing from this description the conclusion that Tasso
+was, physically, a man of mixed lymphatic and melancholic temperament,
+of more than ordinary sensitiveness. Imperfection, at any rate, is
+indicated by the thin pale lips, the incoherent utterance and the
+uncertain vision to which his friend in faithfulness bears witness. Of
+painted portraits representing Tasso in later life there are many; but
+most of these seem to be based upon the mask taken from his face after
+death, which still exists at S. Onofrio. Twenty-one years ago I gazed
+upon this mask, before I knew then more than every schoolboy knows of
+Tasso's life and writings. This is what I wrote about it in my Roman
+diary: 'The face is mild and weak, especially in the thin short chin and
+feeble mouth.[77] The forehead round, and ample in proportion to the
+other features. The eyes are small, but this may be due to the
+contraction of death. The mouth is almost vulgar, very flat in the upper
+lip; but this also ought perhaps to be attributed to the relaxation of
+tissue by death.
+
+Tasso was constitutionally inclined to pensive moods. His outlook over
+life was melancholy.[78]
+
+[Footnote 77: Giov. Imperiale in the _Museum Historicum_ describes him
+thus: 'Perpetuo moerentis et altius cogitantis gessit aspectum, _gracili
+mento_, facie decolori, conniventibus cavisque oculis.']
+
+[Footnote 78: 'La mia fiera malinconia' is a phrase which often recurs
+in his letters.]
+
+The tone of his literary work, whether in prose or poetry, is
+elegiac--musically, often querulously plaintive. There rests a shadow of
+dejection over all he wrote and thought and acted. Yet he was finely
+sensitive to pleasure, thrillingly alive to sentimental beauty.[79]
+Though the man lived purely, untainted by the license of the age, his
+genius soared highest when he sang some soft luxurious strain of love.
+He was wholly deficient in humor. Taking himself and the world of men
+and things too much in earnest, he weighed heavily alike on art and
+life. The smallest trifles, if they touched him, seemed to him
+important.[80] Before imaginary terrors he shook like an aspen. The
+slightest provocation roused his momentary resentment. The most
+insignificant sign of neglect or coldness wounded his self-esteem.
+Plaintive, sensitive to beauty, sentimental, tender, touchy,
+self-engrossed, devoid of humor--what a sentient instrument was this for
+uttering Aeolian melodies, and straining discords through storm-jangled
+strings!
+
+[Footnote 79: 'Questo segno mi ho proposto: piacere ed onore'
+(_Lettere_, vol. v. p. 87).]
+
+[Footnote 80: It should be said that as a man of letters he bore with
+fools gladly, and showed a noble patience. Of this there is a fine
+example in his controversy with Della Cruscans. He was not so patient
+with the publishers and pirates of his works. No wonder, when they
+robbed him so!]
+
+From the Jesuits, in childhood, he received religious impressions which
+might almost be described as mesmeric or hypnotic in their influence
+upon his nerves. These abode with him through manhood; and in later
+life morbid scruples and superstitious anxieties about his soul laid
+hold on his imagination. Yet religion did not penetrate Tasso's nature.
+As he conceived it, there was nothing solid and supporting in its
+substance. Piety was neither deeply rooted nor indigenous, neither
+impassioned nor logically reasoned, in the adult man.[81] What it might
+have been, but for those gimcrack ecstasies before the Host in boyhood,
+cannot now be fancied. If he contained the stuff of saint or simple
+Christian, this was sterilized and stunted by the clever fathers in
+their school at Naples.
+
+During the years of his feverishly active adolescence Tasso played for a
+while with philosophical doubts. But though he read widely and
+speculated diffusely on the problems of the universe, he failed to
+pierce below the surface of the questions which he handled. His own
+beliefs had been tested in no red-hot crucible, before he recoiled with
+terror from their analysis. The man, to put it plainly, was incapable of
+honest revolt against the pietistic fashions of his age, incapable of
+exploratory efforts, and yet too intelligent to rest satisfied with
+gross dogmatism or smug hypocrisy. Neither as a thinker, nor as a
+Christian, nor yet again as that epicene religious being, a Catholic of
+the Counter-Reformation, did this noble and ingenuous, but weakly nature
+attain to thoroughness.
+
+[Footnote 81: Tasso's diffuse paraphrase of the _Stabat Mater_ might be
+selected to illustrate the sentimental tenderness rather than strength
+of his religious feeling.]
+
+Tasso's mind was lively and sympathetic; not penetrative, not fitted for
+forming original or comprehensive views. He lived for no great object,
+whether political, moral, religious, or scientific. He committed himself
+to no vice. He obeyed no absorbing passion of love or hatred. In his
+misfortunes he displayed the helplessness which stirs mere pity for a
+prostrate human being. The poet who complained so querulously, who wept
+so copiously, who forgot offense so nonchalantly, cannot command
+admiration.
+
+There is nothing sublimely tragic in Tasso's suffering. The sentiment
+inspired by it is that at best of pathos. An almost childish
+self-engrossment restricted his thoughts, his aims and aspirations, to a
+narrow sphere, within which he wandered incurably idealistic, pursuing
+prosaic or utilitarian objects--the favor of princes, place at Courts,
+the recovery of his inheritance--in a romantic and unpractical
+spirit.[82] Vacillating, irresolute, peevish, he roamed through all the
+towns of Italy, demanding more than sympathy could give, exhausting
+friendship, changing from place to place, from lord to lord. Yet how
+touching was the destiny of this laureled exile, this brilliant wayfarer
+on the highroads of a world he never understood! Shelley's phrase, 'the
+world's rejected guest' exactly seems to suit him.
+
+[Footnote 82: The numerous plaintive requests for a silver cup, a ring,
+a silk cloak and such trifles in his later letters indicate something
+quite childish in his pre-occupations.]
+
+And yet he allowed himself to become the spoiled child of his
+misfortunes. Without them, largely self-created as they were, Tasso
+could not now appeal to our hearts. Nor does he appeal to us as Dante,
+eating the salt bread of patrons' tables, does; as Milton, blind and
+fallen on evil days; as Chatterton, perishing in pride and silence; as
+Johnson, turning from the stairs of Chesterfield; as Bruno, averting
+stern eyes from the crucifix; as Leopardi, infusing the virus of his
+suffering into the veins of humanity; as Heine, motionless upon his
+mattress grave. These more potent personalities, bequeathing to the
+world examples of endurance, have won the wreath of never-blasted bays
+which shall not be set on Tasso's forehead. We crown him with frailer
+leaves, bedewed with tears tender as his own sentiment, and aureoled
+with the light that emanates from pure and delicate creations of his
+fancy.
+
+Though Tasso does not command admiration by heroism, he wins compassion
+as a beautiful and finely-gifted nature inadequate to cope with the
+conditions of his century. For a poet to be independent in that age of
+intellectual servitude was well-nigh impossible. To be light-hearted and
+ironically indifferent lay not in Tasso's temperament. It was no less
+difficult for a man of his mental education to maintain the balance
+between orthodoxy and speculation, faith and reason, classical culture
+and Catholicism, the Renaissance and the Counter-Reformation. He
+belonged in one sense too much, and in another sense too little, to his
+epoch. One eminent critic calls him the only Christian of the Italian
+Renaissance, another with equal justice treats him as the humanistic
+poet of the Catholic Revival.[83]
+
+Properly speaking, he was the genius of that transition from the
+Renaissance to the Counter-Reformation, on which I dwelt in the second
+chapter of this work. By natural inclination he belonged to the line of
+artists which began with Boccaccio and culminated in Ariosto. But his
+training and the bias of the times in which he lived, made him break
+with Boccaccio's tradition. He tried to be the poet of the Council of
+Trent, without having assimilated hypocrisy or acquired false taste,
+without comprehending the essentially prosaic and worldly nature of that
+religious revolution. He therefore lived and worked in a continual
+discord. This may not suffice to account for the unhingement of his
+reason. I prefer to explain that by the fatigue of intellectual labor
+and worry acting on a brain predisposed for melancholia and overtasked
+from infancy. But it does account for the moral martyrdom he suffered,
+and the internal perplexity to which he was habitually subject.
+
+[Footnote 83: Carducci, in his essay _Dello Svolgimento della
+Letteratura Nazionale_, and Quinet, in his _Révolutions d'ltalie_.]
+
+When Tasso first saw the light, the Italians had rejected the
+Reformation and consented to stifle free thought. The culture of the
+Renaissance had been condemned; the Spanish hegemony had been accepted.
+Of this new attitude the concordat between Charles and Clement, the
+Tridentine Council, the Inquisition and the Company of Jesus were
+external signs. But these potent agencies had not accomplished their
+work in Tasso's lifetime. He was rent in twain because he could not
+react against them as Bruno did, and could not identify himself with
+them as Loyola was doing. As an artist he belonged to the old order
+which was passing, as a Christian to the new order which was emerging.
+His position as a courtier, when the Augustan civility of the earlier
+Medici was being superseded by dynastic absolutism, complicated his
+difficulties. While accepting service in the modern spirit of
+subjection, he dreamed of masters who should be Maecenases, and fondly
+imagined that poets might still live, like Petrarch, on terms of
+equality with princes.
+
+We therefore see in Tasso one who obeyed influences to which his real
+self never wholly or consciously submitted. He was not so much out of
+harmony with his age as the incarnation of its still unharmonized
+contradictions. The pietism instilled into his mind at Naples; the
+theories of art imbibed at Padua and Venice; the classical lumber
+absorbed during his precocious course of academical studies; the
+hypocritical employment of allegory to render sensuous poetry decorous;
+the deference to critical opinion and the dictates of literary
+lawgivers; the reverence for priests and princes interposed between the
+soul and God: these were principles which Tasso accepted without having
+properly assimilated and incorporated their substance into his spiritual
+being. What the poet in him really was, we perceive when he wrote, to
+use Dante's words, as Love dictates; or as Plato said, when he submitted
+to the mania of the Muse; or as Horace counseled, when he indulged his
+genius. It is in the _Aminta_, in the episodes of the _Gerusalemme_, in
+a small percentage of the _Rime_, that we find the true Tasso. For the
+rest, he had not the advantages enjoyed by Boiardo and Ariosto in a less
+self-conscious age, of yielding to natural impulse after a full and
+sympathetic study of classical and mediaeval sources. The analytical
+labors of the previous century hampered his creativeness. He brought to
+his task preoccupations of divers and self-contradictory
+pedantries--pedantries of Catholicism, pedantries of scholasticism,
+pedantries of humanism in its exhausted phase, pedantries of criticism
+refined and subtilized within a narrow range of problems. He had,
+moreover, weighing on his native genius the fears which brooded like
+feverish exhalations over the evil days in which he lived--fears of
+Church-censure, fears of despotic princes, fears of the Inquisition,
+fears of hell, fears of the judgment of academies, fears of social
+custom and courtly conventionalities. Neither as poet nor as man had he
+the courage of originality. What he lacked was character. He obeyed the
+spirit of his age, in so far as he did not, like young David, decline
+Saul's armor and enter into combat with Philistinism, wielding his
+sling and stone of native force alone. Yet that native force was so
+vigorous that, in spite of the panoply of prejudice he wore, in spite of
+the cumbrous armor lent him by authority, he moved at times with superb
+freedom. In those rare intervals of personal inspiration he dictated the
+love-tales of Erminia and Armida, the death-scene of Clorinda, the
+pastoral of Aminta and Silvia--episodes which created the music and the
+painting of two centuries, and which still live upon the lips of the
+people. But inasmuch as his genius labored beneath the superincumbent
+weight of precedents and deferences, the poet's nature was strained to
+the uttermost and his nervous elasticity was overtaxed. No sooner had he
+poured forth freely what flowed freely from his soul, than he returned
+on it with scrupulous analysis. The product of his spirit stood before
+him as a thing to be submitted to opinion, as a substance subject to the
+test of all those pedantries and fears. We cannot wonder that the
+subsequent conflict perplexed his reason and sterilized his creative
+faculty to such an extent that he spent the second half of his life in
+attempting to undo the great work of his prime. The _Gerusalemme
+Conquistata_ and the _Sette Giornate_ are thus the splendid triumph
+achieved by the feebler over the stronger portions of his nature, the
+golden tribute paid by his genius to the evil genius of the age
+controlling him. He was a poet who, had he lived in the days of Ariosto,
+would have created in all senses spontaneously, producing works of
+Virgilian beauty and divine melancholy to match the Homeric beauty and
+the divine irony of his great peer. But this was not to be. The spirit
+of the times which governed his education, with which he was not
+revolutionary enough to break, which he strove as a critic to assimilate
+and as a social being to obey, destroyed his independence, perplexed his
+judgment, and impaired his nervous energy. His best work was
+consequently of unequal value; pure and base metal mingled in its
+composition. His worst was a barren and lifeless failure.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER IX.
+
+GIORDANO BRUNO.
+
+     Scientific Bias of the Italians checked by Catholic
+     Revival--Boyhood of Bruno--Enters Order of S. Dominic at
+     Naples--Early Accusations of Heresy--Escapes to Rome--Teaches the
+     Sphere at Noli--Visits Venice--At Geneva--At Toulouse--At
+     Paris--His Intercourse with Henri III.--Visits England--The French
+     Ambassador in London--Oxford--Bruno's Literary Work in
+     England--Returns to Paris--Journeys into Germany--Wittenberg,
+     Helmstädt, Frankfort--Invitation to Venice from Giovanni
+     Mocenigo--His Life in Venice--Mocenigo denounces him to the
+     Inquisition--His Trial at Venice--Removal to Rome--Death by Burning
+     in 1600--Bruno's Relation to the Thought of his Age and to the
+     Thought of Modern Europe--Outlines of his Philosophy.
+
+The humanistic and artistic impulses of the Renaissance were at the
+point of exhaustion in Italy. Scholarship declined; the passion for
+antiquity expired. All those forms of literature which Boccaccio
+initiated--comedy, romance, the idyl, the lyric and the novel--had been
+worked out by a succession of great writers. It became clear that the
+nation was not destined to create tragic or heroic types of poetry.
+Architecture, sculpture and painting had performed their task of
+developing mediaeval motives by the light of classic models, and were
+now entering on the stage of academical inanity. Yet the mental vigor of
+the Italians was by no means exhausted. Early in the sixteenth century
+Machiavelli had inaugurated a new method for political philosophy;
+Pompanazzo at Padua and Telesio at Cosenza disclosed new horizons for
+psychology and the science of nature. It seemed as though the
+Renaissance in Italy were about to assume a fresh and more serious
+character without losing its essential inspiration. That evolution of
+intellectual energy which had begun with the assimilation of the
+classics, with the first attempts at criticism, with the elaboration of
+style and the perfection of artistic form, now promised to invade the
+fields of metaphysical and scientific speculation. It is true, as we
+have seen, that the theological problems of the German Reformation took
+but slight hold on Italians. Their thinkers were already too far
+advanced upon the paths of modern rationalism to feel the actuality of
+questions which divided Luther from Zwingli, Calvin from Servetus, Knox
+from Cranmer. But they promised to accomplish master-works of
+incalculable magnitude in wider provinces of exploration and
+investigation. And had this progress not been checked, Italy would have
+crowned and completed the process commenced by humanism. In addition to
+the intellectual culture already given to Europe, she might have
+revealed right methods of mental analysis and physical research. For
+this further step in the discovery of man and of the world, the nation
+was prepared to bring an army of new pioneers into the field--the
+philosophers of the south, and the physicists of the Lombard
+universities.
+
+Humanism effected the emancipation of intellect by culture. It called
+attention to the beauty and delightfulness of nature, restored man to a
+sense of his dignity, and freed him from theological authority. But in
+Italy, at any rate, it left his conscience, his religion, his
+sociological ideas, the deeper problems which concern his relation to
+the universe, the subtler secrets of the world in which he lives,
+untouched.
+
+These _novi homines_ of the later Renaissance, as Bacon called them,
+these _novatori_, as they were contemptuously styled in Italy, prepared
+the further emancipation of the intellect by science. They asserted the
+liberty of thought and speech, proclaimed the paramount authority of
+that inner light or indwelling deity which man owns in his brain and
+breast, and rehabilitated nature from the stigma cast on it by
+Christianity. What the Bible was for Luther, that was the great Book of
+Nature for Telesio, Bruno, Campanella. The German reformer appealed to
+the reason of the individual as conscience; the school of southern Italy
+made a similar appeal to intelligence. In different ways Luther and
+these speculative thinkers maintained the direct illumination of the
+human soul by God, man's immediate dependence on his Maker, repudiating
+ecclesiastical intervention, and refusing to rely on any principle but
+earnest love of truth.
+
+Had this new phase of the Italian Renaissance been permitted to evolve
+itself unhindered, there is no saying how much earlier Europe might have
+entered into the possession of that kingdom of unprejudiced research
+which is now secured for us. But it was just at the moment when Italy
+became aware of the arduous task before her, that the Catholic reaction
+set in with all its rigor. The still creative spirit of her children
+succumbed to the Inquisition, the Congregation of the Index, the decrees
+of Trent, the intellectual submission of the Jesuits, the physical force
+of Spanish tyranny, and Roman absolutism. Carnesecchi was burned alive;
+Paleario was burned alive; Bruno was burned alive: these three at Rome.
+Vanini was burned at Toulouse. Valentino Gentile was executed by
+Calvinists at Berne. Campanella was cruelly tortured and imprisoned for
+twenty-seven years at Naples. Galileo was forced to humble himself
+before ignorant and arrogant monks, and to hide his head in a country
+villa. Sarpi felt the knife of an assassin, and would certainly have
+perished at the instigation of his Roman enemies but for the protection
+guaranteed him by the Signory of Venice. In this way did Italy--or
+rather, let us say, the Church which dominated Italy--devour her sons of
+light. It is my purpose in the present chapter to narrate the life of
+Bruno and to give some account of his philosophy, taking him as the most
+illustrious example of the school exterminated by reactionary Rome.
+
+Giordano Bruno was born in 1548 at Nola, an ancient Greek city close to
+Naples. He received the baptismal name of Filippo, which he exchanged
+for Giordano on assuming the Dominican habit. His parents, though
+people of some condition, were poor; and this circumstance may perhaps
+be reckoned the chief reason why Bruno entered the convent of S. Dominic
+at Naples before he had completed his fifteenth year. It will be
+remembered that Sarpi joined the Servites at the age of thirteen, and
+Campanella the Dominicans at that of fourteen. In each of these
+memorable cases it is probable that poverty had something to do with
+deciding a vocation so premature. But there were other inducements,
+which rendered the monastic life not unattractive, to a young man
+seeking knowledge at a period and in a district where instruction was
+both costly and difficult to obtain. Campanella himself informs us that
+he was drawn to the order of S. Dominic by its reputation for learning
+and by the great names of S. Thomas Aquinas and Albertus Magnus. Bruno
+possibly felt a similar attraction; for there is nothing in the temper
+of his mind to make us believe that he inclined seriously to the
+religious life of the cloister.
+
+During his novitiate he came into conflict with the superiors of his
+convent for the first time. It was proved against him that he had given
+away certain images of saints, keeping only the crucifix; also that he
+had told a comrade to lay aside a rhymed version of the Seven Joys of
+Mary, and to read the lives of the Fathers of the Church instead. On
+these two evidences of insufficient piety, an accusation was prepared
+against him which might have led to serious results. But the master of
+the novices preferred to destroy the document, retaining only a
+memorandum of the fact for future use in case of need.[84] Bruno, after
+this event, obeyed the cloistral discipline in quiet, and received
+priest's orders in 1572.
+
+At this epoch of his life, when he had attained his twenty-fourth year,
+he visited several Dominican convents of the Neapolitan province, and
+entered with the want of prudence which was habitual to him into
+disputations on theology. Some remarks he let fall on transubstantiation
+and the Divinity of Christ, exposed him to a suspicion of Arianism, a
+heresy at that time rife in southern Italy. Bruno afterwards confessed
+that from an early age he had entertained speculative doubts upon the
+metaphysics of the Trinity, though he was always prepared to accept that
+dogma in faith as a good Catholic. The Inquisition took the matter up in
+earnest, and began to institute proceedings of so grave a nature that
+the young priest felt himself in danger. He escaped in his monk's dress,
+and traveled to Rome, where he obtained admittance for a short while to
+the convent of the Minerva.
+
+[Footnote 84: The final case drawn up against Bruno as heresiarch makes
+it appear that his record included even these boyish errors. See the
+letter of Gaspar Schopp in Berti.]
+
+We know very little what had been his occupations up to this date. It is
+only certain that he had already composed a comedy, _Il Candelajo_:
+which furnishes sufficient proof of his familiarity with mundane
+manners. It is, in fact, one of the freest and most frankly satirical
+compositions for the stage produced at that epoch, and reveals a
+previous study of Aretino. Nola, Bruno's birthplace, was famous for the
+license of its country folk. Since the day of its foundation by
+Chalkidian colonists, its inhabitants had preserved their Hellenic
+traditions intact. The vintage, for example, was celebrated with an
+extravagance of obscene banter, which scandalized Philip II.'s viceroy
+in the sixteenth century.[85] During the period of Bruno's novitiate,
+the ordinances of the Council of Trent for discipline in monasteries
+were not yet in operation; and it is probable that throughout the
+thirteen years of his conventual experience, he mixed freely with the
+people and shared the pleasures of youth in that voluptuous climate. He
+was never delicate in his choice of phrase, and made no secret of the
+admiration which the beauty of women excited in his nature. The
+accusations brought against him at Venice contained one article of
+indictment implying that he professed distinctly profligate opinions;
+and though there is nothing to prove that his private life was vicious,
+the tenor of his philosophy favors more liberty of manners than the
+Church allowed in theory to her ministers.[86]
+
+[Footnote 85: See 'Vita di Don Pietro di Toledo'_ (Arch. Stov._ vol. ix.
+p. 23)]
+
+[Footnote 86: See the passage on polygamy in the _Spaccio della Bestia_.
+I may here remark that Campanella, though more orthodox than Bruno,
+published opinions upon the relations of the sexes analogous to those of
+Plato's Republic in his _Citta del Sole_. He even recommended the
+institution of brothels as annexes to schools for boys, in order to
+avoid the worse evil of unnatural vice in youth.]
+
+It is of some importance to dwell on this topic; for Bruno's character
+and temper, so markedly different from that of Sarpi, for example,
+affected in no small measure the form and quality of his philosophy. He
+was a poet, gifted with keen and lively sensibilities, open at all pores
+to the delightfulness of nature, recoiling from nothing that is human.
+At no period of his life was he merely a solitary thinker or a student
+of books. When he came to philosophize, when the spiritual mistress,
+Sophia, absorbed all other passions in his breast, his method of
+exposition retained a tincture of that earlier phase of his experience.
+
+It must not be thought, however, that Bruno prosecuted no serious
+studies during this period. On the contrary, he seems to have amassed
+considerable erudition in various departments of learning: a fact which
+should make us cautious against condemning conventual education as of
+necessity narrow and pedantic. When he left Naples, he had acquired
+sufficient knowledge of Aristotle and the Schoolmen, among whom he paid
+particular attention to S. Thomas and to Raymond Lully. Plato, as
+expounded by Plotinus, had taken firm hold on his imagination. He was
+versed in the dialectics of the previous age, had mastered mediaeval
+cosmography and mathematics, and was probably already acquainted with
+Copernicus. The fragments of the Greek philosophers, especially of
+Pythagoras and Parmenides, whose metaphysics powerfully influenced his
+mind, had been assimilated. Perhaps the writings of Cardinal Cusa, the
+theologian who applied mathematics to philosophy, were also in his hands
+at the same period. Beside Italian, he possessed the Spanish language,
+could write and speak Latin with fluency, and knew something of Greek.
+It is clear that he had practiced poetry in the vernacular under the
+immediate influence of Tansillo. Theological studies had not been wholly
+neglected; for he left behind him at Naples editions of Jerome and
+Chrysostom with commentaries of Erasmus. These were books which exposed
+their possessors to the interdiction of the Index.
+
+It seems strange that a Dominican, escaping from his convent to avoid a
+trial for heresy, should have sought refuge at S. Maria Sopra Minerva,
+then the headquarters of the Roman Inquisition. We must, however,
+remember that much freedom of movement was allowed to monks, who found a
+temporary home in any monastery of their order. Without money, Bruno had
+no roof but that of a religious house to shelter him; and he probably
+reckoned on evading pursuit till the fatigues of his journey from Naples
+had been forgotten. At any rate, he made no lengthy stay in Rome. News
+soon reached him that the prosecution begun at Naples was being
+transferred to the metropolis. This implied so serious a danger that he
+determined to quit Rome in secret. Having flung his frock to the
+nettles, he journeyed--how, we do not know--to Genoa, and thence to Noli
+on the Riviera. The next time Bruno entered the Dominican convent of S.
+Maria sopra Minerva, it was as a culprit condemned to death by the
+Inquisition.
+
+At Noli Bruno gained a living for about five months by teaching grammar
+to boys and lecturing in private to some gentlefolk upon the Sphere. The
+doctrine of the Sphere formed a somewhat miscellaneous branch of
+mediaeval science. It embraced the exposition of Ptolemaic astronomy,
+together with speculations on the locality of heaven, the motive
+principle of the world, and the operation of angelical intelligences.
+Bruno, who professed this subject at various times throughout his
+wanderings, began now to use it as a vehicle for disseminating
+Copernican opinions. It is certain that cosmography formed the basis of
+his philosophy, and this may be ascribed to his early occupation with
+the sphere. But his restless spirit would not suffer him to linger in
+those regions where olive and orange and palm flourish almost more
+luxuriantly than in his native Nola. The gust of travel was upon him. A
+new philosophy occupied his brain, vertiginously big with incoherent
+births of modern thought. What Carlyle called 'the fire in the belly'
+burned and irritated his young blood. Unsettled, cast adrift from
+convent moorings, attainted for heresy, out of sympathy with resurgent
+Catholicism, he became a Vagus Quidam--a wandering student, like the
+Goliardi of the Middle Ages. From Noli he passed to Savona; from Savona
+to Turin; from Turin to Venice. There his feet might perhaps have found
+rest; for Venice was the harbor of all vagrant spirits in that age. But
+the city was laid waste with plague. Bruno wrote a little book, now
+lost, on 'The Signs of the Times,' and lived upon the sale of it for
+some two months. Then he removed to Padua. Here friends persuaded him to
+reassume the cowl. There were more than 40,000 monks abroad in Italy,
+beyond the limits of their convent. Why should not he avail himself of
+house-roof in his travels, a privilege which was always open to friars?
+From Padua he journeyed rapidly again through Brescia, Bergamo and Milan
+to Turin, crossed Mont Cenis, tarried at Chambéry, and finally betook
+himself to Geneva.
+
+Geneva was no fit resting-place for Bruno. He felt an even fiercer
+antipathy for dissenting than for orthodox bigotry. The despotism of a
+belligerent and persecuting sectarian seemed to him more intolerable,
+because less excusable, than the Catholic despotism from which he was
+escaping. Galeazzo Caracciolo, Marquis of Vico, who then presided over
+the Italian refugees in Geneva, came to visit him. At the suggestion of
+this man Bruno once more laid aside his Dominican attire, and began to
+earn his bread by working as a reader for the press--a common resort of
+needy men of learning in those times. But he soon perceived that the
+Calvinistic stronghold offered no freedom, no security of life even, to
+one whose mind was bent on new developments of thought. After two
+months' residence on the shores of Lake Leman he departed for Toulouse,
+which he entered early in 1577.
+
+We cannot help wondering why Bruno chose that city for his refuge.
+Toulouse, the only town in France where the Inquisition took firm root
+and flourished, Toulouse so perilous to Muret, so mortal to Dolet and
+Vanini, ought, one might have fancied, to have been avoided by an
+innovator flying from a charge of heresy.[87] Still it must be
+remembered that Toulouse was French. Italian influence did not reach so
+far. Nor had Bruno committed himself even in thought to open rupture
+with Catholicism. He held the opinion, so common at that epoch, so
+inexplicable to us now, that the same man could countermine dogmatic
+theology as a philosopher, while he maintained it as a Christian. This
+was the paradox on which Pomponazzo based his apology, which kept
+Campanella within the pale of the Church, and to which Bruno appealed
+for his justification when afterwards arraigned before the Inquisitors
+at Venice.
+
+
+[Footnote 87: On the city, university and Inquisition of Toulouse in the
+sixteenth century see Christie's _Etiennne Dolet_--a work of sterling
+merit and sound scholarship.]
+
+It appears from his own autobiographical confessions that Bruno spent
+some six months at Toulouse, lecturing in private on the peripatetic
+psychology; after which time he obtained the degree of Doctor in
+Philosophy, and was admitted to a Readership in the university. This
+post he occupied two years. It was a matter of some moment to him that
+professors at Toulouse were not obliged to attend Mass. In his dubious
+position, as an escaped friar and disguised priest, to partake of the
+Sacrament would have been dangerous. Yet he now appears to have
+contemplated the possibility of reconciling himself to the Church, and
+resuming his vows in the Dominican order. He went so far as to open his
+mind upon this subject to a Jesuit; and afterwards at Paris he again
+resorted to Jesuit advice. But these conferences led to nothing. It may
+be presumed that the trial begun at Naples and removed to Rome, combined
+with the circumstances of his flight and recusant behavior, rendered the
+case too grave for compromise. No one but the Pope in Rome could decide
+it.
+
+There is no apparent reason why Bruno left Toulouse, except the
+restlessness which had become a marked feature in his character. We find
+him at Paris in 1579, where he at once began to lecture at the Sorbonne.
+It seems to have been his practice now in every town he visited, to
+combine private instruction with public disputation. His manners were
+agreeable; his conversation was eloquent and witty. He found no
+difficulty in gaining access to good society, especially in a city like
+Paris, which was then thronged with Italian exiles and courtiers.
+Meanwhile his public lectures met with less success than his private
+teaching. In conversation with men of birth and liberal culture he was
+able to expound views fascinating by their novelty and boldness. Before
+an academical audience it behoved him to be circumspect; nor could he
+transgress the formal methods of scholastic argumentation.
+
+Two principal subjects seem to have formed the groundwork of his
+teaching at this period. The first was the doctrine of the Thirty Divine
+Attributes, based on S. Thomas of Aquino. The second was Lully's Art of
+Memory and Classification of the Sciences. This twofold material he
+worked up into a single treatise, called _De Umbris Idearum_, which he
+published in 1582 at Paris, and which contains the germ of all his
+leading speculations. Bruno's metaphysics attracted less attention than
+his professed Art of Memory. In an age credulous of occult science, when
+men believed that power over nature was being won by alchemy and magic,
+there was no difficulty in persuading people that knowledge might be
+communicated in its essence, and that the faculties of the mind could be
+indefinitely extended, without a toilsome course of study. Whether Bruno
+lent himself wittingly to any imposture in his exposition of mnemonics,
+cannot be asserted. But it is certain that the public were led to expect
+from his method more than it could give.
+
+The fame of his Art of Memory reached the king's ears; and Henri III.
+sent for him. 'The king, says Bruno, 'had me called one day, being
+desirous to know whether the memory I possessed and professed, was
+natural or the result of magic art. I gave him satisfaction; by my
+explanations and by demonstrations to his own experience, convincing
+him that it was not an affair of magic but of science.' Henri, who might
+have been disappointed by this result, was taken with his teacher, and
+appointed him Reader Extraordinary--a post that did not oblige Bruno to
+hear Mass. The Ordinary Readers at Paris had to conform to the usages of
+the Catholic Church. On his side, Bruno appears to have conceived high
+admiration for the king's ability. In the _Cena della Ceneri_ and the
+_Spaccio della Bestia Trionfante,_ composed and published after he had
+left France, he paid him compliments in terms of hyperbolical laudation.
+It would be vain to comment on these facts. No one conversant with
+French society at that epoch could have been ignorant of Henri's
+character and vicious life. No one could have pretended that his
+employment of the kingdom's wealth to enrich unworthy favorites was
+anything but dishonorable, or have maintained that his flagrant
+effeminacy was beneficial to society. The fantastic superstition which
+the king indulged alternately with sensual extravagances, must have been
+odious to one whose spiritual mistress was divine Sophia, and whose
+religion was an adoration of the intellect for the One Cause. But Henri
+had one quality which seemed of supreme excellence to Bruno. He
+appreciated speculation and encouraged men of learning. A man so
+enthusiastic as our philosopher may have thought that his own teaching
+could expel that Beast Triumphant of the vices from a royal heart
+tainted by bad education in a corrupt Court. Bruno, moreover, it must be
+remembered, remained curiously inappreciative of the revolution effected
+in humanity by Christian morals. Much that is repulsive to us in the
+manners of the Valois, may have been indifferent to him.
+
+Bruno had just passed his thirtieth year. He was a man of middling
+height, spare figure, and olive complexion, wearing a short
+chestnut-colored beard. He spoke with vivacity and copious rhetoric,
+aiming rather at force than at purity of diction, indulging in trenchant
+metaphors to adumbrate recondite thoughts, passing from grotesque images
+to impassioned flights of declamation, blending acute arguments and
+pungent satires with grave mystical discourses. The impression of
+originality produced by his familiar conversation rendered him agreeable
+to princes. There was nothing of the pedant in his nature, nothing about
+him of the doctor but his title.
+
+After a residence of rather less than four years in Paris, he resolved
+upon a journey to England. Henri supplied him with letters of
+introduction to the French ambassador in London, Michel de Castelnau de
+la Mauvissière. This excellent man, who was then attempting to negotiate
+the marriage of Elizabeth with the Duke of Anjou, received Bruno into
+his own family as one of the gentlemen of his suite. Under his roof the
+wandering scholar enjoyed a quiet home during the two years which he
+passed in England--years that were undoubtedly the happiest, as they
+were the most industrious, of his checkered life. It is somewhat strange
+that Bruno left no trace of his English visit in contemporary
+literature. Seven of his most important works were printed in London,
+though they bore the impress of Paris and Venice--for the very
+characteristic reason that English people only cared for foreign
+publications. Four of these, on purely metaphysical topics, were
+dedicated to Michel de Castelnau; two, treating of moral and
+psychological questions, the famous _Spaccio della Bestia_ and _Gli
+eroici Furori_, were inscribed to Sidney. The _Cena delle Ceneri_
+describes a supper party at the house of Fulke Greville; and it is clear
+from numerous allusions scattered up and down these writings, that their
+author was admitted on terms of familiarity to the best English society.
+Yet no one mentions him. Fulke Greville in his Life of Sidney passes him
+by in silence; nor am I aware that any one of Sidney's panegyrists, the
+name of whom is legion, alludes to the homage paid him by the Italian
+philosopher.
+
+On his side, Bruno has bequeathed to us animated pictures of his life in
+London, portraying the English of that period as they impressed a
+sensitive Italian.[88] His descriptions are valuable, since they dwell
+on slight particulars unnoticed by ambassadors in their dispatches. He
+was much struck with the filth and unkempt desolation of the streets
+adjacent to the Thames, the rudeness of the watermen who plied their
+craft upon the river, and the stalwart beef-eating brutality of
+prentices and porters. The population of London displayed its antipathy
+to foreigners by loud remarks, hustled them in narrow lanes, and played
+at rough-and-tumble with them after the manners of a bear-garden. But
+there is no hint that these big fellows shouldering through the crowd
+were treacherous or ready with their knives. The servants of great
+houses seemed to Bruno discourteous and savage; yet he says nothing
+about such subtlety and vice as rendered the retainers of Italian nobles
+perilous to order. He paints the broad portrait of a muscular and
+insolently insular people, untainted by the evils of corrupt
+civilization. Mounting higher in the social scale, Bruno renders
+deserved homage to the graceful and unaffected manners of young English
+noblemen, from whom he singles Sidney out as the star of cultivated
+chivalry.[89]
+
+[Footnote 88: The 'Cena delle Ceneri,' _Op. It._ vol. i. pp. 137-151].
+
+[Footnote 89: Signor Berti conjectures that Bruno may have met Sidney
+first at Milan. But Bruno informs us that he did not become acquainted
+with him till he came to London: 'Tra' quali è tanto conosciuto, per
+fama prima quanbo eravamo in Milano et in Francia, e poi per experienza
+or che siamo ne la sua patria' (_Op. It._ vol. i. p. 145).]
+
+What he says about the well-born youth of England, shows that the flower
+of our gentlefolk delighted Southern observers by their mixture of
+simplicity and sweetness with good breeding and sound sense. For the
+ladies of England he cannot find words fair enough to extol the beauties
+of their persons and the purity of their affections. Elizabeth herself
+he calls a goddess, _diva_, using phrases which were afterwards recited
+in the terms of his indictment before the Inquisition. What pleased him
+most in England, was the liberty of speech and thought he there
+enjoyed.[90] Society was so urbane, government was so unsuspicious, that
+a man could venture to call things by their proper names and speak his
+heart out without reserve. That Bruno's panegyric was not prompted by
+any wish to flatter national vanity, is proved by the hard truths he
+spoke about the grossness of the people, and by his sarcasms on Oxford
+pedants. He also ventured to condemn in no unmeasured terms some customs
+which surprised him in domestic intercourse. He drew, for instance, a
+really gruesome picture of the loving-cup, as it passed round the table,
+tasted by a mixed assemblage.[91]
+
+A visit paid by Bruno to Oxford forms a curious episode in his English
+experiences. He found that university possessed by pedants and ignorant
+professors of the old learning. 'Men of choice,' he calls them,
+'trailing their long velvet gowns, this one arrayed with two bright
+chains of gold around his neck, that one, good heavens! with such a
+valuable hand--twelve rings upon two fingers, giving him the look of
+some rich jeweler.'[92] These excellent dons, blest in the possession of
+fat fellowships, felt no sympathy for an eccentric interloper of Bruno's
+stamp. They allowed him to lecture on the Soul and the Sphere.
+
+[Footnote 90: Preface to 'Lo Spaccio della Bestia' (_Op. It._ vol. ii.
+p. 108).]
+
+[Footnote 91: _Op. It._ vol. i. p. 150.]
+
+[Footnote 92: _Op. It._ vol. i. p. 123.]
+
+They even condescended to dispute with him. Yet they made Oxford so
+unpleasant a place of residence that after three months he returned to
+London. The treatment he experienced rankled in his memory. 'Look where
+you like at the present moment, you will find but doctors in grammar
+here; for in this happy realm there reigns a constellation of pedantic
+stubborn ignorance and presumption mixed with a rustic incivility that
+would disturb Job's patience. If you do not believe it, go to Oxford,
+and ask to hear what happened to the Nolan, when he disputed publicly
+with those doctors of theology in the presence of the Polish Prince
+Alasco.[93] Make them tell you how they answered to his syllogisms; how
+the pitiful professor, whom they put before them on that grave occasion
+as the Corypheus of their university, bungled fifteen times with fifteen
+syllogisms, like a chicken in the stubble. Make them tell you with what
+rudeness and discourtesy that pig behaved; what patience and humanity he
+met from his opponent, who, in truth, proclaimed himself a Neapolitan,
+born and brought up beneath more genial heavens. Then learn after what
+fashion they brought his public lectures to an end, those on the
+Immortality of the Soul and those on the Quintuple Sphere.'[94] The Soul
+and the Sphere were Bruno's favorite themes. He handled both at this
+period of life with startling audacity.
+
+[Footnote 93: See Wood, _Ath. Oxon._ p. 300.]
+
+[Footnote 94: _Op. It._ vol. i. p. 179.]
+
+They had become for him the means of ventilating speculations on
+terrestrial movement, on the multiplicity of habitable worlds, on the
+principle of the universe, and on the infinite modes of psychical
+metamorphosis. Such topics were not calculated to endear him to people
+of importance on the banks of Isis. That he did not humor their
+prejudices, appears from a Latin epistle which he sent before him by way
+of introduction to the Vice Chancellor.[95] It contains these pompous
+phrases: 'Philotheus Jordanus Brunus Nolanus magis laboratae theologiae
+doctor, purioris et innocuae sapientiae professor. In praecipuis Europae
+academiis notus, probatus et honorifice exceptus philosophus. Nullibi
+praeterquam apud barbaros et ignobiles peregrinus. Dormitantium animarum
+excubitor. Praesuntuosae et recalcitrantis ignorantiae domitor. Qui in
+actibus universis generalem philantropiam protestatur. Qui non magis
+Italum quam Britannum, marem quam foeminam, mitratum quam coronatum,
+togatum quam armatum, cucullatum hominem quam sine cucullo virum: sed
+ilium cujus pacatior, civilior, fidelior et utilior est conversatio
+diligit.' Which may thus be Englished: 'Giordano Bruno of Nola, the
+God-loving, of the more highly-wrought theology doctor, of the purer and
+harmless wisdom professor. In the chief universities of Europe known,
+approved, and honorably received as philosopher. Nowhere save among
+barbarians and the ignoble a stranger. The awakener of sleeping souls.
+The trampler upon presuming and recalcitrant ignorance. Who in all his
+acts proclaims a universal benevolence toward man. Who loveth not
+Italian more than Briton, male than female, mitred than crowned head,
+gowned than armed, frocked than frockless; but seeketh after him whose
+conversation is the more peaceful, more civil, more loyal, and more
+profitable.' This manifesto, in the style of a mountebank, must have
+sounded like a trumpet-blast to set the humdrum English doctors with
+sleepy brains and moldy science on their guard against a man whom they
+naturally regarded as an Italian charlatan. What, indeed, was this more
+highly-wrought theology, this purer wisdom? What call had this
+self-panegyrist to stir souls from comfortable slumbers? What right had
+he to style the knowledge of his brethren ignorance? Probably he was but
+some pestilent fellow, preaching unsound doctrine on the Trinity, like
+Peter Martyr Vermigli, who had been properly hissed out of Oxford a
+quarter of a century earlier. When Bruno arrived and lectured, their
+worst prognostications were fulfilled. Did he not maintain a theory of
+the universe which even that perilous speculator and political schemer,
+Francis Bacon, sneered at as nugatory?
+
+[Footnote 95: Printed in the _Explicatio triginta Sigillarum_.]
+
+In spite of academical opposition, Bruno enjoyed fair weather, halcyon
+months, in England. His description of the Ash Wednesday Supper at Fulke
+Greville's, shows that a niche had been carved out for him in London,
+where he occupied a pedestal of some importance. Those gentlemen of
+Elizabeth's Court did not certainly exaggerate the value of their
+Italian guest. In Italy, most of them had met with spirits of Bruno's
+stamp, whom they had not time or opportunity to prove. He was one among
+a hundred interesting foreigners; and his martyrdom had not as yet set
+the crown of glory or of shame upon his forehead. They probably accepted
+him as London society of the present day accepts a theosophist from
+Simla or Thibet. But his real home at this epoch, the only home, so far
+as I can see, that Bruno ever had, after he left his mother at the age
+of thirteen for a convent, was the house of Castelnau. The truest chords
+in the Italian's voice vibrate when he speaks of that sound Frenchman.
+To Mme. de Castelnau he alludes with respectful sincerity, paying her
+the moderate and well-weighed homage which, for a noble woman, is the
+finest praise. There is no rhetoric in the words he uses to express his
+sense of obligation to her kindness. They are delicate, inspired with a
+tact which makes us trust the writer's sense of fitness.[96] But Bruno
+indulges in softer phrases, drawn from the heart, and eminently
+characteristic of his predominant enthusiastic mood, when he comes to
+talk of the little girl, Marie, who brightened the home of the
+Castelnaus. 'What shall I say of their noble-natured daughter? She has
+gazed upon the sun barely one luster and one year; but so far as
+language goes, I know not how to judge whether she springs from Italy or
+France or England! From her hand, touching the instruments of music, no
+man could reckon if she be of corporate or incorporeal substance. Her
+perfected goodness makes one marvel whether she be flown from heaven, or
+be a creature of this common earth. It is at least evident to every man
+that for the shaping of so fair a body the blood of both her parents has
+contributed, while for the tissue of her rare spirit the virtues of
+their heroic souls have been combined.'[97]
+
+[Footnote 96: _Op. It._ vol. i. p. 267.]
+
+[Footnote 97: _Loc. cit._ p. 267.]
+
+It was time to leave these excellent and hospitable friends. 'Forth from
+the tranquil to the trembling air' Bruno's unquiet impulse drove him. He
+returned to Paris at the end of 1585, disputed before the Sorbonne with
+some success of scandal, and then, disquieted by the disorders of the
+realm, set out for Germany. We find him at Marburg in the following
+year, ill-received by the University, but welcomed by the Prince. Thence
+we follow him to Mainz, and afterwards to Wittenberg, where he spent two
+years. Here he conceived a high opinion of the Germans. He foresaw that
+when they turned their attention from theology to science and pure
+speculation, great results might be expected from their solid
+intellectual capacity. He seems in fact to have taken a pretty accurate
+measure of the race as it has subsequently shown itself. Wittenberg he
+called the German Athens. Luther, he recognized as a hero of humanity,
+who, like himself, defied authority in the defense of truth. Yet he felt
+no sympathy for the German reformers. When asked by the Inquisitors at
+Venice what he thought about these men, he replied: 'I regard them as
+more ignorant than I am. I despise them and their doctrines. They do not
+deserve the name of theologians, but of pedants.' That this reply was
+sincere, is abundantly proved by passages in the least orthodox of
+Bruno's writings. It was the weakness of a philosopher's position at
+that moment that he derived no support from either of the camps into
+which Christendom was then divided. Catholics and Protestants of every
+shade regarded him with mistrust.
+
+A change in the religious policy of Saxony, introduced after the death
+of the Elector Augustus, caused Bruno to leave Wittenberg for Prague in
+1588. From Prague he passed to Helmstädt, where the Duke Heinrich Julius
+of Brunswick-Wolfenbüttel received him with distinction, and bestowed on
+him a purse of eighty dollars.[98] Here he conceived two of his most
+important works, the _De Monade_ and _De Triplici Minimo_, both written
+in Latin hexameters.[99] Why he adopted this new form of exposition is
+not manifest. Possibly he was tired of dialogues, through which he had
+expressed his thought so freely in England. Possibly a German public
+would have been indifferent to Italian. Possibly he was emulous of his
+old masters, Parmenides and Lucretius.
+
+[Footnote 98: It is a curious fact that the single copy of Campanella's
+poems on which Orelli based his edition of 1834, came from
+Wolfenbüttel.]
+
+[Footnote 99: They were published at Frankfort, and dedicated to the
+friendly Prince of Wolfenbüttel.]
+
+At Helmstädt he came into collision with Boetius, the rector of the
+Evangelical church, who issued a sentence of excommunication against
+him. Like a new Odysseus, he set forth once again upon his voyage, and
+in the spring of 1590 anchored in Frankfort on the Main. A convent (that
+of the Carmelites) sheltered him in this city, where he lived on terms
+of intimacy with the printers Wechel and Fischer, and other men of
+learning. It would appear from evidence laid before the Venetian
+Inquisitors that the prior of the monastery judged him to be a man of
+genius and doctrine, devoid of definite religion, addicted to fantastic
+studies, and bent on the elaboration of a philosophy that should
+supersede existing creeds.[100] This was a not inaccurate portrait of
+Bruno as he then appeared to conservatives of commonplace capacity. Yet
+nothing occurred to irritate him in the shape of persecution or
+disturbance. Bruno worked in quiet at Frankfort, pouring forth thousands
+of metaphysical verses, some at least of which were committed to the
+press in three volumes published by the Wechels.
+
+[Footnote 100: Britanno's Deposition, Berti's _Vita di G.B._ p. 337.]
+
+Between Frankfort and Italy literary communications were kept open
+through the medium of the great fair, which took place every year at
+Michaelmas.[101] Books formed one of the principal commodities, and the
+Italian bibliopoles traveled across the Alps to transact business on
+these important occasions. It happened by such means that a work of
+Bruno's, perhaps the _De Monude_, found its way to Venice.[102] Exposed
+on the counter of Giambattista Ciotto, then plying the trade of
+bookseller in that city, this treatise met the eyes of a Venetian
+gentleman called Giovanni Mocenigo. He belonged to one of the most
+illustrious of the still surviving noble families in Venice. The long
+line of their palaces upon the Grand Canal has impressed the mind of
+every tourist. One of these houses, it may be remarked, was occupied by
+Lord Byron, who, had he known of Bruno's connection with the Mocenighi,
+would undoubtedly have given to the world a poem or a drama on the fate
+of our philosopher. Giovanni Mocenigo was a man verging on middle life,
+superstitious, acknowledging the dominion of his priest, but alive in a
+furtive way to perilous ideas. Morally, he stands before us as a twofold
+traitor: a traitor to his Church, so long as he hoped to gain illicit
+power by magic arts; a traitor to his guest, so soon as he discovered
+that his soul's risk brought himself no profit.[103] He seems to have
+imagined that Bruno might teach him occult science or direct him on a
+royal way to knowledge without strenuous study. Subsequent events proved
+that, though he had no solid culture, he was fascinated by the
+expectation of discovering some great secret. It was the vice of the age
+to confound science with sorcery, and Bruno had lent himself to this
+delusion by his whimsical style. Perhaps the booksellers, who then
+played a part scarcely less prominent than that of the barbers in
+diffusing gossip, inflamed Mocenigo's curiosity by painting the author
+of the puzzling volume in seductive colors. Any how this man sent two
+letters, one through Ciotto, and one direct to Bruno, praying him to
+visit Venice, professing his desire for instruction, and offering him an
+honorable place of residence.
+
+[Footnote 101: Sarpi mentions the return of Ciotto from the fair
+(_Lettere_, vol. i. p. 527).]
+
+[Footnote 102: Ciotto, before the Inquisition, called the book _De
+Minimo Magno et Mensura_. It may therefore have been the _De Triplici
+Minimo et Mensura_, and not the _De Monade_ (_Vita di G.B._ p. 334).]
+
+[Footnote 103: Mocenigo told Ciotto: I wish first to see what I can get
+from him of those things which he promised me, so as not wholly to lose
+what I have given him, and afterwards I mean to surrender him to the
+censure of the Holy Office' (Berti, p. 335).]
+
+In an evil hour Bruno accepted this invitation. No doubt he longed to
+see Italy again after so many years of exile. Certainly he had the right
+to believe that he would find hospitality and a safe refuge in Venice.
+Had not a Venetian noble pledged his word for the former? Was not the
+latter a privilege which S. Mark extended to all suppliants? The
+Republic professed to shield even the outlaws of the Inquisition, if
+they claimed her jurisdiction. There was therefore no palpable
+imprudence in the step which Bruno now took. Yet he took it under
+circumstances which would have made a cautious man mistrustful. Of
+Mocenigo he knew merely nothing. But he did know that writs from the
+Holy Office had been out against himself in Italy for many years, during
+which he had spent his time in conversing with heretics and printing
+works of more than questionable orthodoxy.[104] Nothing proves the force
+of the vagrant's impulse which possessed Bruno, more than his light and
+ready consent to Giovanni Mocenigo's proposal.
+
+He set off at once from Frankfort, leaving the MS. of one of his
+metaphysical poems in Wechel's hands to print, and found himself at the
+end of 1591 a guest of his unknown patron. I have already described what
+Mocenigo hoped to gain from Bruno--the arts of memory and invention,
+together with glimpses into occult science.[105] We know how little
+Bruno was able to satisfy an in satiable curiosity in such matters. One
+of his main weaknesses was a habit of boasting and exaggerating his own
+powers, which at first imposed upon a vulgar audience and then left them
+under the impression that he was a charlatan. The bookseller Ciotto
+learned from students who had conversed with him at Frankfort, that 'he
+professed an art of memory and other secrets in the sciences, but that
+all the persons who had dealt with him in such matters, had left him
+discontinued.'[106]
+
+[Footnote 104: Mere correspondence with heretics exposed an Italian to
+the Inquisition. Residence in heretical lands, except with episcopal
+license, was forbidden. The rules of the Index proscribed books in which
+the name of a heretic was cited with approval.]
+
+[Footnote 105: Bruno speaks himself of 'arte della memoria et inventiva'
+(_op. cit._ p. 339). Ciotto mentions 'la memoria et altre scientie'
+(_ib._ p. 334).]
+
+[Footnote 106: _Op. cit._ p. 335.]
+
+Another weakness in his character was extraordinary want of caution.
+Having lived about the world so long, and changed from town to town,
+supporting himself as he best could, he had acquired the custom of
+attracting notice by startling paradoxes. Nor does he seem to have cared
+to whom he made the dangerous confidence of his esoteric beliefs.
+His public writings, presumably composed with a certain
+circumspection--since everybody knows the proverb _litera scripta
+manet_--contain such perilous stuff that--when we consider what their
+author may have let fall in unguarded conversation--we are prepared to
+credit the charges brought against him by Mocenigo. For it must now be
+said that this man, 'induced by the obligation of his conscience and by
+order of his confessor,' denounced Bruno to the Inquisition on May 23,
+1592.
+
+When the two men, so entirely opposite in their natures, first came
+together, Bruno began to instruct his patron in the famous art of memory
+and mathematics. At the same time he discoursed freely and copiously,
+according to his wont, upon his own philosophy. Mocenigo took no
+interest in metaphysics, and was terrified by the audacity of Bruno's
+speculations. It enraged him to find how meager was Bruno's vaunted
+method for acquiring and retaining knowledge without pains. In his
+secret heart he believed that the teacher whom he had maintained at a
+considerable cost, was withholding the occult knowledge he so much
+coveted. Bruno, meanwhile, attended Andrea Morosini's receptions in the
+palace at S. Luca, and frequented those of Bernardo Secchini at the sign
+of the Golden Ship in the Merceria. He made friends with scholars and
+men of fashion; absented himself for weeks together at Padua; showed
+that he was tired of Mocenigo; and ended by rousing that man's
+suspicious jealousy. Mocenigo felt that he had been deceived by an
+impostor, who, instead of furnishing the wares for which he bargained,
+put him off with declamations on the nature of the universe. What was
+even more terrible, he became convinced that this charlatan was an
+obstinate heretic.
+
+Whether Bruno perceived the gathering of the storm above his head,
+whether he was only wearied with the importunities of his host, or
+whether, as he told the Inquisitors, he wished to superintend the
+publication of some books at Frankfort, does not greatly signify. At any
+rate, he begged Mocenigo to excuse him from further attendance, since he
+meant to leave Venice. This happened on Thursday, May 21. Next day,
+Mocenigo sent his bodyservant together with five or six gondoliers into
+Bruno's apartment, seized him, and had him locked up in a ground-floor
+room of the palace. At the same time he laid hands on all Bruno's
+effects, including the MS. of one important treatise _On the Seven
+Liberal Arts_, which was about to be dedicated to Pope Clement VIII.
+This, together with other unpublished works, exists probably in the
+Vatican Archives, having been sent with the papers referring to Bruno's
+trial from Venice when he was transported to Rome. The following day,
+which was a Saturday, Mocenigo caused Bruno to be carried to one of
+those cellars (_magazzeni terreni_) which are used in Venice for storing
+wood, merchandise or implements belonging to gondolas. In the evening, a
+Captain of the Council of Ten removed him to the dungeons of the
+Inquisition. On the same day, May 23, Mocenigo lodged his denunciation
+with the Holy Office.
+
+The heads of this accusation, extracted from the first report and from
+two subsequent additions made by the delator, amount to these. Though
+Bruno was adverse to religions altogether, he preferred the Catholic to
+any other; but he believed it to stand in need of thorough reform. The
+doctrines of the Trinity, the miraculous birth of Christ, and
+transubstantiation, were insults to the Divine Being. Christ had seduced
+the people by working apparent miracles. So also had the Apostles. To
+develop a new philosophy which should supersede religions, and to prove
+his superiority in knowledge over S. Thomas and all the theologians, was
+Bruno's cherished scheme. He did not believe in the punishment of sins;
+but held a doctrine of the transmigration of souls, and of the
+generation of the human soul from refuse. The world he thought to be
+eternal. He maintained that there were infinite worlds, all made by God,
+who wills to do what he can do, and therefore produces infinity. The
+religious orders of Catholicism defile the earth by evil life,
+hypocrisy, and avarice. All friars are only asses. Indulgence in carnal
+pleasures ought not to be reckoned sinful. The man confessed to having
+freely satisfied his passions to the utmost of his opportunities.
+
+On being questioned before the Inquisitors, Mocenigo supported these
+charges. He added that when he had threatened Bruno with delation, Bruno
+replied, first, that he did not believe he would betray his confidence
+by making private conversation the groundwork of criminal charges;
+secondly, that the utmost the Inquisition could do, would be to inflict
+some penance and force him to resume the cowl. These, which are
+important assertions, bearing the mark of truth, throw light on his want
+of caution in dealing with Mocenigo, and explain the attitude he
+afterwards assumed before the Holy Office.
+
+Mocenigo's accusations in the main yield evidences of sincerity. They
+are exactly what we should expect from the distortion of Bruno's
+doctrines by a mind incapable of comprehending them. In short, they are
+as veracious as the image of a face reflected on a spoon. Certain gross
+details (the charges, for example, of having called Christ a _tristo_
+who was deservedly hung, and of having sneered at the virginity of Mary)
+may possibly have emanated from the delator's own imagination.[107]
+
+[Footnote 107: They remind us of the blasphemies imputed to Christopher
+Marlowe.]
+
+Bruno emphatically repudiated these; though some passages in his
+philosophical poems, published at Frankfort, contain the substance of
+their blasphemies. A man of Mocenigo's stamp probably thought that he
+was faithfully representing the heretic's views, while in reality he was
+drawing his own gross conclusions from skeptical utterances about the
+origin of Christianity which he obscurely understood. It does not seem
+incredible, however, that Bruno, who was never nice in his choice of
+language, and who certainly despised historical Christianity, let fall
+crude witticisms upon such and other points in Mocenigo's presence.
+
+Bruno appeared before the Venetian Inquisition on May 29. His
+examination was continued at intervals from this date till July 30. His
+depositions consist for the most part of an autobiographical statement
+which he volunteered, and of a frank elucidation of his philosophical
+doctrines in their relation to orthodox belief. While reading the
+lengthy pages of his trial, we seem to overhear a man conversing
+confidentially with judges from whom he expected liberal sympathy. Over
+and over again, he relies for his defense upon the old distinction
+between philosophy and faith, claiming to have advocated views as a
+thinker which he does not hold as a Christian. 'In all my books I have
+used philosophical methods of definition according to the principles and
+light of nature, not taking chief regard of that which ought to be held
+in faith; and I believe they do not contain anything which can support
+the accusation that I have professedly impugned religion rather than
+that I have sought to exalt philosophy; though I may have expounded many
+impieties based upon my natural light.'[108] In another place he uses
+the antithesis, 'speaking like a Christian and according to
+theology'--'speaking after the manner of philosophy.'[109] The same
+antithesis is employed to justify his doctrine of metempsychosis:
+'Speaking as a Catholic, souls do not pass from one body into another,
+but go to paradise or purgatory or hell; yet, following philosophical
+reasonings, I have argued that, the soul being inexistent without the
+body and inexistent in the body, it can be indifferently in one or in
+another body, and can pass from one into another, which, if it be not
+true, seems at any rate probable according to the opinion of
+Pythagoras.'[110]
+
+
+[Footnote 108: _Op. cit._ p. 352.]
+
+[Footnote 109: _Ibid._ p. 355.]
+
+[Footnote 110: _Ibid._ p. 362.]
+
+That he expected no severe punishment appears from the terms of his
+so-called recantation. 'I said that I wished to present myself before
+the feet of his Holiness with certain books which I approve, though I
+have published others which I do not now approve; whereby I meant to say
+that some works composed and published by me do not meet with my
+approbation, inasmuch as in these I have spoken and discussed too
+philosophically, in unseemly wise, not altogether as a good Christian
+ought; in particular I know that in some of these works I have taught
+and philosophically held things which ought to be attributed to the
+power, wisdom and goodness of God according to the Christian faith,
+founding doctrine in such matters on sense and reason, not upon
+faith.'[111] At the very end of his examination, he placed himself in
+the hands of his judges, 'confessing his errors with a willing mind,'
+acknowledging that he had 'erred and strayed from the Church,' begging
+for such castigation as shall not 'bring public dishonor on the sacred
+robe which he had worn,' and promising to 'show a noteworthy reform, and
+to recompense the scandal he had caused by edification at least equal in
+magnitude.'[112] These professions he made upon his knees, evincing
+clearly, as it seems to me, that at this epoch he was ready to rejoin
+the Dominican order, and that, as he affirmed to Mocenigo, he expected
+no worse punishment than this.
+
+In attempting to estimate Bruno's recantation, we must remember that he
+felt no sympathy at all for heretics. When questioned about them, he was
+able to quote passages from his own works in which he called the
+Reformation a Deformation of religion.[113] Lutheran and Calvinist
+theologians were alike pedants in his eyes.[114] There is no doubt that
+Bruno meant what he said; and had he been compelled to choose one of the
+existing religions, he would have preferred Catholicism. He was, in
+fact, at a period of life when he wished to dedicate his time in quiet
+to metaphysical studies. He had matured his philosophy and brought it
+to a point at which he thought it could be presented as a peace-offering
+to the Supreme Pontiff. Conformity to ecclesiastical observances seemed
+no longer irksome to the world-experienced, wide-reaching mind of the
+man. Nor does he appear to have anticipated that his formal submission
+would not be readily accepted. He reckoned strangely, in this matter,
+without the murderous host into whose clutches he had fallen.
+
+[Footnote 111: _Op. cit._ p. 349]
+
+[Footnote 112: _Ibid._ p. 384]
+
+[Footnote 113: _Ibid._ p. 364]
+
+[Footnote 114: _Ibid._ p. 363]
+
+Searching interrogations touching other heads in the evidence against
+him, as blasphemous remarks on sacred persons, intercourse with
+heretics, abuse of the religious orders, dealings in magic arts,
+licentious principles of conduct, were answered by Bruno with a frank
+assurance, which proves his good conscience in essentials and his firm
+expectation of a favorable issue to the affair. Mocenigo had described
+him as _indemoniato_; and considering the manifest peril in which he now
+stood, there is something scarcely sane in the confidence he showed. For
+Mocenigo himself he reserved words of bitterest scorn and indignation.
+When questioned in the usual terms whether he had enemies at Venice, he
+replied: 'I know of none but Ser Giovanni Mocenigo and his train of
+servants. By him I have been grievously injured, more so than by living
+man, seeing he has murdered me in my life, my honor and my property,
+having imprisoned me in his own house and stolen all my writings, books,
+and other effects. And this he did because he not only wished that I
+should teach him everything I know, but also wished to prevent my
+teaching it to any one but him. He has continued to threaten me upon the
+points of life and honor, unless I should teach him everything I
+knew.'[115]
+
+The scene closes over Bruno in the Venetian Inquisition on July 30,
+1592. We do not behold him again till he enters the Minerva at Rome to
+receive his death-sentence on February 9, 1600. What happened in the
+interval is almost a blank. An exchange of letters took place between
+Rome and Venice concerning his extradition, and the Republic made some
+show of reluctance to part with a refugee within its jurisdiction. But
+this diplomatic affair was settled to the satisfaction of both parties,
+and Bruno disappeared into the dungeons of the Roman Inquisition in the
+month of January 1593.
+
+Seven years of imprisonment was a long period.[116]
+
+[Footnote 115: _Op. cit._ p. 378.]
+
+[Footnote 116: These years were not all spent at Rome. From the Records
+of the Inquisition, it appears that he arrived in Rome on February 27,
+1598, and that his trial in form began in February 1599. The Pope
+ratified his sentence of death on January 20, 1600; this was publicly
+promulgated on February 8, and carried into effect on the subsequent
+17th. Where Bruno was imprisoned between January 1593, and February 1598
+is not known.]
+
+We find it hard to understand why Bruno's prosecution occupied the Holy
+Office through this space of time. But conjectures on the subject are
+now useless. Equally futile is it to speculate whether Bruno offered to
+conform in life and doctrine to the Church at Rome as he had done at
+Venice. The temptation to do so must have been great. Most probably he
+begged for grace, but grace was not accorded on his own terms; and he
+chose death rather than dishonor and a lie in the last resort, or rather
+than life-long incarceration. It is also singular that but few
+contemporaries mention the fact of his condemnation and execution. Rome
+was crowded in the jubilee year of 1600. Bruno was burned in open
+daylight on the Campo di Fiora. Yet the only eye-witness who records the
+event, is Gaspar Schoppe, or Scioppius, who wrote a letter on the
+subject to his friend Rittershausen. Kepler, eight years afterwards,
+informed his correspondent Breugger that Bruno had been really burned:
+'he bore his agonizing death with fortitude, abiding by the asseveration
+that all religions are vain, and that God identifies himself with the
+world, circumference and center.' Kepler, it may be observed, conceived
+a high opinion of Bruno's speculations, and pointed him out to Galileo
+as the man who had divined the infinity of solar systems in their
+correlation to one infinite order of the universe.[117]
+
+[Footnote 117: Doubts have recently been raised as to whether Bruno was
+really burned. But these are finally disposed of by a succinct and
+convincing exposition of the evidence by Mr. R.C. Christie, in
+_Macmillan's Magazine_, October 1885. In addition to Schoppe and Kepler,
+we have the reference to Bruno's burning published by Mersenne in 1624;
+but what is far more important, the _Avviso di Roma_ for February
+19,1600, records this event as having occurred upon the preceding
+Thursday. To Signor Berti's two works, _Documenti intorno a G. Bruno_
+(Roma, 1880), and _Copernico e le vicende_, etc. (Roma, 1876), we owe
+most of the material which has been lucidly sifted by Mr. R.C.
+Christie.]
+
+Scioppius was a German humanist of the elder Italianated type, an
+elegant Latin stylist, who commented indifferently on the _Priapeia_ and
+the Stoic philosophy. He abjured Protestantism, and like Muretus, sold
+his pen to Rome. The Jesuits, in his pompous panegyric, were first
+saluted as 'the praetorian cohort of the camp of God.' Afterwards, when
+he quarreled with their Order, he showered invectives on them in the
+manner of a Poggio or Filelfo. The literary infamies of the fifteenth
+century reappeared in his polemical attacks on Protestants, and in his
+satires upon Scaliger. Yet he was a man of versatile talents and
+considerable erudition. It must be mentioned in his honor that he
+visited Campanella in his prison, and exerted himself for his
+liberation. Campanella dedicated his _Atheismus Triumphatus_ to
+Scioppius, calling him 'the dawn-star of our age.' Schoppe was also the
+first credible authority to warn Sarpi of the imminent peril he ran from
+Roman hired assassins, as I hope to relate in my chapter upon Sarpi's
+life. This man's letter to his friend is the single trustworthy document
+which we possess regarding the last hours of Bruno. Its inaccuracies on
+minor points may be held to corroborate his testimony.
+
+Scioppius refers to Bruno's early heresies on Transubstantiation and the
+Virginity of Mary. He alludes to the _Spaccio della Bestia Trionfante_,
+as though it had been a libel on the Pope.[118]
+
+[Footnote 118: 'Londinam perfectus, libellum istic edit de Bestia
+triumphante, h.e. de Papa. quem vestri honoris causa bestiam appellare
+solent.']
+
+He then enumerates Bruno's heterodox opinions, which had been recited
+in the public condemnation pronounced on the heresiarch. 'Horrible and
+most utterly absurd are the views he entertained, as, for example, that
+there are innumerable worlds; that the soul migrates from body to body,
+yea into another world, and that one soul can inform two bodies; that
+magic is good and lawful; that the Holy Spirit is nothing but the Soul
+of the World, which Moses meant when he wrote that it brooded on the
+waters; that the world has existed from eternity; that Moses wrought his
+miracles by magic, being more versed therein than the Egyptians, and
+that he composed his own laws; that the Holy Scriptures are a dream, and
+that the devils will be saved; that only the Jews descend from Adam and
+Eve, the rest of men from that pair whom God created earlier; that
+Christ is not God, but that he was an eminent magician who deluded
+mankind, and was therefore rightly hanged, not crucified; that the
+prophets and Apostles were men of naught, magicians, and for the most
+part hanged: in short, without detailing all the monstrosities in which
+his books abound, and which he maintained in conversation, it may be
+summed up in one word that he defended every error that has been
+advanced by pagan philosophers or by heretics of earlier and present
+times.' Accepting this list as tolerably faithful to the terms of
+Bruno's sentence, heard by Scioppius in the hall of Minerva, we can see
+how Mocenigo's accusation had been verified by reference to his
+published works. The _De Monade_ and _De Triplici_ contain enough
+heterodoxy to substantiate each point.
+
+On February 9, Bruno was brought before the Holy Office at S. Maria
+sopra Minerva. In the presence of assembled Cardinals, theologians, and
+civil magistrates, his heresies were first recited. Then he was
+excommunicated, and degraded from his priestly and monastic offices.
+Lastly, he was handed over to the secular arm, 'to be punished with all
+clemency and without effusion of blood.' This meant in plain language to
+be burned alive. Thereupon Bruno uttered the memorable and monumental
+words: 'Peradventure ye pronounce this sentence on me with a greater
+fear than I receive it.' They were the last words he spoke in public. He
+was removed to the prisons of the State, where he remained eight days,
+in order that he might have time to repent. But he continued obdurate.
+Being an apostate priest and a relapsed heretic, he could hope for no
+remission of his sentence. Therefore, on February 17, he marched to a
+certain and horrible death. The stake was built up on the Campo di
+Fiora. Just before the wood was set on fire, they offered him the
+crucifix.[119] He turned his face away from it in stern disdain. It was
+not Christ but his own soul, wherein he believed the Diety resided, that
+sustained Bruno at the supreme moment.
+
+[Footnote 119: We may remember that while a novice at Naples, he first
+got into trouble by keeping the crucifix as the only religious symbol
+which he respected, when he parted with images of saints.]
+
+No cry, no groan, escaped his lips. Thus, as Scioppius affectedly
+remarked, 'he perished miserably in flames, and went to report in those
+other worlds of his imagination, how blasphemous and impious men are
+handled by the Romans.'
+
+Whatever we may think of the good taste of Bruno's sarcasms upon the
+faith in which he had been bred--and it is certain that he never rightly
+apprehended Christianity in its essence--there is no doubt he died a
+valiant martyr to the truth as he conceived it. 'His death like that of
+Paleario, Carnesecchi, and so many more, no less than countless exiles
+suffered for religious causes, are a proof that in Italy men had begun
+to recognize their obligation to a faith, the duty of obedience to a
+thought: an immense progress, not sufficiently appreciated even by
+modern historians.'[120] Bruno was a hero in the battle for the freedom
+of the conscience, for the right of man to think and speak in
+liberty.[121]
+
+[Footnote 120: These pregnant words are in Berti's _Vita di G.B._ p.
+299.]
+
+[Footnote 121: He well deserves this name, in spite of his recantation
+at Venice; for it seems incredible that he could not by concessions have
+purchased his life. As Breugger wrote with brutal crudity to Kepler:
+'What profit did he gain by enduring such torments? If there were no God
+to punish crimes, as he believed, could he not have pretended any thing
+to save his life?' We may add that the alternative to death for a
+relapsed apostate was perpetual incarceration; and seven years of prison
+may well have made Bruno prefer death with honor.]
+
+Just five years before this memorable 17th of February, Tasso had passed
+quietly away in S. Onofrio. 'How dissimilar in genius and fortune,'
+exclaims Berti, 'were these men, though born under the same skies,
+though in childhood they breathed the same air! Tasso a Christian and
+poet of the cross; Bruno hostile to all religious symbols. The one,
+tired and disillusioned of the world, ends his days in the repose of the
+convent; the other sets out from the convent to expire upon the
+scaffold, turning his eyes away from the crucifix.'[122] And yet how
+much alike in some important circumstances of their lives were these two
+men! Both wanderers, possessed by that spirit of vagrancy which is the
+outward expression of an inner restlessness. The unfrocked friar, the
+courtier out of service, had no home in Italy. Both were pursued by an
+oestrum corresponding to the intellectual perturbations which closed the
+sixteenth century, so different from the idyllic calm that rested upon
+Ariosto and the artists of its opening years. Sufficient justice has not
+yet been done in history to the Italian wanderers and exiles of this
+period, men who carried the spirit of the Renaissance abroad, after the
+Renaissance had ended in Italy, to the extremest verges of the civilized
+world. An enumeration of their names, an examination of their services
+to modern thought, would show how puissant was the intellectual
+influence of Italy in that period of her political decadence.[123]
+
+
+[Footnote 122: _op. cit._ p. 70.]
+
+[Footnote 123: Both Berti and Quinet have made similar remarks, which,
+indeed, force themselves upon a student of the sixteenth century.]
+
+Bruno has to be treated from two distinct but interdependent points of
+view--in his relation to contemporary thought and the Renaissance; and
+in his relation to the evolution of modern philosophy--as the critic of
+mediaeval speculation and the champion of sixteenth-century enthusiasm;
+and also as the precursor of Descartes, Spinoza, Leibnitz, Schelling,
+Hegel, Darwin.
+
+From the former of these two points of view Bruno appears before us as
+the man who most vitally and comprehensively grasped the leading
+tendencies of his age in their intellectual essence. He left behind him
+the mediaeval conception of an extra-mundane God, creating a finite
+world, of which this globe is the center, and the principal episode in
+the history of which is the series of events from the Fall, through the
+Incarnation and Crucifixion, to the Last Judgment.[124] He substituted
+the conception of an ever-living, ever-acting, ever-self-effectuating
+God, immanent in an infinite universe, to the contemplation of whose
+attributes the mind of man ascends by study of Nature and interrogation
+of his conscience. The rehabilitation of the physical world and of
+humanity as part of its order, which the Renaissance had already
+indirectly effected through the medium of arts and literature and modes
+of life, found in Bruno an impassioned metaphysical supporter. He
+divinized Nature, not by degrading the Deity to matter, but by lifting
+matter to participation in the divine existence. The Renaissance had
+proclaimed the dignity of man considered as a mundane creature, and not
+in his relation to a hypothetical other-world. It abundantly manifested
+the beauty and the joy afforded by existence on this planet, and
+laughingly discarded past theological determinations to the contrary of
+its new Gospel. Bruno undertook the systematization of Renaissance
+intuitions; declared the divine reality of Nature and of man;
+demonstrated that we cannot speculate God, cannot think ourselves,
+cannot envisage the universe, except under the form of one living,
+infinite, eternal, divinely-sustained and soul-penetrated complex. He
+repudiated authority of every sort, refusing to acknowledge the decrees
+of the Church, freely criticising past philosophers, availing himself of
+all that seemed to him substantial in their speculations, but appealing
+in the last resort to that inner witness, that light of reason, which
+corresponds in the mental order to conscience in the moral. As he
+deified Nature, so he emancipated man as forming with Nature an integral
+part of the supreme Being. He was led upon this path to combat Aristotle
+and to satirize Christian beliefs, with a subtlety of scholastic
+argumentation and an acerbity of rhetoric that now pass for antiquated.
+Much that is obsolete in his writings must be referred to the polemical
+necessities of an age enthralled by peripatetic conceptions, and
+saturated with the ecclesiastical divinity of the schoolmen.
+
+
+[Footnote 124: This theological conception of history inspired the
+sacred drama of the Middle Ages, known to us as Cyclical Miracle Plays.]
+
+These forces of the philosophy he sought to supersede, had to be
+attacked with their own weapons and by methods adapted to the spirit of
+his age. Similar judgment may be passed upon his championship of the
+Copernican system. That system was the pivot of his metaphysic, the
+revelation to which he owed his own conception of the universe. His
+strenuous and ingenious endeavors to prove its veracity, his elaborate
+and often-repeated refutations of the Ptolemaic theory, appear to modern
+minds superfluous. But we must remember what a deeply-penetrating,
+widely-working revolution Copernicus effected in cosmology, how he
+dislocated the whole fabric upon which Catholic theology rested, how new
+and unintelligible his doctrine then seemed, and what vast horizons he
+opened for speculation on the destinies of man. Bruno was the first
+fully to grasp the importance of the Copernican hypothesis, to perceive
+its issues and to adapt it to the formation of a new ontology.
+Copernicus, though he proclaimed the central position of the sun in our
+system, had not ventured to maintain the infinity of the universe. For
+him, as for the elder physicists, there remained a sphere of fixed stars
+inclosing the world perceived by our senses within walls of crystal.
+Bruno broke those walls, and boldly asserted the now recognized
+existence of numberless worlds in space illimitable. His originality
+lies in the clear and comprehensive notion he formed of the Copernican
+discovery, and in his application of its corollaries to the Renaissance
+apocalypse of deified nature and emancipated man. The deductions he drew
+were so manifold and so acute that they enabled him to forecast the
+course which human thought has followed in all provinces of speculation.
+
+This leads us to consider how Bruno is related to modern science and
+philosophy. The main point seems to be that he obtained a vivid mental
+picture (_Vorstellung_) of the physical universe, differing but little
+in essentials from that which has now come to be generally accepted. In
+reasoning from this concept as a starting-point, he formed opinions upon
+problems of theology, ontology, biology and psychology, which placed him
+out of harmony with medaeival thought, and in agreement with the thought
+of our own time. Why this was so, can easily be explained. Bruno, first
+of all philosophers, adapted science, in the modern sense of that term,
+to metaphysic. He was the first to perceive that a revolution in our
+conception of the material universe, so momentous as that effected by
+Copernicus, necessitated a new theology and a new philosophical method.
+Man had ceased to be the center of all things; this globe was no longer
+'the hub of the universe,' but a small speck floating on infinity. The
+Christian scheme of the Fall and the Redemption, if not absolutely
+incompatible with the new cosmology was rendered by it less conceivable
+in any literal sense. Some of the main points on which the early
+Christians based their faith, and which had hardened into dogmas
+through the course of centuries--such, for instance, as the Ascension
+and the Second Advent--ceased to have their old significance. In a world
+where there was neither up nor down, the translation of a corporeal
+Deity to some place above the clouds, whence he would descend to judge
+men at the last day, had only a grotesque or a symbolic meaning; whereas
+to the first disciples, imbued with theories of a fixed celestial
+sphere, it presented a solemn and apparently well-founded expectation.
+The fundamental doctrine of the Incarnation, in like manner, lost
+intelligibility and value, when God had to be thought no longer as the
+Creator of a finite cosmos, but as a Being commensurate with infinity.
+It was clear to a mind so acute as Bruno's that the dogmas of the Church
+were correlated to a view of the world which had been superseded; and he
+drew the logical inference that they were at bottom but poetical and
+popular adumbrations of the Deity in terms concordant with erroneous
+physical notions. Aristotle and Ptolemy, the masters of philosophy and
+cosmography based upon a theory of the universe as finite and
+circumscribed within fixed limits, lent admirable aid to the theological
+constructions of the Middle Ages. The Church, adopting their science,
+gave metaphysical and logical consistency to those earlier poetical and
+popular conceptions of the religious sense. The _naïf_ hopes and
+romantic mythologies of the first Christians stiffened into syllogisms
+and ossified in the huge fabric of the _Summa_. But Aristotle and
+Ptolemy were now dethroned. Bruno, in a far truer sense than Democritus
+before him,
+
+                            extra
+    Processit longe flammantia moenia mundi.
+
+Bolder even than Copernicus, and nearer in his intuition to the truth,
+he denied that the universe had 'flaming walls' or any walls at all.
+That 'immaginata circonferenza,' 'quella margine immaginata del cielo,'
+on which antique science and Christian theology alike reposed, was the
+object of his ceaseless satire, his oft-repeated polemic. What, then,
+rendered Bruno the precursor of modern thought in its various
+manifestations, was that he grasped the fundamental truth upon which
+modern science rests, and foresaw the conclusions which must be drawn
+from it. He speculated boldly, incoherently, vehemently; but he
+speculated with a clear conception of the universe, as we still
+apprehend it. Through the course of three centuries we have been engaged
+in verifying the guesses, deepening, broadening and solidifying the
+hypotheses, which Bruno's extension of the Copernican theory, and his
+application of it to pure thought, suggested to his penetrating and
+audacious intellect, Bruno was convinced that religion in its higher
+essence would not suffer from the new philosophy. Larger horizons
+extended before the human intellect. The soul expanded in more
+exhilarating regions than the old theologies had offered. The sense of
+the Divine in Nature, instead of dwindling down to atheism, received
+fresh stimulus from the immeasurable prospect of an infinite and living
+universe. Bruno, even more than Spinoza, was a God-intoxicated man. The
+inebriation of the Renaissance, inspired by golden visions of truth and
+knowledge close within man's grasp, inflamed with joy at escaping from
+out-worn wearying formula into what appeared to be the simple intuition
+of an everlasting verity, pulses through all his utterances. He has the
+same cherubic confidence in the renascent age, that charms us in the
+work of Rabelais. The slow, painful, often thwarted, ever more dubious
+elaboration of modern metaphysic in _rapport_ with modern science--that
+process which, after completing the cycle of all knowledge and sounding
+the fathomless depth of all ignorance, has left us in grave
+disillusionment and sturdy patience--swam before Bruno in a rapturous
+vision. The Inquisition and the stake put an end abruptly to his dream.
+But the dream was so golden, so divine, that it was worth the pangs of
+martyrdom. Can we say the same for Hegel's system, or for Schopenhauers
+or for the encyclopaedic ingenuity of Herbert Spencer?
+
+Bruno imagined the universe as infinite space, filled with ether, in
+which an infinite number of worlds, or solar systems resembling our own,
+composed of similar materials and inhabited by countless living
+creatures, move with freedom. The whole of this infinite and complex
+cosmos he conceived to be animated by a single principle of thought and
+life. This indwelling force, or God, he described in Platonic
+phraseology sometimes as the Anima Mundi, sometimes as the Artificer,
+who by working from within molds infinite substance into an infinity of
+finite modes. Though we are compelled to think of the world under the
+two categories of spirit and matter, these apparently contradictory
+constituents are forever reconciled and harmonized in the divine
+existence, whereof illimitable activity, illimitable volition, and
+illimitable potentiality are correlated and reciprocally necessary
+terms. In Aristotelian language, Bruno assumed infinite form and
+infinite matter as movements of an eternal process, by which the
+infinite unity manifests itself in concrete reality. This being the
+case, it follows that nothing exists which has not life, and is not part
+of God. The universe itself is one immeasurable animal, or animated
+Being. The solar systems are huge animals; the globes are lesser
+animals; and so forth down to the monad of molecular cohesion. As the
+universe is infinite and eternal, motion, place and time do not qualify
+it; these are terms applicable only to the finite parts of which it is
+composed. For the same reason nothing in the universe can perish. What
+we call birth and death, generation and dissolution, is only the passage
+of the infinite, and homogeneous entity through successive phases of
+finite and differentiated existence; this continuous process of exchange
+and transformation being stimulated and sustained by attraction and
+repulsion, properties of the indwelling divine soul aiming at
+self-realization.
+
+Having formed this conception, Bruno supported it by metaphysical
+demonstration, and deduced conclusions bearing on psychology, religion,
+ethics. Much of his polemic was directed against the deeply-rooted
+notion of a finite world derived from Aristotle. Much was devoted to the
+proof of the Copernican discovery. Orthodox theology was indirectly
+combated or plausibly caressed. There are consequently many pages in his
+dialogues which do not interest a modern reader, seeing that we have
+outlived the conditions of thought that rendered them important. In the
+process of his argument, he established the theory of a philosophical
+belief, a religion of religions, or 'religione della mente,' as he
+phrased it, prior to and comprehensive of all historical creeds. He
+speculated, as probabilities, the transmigration of souls, and the
+interchangeability of types in living creatures. He further postulated a
+concordance between the order of thought and the order of existence in
+the universe, and inclined to the doctrine of necessity in morals. Bruno
+thus obtained _per saltum_ a prospect over the whole domain of knowledge
+subsequently traversed by rationalism in metaphysics, theology and
+ethics. In the course of these demonstrations and deductions he
+anticipated Descartes' position of the identity of mind and being. He
+supplied Spinoza with the substance of his reasoned pantheism; Leibnitz
+with his theory of monadism and pre-established harmony. He laid down
+Hegel's doctrine of contraries, and perceived that thought was a
+dialectic process. The modern theory of evolution was enunciated by him
+in pretty plain terms. He had grasped the physical law of the
+conservation of energy. He solved the problem of evil by defining it to
+be a relative condition of imperfect development. He denied that
+Paradise or a Golden Age is possible for man, or that, if possible, it
+can be considered higher in the moral scale than organic struggle toward
+completion by reconciliation of opposites through pain and labor. He
+sketched in outline the comparative study of religions, which is now
+beginning to be recognized as the proper basis for theology. Finally, he
+had a firm and vital hold upon that supreme speculation of the universe,
+considered no longer as the battle-ground of dual principles, or as the
+finite fabric of an almighty designer, but as the self-effectuation of
+an infinite unity, appearing to our intelligence as spirit and
+matter--that speculation which in one shape or another controls the
+course of modern thought.[125]
+
+[Footnote 125: It was my intention to support the statements in this
+paragraph by translating the passages which seem to me to justify them;
+and I had gone so far as to make English versions of some twenty pages
+in length, when I found that this material would overweight my book. A
+study of Bruno as the great precursor of modern thought in its more
+poetical and widely synthetic speculation must be left for a separate
+essay. Here I may remark that the most faithful and pithily condensed
+abstract of Bruno's philosophy is contained in Goethe's poem _Proemium
+zu Gott und Welt_. Yet this poem expresses Goethe's thought, and it is
+doubtful whether Goethe had studied Bruno except in the work of his
+disciple Spinoza.]
+
+It must not be supposed that Bruno apprehended these points with
+distinctness, or that he expressed them precisely in the forms with
+which we are familiar. The hackneyed metaphor of a Pisgah view across
+the promised land applies to him with singular propriety. Moreover, as
+an acute critic has remarked, things old and new are so curiously
+blended in his writings that what at first sight appears modern, is
+often found upon reflection to be antique, and what is couched in
+obsolete scholastic terminology, turns out upon analysis to contain the
+germs of advanced theories.[126] The peculiar forms adapted for the
+exposition of his thoughts contribute to the difficulty of obtaining a
+methodical view of Bruno's philosophy. It has, therefore, been disputed
+whether he was a pantheist or an atheist, a materialist or a
+spiritualist, a mystic or an agnostic. No one would have contended more
+earnestly than Bruno himself, that the sage can hold each and all of
+these apparent contradictions together, with the exception of atheism;
+which last is a simple impossibility. The fragmentary and impassioned
+exposition which Bruno gave to his opinions in a series of Italian
+dialogues and Latin poems will not discourage those of his admirers who
+estimate the conspicuous failure made by all elaborate system-builders
+from Aristotle to Hegel. To fathom the mystery of the world, and to
+express that mystery in terms of logic, is clearly beyond the faculty of
+man. Philosophies that aim at universe-embracing, God-explaining,
+nature-elucidating, man-illuminating, comprehensiveness, have justly,
+therefore, become objects of suspicion. The utmost that man can do,
+placed as he is at obvious disadvantages for obtaining a complete survey
+of the whole, is to whet his intelligence upon confessedly insoluble
+problems, to extend the sphere of his practical experience, to improve
+his dominion over matter, to study the elevation of his moral nature,
+and to encourage himself for positive achievements by the indulgence in
+those glorious dreams from which regenerative creeds and inspiring
+philosophies have sprung--
+
+    Still climbing after knowledge infinite,
+    And ever moving as the restless spheres.
+
+[Footnote 126: Spaventa in his _Saggi di Critica_.]
+
+Faith and poetry are the highest regions in which his spirit can
+profitably move. The study of government, law, and social ethics, the
+analysis of physical conditions to which he is subject, and over which
+he has an undefined, though limited, control, form the practical sphere
+of his intelligence. Bruno traversed these regions; and, forasmuch as
+the outcome of his exploration was no system, but a congeries of poetic
+visions, shrewd guesses, profound intuitions, and passionate
+enthusiasms, bound together and sustained by a burning sense of the
+Divine unity in nature and in man, we may be permitted to regard him as
+more fortunate than those cloud-castle-builders whose classifications of
+absolute existences are successively proved by the advance of relative
+knowledge to be but catalogues of some few objects apprehended by the
+vision of each partially-instructed age. We have, indeed, reason to
+marvel how many of Bruno's intuitions have formed the stuff of later,
+more elaborated systems, and still remain the best which these contain.
+We have reason to wonder how many of his divinations have worked
+themselves into the common fund of modern beliefs, and have become
+philosophical truisms.
+
+It is probable that if Bruno's career had not been cut short by the
+dungeon and the stake at the early age of thirty-four, he might have
+produced some final work in which his theories would have assumed a
+formal shape. It is possible that the Vatican even now contains the
+first sketch for such a studied exposition in the treatise on the Seven
+Arts, which Giovanni Mocenigo handed over to the Inquisition, and which
+the philosopher intended to dedicate to Clement VIII. But the loss of
+this elaborated system is hardly to be regretted, except for the clearer
+light it must have thrown upon the workings of the most illuminated
+intellect in the sixteenth century. We know that it could not have
+revealed to us the secret of things.
+
+Bruno cast his thoughts in two molds: the dialogue, and Latin
+hexameters. He was attracted to the latter by his early study of
+Parmenides and Lucretius. The former seems to have been natural to the
+man. We must not forget that he was a Neapolitan, accustomed from
+childhood to the farces of his native land, vividly alive to the comic
+aspects of existence, and joyously appreciative of reality. His first
+known composition was a comedy, _Il Candelajo_; and something of the
+drama can be traced in all those Italian compositions which distinguish
+the period of his activity as an author in London. Lucian rather than
+Plato or Cicero determined the form of his dialogue. An element of the
+burlesque distinguishes his method of approaching religious and moral
+problems in the _Spaccio della Bestia_, and the _Cavallo Pegaseo_. And
+though he exchanged the manner of his model for more serious exposition
+in the trio of metaphysical dialogues, named _La Cena delle Ceneri,
+Della Causa_, and _Dell' Infinito Universo_, yet the irresistible
+tendency to dramatic satire emerges even there in the description of
+England and in the characters of the indispensable pedant buffoon. His
+dialogue on the _Eroici Furori_ is sustained at a high pitch of aspiring
+fervor. Mystical in its attempt to adumbrate the soul's thirst for truth
+and beauty, it adopts the method of a running commentary upon poems, in
+the manner of a discursive and fantastic _Vita Nuova_. In his Italian
+style, Bruno owed much to the fashion set by Aretino. The study of
+Aretino's comedies is apparent in _Il Candelajo_. The stringing together
+of words and ideas in triplets, balanced by a second set of words and
+ideas in antithetical triplets--this trick of rhetoric, which wearies a
+modern reader of his prose, seems to have been copied straight from
+Aretino. The coinage of fantastic titles, of which _Lo Spaccio della
+Bestia Trionfante_ contributed in some appreciable degree to Bruno's
+martyrdom, should be ascribed to the same influence. The source of these
+literary affectations was a bad one. Aretino, Doni, and such folk were
+no fit masters for Giordano Bruno even in so slight a matter as artistic
+form. Yet, in this respect, he shared a corrupt taste which was common
+to his generation, and proved how fully he represented the age in which
+he lived. It is not improbable that the few contemporary readers of his
+works, especially in euphuistic England, admired the gewgaws he so
+plentifully scattered and rendered so brilliant by the coruscations of
+his wit. When, however, the real divine oestrum descends upon him, he
+discards those follies. Then his language, like his thought, is all his
+own: sublime, impassioned, burning, turbid; instinct with a deep
+volcanic fire of genuine enthusiasm. The thought is simple; the diction
+direct; the attitude of mind and the turn of expression are singularly
+living, surprisingly modern. We hear the man speak, as he spoke at Fulke
+Greville's supper-party, as he spoke at Oxford, as he spoke before the
+Sorbonne, as he might be speaking now. There is no air of literary
+effort, no tincture of antiquated style, in these masculine utterances.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER X.
+
+FRA PAOLO SARPI.
+
+     Sarpi's Position in the History of Venice--Parents and
+     Boyhood--Entrance into the Order of the Servites--His Personal
+     Qualities--Achievements as a Scholar and Man of Science--His Life
+     among the Servites--In Bad Odor at Rome--Paul V. places Venice
+     under Interdict--Sarpi elected Theologian and Counselor of the
+     Republic--His Polemical Writings--Views on Church and State--The
+     Interdict Removed--Roman Vengeance--Sarpi attacked by Bravi--His
+     Wounds, Illness, Recovery--Subsequent History of the
+     Assassins--Further Attempts on Sarpi's Life--Sarpi's Political and
+     Historical Works--History of the Council of Trent--Sarpi's Attitude
+     toward Protestantism--His Judgment of the Jesuits--Sarpi's
+     Death--The Christian Stoic.
+
+Fra Paolo was the son of Francesco Sarpi and Isabella Morelli, Venetians
+of the humbler middle class. He was born in 1552, christened Pietro, and
+nicknamed Pierino because of his diminutive stature. On entering the
+Order of the Servites he adopted the religious name of Paolo, which he
+subsequently rendered famous throughout Europe. Since he died in 1623,
+Sarpi's life coincided with a period of supreme interest and manifold
+vicissitudes in the decline of Venice. After the battle of Lepanto in
+1571, he saw the nobles of S. Mark welcome their victorious admiral
+Sebastiano Veniero and confer on him the honors of the Dogeship. In
+1606, he aided the Republic to withstand the thunders of the Vatican
+and defy the excommunication of a Pope. Eight years later he attended at
+those councils of state which unmasked the conspiracy, known as
+Bedmar's, to destroy Venice. In his early manhood Cyprus had been
+wrested from the hands of S. Mark; and inasmuch as the Venetians alone
+sustained the cause of Christian civilization against Turk and pirate in
+the Eastern seas, he was able before his death to anticipate the ruin
+which the war of Candia subsequently brought upon his country. During
+the last eighteen years of his existence Sarpi was the intellect of the
+Republic; the man of will and mind who gave voice and vigor to her
+policy of independence; the statesman who most clearly penetrated the
+conditions of her strength and weakness. This friar incarnated the
+Venetian spirit at a moment when, upon the verge of decadence, it had
+attained self-consciousness; and so instinctively devoted are Venetians
+to their State that in his lifetime he was recognized by them as hero,
+and after his death venerated as saint.
+
+No sooner had the dispute with Paul V. been compromised, than Sarpi
+noticed how the aristocracy of Venice yielded themselves to sloth and
+political indifference. The religious obsequiousness to Rome and the
+'peace or rather cowardice of slaves,' which were gradually immersing
+Italy in mental torpor and luxurious idleness, invaded this last
+stronghold of freedom. Though Sarpi's Christian Stoicism and practical
+sagacity saved him from playing the then futile part of public agitator,
+his private correspondence shows how low his hope had sunk for Italy.
+Nothing but a general war could free her from the yoke of arrogant Rome
+and foreign despotism. Meanwhile the Papal Court, Spain and the House of
+Austria, having everything to lose by contest, preserved the peace of
+Italy at any cost. Princes whose petty thrones depended on Spanish and
+Papal good-will, dreaded to disturb the equilibrium of servitude; the
+population, dulled by superstition, emasculated by Jesuitical corruption
+and intimidated by Church tyranny, slumbered in the gross mud-honey of
+slavish pleasures. From his cell in the convent of the Servites Sarpi
+swept the whole political horizon, eagerly anticipating some dawn-star
+of deliverance. At one time his eyes rested on the Duke of Savoy, but
+that unquiet spirit failed to steer his course clear between Spanish and
+French interests, Roman jealousies, and the ill-concealed hostilities of
+Italian potentates. At another time, like all lovers of freedom
+throughout Europe, he looked with confidence to Henri IV. But a
+fanatic's dagger, sharpened by the Jesuits, cut short the monarch's life
+and gave up France to the government of astute Florentine adventurers.
+Germany was too distracted by internal dissensions, Holland too distant
+and preoccupied with her own struggle for existence, to offer immediate
+aid. It was in vain that Sarpi told his foreign correspondents that the
+war of liberty in Europe must be carried into the stronghold of
+absolutism. To secure a victory over the triple forces of Spain, the
+Papal Court and Jesuitry, Rome had to be attacked in Italy. His
+reasoning was correct. But peoples fighting for freedom on their native
+soil could not risk an adventure which only some central power of the
+first magnitude like France might have conducted with fair prospect of
+success. In the meantime what Sarpi called the Diacatholicon, that
+absolutist alliance of Rome, Spain and Austria, supported by the
+Inquisition and the Jesuits, accepted by the states of Italy and firmly
+rooted in some parts of Germany, invaded even those provinces where the
+traditions of independence still survived. After 1610 the Jesuits
+obtained possession of France; and though they did not effect their
+re-entrance into Venice, the ruling classes of the Republic allowed
+themselves to be drugged by the prevalent narcotic. Venice, too, was
+fighting for her life in the Adriatic and the Levant, while her nobles
+became daily more supine in aristocratic leisure, more papalizing in
+their private sympathies. Thus the last years of Sarpi's life were
+overclouded by a deep discouragement, which did not, indeed, extinguish
+his trust in the divine Providence or his certain belief that the right
+would ultimately prevail, but which adds a tragic interest to the old
+age of this champion of political and moral liberty fallen on evil days.
+
+I have thought it well to preface what I have to say about Sarpi with
+this forecast of his final attitude. As the Italian who most clearly
+comprehended the full consequences of the Catholic Revival, and who
+practically resisted what was evil for his nation in that reactionary
+movement, he demands a prominent place in this book. On his claims to
+scientific discoveries and his special service rendered to the Venetian
+Republic it will suffice to touch but lightly.
+
+Sarpi's father was short of stature, brown-complexioned, choleric and
+restless. His mother was tall, pale, lymphatic, devoted to religious
+exercises and austerities. The son of their ill-assorted wedlock
+inherited something of both temperaments. In his face and eyes he
+resembled his mother; and he derived from her the piety which marked his
+course through life. His short, spare person, his vivid, ever-active
+intellect testified to the paternal impress. This blending of two
+diverse strains produced in him a singular tenacity of fiber. Man's
+tenement of clay has rarely lodged a spirit so passionless, so fine, so
+nearly disembodied. Of extreme physical tenuity, but gifted with
+inexhaustible mental energy, indefatigable in study, limitless in
+capacity for acquiring and retaining knowledge, he accentuated the type
+which nature gave him by the sustained habits of a lifetime. In diet he
+abstained from flesh and abhorred wine. His habitual weaknesses were
+those of one who subdues the body to mental government. As costive as
+Scaliger,[127] Sarpi suffered from hepatic hemorrhage, retention of
+urine, prolapsus recti, and hemorrhoids. Intermittent fevers reduced his
+strength, but rarely interfered with his activity. He refused to treat
+himself as an invalid, never altered his course of life for any illness,
+and went about his daily avocations when men of laxer tissue would have
+taken to their bed. His indifference to danger was that of the Stoic or
+the Mussulman. During a period of fifteen years he knew that restless
+foes were continually lying in wait to compass his death by poison or
+the dagger. Yet he could hardly be persuaded to use the most ordinary
+precautions. 'I am resolved,' he wrote, in 1609, 'to give no thought
+whatever to these wretchednesses. He who thinks too much of living knows
+not how to live well. One is bound to die once; to be curious about the
+day or place or manner of dying is unprofitable. Whatsoever is God's
+will is good.'[128] As fear had no hold upon his nature, so was he
+wholly free from the dominion of the senses. A woman's name, if we
+except that of the Queen of France, is, I think, not once mentioned in
+his correspondence. Even natural affections seem to have been
+obliterated; for he records nothing of his mother or his father or a
+sister who survived their deaths. One suit of clothes sufficed him; and
+his cell was furnished with three hour-glasses, a picture of Christ in
+the Garden, and a crucifix raised above a human skull.
+
+[Footnote 127: We may remind our readers of Henri IV.'s parting words to
+Joseph Scaliger: 'Est-il vrai que vous avez été de Paris à Dijon sans
+aller à la selle?']
+
+[Footnote 128: _Lettere_, vol. i. p. 239.]
+
+His physical sensitiveness, developed by austerity of life, was of the
+highest acuteness. Sight, touch, and taste in him acquired the most
+exquisite delicacy. He was wont to say that he feared no poison in his
+food, since he could discriminate the least adulteration of natural
+flavors. His mental perspicacity was equally subtle. As a boy he could
+recite thirty lines of Virgil after hearing them read over once. Books
+were not so much perused by him as penetrated at a glance; and what he
+had but casually noticed, never afterwards escaped his memory. In the
+vast Venetian archives he could lay his hand on any document without
+referring to registers or catalogues. The minutest details of houses
+visited or places passed through, remained indelibly engraved upon his
+memory. The characters of men lay open to his insight through their
+physiognomy and gestures. When new scientific instruments were submitted
+to his curiosity, he divined their uses and comprehended their mechanism
+without effort. Thus endowed with a rare combination of physical and
+intellectual faculties, it is no wonder that Sarpi became one of the
+most learned men of his age or of any age. He was an excellent Greek,
+Latin, and Hebrew scholar; an adequate master of the French and Spanish
+languages; profoundly versed in canon and civil law; accomplished in the
+erudition of classical and scholastic philosophy; thoroughly acquainted
+with secular and ecclesiastical history. Every branch of mathematics and
+natural science had been explored by him with the enthusiasm of a
+pioneer. He made experiments in chemistry, mechanics, mineralogy,
+metallurgy, vegetable and animal physiology. His practical studies in
+anatomy were carried on by the aid of vivisection. Following independent
+paths, he worked out some of Gilbert's discoveries in magnetism, and of
+Da Porta's in optics, demonstrated the valves of the veins, and the
+function of the uvea in vision, divined the uses of the telescope and
+thermometer. When he turned his attention to astronomy, he at once
+declared the futility of judicial astrology; and while recognizing the
+validity of Galileo's system, predicted that this truth would involve
+its promulgator in serious difficulties with the Roman Inquisition. In
+his treatises on psychology and metaphysics, he originated a theory of
+sensationalism akin to that of Locke. There was, in fact, no field of
+knowledge which he had not traversed with the energy of a discoverer.
+Only to poetry and _belles lettres_ he paid but little heed, disdaining
+the puerilities of rhetoric then in vogue, and using language as the
+simplest vehicle of thought. In conversation he was reticent, speaking
+little, but always to the purpose, and rather choosing to stimulate his
+collocutors than to make display of eloquence or erudition. Yet his
+company was eagerly sought, and he delighted in the society, not only of
+learned men and students, but of travelers, politicians, merchants, and
+citizens of the world. His favorite places of resort were the saloons of
+Andrea Morosini, and the shop of the Secchini at the sign of the Nave
+d'Oro. Here, after days spent in religious exercises, sacerdotal
+duties, and prolonged studies, he relaxed his mind in converse with the
+miscellaneous crowd of eminent persons who visited Venice for business
+or pleasure. A certain subacid humor, combining irony without
+bitterness, and proverbial pungency without sententiousness, added
+piquancy to his discourse. We have, unfortunately, no record of the
+wit-encounters which may have taken place under Morosini's or Secchini's
+roof between this friar, so punctual in his religious observances, so
+scrupulously pure in conduct, so cold in temperament, so acute in
+intellect, so modest in self-esteem, so cautious, so impermeable, and
+his contemporary, Bruno, the unfrocked friar of genius more daring but
+less sure, who was mentally in all points, saving their common love of
+truth and freedom, the opposite to Sarpi.
+
+Sarpi entered the Order of the Servi, or Servants of the Blessed Virgin,
+at the age of fourteen, renewed his vows at twenty, and was ordained
+priest at twenty-two.[129] His great worth brought him early into
+notice, and he filled posts of considerable importance in his Order.
+Several years of his manhood were spent in Rome, transacting the
+business and conducting the legal causes of the Fathers. At Mantua he
+gained the esteem of Guglielmo Gonzaga. At Milan he was admitted to
+familiar intimacy with the sainted Carlo Borromeo, who consulted him
+upon matters of reform in the diocese, and insisted on his hearing
+confessions. This duty was not agreeable to Sarpi; and though he
+habitually in after life said Mass and preached, he abstained from those
+functions of the priesthood which would have brought him into close
+relation with individuals. The bent of his mind rendered him averse to
+all forms of superstition and sacerdotal encroachments upon the freedom
+of the conscience. As he fought the battle of political independence
+against ecclesiastical aggression, so he maintained the prerogatives of
+personal liberty. The arts whereby Jesuits gained hold on families and
+individuals, inspired in him no less disgust than the illegal despotism
+of the Papacy. This blending of sincere piety and moral rectitude with a
+passion for secular freedom and a hatred of priestly craft, has
+something in it closely akin to the English temperament. Sarpi was a
+sound Catholic Christian in religion, and in politics what we should
+call a staunch Whig. So far as it is now possible to penetrate his
+somewhat baffling personality, we might compare him to a Macaulay of
+finer edge, to a Dean Stanley of more vigorous build. He was less
+commonplace than the one, more substantial than the other. But we must
+be cautious in offering any interpretation of his real opinions. It was
+not for nothing that he dedicated himself to the monastic life in
+boyhood, and persevered in it to the end of his long career. The
+discipline of the convent renders every friar inscrutable; and Sarpi
+himself assured his friends that he, like all Italians of his day, was
+bound to wear a mask.[130]
+
+[Footnote 129: It was under the supervision of the Servites that Sarpi
+gained the first rudiments of education. Thirst for knowledge may
+explain his early entrance into their brotherhood. Like Virgil and like
+Milton, he received among the companions of his youthful studies the
+honorable nickname of 'The Maiden.' Gross conversation, such as lads
+use, even in convents, ceased at his approach. And yet he does not seem
+to have lost influence among his comrades by the purity which marked him
+out as exceptional.]
+
+[Footnote 130: _Lettere_, vol. i. p. 237.]
+
+Be this as it may, Sarpi was not the man to work his way by monkish
+intrigue or courtly service into high place either in his Order or the
+Church. Long before he unsheathed the sword in defense of Venetian
+liberties, he had become an object of suspicion to Rome and his
+superiors. Some frank words which escaped him in correspondence,
+regarding the corruption of the Papal Curia, closed every avenue to
+office. Men of less mark obtained the purple. The meanest and poorest
+bishoprics were refused to Sarpi. He was thrice denounced, on frivolous
+charges, to the Inquisition; but on each occasion the indictment was
+dismissed without a hearing. The General of the Servites accused him of
+wearing cap and slippers uncanonical in cut, and of not reciting the
+_Salve Regina_. After a solemn trial, Sarpi was acquitted; and it came
+to be proverbially whispered that 'even the slippers of the
+incorruptible Fra Paolo had been canonized.' Being a sincere Catholic at
+heart, as well as a man of profound learning and prudent speech, his
+papalistic enemies could get no grip upon him. Yet they instinctively
+hated and dreaded one whom they felt to be opposed, in his strength,
+fearlessness and freedom of soul, to their exorbitant pretensions and
+underhand aggressions upon public liberties. His commerce with heretics
+both in correspondence with learned Frenchmen and in conversation with
+distinguished foreigners at Venice, was made a ground of accusation, and
+Clement VIII. declared that this alone sufficed to exclude him from any
+dignity in the Church.
+
+It does not appear that Sarpi troubled his head about these things. Had
+he cared for power, there was no distinction to which he might not have
+aspired by stooping to common arts and by compromising his liberty of
+conscience. But he was indifferent to rank and wealth. Public business
+he discharged upon occasion from a sense of duty to his Order. For the
+rest, so long as he was left to pursue his studies in tranquillity,
+Sarpi had happiness enough; and his modesty was so great that he did not
+even seek to publish the results of his discoveries in science. For this
+reason they have now been lost to the world; only the memory of them
+surviving in the notes of Foscarini and Grisellini, who inspected his
+MSS. before they were accidentally destroyed by fire in 1769.
+
+Though renowned through Europe as the _orbis terrae ocellus_, the man
+sought out by every visitor to Venice as the rarest citizen of the
+Republic, Sarpi might have quitted this earthly scene with only the
+faint fame of a thinker whose eminent gifts blossomed in obscurity, had
+it not been for a public opportunity which forced him to forsake his
+studies and his cell for a place at the Council-board and for the
+functions of a polemical writer. That robust manliness of mind, which
+makes an Englishman hail English virtues in Sarpi, led him to affirm
+that 'every man of excellence is bound to pay attention to
+politics.'[131] Yet politics were not his special sphere. Up to the age
+of fifty-four he ripened in the assiduous studies of which I have made
+mention, in the discharge of his official duties as a friar, and his
+religious duties as a priest. He had distinguished himself amid the
+practical affairs of life by judicial acuteness, unswerving justice,
+infallible perspicacity, and inexhaustible stores of erudition brought
+to bear with facility on every detail of any matter in dispute. But
+nature and inclination seemed to mark him out through early manhood for
+experimental and speculative science rather than for action. Now a
+demand was made on his deep fount of energy, which evolved the latent
+forces of a character unique in many-sided strength. He had dedicated
+himself to religion and to the pursuit of knowledge. But he was a
+Venetian of the Venetians, the very soul of Venice. After God, his
+Prince and the Republic claimed obedience; and when S. Mark called,
+Sarpi abandoned science for the service of his country. 'Singularly
+composed of active and contemplative energies was the life of our
+Father; yielding to God that which he was able, to his Prince that which
+duty dictated, and to the domain of Venice more than any law but that of
+love demanded.'[132]
+
+[Footnote 131: _Lettere_, vol. ii, p. 80.]
+
+[Footnote 132: Sarpi's _Life_ by Fra Fulgenzio, p. 64.]
+
+Paul V. assumed the tiara with the fixed resolve of making good the
+Papal claims to supremacy. Between Venice and the Holy See numerous
+disputed points of jurisdiction, relating to the semi-ecclesiastical
+fief of Ceneda, the investiture of the Patriarch, the navigation of the
+Po, and the right of the Republic to exercise judgment in criminal cases
+affecting priests, offered this Pope opportunities of interference. The
+Venetians maintained their customary prerogatives; and in April 1606
+Paul laid them under interdict and excommunication. The Republic denied
+the legitimacy of this proceeding. The Doge, Leonardo Donato, issued a
+proclamation to the clergy of all degrees within the domain, appealing
+to their loyalty and enjoining on them the discharge of their sacerdotal
+duties in spite of the Papal interdict. Only Jesuits at first disobeyed
+the ducal mandate. When they refused to say Mass in the excommunicated
+city, they were formally expelled as contumacious subjects; and the
+fathers took ship amid the maledictions of the populace: '_Andate in
+malora_.' Their example was subsequently followed by the reformed
+Capuchins and the Theatines. Otherwise the Venetian clergy, like the
+people, remained firm in their allegiance to the state. 'We are
+Venetians first, Christians afterwards,' was a proverb dating from this
+incident. Venice, conscious of the justice of her cause, prepared to
+resist the Pope's arrogant demands if need were with arms, and to
+exercise religious rites within her towns in spite of Camillo Borghese's
+excommunication. The Senate, some time before these events happened,
+had perceived the advantage which would accrue to the Republic from the
+service of a practised Canonist and jurisprudent in ecclesiastical
+affairs. Sarpi attracted their attention at an early stage of the
+dispute by a memorial which he drew up and presented to the Doge upon
+the best means of repelling Papal aggression. After perusing his report,
+in the month of January 1606, they appointed him Theologian and Canonist
+to the Republic, with a yearly salary of 200 ducats. This post he
+occupied until his death, having at a later period been raised to the
+still more important office of Counselor of State, which eventually he
+filled alone without a single coadjutor.
+
+From the month of January 1606, for the remaining seventeen years of his
+life, Sarpi was intellectually the most prominent personage of Venice,
+the man who for the world at large represented her policy of moderate
+but firm resistance to ecclesiastical tyranny. Greatness had been thrust
+upon the modest and retiring student; and Father Paul's name became the
+watchword of political independence throughout Europe.
+
+The Jesuists acting in concert with Spain, as well-informed historians
+held certain, first inspired Camillo Borghese with his ill-considered
+attempt upon the liberties of Venice.[133] It was now the Jesuits, after
+their expulsion from the Republic, who opened the batteries of literary
+warfare against the Venetian government. They wrote and published
+manifestoes through the Bergamasque territory, which province
+acknowledged the episcopal jurisdiction of Milan, though it belonged to
+the Venetian domain. In these writings it was argued that, so long as
+the Papal interdict remained in force, all sacraments would be invalid,
+marriages null, and offspring illegitimate. The population, trained
+already in doctrines of Papal supremacy, were warned that should they
+remain loyal to a contumacious State, their own souls would perish
+through the lack of sacerdotal ministrations, and their posterity would
+roam the world as bastards and accursed. To traverse this argument of
+sarcerdotal tyranny, exorbitant in any age of the Latin Church, but
+preposterous after the illumination of the sixteenth century in Europe,
+was a citizen's plain duty. Sarpi therefore supplied an elegant Italian
+stylist, Giambattista Leoni, with material for setting forth a statement
+of the controversy between Venice and Rome. It would have been well if
+he had taken up the pen with his own hand. But at this early period of
+his career as publicist, he seems to have been diffident about his
+literary powers. The result was that Leoni's main defense of the
+Republic fell flat; and the war was waged for a while upon side issues.
+Sarpi drew a treatise by Gerson, the learned French champion of Catholic
+independence, forth from the dust of libraries, translated it into
+Italian, and gave it to the press accompanied by an introductory letter
+which he signed.[134] Cardinal Bellarmino responded from Rome with an
+attack on Sarpi's orthodoxy and Gerson's authority. Sarpi replied in an
+Apology for Gerson. Then, finding that Leoni's narrative had missed its
+mark, he poured forth pamphlet upon pamphlet, penning his own
+_Considerations on the Censures_, inspiring Fra Fulgenzio Micanzi with a
+work styled _Confirmations_, and finally reducing the whole matter of
+the controversy into a book entitled a _Treatise on the Interdict_,
+which he signed together with six brother theologians of the Venetian
+party. It is not needful in this place to institute a minute
+investigation into the merits of this pamphlet warfare. In its details,
+whether we regard the haughty claims of delegated omnipotence advanced
+by Rome, or the carefully studied historical and canonistic arguments
+built up by Sarpi, the quarrel has lost actuality. Common sense and
+freedom have so far conquered in Europe that Sarpi's opinions, then
+denounced as heresies, sound now like truisms; and his candid boast that
+he was the first to break the neck of Papal encroachments upon secular
+prerogative, may pass for insignificant in an age which has little to
+fear from ecclesiastical violence.
+
+[Footnote 133: Fra Fulgenzio's _Vita di F. Paolo_, p. 42. Venetian
+Dispatches in Mutinelli's _Storia Arcana_, vol. iii. p. 67.]
+
+[Footnote 134: The treatise which Sarpi translated was Gerson's
+_Considerations upon Papal Excommunications_. Gerson's part in the
+Council of Constance will be remembered. See Creighton's _History of the
+Papacy_, vol. i. p. 211.]
+
+Yet we must not forget that, during the first years of the seventeenth
+century, the Venetian conflict with Papal absolutism, considered merely
+as a test-case in international jurisprudence, was one of vitally
+important interest. When we reflect how the Catholic Alliance was then
+engaged in rolling back the tide of Reformation, how the forces of Rome
+had been rallied by the Tridentine Council, and how the organism of the
+Jesuits had been created to promulgate new dogmas of Papal almightiness
+in Church and State, this resistance of Venice, stoutly Catholic in
+creed, valiant in her defense of Christendom against the Moslem,
+supported by her faithful churchman and accomplished canonist, was no
+inconsiderable factor in the European strife for light and liberty. The
+occasion was one of crucial gravity. Reconstituted Rome had not as yet
+been brought into abrupt collision with any commonwealth which abode in
+her communion. Had Venice yielded in that issue, the Papacy might have
+augured for itself a general victory. That Venice finally submitted to
+Roman influence, while preserving the semblance of independence,
+detracts, indeed, from the importance of this Interdict-affair
+considered as an episode in the struggle for spiritual freedom.
+Moreover, we know now that the presumptuous pretensions of the Papacy at
+large were destined, before many years had passed, to be pared down,
+diminished and obliterated by the mere advance of intellectual
+enlightenment. Yet none of these considerations diminish Sarpi's claim
+to rank as hero in the forefront of a battle which in his time was
+being waged with still uncertain prospects.[135] In their comparatively
+narrow spheres Venice and Sarpi, not less than Holland, England, Sweden
+and the Protestants of Germany, on their wider platform at a later date,
+were fighting for a principle upon which the liberty of States depended.
+And they were the first to fight for it upon the ground most perilous to
+the common adversary. In all his writings Sarpi sought to prove that men
+might remain sound Catholics and yet resist Roman aggression; that the
+Roman Court and its modern champions had introduced new doctrine,
+deviating from the pristine polity of Christendom; that the
+post-Tridentine theory of Papal absolutism was a deformation of that
+order which Christ founded, which the Apostles edified, and which the
+Councils of a purer age had built into the living temple of God's Church
+on earth.
+
+[Footnote 135: Sarpi's correspondence abundantly proves how very grave
+was the peril of Papal Absolutism in his days. The tide had not begun to
+turn with force against the Jesuit doctrines of Papal Supremacy. See
+Ranke, vol. ii. pp. 4-12, on these doctrines and the counter-theories to
+which they gave rise. We must remember that the Papal power was now at
+the height of its ascension; and Sarpi can be excused for not having
+reckoned on the inevitable decline it suffered during the next century.]
+
+A passage from Sarpi's correspondence may be cited, as sounding the
+keynote to all his writings in this famous controversy. 'I imagine,' he
+writes to Jacques Gillot in 1609, 'that the State and the Church are two
+realms, composed, however, of the same human beings. The one is wholly
+heavenly, the other earthly. Each has its own sovereignty, defended by
+its own arms and fortifications. Nothing is held by them in common, and
+there should be no occasion for the one to declare war upon the other.
+Christ said that he and his disciples were not of this world. S. Paul
+affirms that our city is in the heavens. I take the word Church to
+signify an assembly of the faithful, not of priests only; for when we
+regard it as confined to those, it ceases to be Christ's kingdom, and
+becomes a portion of the commonwealth in this world, subject to the
+highest authority of State, as also are the laity.[136] This emphatic
+distinction between Church and State, both fulfilling the needs of
+humanity but in diverse relations, lay at the root of Sarpi's doctrine.
+He regarded the claim of the Church to interfere in State management,
+not only as an infringement of the prince's prerogative, but also as
+patent rebellion against the law of God which had committed the temporal
+government of nations in sacred trust to secular rulers. As the State
+has no call to meddle in the creation and promulgation of dogmas, or to
+impose its ordinances on the religious conscience of its subjects, so
+the Church has no right to tamper with affairs of government, to
+accumulate wealth and arrogate secular power, or to withdraw its
+ministers from the jurisdiction of the prince in matters which concern
+the operation of criminal and civil legislature. The ultramontanism of
+the Jesuits appeared to him destructive of social order; but, more than
+this, he considered it as impious, as a deflection from the form of
+Christian economy, as a mischievous seduction of the Church into a
+slough of self-annihilating cupidity and concupiscence.
+
+Sarpi's views seemed audacious in his own age. But they have become the
+commonplaces of posterity. We can therefore hardly do justice to the
+originality and audacity which they displayed at an epoch when only
+Protestants at war with Rome advanced the like in deadly hatred--when
+the Catholic pulpits of Europe were ringing with newly-promulgated
+doctrines of Papal supremacy over princes and peoples, of national
+rights to depose or assassinate excommunicated sovereigns, and of blind
+unreasoning obedience to Rome as the sole sure method of salvation. Upon
+the path of that Papal triumph toward the Capitol of world-dominion,
+Sarpi, the puny friar from his cell at Venice, rose like a specter
+announcing certain doom with the irrefragable arguments of reason. The
+minatory words he uttered were all the more significant because neither
+he nor the State he represented sought to break with Catholic
+traditions. His voice was terrible and mighty, inasmuch as he denounced
+Rome by an indictment which proclaimed her to be the perturbing power in
+Christendom, the troubler of Israel, the whore who poured her cup of
+fornications forth to sup with princes.
+
+[Footnote 136: _Lettere_, vol. i. p. 312.]
+
+After sixteen months, the quarrel of the interdict was compromised.
+Venice, in duel with Islam, could ill afford to break with Rome, even if
+her national traditions of eight centuries, intertwined with rites of
+Latin piety, had not forbidden open rupture. The Papal Court, cowed into
+resentful silence by antagonism which threatened intellectual revolt
+through Europe, waived a portion of its claims. Three French converts
+from Huguenot opinions to Catholicism, Henri IV., the Cardinal du
+Perron, and M. de Canaye, adjusted matters. The interdict was dismissed
+from Venice rather than removed--in haughty silence, without the
+clashing of bells from S. Pietro di Castello and S. Marco, without
+manifestation of joy in the city which regarded Papal interdicts as
+illegitimate, without the parade of public absolution by the Pope. Thus
+the Republic maintained its dignity of self-respect. But Camillo
+Borghese, while proclaiming a general amnesty, reserved _in petto_
+implacable animosity against the theologians of the Venetian party. Two
+of these, Marsilio. and Rubetti, died suddenly under suspicion of
+poison.[137] A third, Fulgenzio Manfredi, was lured to Rome, treated
+with fair show of favor, and finally hung in the Campo di Fiora by order
+of the Holy Office.[138] A fourth, Capello, abjured his so-called
+heresies, and was assigned a pittance for the last days of his failing
+life in Rome.[139] It remained, if possible, to lay hands on Fra Paolo
+and his devoted secretary, Fra Fulgenzio Micanzi, of the Servites.
+
+[Footnote 137: Sarpi's _Letters_, vol. ii. pp. 179, 284.]
+
+[Footnote 138: _Ibid._ pp. 100-102.]
+
+[Footnote 139: Bianchi Giovini, _Vita di Fra P. Sarpi_, vol. ii. p. 49.]
+
+Neither threats nor promises availed to make these friends quit Venice.
+During the interdict and afterwards, Fulgenzio Micanzi preached the
+gospel there. He told the people that in the New Testament he had found
+truth; but he bade them take notice that for the laity this book was
+even a dead letter through the will of Rome.[140] Paul V. complained in
+words like these: Fra Fulgenzio's doctrine contains, indeed, no patent
+heresy, but it rests so clearly on the Bible as to prejudice the
+Catholic faith.[141] Sarpi informed his French correspondents that
+Christ and the truth had been openly preached in Venice by this
+man.[142] Fulgenzio survived the troubles of those times, steadily
+devoted to his master, of whom he has bequeathed to posterity, a
+faithful portrait in that biography which combines the dove-like
+simplicity of the fourteenth century with something of Roger North's
+sagacity and humor.[143] Of Fulgenzio we take no further notice here,
+having paid him our debt of gratitude for genial service rendered in the
+sympathetic delineation of so eminent a character as Sarpi's. A
+side-regret may be expressed that some such simple and affectionate
+record of Bruno as a man still fails us, and alas, must ever fail.
+Fulgenzio, by his love, makes us love Sarpi, who otherwise might coldly
+win our admiration. But for Bruno, that scapegoat of the spirit in the
+world's wilderness, there is none to speak words of worship and
+affection.
+
+[Footnote 140: A.G. Campbell's _Life of Sarpi_, p. 174.]
+
+[Footnote 141: Sarpi's _Letters_, vol. i. pp. 231, 239.]
+
+[Footnote 142: _Ibid._ pp. 220, 222, 225.]
+
+[Footnote 143: _Vita del Padre F. Paolo Sarpi_, Helmstat, per Jacopo
+Mulleri, MDCCXXXXX.]
+
+The first definite warning that his life was in danger came to Sarpi
+from Caspar Schoppe, the publicist. Scioppius (so his contemporaries
+called him) was a man of doubtful character and unsteady principles,
+who, according as his interests varied, used a fluent pen and limpid
+Latin style for or against the Jesuit faction. History would hardly
+condescend to notice him but for the singular luck he had of coming at
+critical moments into contact with the three chief Italian thinkers of
+his time. We know already that a letter of this man is the one
+contemporary testimony of an eye-witness to Bruno's condemnation which
+we possess. He also deserves mention for having visited Campanella in
+prison and helped to procure his liberation. Now in the year 1607, while
+passing through Venice, Schoppe sought a private interview with Sarpi,
+pointed out the odium which Fra Paolo had gained in Rome by his
+writings, and concluded by asserting that the Pope meant to have him
+alive or to compass his assassination. If Sarpi wished to make his peace
+with Paul V., Schoppe was ready to conduct the reconciliation upon
+honorable terms, having already several affairs of like import in his
+charge. To this proposal Sarpi replied that the cause he had defended
+was a just one, that he had done nothing to offend his Holiness, and
+that all plots against his liberty or life he left within the hands of
+God. To these words he significantly added that, even in the Pope's
+grasp, a man was always 'master over his own life'--a sentence which
+seems to indicate suicide as the last resort of self-defense. In
+September of the same year the Venetian ambassador at Rome received
+private information regarding some mysterious design against a person or
+persons unknown, at Venice, in which the Papal Court was implicated, and
+which was speedily to take effect.[144] On October 5 Sarpi was returning
+about 5 o'clock in the afternoon to his convent at S. Fosca, when he was
+attacked upon a bridge by five ruffians. It so happened that on this
+occasion he had no attendance but his servant Fra Marino; Fra Fulgenzio
+and a man of courage who usually accompanied him, having taken another
+route home. The assassins were armed with harquebusses, pistols and
+poniards. One of them went straight at Sarpi, while the others stood on
+guard and held down Fra Marino. Fifteen blows in all were aimed at
+Sarpi, three of which struck him in the neck and face. The stiletto
+remained firmly embedded in his cheekbone between the right ear and
+nose. He fell to the ground senseless; and a cry being raised by some
+women who had witnessed the outrage from a window, the assassins made
+off, leaving their victim for dead. It was noticed that they took
+refuge in the palace of the Papal Nuncio, whence they escaped that same
+evening to the Lido _en route_ for the States of the Church. An old
+Venetian nobleman of the highest birth, Alessandro Malipiero, who bore a
+singular affection for the champion of his country's liberty, was
+walking a short way in front of Sarpi beyond the bridge upon which the
+assault was perpetrated. He rushed to his friend's aid, dragged out the
+dagger from his face, and bore him to the convent. There Sarpi lay for
+many weeks in danger, suffering as much, it seems, from his physicians
+as from the wounds. Not satisfied with the attendance of his own
+surgeon, Alvise Ragoza, the Venetians insisted on sending all the
+eminent doctors of the city and of Padua to his bedside. The illustrious
+Acquapendente formed one of this miscellaneous _cortège_; and when the
+cure was completed, he received a rich gold chain and knighthood for his
+service. Every medical man suggested some fresh application. Some of
+them, suspecting poison, treated the wounds with theriac and antidotes.
+Others cut into the flesh and probed. Meanwhile the loss of blood had so
+exhausted Sarpi's meager frame that for more than twenty days he had no
+strength to move or lift his hands. Not a word of impatience escaped his
+lips; and when Acquapendente began to medicate the worst wound in his
+face, he moved the dozen doctors to laughter by wittily observing, 'And
+yet the world maintains that it was given _Stilo Romanae Curiae_.'[145]
+His old friend Malipiero would fain have kept the dagger as a relic. But
+Sarpi suspended it at the foot of a crucifix in the church of the Servi,
+with this appropriate inscription, _Dei Filio Liberatori_. When he had
+recovered from his long suffering, the Republic assigned their Counselor
+an increase of pension in order that he might maintain a body of armed
+guards, and voted him a house in S. Marco for the greater security of
+his person. But Sarpi begged to be allowed to remain among the friars,
+with whom he had spent his life, and where his vocation bound him. In
+the future he took a few obvious precautions, passing in a gondola to
+the Rialto and thence on foot through the crowded Merceria to the Ducal
+Palace, and furthermore securing the good offices of his attendants in
+the convent by liberal gifts of money. Otherwise, he refused to alter
+the customary tenor of his way.
+
+[Footnote 144: Dispatch to Fr. Contarini under date September 25, 1607,
+quoted in Campbell's _Life of Sarpi_, p. 145.]
+
+[Footnote 145: Fulgenzio's _Life_, p. 61. A.G. Campbell asserts that
+this celebrated _mot_ of Sarpi's is not to be found in Fulgenzio's MS.
+It occurs, however, quite naturally in the published work. The first
+edition of the _Life_ appeared in 1646, eight years before Fulgenzio's
+death. The discrepancies between it and the MS. may therefore have been
+intended by the author.]
+
+The State of Venice resented this attack upon their servant as though it
+had been directed against the majesty of the Republic. A proclamation
+was immediately issued, offering enormous rewards for the capture or
+murder of the criminals, especially so worded as to insinuate the belief
+that men of high position in Rome were implicated. The names of the
+chief conspirators were as follows: Ridolfo Poma, a broken Venetian
+merchant; Alessandro Parrasio of Ancona, outlawed for the murder of his
+uncle; a priest, Michele Viti of Bergamo; and two soldiers of adventure,
+Giovanni di Fiorenza and Pasquale di Bitonto. Having escaped to the
+Lido, they took ship for Ravenna and arrived in due course at Ancona,
+where they drew 1000 crowns from the Papal Camera, and proceeded to make
+triumphal progress through Romagna. Their joy was dashed by hearing that
+Fra Paolo had not been killed. The Venetian _bando_ filled them with
+fears and mutual suspicions, each man's hand being now set against his
+comrade, and every ruffian on the road having an interest in their
+capture. Yet after some time they continued their journey to Rome, and
+sought sanctuary in the palace of Cardinal Colonna. Here their reception
+was not what they had anticipated. Having failed in the main object and
+brought scandal on the Church, they were maintained for some months in
+obscurity, and then coldly bidden to depart with scanty recompense. All
+this while their lives remained exposed to the Venetian ban. Under these
+circumstances it is not strange that the men were half-maddened. Poma
+raged like a wild beast, worshiping the devil in his private chamber,
+planning schemes of piracy and fresh attacks on Sarpi, even
+contemplating a last conspiracy against the person of the Pope. He was
+seized in Rome by the _sbirri_ of the government, and one of his sons
+perished in the scuffle. Another returned to Venice, and ended his days
+there as a vagrant lunatic. Poma himself died mad in the prison of
+Cività Vecchia. Viti also died mad in the same prison. Parrasio died in
+prison at Rome. One of the soldiers was beheaded at Perugia, and the
+other fell a victim to cut-throats on the high road. Such was the end of
+the five conspirators against Fra Paolo Sarpi's life.[146] A priest,
+Franceschi, who had aided and abetted their plot, disappeared soon after
+the explosion; and we may rest tolerably assured that his was no natural
+removal to another world.
+
+It is just to add that the instigation of this murderous plot was never
+brought home by direct testimony to any members of the Papal Court. But
+the recourse which the assassins first had to the asylum of the Nuncio
+in Venice, their triumphal progress through cities of the Church, the
+moneys they drew on several occasions, the interest taken in them by
+Cardinal Borghese when they finally reached Rome, and their deaths in
+Papal dungeons, are circumstances of overwhelming cumulative evidence
+against the Curia. Sarpi's life was frequently attempted in the
+following years. On one occasion, Cardinal Bellarmino, more mindful of
+private friendship than of public feud, sent him warning that he must
+live prepared for fresh attacks from Rome.
+
+[Footnote 146: A full account of them is given by Bianchi Giovini in his
+_Biografia_, chap. xvii.]
+
+Indeed, it may be said that he now passed his days in continual
+expectation of poison or the dagger. This appears plainly in Fulgenzio's
+biography and in the pages of his private correspondence. The most
+considerable of these later conspiracies, of which Fra Fulgenzio gives a
+full account, implicated Cardinal Borghese and the General of the
+Servite Order.[147] The history seems in brief to be as follows. One Fra
+Bernardo of Perugia, who had served the Cardinal during their student
+days, took up his residence in Rome so soon as Scipione Borghese became
+a profitable patron. In the course of the year 1609, this Fra Bernardo
+dispatched a fellow-citizen of his, named Fra Giovanni Francesco, to
+Padua, whence he frequently came across to Venice and tampered with
+Sarpi's secretary, Fra Antonio of Viterbo. These three friars were all
+of them Servites; and it appears that the General looked with approval
+on their undertaking. The upshot of the traffic was that Fra Antonio,
+having ready access to Sarpi's apartments and person, agreed either to
+murder him with a razor or to put poison in his food, or, what was
+finally determined on, to introduce a couple of assassins into his
+bedchamber at night. An accident revealed the plot, and placed a
+voluminous cyphered correspondence in the hands of the Venetian
+Inquisitor of State. Fra Fulgenzio significantly adds that of all the
+persons incriminated by these letters, none, with the exception of the
+General of the Servites, was under the rank of Cardinal. The wording of
+his sentence is intentionally obscure, but one expression seems even to
+point at the Pope.[148]
+
+[Footnote 147: _Vita di F. Paolo_, pp. 67-70.]
+
+
+At the close of this affair, so disgraceful to the Church and to his
+Order, Fra Paolo besought the Signory of Venice on his bended knees, as
+a return for services rendered by him to the State, that no public
+punishment should be inflicted on the culprits. He could not bear, he
+said, to be the cause of bringing a blot of infamy upon his religion, or
+of ruining the career of any man. Fra Giovanni Francesco afterwards
+redeemed his life by offering weighty evidence against his powerful
+accomplices. But what he revealed is buried in the oblivion with which
+the Council of Ten in Venice chose to cover judicial acts of
+State-importance.
+
+It is worth considering that in all the attempts upon Sarpi's life,
+priests, friars, and prelates of high place were the prime agents.[149]
+Poor devils like Poma and Parrasio lay ready to their hands as
+sanguinary instruments, which, after work performed, could be broken if
+occasion served. What, then, was the religious reformation of which the
+Roman Court made ostentatious display when it secured its unexpected
+triumph in the Council of Trent?
+
+[Footnote 148: _Vita di F. Paolo_, p. 68: 'Le cose che vennero a
+pubblica notizia e certe sono: che molte persone nominate in quella
+cifra, di _Padre_, fratelli, e cugini, per le contracifre constò, dal
+Generale de' Servi in fuori, niuna esser di dignità inferiore alia
+Cardinalizia.']
+
+[Footnote 149: Sarpi says that no crime happened in Venice without a
+friar or priest being mixed in it (_Lettere_, vol. i. 351).]
+
+We must reply that in essential points of moral conduct this
+reformation amounted to almost nothing, and in some points to
+considerably less than nothing. The Church of God, as Sarpi held,
+suffered deformation rather than reformation. That is to say, this
+Church, instead of being brought back to primitive simplicity and purged
+of temporal abuses, now lay at the mercy of ambitious hypocrites who
+with the Supreme Pontiff's sanction, pursued their ends by treachery and
+violence. Its hostility to heretics and its new-fangled doctrine of
+Papal almightiness encouraged the spread of a pernicious casuistry which
+favored assassination. Kings at strife with the Catholic Alliance,
+honest Christians defending the prerogatives of their commonwealth,
+erudite historians and jurists who disapproved of substituting Popes in
+Rome for God in heaven, might be massacred or kidnapped by ruffians red
+with the blood of their nearest relatives and carrying the condemnation
+of their native States upon their forehead. According to the
+post-Tridentine morality of Rome, that morality which the Jesuits openly
+preached and published, which was disseminated in every prelate's
+ante-chamber, and whispered in every parish-priest's confessional,
+enormous sins could be atoned and eternal grace be gained by the
+merciless and traitorous murder of any notable man who savored of
+heresy. If the Holy Office had instituted a prosecution against the
+victim and had condemned him in his absence, the path was plain.
+Sentence of excommunication and death publicly pronounced on such a man
+reduced him to the condition of a wild beast, whose head was worth solid
+coin and plenary absolution to the cut-throat. A private minute recorded
+on the books of the Inquisitors had almost equal value; and Sarpi was
+under the impression that some such underhand proceeding against himself
+had loosed a score of knives. But short of these official or
+semi-judicial preliminaries, it was maintained upon the best casuistical
+authority that to take the life of any suspected heretic, of any one
+reputed heterodox in Roman circles, should be esteemed a work of merit
+creditable to the miscreant who perpetrated the deed, and certain, even
+should he die for it, to yield him in the other world the joys of
+Paradise. These joys the Jesuits described in language worthy of the
+Koran. Dabbled in Sarpi's or Duplessis Mornay's blood, quartered and
+tortured like Ravaillac, the desperado of so pious a crime would swim
+forever in oceans of ecstatic pleasure. The priest, ambitious for his
+hierarchy, fanatical in his devotion to the Church, relying upon
+privilege if he should chance to be detected, had a plain interest in
+promoting and directing such conspiracies. Men of blood, and bandits up
+to the hilts in crimes of violence, rendered reckless by the
+indiscriminate cruelty of justice in those days, allured by the double
+hope of pay and spiritual benefit, rushed without a back-thought into
+like adventures. Ready to risk their lives in an unholy cause, such
+ruffians were doubly glad to do so when the bait of heaven's felicity
+was offered to their grosser understanding. These considerations
+explain, but are far indeed from exculpating, the complicity of clergy
+and cut-throats in every crime of violence attempted against foes of
+Papal Rome.
+
+Sarpi's worst enemies could scarcely fix on him the crime of heresy. He
+was a staunch Catholic; so profoundly versed both in dogmatic theology
+and in ecclesiastical procedure, that to remain within the straitest
+limits of orthodoxy, while opposing the presumption of the Papal Court,
+gave him no trouble. Yet at the time in which he lived, the bare act of
+resistance to any will or whim of Rome, passed with those doctors who
+were forging new systems of Pontifical supremacy, for heretical. In this
+arbitrary and uncanonical sense of the phrase Sarpi was undoubtedly a
+heretic. He had deserved the hatred of the Curia, the Inquisition, the
+Jesuits, and their myrmidons. Steadily, with caution and a sober spirit,
+he had employed his energies and vast accumulated stores of knowledge in
+piling up breakwaters against their pernicious innovations. In all his
+controversial writings during the interdict Sarpi used none but solid
+arguments, drawn from Scripture, canon law, and the Councils of the
+early Church, in order to deduce one single principle: namely that both
+secular and ecclesiastical organisms, the State and the Church, are
+divinely appointed, but with several jurisdictions and for diverse ends.
+He pressed this principle home with hammer-strokes of most convincing
+proof on common sense and reason. He did so even superfluously to our
+modern intellect, which is fatigued by following so elaborate a chain of
+precedents up to a foregone conclusion. But he let no word fall, except
+by way of passing irony, which could bring contempt upon existing
+ecclesiastical potentates; and he maintained a dispassionate temper,
+while dealing with topics which at that epoch inflamed the fiercest
+party strife. His antagonists, not having sound learning, reason, and
+the Scripture on their side, were driven to employ the rhetoric of
+personal abuse and the stiletto. In the end the badness of their cause
+was proved by the recourse they had to conspiracies of pimps, friars,
+murderers, and fanatics, in order to stifle that voice of truth which
+told them of their aberration from the laws of God.
+
+It was not merely by his polemical writings during the interdict, that
+Sarpi won the fame of heretic in ultra-papal circles. In his office as
+Theologian to the Republic he had to report upon all matters touching
+the relations of State to Church; and the treatises which he prepared on
+such occasions assumed the proportions, in many instances, of important
+literary works. Among these the most considerable is entitled _Delle
+Materie Beneficiarie_. Professing to be a discourse upon ecclesiastical
+benefices, it combines a brief but sufficient history of the temporal
+power of the Papacy, an inquiry into the arts whereby the Church's
+property had been accumulated, and a critique of various devices
+employed by the Roman Curia to divert that wealth from its original
+objects. In 'this golden volume,' to use Gibbon's words, 'the Papal
+system is deeply studied and freely described.' Speaking of its purport,
+Hallam observes: 'That object was neither more nor less than to
+represent the wealth and power of the Church as ill-gotten and
+excessive.' Next in importance is a _Treatise on the Inquisition_, which
+gives a condensed sketch of the origin and development of the Holy
+Office, enlarging upon the special modifications of that institution as
+it existed in Venice. Here likewise Sarpi set himself to resist
+ecclesiastical encroachments upon the domain of secular jurisdiction. He
+pointed out how the right of inquiring into cases of heretical opinion
+had been gradually wrested from the hands of the bishop and the State,
+and committed to a specially-elected body which held itself only
+responsible to Rome. He showed how this powerful tribunal was being used
+to the detriment of States, by extending its operation into the sphere
+of politics, excluding the secular magistracy from participation in its
+judgments, and arrogating to itself the cognizance of civil crimes. A
+third _Discourse upon the Press_ brought the same system of attack to
+bear upon the Index of prohibited books. Sarpi was here able to
+demonstrate that a power originally delegated to the bishops of
+proscribing works pernicious to morality and religion, was now employed
+for the suppression of sound learning and enlightenment by a
+Congregation sworn to support the Papacy. Passing from their proper
+sphere of theology and ethics, these ecclesiastics condemned as
+heretical all writings which denied the supremacy of Rome over nations
+and commonwealths, prevented the publication and sale of books which
+defended the rights of princes and republics, and flooded Europe with
+doctrines of regicide, Pontifical omnipotence, and hierarchical
+predominance in secular affairs. These are the most important of Sarpi's
+minor works. But the same spirit of liberal resistance against Church
+aggression, supported by the same erudition and critical sagacity, is
+noticeable in a short tract explaining how the Right of Asylum had been
+abused to the prejudice of public justice; in a _Discourse upon the
+Contributions of the Clergy_, distinguishing their real from their
+assumed immunities; and in a brief memorandum upon the Greek College in
+Rome, exposing the mischief wrought in commonwealths and families by the
+Jesuit system of education.
+
+In all these writings Sarpi held firmly by his main principle, that the
+State, no less than the Church, exists _jure divino_. The papal
+usurpation of secular prerogatives was in his eyes not merely a
+violation of the divinely appointed order of government, but also a
+deformation of the ecclesiastical ideal. Those, he argued, are the real
+heretics who deprave the antique organism of the Church by making the
+Pope absolute, who preach the deity of the Roman Pontiff as though he
+were a second God equal in almightiness to God in heaven. 'Nay,' he
+exclaims in a passage marked by more than usual heat, 'should one drag
+God from heaven they would not stir a finger, provided the Pope
+preserved his vice-divinity or rather super-divinity. Bellarmino clearly
+states that to restrict the Papal authority to spiritual affairs is the
+same as to annihilate it; showing that they value the spiritual at just
+zero.'[150] Sarpi saw that the ultra-papalists of his day, by
+subordinating the State, the family and the individual to the worldly
+interests of Rome, by repressing knowledge and liberty of conscience,
+preaching immoral and anti-social doctrines, encouraging superstition
+and emasculating education, for the maintenance of those same worldly
+interests, were advancing steadily upon the path of self-destruction.
+The essence of Christianity was neglected in this brutal struggle for
+supremacy; while truth, virtue and religion, those sacred safe-guards of
+humanity, which the Church was instituted to preserve, ran no uncertain
+risk of perishing through the unnatural perversion of its aims.
+
+[Footnote 150: _Lettere_, vol. ii. p. 169.]
+
+The work which won for Sarpi a permanent place in the history of
+literature, and which in his lifetime did more than any other of his
+writings to expose the Papal system, is the history of the Tridentine
+Council. It was not published with his name or with his sanction. A
+manuscript copy lent by him to Marcantonio de Dominis, Archbishop of
+Spalatro, was taken by that waverer between Catholicism and
+Protestantism to England, and published in London under the pseudonym of
+Pietro Soave Polano--an anagram of Paolo Sarpi Veneto--in the year 1619.
+That Sarpi was the real author admits of no doubt. The book bears every
+stamp of genuineness. It is written in the lucid, nervous,
+straightforward style of the man, who always sought for mathematical
+precision rather than rhetorical elegance in his use of language. Sarpi
+had taken special pains to collect materials for a History of the
+Council; and in doing so he had enjoyed exceptional advantages. Early in
+his manhood he formed at Mantua a close friendship with Camillo Olivo,
+who had been secretary to the Papal Legate, Cardinal Gonzaga of Mantua,
+at Trent. During his residence in Rome between 1585 and 1587 he became
+intimately acquainted with Cardinal Castagna, president of the committee
+appointed for drawing up the decrees of the Council. In addition to the
+information afforded by these persons, officially connected with the
+transactions of the Council, Sarpi had at his command the Archives of
+Venice, including the dispatches of ambassadors, and a vast store of
+published documents, not to mention numerous details which in the course
+of his long commerce with society he had obtained from the lips of
+credible witnesses. All these sources, grasped in their diversity by his
+powerful memory and animated with his vivid intellect, are worked into
+an even, plain, dispassionate narration, which, in spite of the dryness
+of the subject, forms a truly fascinating whole. That Sarpi was strictly
+fair in his conception of the Council, can scarcely be maintained; for
+he wrote in a spirit of distinct antagonism to the ends which it
+achieved. Yet the more we examine the series of events described by him,
+the more are we convinced that in its main features the work is just.
+When Sir Roger Twysden pronounced it 'to be written with so great
+moderation, learning and wisdom, as might deserve a place among the
+exactest pieces of ecclesiastic story any age had produced,' he did not
+overshoot the mark. Nor has the avowedly hostile investigation to which
+Cardinal Pallavicini submitted it, done more than to confirm its credit
+by showing that a deadly enemy, with all the arsenal of Roman documents
+at his command, could only detect inaccuracies in minor details and
+express rage at the controlling animus of the work.
+
+It was Sarpi's object to demonstrate that the Council of Trent, instead
+of being a free and open Synod of Christians assembled to discuss points
+at issue between the Catholic and Protestant Churches, was in reality a
+closely-packed conciliabulum, from which Protestants were excluded, and
+where Catholics were dominated by the Italian agents of the Roman Court.
+He made it clear, and in this he is confirmed by masses of collateral
+proofs, that the presiding spirit of the Council was human diplomacy
+rather than divine inspiration, and that Roman intrigue conducted its
+transactions to an issue favorable for Papal supremacy by carefully
+manipulating the interests of princes and the passions of individuals.
+'I shall narrate the causes,' he remarks, in his exordium, 'and the
+negotiations of an ecclesiastical convocation during the course of
+twenty-two years, for divers ends and with varied means; by whom
+promoted and solicited, by whom impeded and delayed; for another
+eighteen years, now brought together, now dissolved; always held with
+various ends; and which received a form and accomplishment quite
+contrary to the design of those who set it going, as also to the fear of
+those who took all pains to interrupt it. A clear monition that man
+ought to yield his thoughts resignedly to God and not to trust in human
+prudence. Forasmuch as this Council, desired and put in motion by pious
+men for the reunion of the Church which had begun to break asunder, hath
+so established schism and embittered factions that it has rendered those
+discords irreconcilable; handled by princes for the reform of the
+ecclesiastical system, has caused the greatest deformation that hath
+ever been since the name of Christian came into existence; by bishops
+with hope expected as that which would restore the episcopal authority,
+now in large part absorbed by the sole Roman Pontiff, hath been the
+reason of their losing the last vestige of it and of their reduction to
+still greater servitude. On the other hand, dreaded and evaded by the
+Court of Rome, as an efficient instrument for curbing that exorbitant
+power, which from small beginnings hath arrived by various advances to
+limitless excess, it has so established and confirmed it over the
+portion still left subject to it, as that it never was so vast nor so
+well-rooted.' In treating of what he pithily calls 'the Iliad of our
+age,' Sarpi promises to observe the truth, and protests that he is
+governed by no passion. This promise the historian kept faithfully. His
+animus is never allowed to transpire in any direct tirades; his irony
+emerges rather in reporting epigrams of others than in personal sarcasms
+or innuendoes; his own prepossessions and opinions are carefully veiled.
+After reading the whole voluminous history we feel that it would be as
+inaccurate to claim Sarpi for Protestantism as to maintain that he was a
+friend of ultra-papal Catholicism. What he really had at heart was the
+restoration of the Church of God to unity, to purer discipline and to
+sincere spirituality. This reconstruction of Christendom upon a sound
+basis was, as he perceived, rendered impossible by the Tridentine
+decrees. Yet, though the dearest hope of his heart had been thus
+frustrated, he set nothing down in malice, nor vented his own
+disappointment in laments which might have seemed rebellious against the
+Divine will. Sarpi's personality shows itself most clearly in the
+luminous discourses with which from time to time he elucidates obscure
+matters of ecclesiastical history. Those on episcopal residence,
+pluralism, episcopal jurisdiction, the censure of books, and the
+malappropriation of endowments, are specially valuable.[151] If no other
+proof existed, these digressions would render Sarpi's authorship of the
+History unmistakable. They are identical in style and in intention with
+his acknowledged treatises, firmly but calmly expressing a sound
+scholar's disapproval of abuses which had grown up like morbid
+excrescences upon the Church. Taken in connection with the interpolated
+summaries of public opinion regarding the Council's method of procedure
+and its successive decrees, these discourses betray a spirit of
+hostility to Rome which is nowhere openly expressed. Sarpi illustrated
+Aretino's cynical sentence: 'How can you speak evil of your neighbor? By
+speaking the truth, by speaking the truth!'--without rancor and without
+passion. Nothing, in fact, could have been more damaging to Rome than
+his precise analysis of her arts in the Council.
+
+I have said that the History of the Tridentine Council, though it
+confirmed Sarpi's heretical reputation, would not justify us in
+believing him at heart a Protestant.[152]
+
+[Footnote 151: _Opere di Paolo Sarpi_, Helmstädt, 1761, vol. i. pp. 200,
+233, 311; vol. ii. pp. 89, 187.]
+
+[Footnote 152: This contradicts the opinion of Hallam and Macaulay, both
+of whom were convinced that Sarpi was a Protestant at heart. Macaulay
+wishes that he had thrown off the friar's frock. In a certain sense
+Sarpi can be classified with the larger minds among the Reformed
+Churches of his age. But to call him a Protestant who concealed his real
+faith, argues coarseness of perception, incapacity for comprehending any
+attitude above and beyond belligerent Catholicism and Protestantism, or
+of sympathizing with the deeply-religious feelings of one who, after
+calculating all chances and surveying all dogmatic differences, thought
+that he could serve God as well and his country better in that communion
+which was his by birthright. To an illuminated intellect there was not
+in the seventeenth century much reason to prefer one of the Reformed
+Churches to Catholicism, except for the sake of political freedom. It
+being impossible to change the State-religion in Venice, Sarpi had no
+inducement to leave his country and to pass his life in exile among
+prejudiced sectarians.]
+
+Very much depends on how we define the word Protestant. If Sarpi's
+known opinions regarding the worldliness of Rome, ecclesiastical abuses,
+and Papal supremacy, constitute a Protestant, then he certainly was one.
+But if antagonism to Catholic dogma, repudiation of the Catholic
+Sacraments and abhorrence of monastic institutions are also necessary to
+the definition, then Sarpi was as certainly no Protestant. He seems to
+have anticipated the position of those Christians who now are known as
+Old Catholics. This appears from his vivid sympathy with the Gallican
+Church, and from his zealous defense of those prerogatives and
+privileges in which the Venetian Church resembled that of France. We
+must go to his collected letters in order to penetrate his real way of
+thinking on the subject of reform. The most important of these are
+addressed to Frenchmen--Ph. Duplessis Mornay, De l'Isle Groslot,
+Leschassier, a certain Roux, Gillot, and Casaubon. If we could be quite
+sure that the text of these familiar letters had not been tampered with
+before publication, their testimony would be doubly valuable. As it is,
+no one at all acquainted with Sarpi's style will doubt that in the main
+they are trustworthy. Here and there it may be that a phrase has been
+inserted or modified to give a stronger Protestant coloring. The
+frequent allusion to the Court of Rome under the title of _La
+Meretrice_, especially in letters to Duplessis Mornay, looks
+suspicious.[153] Yet Dante, Petrarch and Savonarola used similar
+metaphors, when describing the secular ambition of the Papacy. Having
+pointed out a weakness in this important series of documents, I will
+translate some obviously genuine passages which illustrate Sarpi's
+attitude toward reform.
+
+Writing to Leschassier upon the literary warfare of James I., he says it
+is a pity that the king did not abstain from theology and confine
+himself to the defense of his princely prerogatives against the claims
+of Rome. He has exposed himself to the imputation of wishing to upset
+the foundations of the faith. 'With regard to our own affairs [_i.e._ in
+Venice], we do not seek to mix up heaven and earth, things human and
+things divine. Our desire is to leave the sacraments and all that
+pertains to religion as they are, believing that we can uphold the
+secular government in those rights which Scripture and the teaching of
+the Fathers confirm.'[154] In another place he says: 'I have well
+considered the reasons which drew Germany and England into changing the
+observances of religion; but upon us neither these nor others of greater
+weight will exercise any influence.
+
+[Footnote 153: _Lettere_, vol. ii. pp. 3, 18, 96, 109, and elsewhere.]
+
+[Footnote 154: _Ib._ vol. ii. p. 6.]
+
+It is better to suffer certain rules and customs that are not in all
+points commendable, than to acquire a taste for revolution and to yield
+to the temptation of confounding all things in chaos.'[155] His own
+grievance against the Popes, he adds, is that they are innovating and
+destroying the primitive constitution of the Church. With regard to the
+possibility of uniting Christendom, he writes that many of the
+differences between Catholics and Protestants seem to him verbal; many,
+such as could be tolerated in one communion; and many capable of
+adjustment. But a good occasion must be waited for.[156] Nothing can be
+done in Italy without a general war, that shall shake the powers of
+Spain and Rome.[157] Both Spain and Rome are so well aware of their
+peril that they use every means to keep Italy in peace.[158] If the
+Protestants of Europe are bent on victory, they must imitate the policy
+of Scipio and attack the Jesuits and Rome in their headquarters.[159]
+'There is no enterprise of greater moment than to destroy the credit of
+the Jesuits. When they are conquered, Rome is taken; and without Rome,
+religion reforms itself spontaneously.'[160] 'Changes in State are
+inextricably involved in changes of religion;'[161] and Italy will never
+be free so long as the Diacatholicon lasts.
+
+[Footnote 155: _Lettere_, vol. i. p. 237.]
+
+[Footnote 156: _Ib._ p. 268.]
+
+[Footnote 157: _Ib._ vol. ii. pp. 29, 48, 59, 60, 125.]
+
+[Footnote 158: _Ib._ p. 120, 124.]
+
+[Footnote 159: _Ib._ p. 226.]
+
+[Footnote 160: _Ib._ p. 217.]
+
+[Footnote 161: _Ib._ p. 427.]
+
+Meanwhile, 'were it not for State policy there would be found hundreds
+ready to leap from this ditch of Rome to the summit of Reform.'[162] The
+hope of some improvement at Venice depends mainly upon the presence
+there of embassies from Protestant powers--England, Holland and the
+Grisons.[163] These give an opportunity to free religious discussion,
+and to the dissemination of Gospel truth. Sarpi is strong in his praise
+of Fra Fulgenzio for fearlessly preaching Christ and the truth, and
+repeats the Pope's complaint that the Bible is injurious to the Catholic
+faith.[164] He led William Bedell, chaplain to Sir H. Wotton and
+afterwards Bishop of Kilmore, to believe that Fra Fulgenzio and himself
+were ripe for Reform. 'These two I know,' writes Bedell to Prince Henry,
+'as having practiced with them, to desire nothing so much as the
+Reformation of the Church, and, in a word, for the substance of religion
+they are wholly ours.'[165] During the interdict Diodati came from
+Geneva to Venice, and Sarpi informed him that some 12,000 persons in the
+city wished for rupture with Rome; but the government and the
+aristocracy being against it, nothing could be done.[166]
+
+[Footnote 162: _Lettere_, vol. ii. p. 283.]
+
+[Footnote 163: _Ib._ p. 110, 311.]
+
+[Footnote 164: _Ib._ vol. i. pp. 220, 222, 225, 231, 239.]
+
+[Footnote 165: Campbell's _Life_, p. 132.]
+
+[Footnote 166: _Ib._ p. 133, 135.]
+
+Enough has now been quoted to throw some light upon Sarpi's attitude
+toward Protestantism. That he most earnestly desired the overthrow of
+ultra-papal Catholicism, is apparent. So also are his sympathies with
+those reformed nations which enjoyed liberty of conscience and
+independence of ecclesiastical control. Yet his first duty was to
+Venice; and since the State remained Catholic, he personally had no
+intention of quitting the communion into which he had been born and in
+which he was an ordained priest. All Churches, he wrote in one memorable
+letter to Casaubon, have their imperfections. The Church of Corinth, in
+the days of the Apostles, was corrupt.[167] 'The fabric of the Church of
+God,' being on earth, cannot expect immunity from earthly
+frailties.[168] Such imperfections and such frailties as the Catholic
+Church shared with all things of this world, Sarpi was willing to
+tolerate. The deformation of that Church by Rome and Jesuitry he
+manfully withstood; but he saw no valid reason why he should abandon her
+for Protestantism. In his own conscience he remained free to serve God
+in spirit and in truth. The mind of the man in fact was too far-seeing
+and too philosophical to exchange old lamps for new without a better
+prospect of attaining to absolute truth than the dissenters from
+Catholicism afforded. His interest in Protestant, as separate from
+Catholic Reform, was rather civil and political than religious or
+theological. Could those soaring wings of Rome be broken, then and not
+till then might the Italians enjoy freedom of conscience, liberty of
+discussion and research, purer piety, and a healthier activity as
+citizens.
+
+[Footnote 167: _Lettere_, vol. ii. p. 86.]
+
+[Footnote 168: _Ib._ vol. i. p. 283.]
+
+Side light may be thrown upon Sarpi's judgment of the European situation
+by considering in detail what he said about the Jesuits. This company,
+as we have seen, lent its support to Papal absolutism; and during the
+later years of Sarpi's life it seemed destined to carry the world before
+it, by control of education, by devotion to Rome, by adroit manipulation
+of the religious consciousness for anti-social ends and ecclesiastical
+aggrandizement.
+
+The sure sign of being in the right, said Sarpi, is when one finds
+himself in contradiction to the Jesuits. They are most subtle masters in
+ill-doing, men who, if their needs demand, are ready to commit crimes
+worse than those of which they now are guilty. All falsehood and all
+blasphemy proceed from them. They have set the last hand at establishing
+universal corruption. They are a public plague, the plague of the world,
+chameleons who take their color from the soil they squat on, flatterers
+of princes, perverters of youth. They not only excuse but laud lying;
+their dissimulation is bare and unqualified mendacity; their malice is
+inestimable. They have the art so to blend their interests and that of
+Rome, seeking for themselves and the Papacy the empire of the world,
+that the Curia must needs support them, while it cowers before their
+inscrutable authority. They are the ruin of good literature and
+wholesome doctrine by their pitiful pretense of learning and their
+machinery of false teaching. On ignorance rests their power, and truth
+is mortal to them. Every vice of which humanity is capable, every
+frailty to which it is subject, finds from them support and consolation.
+If S. Peter had been directed by a Jesuit confessor he might have
+arrived at denying Christ without sin. The use the confessional as an
+instrument of political and domestic influence, reciprocating its
+confidences one with the other in their own debates, but menacing their
+penitents with penalties if a word of their counsel be bruited to the
+world. Expelled from Venice, they work more mischief there by their
+intrigues than they did when they were tolerated.[169] They scheme to
+get a hold on Constantinople and Palestine, in order to establish
+seminaries of fanatics and assassins. They are responsible for the
+murder of Henri IV., for if they did not instigate Ravaillac, their
+doctrine of regicide inspired him. They can creep into any kingdom, any
+institution, any household, because they readily accept any terms and
+subscribe to any conditions in the certainty that by the adroit use of
+flattery, humbug, falsehood, and corruption, they will soon become
+masters of the situation. In France they are the real Morbus Gallicus.
+In Italy they are the soul of the Diacatholicon.
+
+[Footnote 169: It is worthy of notice, as a stern Venetian joke, that
+when the Jesuits eventually returned to Rialto, they were bade walk in
+processions upon ceremonial occasions between the Fraternities of S.
+Marco and S. Teodoro--saints amid whose columns on the Molo criminals
+were executed.]
+
+The torrent of Sarpi's indignation against the Jesuits, as perverters of
+sound doctrine in the Church, disturbers of kingdoms, sappers of
+morality and disseminators of vile customs through society, runs so
+violently forward that we are fain to check it, while acknowledging its
+justice. One passage only, from the many passages bearing on this topic
+in his correspondence, demands special citation, since it deals directly
+with the whole material of the present work. Writing to his friend
+Leschassier, he speaks as follows: 'Nothing can be of more mischief to
+you in France than the dishonesty of bad confessors and their
+determination to aggrandize Rome by any means, together with the
+mistaken zeal of the good sort. We have arrived at a point where cure of
+the disease must even be despaired of. Fifty years ago things went well
+in Italy. There was no public system of education for training young men
+to the profit of the clergy. They were brought up by their parents in
+private, more for the advantage of their families than for that of the
+hierarchy. In religious houses, where studies flourished, attention was
+paid to scholastic logic. The jurisdiction and the authority of the Pope
+were hardly touched on; and while theology was pursued at leisure, the
+majority passed their years in contemplation of the Deity and angels.
+Recently, through the decrees of the Tridentine Council, schools have
+been opened in every State, which are called Seminaries, where education
+is concentrated on the sole end of augmenting ecclesiastical supremacy.
+Furthermore, the prelates of each district, partly with a view of saving
+their own pockets, and partly that they may display a fashionable show
+of zeal, have committed the charge of those institutions to Jesuits.
+This has caused a most important alteration in the aspect of
+affairs.'[170] It would be difficult to state the changes effected by
+the Tridentine Council and the commission of education to the Jesuits
+more precisely and more fairly than in this paragraph. How deeply Sarpi
+had penetrated the Jesuitical arts in education, can be further
+demonstrated from another passage in his minor works.[171] In a memoir
+prepared for the Venetian Signory, he says that the Jesuits are vulgarly
+supposed to be unrivaled as trainers of youth. But a patent equivocation
+lurks under this phrase 'unrivaled.' Education must be considered with
+regard to the utility of the State. 'Now the education of the Jesuits
+consists in stripping the pupil of every obligation to his father, to
+his country, and to his natural prince; in diverting all his love and
+fear toward a spiritual superior, on whose nod, beck and word he is
+dependent. This system of training is useful for the supremacy of
+ecclesiastics and for such secular governments as they are ready to
+submit to; and none can deny that the Jesuits are without equals in
+their employment of it. Yet in so far as it is advantageous in such
+cases, so also is it prejudicial to States, the end whereof is liberty
+and real virtue, and with whom the ecclesiastical faction remains in
+bad accord. From the Jesuit colleges there never issued a son obedient
+to his father, devoted to his country, loyal to his prince. The cause of
+this is that the Jesuits employ their best energies in destroying
+natural affection, respect for parents, reverence for princes. Therefore
+they only deserve to be admired by those whose interest it is to subject
+family, country and government to ecclesiastical interests.'
+
+
+[Footnote 170: _Lettere_, vol. i. p. 126; _Opere_, vol. vi. p. 40.]
+
+[Footnote 171: _Opere_, vol. vi. p. 145.]
+
+The Provincial Letters of Pascal, which Sarpi anticipated in so many
+points, suffice to prove that he was justified in this hostility to
+ultramontanism backed up by Jesuit artifices. He was writing, be it
+remembered, at the very high tide of Papal domination, when Henri IV.
+had been assassinated, and when the overwhelming forces of secular
+interests combined with intellectual progress had not as yet set limits
+on ecclesiastical encroachment. The dread lest Europe should succumb to
+Rome, now proved by subsequent events an unsubstantial nightmare, was
+real enough for this Venetian friar, who ran daily risk of assassination
+in down-trodden servile Italy, with Spanish plots threatening the
+arsenal, with France delivered into the hands of Florentines and
+casuists, with England in the grip of Stuarts, and with Germany
+distracted by intrigues. He could not foresee that in the course of a
+century the Jesuits would be discredited by their own arts, and that the
+Papacy would subside into a pacific sovereignty bent on securing its own
+temporal existence by accommodation.
+
+The end of Sarpi's life consecrated the principles of duty to God and
+allegiance to his country which had animated its whole course. He fell
+into a bad state of health; yet nothing would divert him from the due
+discharge of public business. 'All the signs of the soul's speedy
+departure from that age-enfeebled body, were visible; but his
+indefatigable spirit sustained him in such wise that he bore exactly all
+his usual burdens. When his friends and masters bade him relax his
+energies, he used to answer: My duty is to serve and not to live; there
+is some one daily dying in his office.[172] When at length the very
+sources of existence failed, and the firm brain wandered for a moment,
+he was once heard to say: 'Let us go to S. Mark, for it is late.'[173]
+The very last words he uttered, frequently repeated, but scarcely
+intelligible, were: 'Esto Perpetua.'[174] _May Venice last forever_!
+This was the dying prayer of the man who had consecrated his best
+faculties to the service of his country. But before he passed away into
+that half slumber which precedes death, he made confession to his
+accustomed spiritual father, received the Eucharist and Extreme Unction,
+and bade farewell to the superior of the Servites, in the following
+sentence: 'Go ye to rest, and I will return to God, from whom I came.'
+With these words he closed his lips in silence, crossing his hands upon
+his breast and fixing his eyes upon a crucifix that stood before
+him.[175]
+
+[Footnote 172: Fulgenzio's _Life_, p. 98.]
+
+[Footnote 173: _Ibid._ p. 105.]
+
+[Footnote 174: _Ibid._]
+
+[Footnote 175: Letter of the Superior to the Venetian Senate, printed in
+the _Lettere_, vol. ii. pp. 450-453. It is worth meditating on the
+contrast between Sarpi's and Bruno's deaths. Sarpi died with the
+consolations of religion on his bed in the convent which had been his
+life-long home. Bruno was burned alive, with eyes averted from the
+crucifix in bitter scorn, after seven and a half years spent in the
+prisons of the Inquisition. Sarpi exhaled his last breath amid
+sympathizing friends, in the service of a grateful country. Bruno panted
+his death-pangs of suffocation and combustion out, surrounded by
+menacing Dominicans, in the midst of hostile Rome celebrating her
+triumphant jubilee. Sarpi's last thoughts were given to the God of
+Christendom and the Republic. Bruno had no country; the God in whom he
+trusted at that grim hour, was the God within his soul, unrealized,
+detached by his own reason from every Church and every creed.]
+
+    I will return to God from whom I came.
+
+These words--not the last, for the last were _Esto perpetua_; but the
+last spoken in the presence of his fraternity--have a deep significance
+for those who would fain understand the soul of Sarpi. When in his
+lifetime he spoke of the Church, it was always as 'the Church of God.'
+When he relegated his own anxieties for the welfare of society to a
+superior power, it was not to Mary, as Jesuits advised, nor even to
+Christ, but invariably to the Providence of God. Sarpi, we have the
+right to assume, lived and died a sincere believer in the God who orders
+and disposes of the universe; and this God, identical in fact though not
+in form with Bruno's, he worshiped through such symbols of ceremony and
+religion as had been adopted by him in his youth. An intellect so clear
+of insight as this, knew that 'God is a spirit, and they that worship
+him must worship him in spirit and in truth.' He knew that 'neither on
+this mountain nor yet in Jerusalem,' neither in Protestant communities
+nor yet in Rome was the authentic God made tangible; but that a loyal
+human being, created in God's image, could serve him and adore him with
+life-worship under any of the spiritual shapes which mortal frailty has
+fashioned for its needs.
+
+To penetrate the abyss of any human personality is impossible. No man
+truly sees into his living neighbor's, brother's, wife's, nay even his
+own soul. How futile, therefore, is the effort which we make to seize
+and sketch the vital lineaments of men long dead, divided from us not
+merely by the grave which has absorbed their fleshly form and deprived
+us of their tone of voice, but also by those differences in thought and
+feeling which separate the centuries of culture! Yet this impossible
+task lies ever before the historian. Few characters are more patently
+difficult to comprehend than that of Sarpi. Ultimately, so far as it is
+possible to formulate a view, I think he may be defined as a Christian
+Stoic, possessed with two main governing ideas, duty to God and duty to
+Venice. His last words were for Venice; the penultimate consigned his
+soul to God. For a mind like his, so philosophically tempered, so versed
+in all the history of the world to us-wards, the materials of dispute
+between Catholic and Protestant must have seemed but trifles. He stayed
+where he had early taken root, in his Servite convent at S. Fosca,
+because he there could dedicate his life to God and Venice better than
+in any Protestant conventicle. Had Venice inclined toward rupture with
+Rome, had the Republic possessed the power to make that rupture with
+success, Sarpi would have hailed the event gladly, as introducing for
+Italy the prospect of spiritual freedom, purer piety, and the overthrow
+of Papal-Spanish despotism. But Venice chose to abide in the old ways,
+and her Counselor of State knew better than any one that she had not the
+strength to cope with Spain, Rome, Jesuitry and Islam single-handed.
+Therefore he possessed his soul in patience, worshiping God under forms
+and symbols to which he had from youth been used, trusting the while
+that sooner or later God would break those mighty wings of Papal
+domination.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XI.
+
+GUARINO, MARINO, CHIABRERA, TASSONI.
+
+     Dearth of Great Men--Guarini a Link between Tasso and the
+     Seventeenth Century--His Biography--The _Pastor Fido_--Qualities of
+     Guarini as Poet--Marino the Dictator of Letters--His Riotous Youth
+     at Naples--Life at Rome, Turin, Paris--Publishes the _Adone_--The
+     Epic of Voluptuousness--Character and Action of Adonis--Marino's
+     Hypocrisy--Sentimental Sweetness--Brutal Violence--Violation of
+     Artistic Taste--Great Powers of the Poet--Structure of the
+     _Adone_--Musical Fluency--Marinism--Marino's Patriotic
+     Verses--Contrast between Chiabrera and Marino--An Aspirant after
+     Pindar--Chiabrera's Biography--His Court Life--Efforts of Poets in
+     the Seventeenth Century to attain to Novelty--Chiabrera's
+     Failure--Tassoni's Life--His Thirst to Innovate--Origin of the
+     _Secchia Rapita_--Mock-Heroic Poetry--The Plot of this Poem--Its
+     Peculiar Humor--Irony and Satire--Novelty of the Species--Lyrical
+     Interbreathings--Sustained Contrast of Parody and Pathos--The Poet
+     Testi.
+
+Soon after 1600 it became manifest that lapse of years and
+ecclesiastical intolerance had rendered Italy nearly destitute of great
+men. Her famous sons were all either dead, murdered or exiled; reduced
+to silence by the scythe of time or by the Roman 'arguments of sword and
+halter.' Bruno burned, Vanini burned, Carnesecchi burned, Paleario
+burned, Bonfadio burned; Campanella banished, after a quarter of a
+century's imprisonment with torture; the leaders of free religious
+thought in exile, scattered over northern Europe. Tasso, worn out with
+misery and madness, rested at length in his tomb on the Janiculan;
+Sarpi survived the stylus of the Roman Curia with calm inscrutability at
+S. Fosca; Galileo meditated with closed lips in his watch-tower behind
+Bello Sguardo. With Michelangelo in 1564, Palladio in 1580, Tintoretto
+in 1594, the godlike lineage of the Renaissance artists ended; and what
+children of the sixteenth century still survived to sustain the nation's
+prestige, to carry on its glorious traditions? The list is but a poor
+one. Marino, Tassoni, the younger Buonarroti, Boccalini and Chiabrera in
+literature. The Bolognese Academy in painting. After these men expand
+arid wildernesses of the Sei Cento--barocco architecture, false taste,
+frivolity, grimace, affectation--Jesuitry translated into culture. On
+one bright point, indeed, the eye rests with hope and comfort.
+Palestrina, when he died in 1594, did not close but opened an age for
+music. His posterity, those composers, lutists, violists and singers,
+from whom the modern art of arts has drawn her being, down to the sweet
+fellowship of Pergolese, Marcello and Jomelli, of Guarneri, Amati and
+Stradivari, of Farinelli, Caffarielli and La Romanina, were as yet but
+rising dimly heralded with light of dawn upon their foreheads.
+
+In making the transition from the _Gerusalemme_ to the _Adone_, from the
+last great poem of the Cinque Cento to the epic of the Sei Cento, it is
+indispensable that notice should be taken of the _Pastor Fido_ and its
+author. Giambattista Guarini forms a link between Vasso and the poets of
+the seventeenth century. He belonged less to the Renaissance, more to
+the culture of the age created by the Council of Trent, than did Tasso.
+His life, in many of its details similar, in others most dissimilar, to
+that of Tasso, illustrates and helps us in some measure to explain the
+latter. It must therefore form the subject of a somewhat detailed study.
+
+Guarini drew his blood on the paternal side from the illustrious
+humanist Guarino of Verona, who settled at Ferrara in the fifteenth
+century as tutor to Leonello d'Este.[176] By his mother he claimed
+descent from the Florentine house of Machiavelli. Born in 1537, he was
+seven years older than Torquato Tasso, whom he survived eighteen years,
+not closing his long life until 1612. He received a solid education both
+at Pisa and Padua, and was called at the early age of eighteen to
+profess moral philosophy in the University of Ferrara. Being of noble
+birth and inheriting a considerable patrimony, Guarini might have
+enjoyed a life of uninterrupted literary leisure, if he had chosen to
+forego empty honors and shun the idle distractions of Courts. But it was
+the fate of distinguished men in that age to plunge into those
+quicksands. Guarini had a character and intellect suited to the conduct
+of state affairs; and he shared the delusion prevalent among his
+contemporaries, that the petty Italian principalities could offer a
+field for the exercise of these talents. 'If our country is reduced to
+the sole government of a prince,' he writes, 'the man who serves his
+prince will serve his country, a duty both natural and binding upon
+all.'[177] Accordingly, soon after his marriage to Taddea of the noble
+Bendedei family, he entered the service of Alfonso II. This was in 1567.
+Tasso, in his quality of gentleman to Cardinal d'Este, had already shed
+lustre on Ferrara through the past two years. Guarini first made Tasso's
+friendship at Padua, where both were Eterei and house-guests of Scipione
+Gonzaga. The two poets now came together in a rivalry which was not
+altogether amicable. The genius of Tasso, in the prime of youth and
+heyday of Court-favor, roused Guarini's jealousy. And yet their
+positions were so different that Guarini might have been well satisfied
+to pursue his own course without envy. A married and elder man, he had
+no right to compete in gallantry with the brilliant young bachelor.
+Destined for diplomacy and affairs of state, he had no cause to grudge
+the Court poet his laurels. Writing in 1595, Guarini avers that 'poetry
+has been my pastime, never my profession'; and yet he made it his
+business at Ferrara to rival Tasso both as a lyrist and as a servant of
+dames. Like Tasso, he suffered from the spite of Alfonso's secretaries,
+Pigna and Montecatino, who seem to have incarnated the malevolence of
+courtiers in its basest form. So far, there was a close parallel between
+the careers of the two men at Ferrara.
+
+[Footnote 176: See _Renaissance in Italy_, vol. ii. pp. 299, 300.]
+
+[Footnote 177: _Lettere del Guarini_, Venezia, 1596, p. 2.]
+
+But Guarini's wealth and avowed objects in life caused the duke from
+the first to employ him in a different kind of service. Alfonso sent him
+as ambassador to Venice, Rome, and Turin, giving him the rank of
+Cavaliere in order that he might perform his missions with more dignity.
+At Turin, where he resided for some time, Guarini conceived a just
+opinion of the growing importance of the House of Savoy. Like all the
+finest spirits of his age, Tassoni, Sarpi, Chiabrera, Marino, Testi, he
+became convinced that if Italy were to recover her independence, it
+could only be by the opposition of the Dukes of Savoy to Spain. How
+nearly the hopes of these men were being realized by Carlo Emmanuele,
+and how those hopes were frustrated by Roman intrigues and the jealousy
+of Italian despots, is matter of history. Yet the student may observe
+with interest that the most penetrating minds of the sixteenth century
+already discerned the power by means of which, after the lapse of nearly
+three hundred years, the emancipation of Italy has been achieved.
+
+In 1574 Guarini was sent to Poland, to congratulate Henri III. upon his
+election to that monarchy. He went a second time in the following year
+to conduct more delicate negotiations. The crown of Poland was now
+thrown open to candidature; and more than one of the Italian Princes
+thought seriously of competing for this honor. The Grand Duke of Tuscany
+entertained the notion and abandoned it. But Alfonso II. of Ferrara, who
+had fought with honor in his youth in Hungary, made it a serious object
+of ambition. Manolesso, the Venetian envoy in 1575 at Ferrara, relates
+how the duke spent laborious hours in acquiring the German language,
+'which no one learns for pleasure, since it is most barbarous, nor
+quickly, but with industry and large expenditure of time.' He also
+writes: 'The duke aspires to greatness, nor is satisfied with his
+present State; and therefore he has entered into the Polish affair,
+encouraged thereto by his brother the Cardinal and by his ambassador in
+Poland.'[178]
+
+These embassies were a serious drain upon Guarini's resources; for it
+appears certain that if he received any appointments, they were
+inadequate to the expenses of long journeys and the maintenance of a
+becoming state. He therefore returned to Ferrara, considerably burdened
+with debts; and this was just the time at which Tasso's mental
+derangement began to manifest itself. Between 1575 and 1579, the date of
+Tasso's imprisonment at Sant' Anna, the two men lived together at the
+Court. Guarini's rivalry induced him at this period to cultivate poetry
+with such success that, when the author of the _Gerusalemme_ failed,
+Alfonso commanded him to take the vacant place of Court poet. There is
+an interesting letter extant from Guarini to his friend Cornelio
+Bentivoglio, describing the efforts he made to comply with the Duke's
+pleasure. 'I strove to transform myself into another man, and, like a
+playactor, to reassume the character, manners and emotions of a past
+period. Mature in age, I forced myself to appear young; exchanged my
+melancholy for gayety: affected loves I did not feel; turned my wisdom
+into folly, and, in a word, passed from philosopher to poet.'[179] How
+ill-adapted he was to this masquerade existence may be gathered from
+another sentence in the same letter. 'I am already in my forty-fourth
+year, burdened with debts, the father of eight children, two of my sons
+old enough to be my judges, and with my daughters to marry.'
+
+[Footnote 178: Alberi, _Relazioni_, series 2, vol. ii. pp. 423-425.]
+
+At last, abandoning this uncongenial strain upon his faculties, Guarini
+retired in 1582 to the villa which he had built upon his ancestral
+estate in the Polesine, that delightful rustic region between Adige and
+Po. Here he gave himself up to the cares of his family, the nursing of
+his dilapidated fortune, and the composition of the _Pastor Fido_. It is
+not yet the time to speak of that work, upon which Guarini's fame as
+poet rests; for the drama, though suggested by Tasso's _Aminta_, was not
+finally perfected until 1602.[180] Yet we may pause to remark upon the
+circumstances under which he wrote it. A disappointed courtier, past the
+prime of manhood, feeling his true vocation to be for severe studies and
+practical affairs, he yet devoted years of leisure to the slow
+elaboration of a dramatic masterpiece which is worthy to rank with the
+classics of Italian literature. During this period his domestic lot was
+not a happy one. He lost his wife, quarreled with his elder sons, and
+involved himself in a series of lawsuits.[181] Litigation seems to have
+been an inveterate vice of his maturity, and he bequeathed to his
+descendants a coil of legal troubles. Having married one of his
+daughters, Anna, to Count Ercole Trotti, he had the misery of hearing in
+1596 that she had fallen an innocent victim to her husband's jealousy,
+and that his third son, Girolamo connived at her assassination. In the
+midst of these annoyances and sorrows, he maintained a grave and robust
+attitude, uttering none of those querulous lamentations which flowed so
+readily from Tasso's pen.
+
+[Footnote 179: _Lettere_, p. 195.]
+
+[Footnote 180: In this year it was published with the author's revision
+by Ciotto at Venice. It had been represented at Turin in 1585, and first
+printed at Venice in 1590.]
+
+Tasso had used the Pastoral Drama to idealize Courts. Guarini vented all
+the bitterness of his soul against them in his _Pastor Fido_. He also
+wrote from his retirement: 'I am at ease in the enjoyment of liberty,
+studies, the management of my household.'[182] Yet in 1585, while on a
+visit to Turin, he again accepted proposals from Alfonso. He had gone
+there in order to superintend the first representation of his Pastoral,
+which was dedicated to the Duke of Savoy. Extremely averse to his old
+servants taking office under other princes, the Duke of Ferrara seems to
+have feared lest Guarini should pass into the Court of Carlo Emmanuele.
+He therefore appointed him Secretary of State; and Guarini entered upon
+the post in the same year that Tasso issued from his prison. This
+reconciliation did not last long. Alfonso took the side of Alessandro
+Guarini in a lawsuit with his father; and the irritable poet retired in
+indignation to Florence. The Duke of Ferrara, however, was determined
+that he should not serve another master. At Florence, Turin, Mantua and
+Rome, his attempts to obtain firm foothold in offices of trust were
+invariably frustrated; and Coccapani, the Duke's envoy, hinted that if
+Guarini were not circumspect, 'he might suffer the same fate as Tasso.'
+To shut Guarini up in a madhouse would have been difficult. Still he
+might easily have been dispatched by the poniard; and these words throw
+not insignificant light upon Tasso's terror of assassination.
+
+[Footnote 181: Guarini may be compared with Trissino in these points of
+his private life. See _Renaissance in Italy_, vol. v. 303-305.]
+
+[Footnote 182: _Lettere_, p. 196.]
+
+The Duke Alfonso died in 1597, and Ferrara reverted to the Holy See.
+Upon this occasion, Guarini was free to follow his own inclinations. He
+therefore established himself at the Court of the Grand Duke, into whose
+confidence he entered upon terms of flattering familiarity. Ferdinando
+de'Medici 'fell in love with him as a man may with a fine woman,' says
+his son Alessandro in one of his apologetic writings. This, however,
+meant but little; for compliments passed freely between princes and
+their courtiers; which, when affairs of purse or honor were at stake,
+soon turned to discontent and hatred. So it fared with Guarini at
+Florence. His son, Guarino, made a marriage of which he disapproved, but
+which the Grand Duke countenanced. So slight a disagreement snapped the
+ties of friendship, and the restless poet removed to the Court of
+Urbino. There the last duke of the House of Rovere, Francesco Maria II.,
+Tasso's schoolfellow and patron, was spending his widowed years in
+gloomy Spanish pride. The mortmain of the Church was soon to fall upon
+Urbino, as it had already fallen on Ferrara. Guarini wrote: 'The former
+Court in Italy is a dead thing. One may see the shadow, but not the
+substance of it nowadays. Ours is an age of appearances, and one goes
+a-masquerading all the year.' A sad but sincere epitaph, inscribed by
+one who had gone the round of all the Courts of Italy, and had survived
+the grand free life of the Renaissance.
+
+These words close Guarini's career as courtier. He returned to Ferrara
+in 1604, and in 1605 carried the compliments of that now Pontifical city
+to Paul V. in Rome on his election to the Papacy. Upon this occasion
+Cardinal Bellarmino told him that he had inflicted as much harm on
+Christendom by his _Pastor Fido_ as Luther and Calvin by their heresies.
+He retorted with a sarcasm which has not been transmitted to us, but
+which may probably have reflected on the pollution of Christian morals
+by the Jesuits. In 1612 Guarini died at Venice, whither he was summoned
+by one of his innumerable and interminable lawsuits.
+
+Bellarmino's censure of the _Pastor Fido_ strikes a modern reader as
+inexplicably severe. Yet it is certain that the dissolute seventeenth
+century recognized this drama as one of the most potent agents of
+corruption. Not infrequent references in the literature of that age to
+the ruin of families and reputations by its means, warn us to remember
+how difficult it is to estimate the ethical sensibilities of society in
+periods remote from our own.[183] In the course of the analysis which I
+now propose to make of this play, I shall attempt to show how, coming
+midway between Tasso's _Aminta_ and Marino's _Adone_, and appealing to
+the dominant musical enthusiasms of the epoch, Guarini's _Pastor Fido_
+may have merited the condemnation of far-sighted moralists. Not
+censurable in itself, it was so related to the sentimental sensuality of
+its period as to form a link in the chain of enervation which weighed on
+Italy.
+
+[Footnote 183: _Il Pastor Fido_, per cura di G. Casella (Firenze,
+Barbéra, 1866), p. liv.]
+
+The _Pastor Fido_ is a tragi-comedy, as its author points out with some
+elaboration in the critical essay he composed upon that species of the
+drama. The scene is laid in Arcadia, where according to Guarini it was
+customary to sacrifice a maiden each year to Diana, in expiation of an
+ancient curse brought upon the country by a woman's infidelity. An
+oracle has declared that when two scions of divine lineage are united in
+marriage, and a faithful shepherd atones for woman's faithlessness,
+this inhuman rite shall cease. The only youth and girl who fulfill these
+conditions of divine descent are the daughter of Titiro named Amarilli,
+and Silvio, the son of the high priest Montano. They have accordingly
+been betrothed. But Silvio is indifferent to womankind in general, and
+Amarilli loves a handsome stranger, Mirtillo, supposed to be the son of
+Carino. The plot turns upon the unexpected fulfillment of the prophecy,
+in spite of the human means which have been blindly taken to secure its
+accomplishment. Amarilli is condemned to death for suspected misconduct
+with a lover; and Mirtillo, who has substituted himself as victim in her
+place, is found to be the lost son of Montano. This solution of the
+intrigue, effected by an anagnorisis like that of the _Oedipus
+Tyrannus_, supplies a series of dramatic scenes and thrilling situations
+in the last act. Meanwhile the passion of Dorinda for Silvio, and the
+accident whereby he is brought to return her affection at the moment
+when his dart has wounded her, form a picturesque underplot of
+considerable interest. Both plot and underplot are so connected in the
+main action and so interwoven by links of mutual dependency that they
+form one richly varied fabric. Regarded as a piece of cunning mechanism,
+the complicated structure of the _Pastor Fido_ leaves nothing to be
+desired. In its kind, this pastoral drama is a monumental work of art,
+glittering and faultless like a polished bas-relief of hard Corinthian
+bronze. Each motive has been carefully prepared, each situation amply
+and logically developed. The characters are firmly traced, and sustained
+with consistency. The cold and eager hunter Silvio contrasts with tender
+and romantic Mirtillo. Corisca's meretricious arts and systematized
+profligacy enhance the pure affection of Amarilli. Dorinda presents
+another type of love, so impulsive that it conquers maidenly modesty.
+The Satyr is a creature of rude lust, foiled in its brutal appetite by
+the courtesan Corisca's wiliness. Carino brings the corruption of towns
+into comparison with the innocence of the country.
+
+In Carino the poet painted his own experience; and here his satire upon
+the Court of Ferrara is none the less biting because it takes the form
+of well-weighed and gravely-measured censure, instead of vehement
+invective. The following lines may serve as a specimen of Guarini's
+style in this species:--
+
+    I' mi pensai che ne' reali alberghi
+    Fossero tanto più le genti umane,
+    Quant'esse ban più di tutto quel dovizia,
+    Ond' è l'umanità sì nobil fregio.
+    Ma mi trovai tutto 'l contrario, Uranio.
+    Gente di nome e di parlar cortese,
+    Ma d'opre scarsa, e di pietà nemica:
+    Gente placida in vista e mansueta,
+    Ma più del cupo mar tumida e fera:
+    Gente sol d'apparenza, in cui se miri
+    Viso di carità, mente d'invidia
+    Poi trovi, e 'n dritto sguardo animo bieco,
+    E minor fede allor che pin lusinga.
+    Quel ch'altrove è virtù, quivi e difetto:
+    Dir vero, oprar non torto, amar non finto,
+    Pietà sincera, invïolabil fede,
+    E di core e di man vita innocente,
+    Stiman d'animo vil, di basso ingegno,
+    Sciochezza e vanità degna di riso.
+    L'ingannare, il mentir, la frode, il furto,
+    E la rapina di pietà vestita,
+    Crescer col danno e precipizio altrui,
+    E far a sè dell'altrui biasimo onore,
+    Son le virtù di quella gente infida.
+    Non merto, non valor, non riverenza
+    Nè d'età nè di grado nè di legge;
+    Non freno di vergogna, non rispetto
+    Nè d'amor nè di sangue, non memoria
+    Di ricevuto ben; nè, finalmente,
+    Cosa sì venerabile o sì santa
+    O sì giusta esser può, ch'a quella vasta
+    Cupidigia d'onori, a quella ingorda
+    Fama d'avere, invïolabil sia.
+
+The _Pastor Fido_ was written in open emulation of Tasso's _Aminta_, and
+many of its most brilliant passages are borrowed from that play. Such,
+for example, is the Chorus on the Golden Age which closes the fourth
+act. Such, too, is the long description by Mirtillo of the kiss he stole
+from Amarilli (act ii. sc. 1). The motive here is taken from _Rinaldo_
+(canto v.), and the spirit from _Aminta_ (act i. sc. 2). Guarini's Satyr
+is a studied picture from the sketch in Tasso's pastoral. The dialogue
+between Silvio and Linco (act i. sc. 1) with its lyrical refrain:
+
+    Lascia, lascia le selve,
+    Folle garzon, lascia le fere, ed ama:
+
+reproduces the dialogue between Silvia and Dafne (act i. sc. 1) with its
+similar refrain:
+
+    Cangia, cangia consiglio,
+    Pazzarella che sei.
+
+In all these instances Guarini works up Tasso's motives into more
+elaborate forms. He expands the simple suggestions of his model; and
+employs the artifices of rhetoric where Tasso yielded to inspiration.
+One example will suffice to contrast the methods of the spontaneous and
+the reflective poet. Tasso with divine impulse had exclaimed:
+
+    Odi quell'usignuolo,
+    Che va di ramo in ramo
+    Cantando: Io amo, io amo!
+
+This, in Guarini's hands, becomes:
+
+    Quell'augellin, che canta
+    Si dolcemente, e lascivetto vola
+    Or dall'abete al faggio,
+    Ed or dal faggio al mirto,
+    S'avesse umano spirto,
+    Direbbe: Ardo d'amore, ardo d'amore.
+
+Here a laborious effort of the constructive fancy has been substituted
+for a single flash of sympathetic imagination. Tasso does not doubt that
+the nightingale is pouring out her love in song. Guarini says that if
+the bird had human soul, it would exclaim, _Ardo d'amore_. Tasso sees it
+flying from branch to branch. Guarini teases our sense of mental vision
+by particularizing pine and beech and myrtle. The same is true of
+Linco's speech in general when compared with Dafne's on the ruling power
+of love in earth and heaven.
+
+Of imagination in the true sense of the term Guarini had none. Of
+fancy, dwelling gracefully, ingeniously, suggestively, upon externals he
+had plenty. The minute care with which he worked out each vein of
+thought and spun each thread of sentiment, was that of the rhetorician
+rather than the poet. Tasso had made Aminta say:
+
+    La semplicetta Silvia
+    Pietosa del mio male,
+    S'offri di dar aita
+    Alla finta ferita, ahi lassole fece
+    Più cupa, e più mortale
+    La mia piaga verace,
+    Quando le labbra sue
+    Giunse alle labbra mie.
+    Nè l'api d'alcun fiore
+    Colgan si dolce il sugo,
+    Come fa dolce il mel, ch'allora io colsi
+    Da quelle fresche rose.
+
+Now listen to Guarini's Mirtillo:
+
+    Amor si stava, Ergasto,
+    Com'ape suol, nelle due fresche rose
+    Di quelle labbra ascoso;
+    E mentre ella si stette
+    Con la baciata bocca
+    Al baciar della mia
+    Immobile e ristretta,
+    La dolcezza del mel sola gustai;
+    Ma poichè mi s'offerse anch'ella, e porse
+    L'una e l'altra dolcissima sua rosa....
+
+This is enough to illustrate Guarini's laborious method of adding touch
+to touch without augmenting th force of the picture.[184] We find
+already here the transition from Tasso's measured art to the fantastic
+prolixity of Marino. And though Guarini was upon the whole chaste in use
+of language, his rhetorical love of amplification and fanciful
+refinement not unfrequently betrayed him into Marinistic conceits.
+Dorinda, for instance, thus addresses Silvio (act iv. sc. 9):
+
+    O bellissimo scoglio
+    Già dall'onda e dal vento
+    Delle lagrime mie, de'miei sospiri
+    Si spesso invan percosso!
+
+Sighs are said to be (act i. sc. 2):
+
+                impetuosi venti
+    Che spiran nell'incendio, e 'l fan maggiore
+    Con turbini d'Amore,
+    Ch' apportan sempre ai miserelli amanti
+    Foschi nembi di duol, piogge di pianti.
+
+From this to the style of the _Adone_ there was only one step to be
+taken.
+
+[Footnote 184: I might have further illustrated this point by quoting
+the thirty-five lines in which Titiro compares a maiden to the rose
+which fades upon the spray after the fervors of the noon have robbed its
+freshness (act i. sc. 4). To contest the beauty of the comparison would
+be impossible. Yet when we turn to the two passages in Ariosto (_Orl.
+Fur._ i. 42, 43, and xxiv. 80) on which it has been modeled, we shall
+perceive how much Guarini lost in force by not writing with his eye upon
+the object or with the authenticity of inward vision, but with a
+self-conscious effort to improve by artifices and refinements upon
+something he has read. See my essay on 'The Pathos of the Rose in Time,'
+April, 1886.]
+
+Though the scene of the _Pastor Fido_ was laid in Arcadia, the play
+really represented polite Italian society. In the softness of its
+sentiment, its voluptuous verbal melody, and its reiterated descant upon
+effeminate love-pleasure, it corresponded exactly to the spirit of its
+age.[185] This was the secret of its success; and this explains its
+seduction. Not Corisca's wanton blandishments and professed cynicism,
+but Mirtillo's rapturous dithyrambs on kissing, Dorinda's melting moods
+of tenderness, and Amarilli's delicate regrets that love must be
+postponed to honor, justified Bellarmino's censure. Without anywhere
+transgressing the limits of decorum, the _Pastor Fido_ is steeped in
+sensuousness. The sentiment of love idealized in Mirtillo and Amarilli
+is pure and self-sacrificing. _Ama l'onesta mia, s'amante sei_, says
+this maiden to her lover; and he obeys her. Yet, though the drama is
+dedicated to virtue, no one can read it without perceiving the
+blandishments of its luxurious rhetoric. The sensual refinement proper
+to an age of social decadence found in it exact expression, and it
+became the code of gallantry for the next two centuries.
+
+[Footnote 185: Even Silvio, the most masculine of the young men, whose
+heart is closed to love, appears before us thus:
+
+    Oh Silvio, Silvio! a che ti die Natura
+    Ne' più begli anni tuoi
+    Fior di beltà si delicato e vago,
+    Se tu se' tanto a calpestarlo intento?
+    Che s'avess'io cotesta tua sì bella
+    E sì fiorita guancia,
+    Addio selve, direi:
+    E seguendo altre fere,
+    E la vita passando in festa e'n gioco,
+    Farei la state all'ombra, e 'l verno al foco.
+]
+
+Meanwhile the literary dictator of the seventeenth century was
+undoubtedly Marino. On him devolved the scepter which Petrarch
+bequeathed to Politian, Politian to Bembo, and Bembo to Torquato Tasso.
+In natural gifts he was no unworthy successor of these poets, though the
+gifts he shared with them were conspicuously employed by him for
+purposes below the scope of any of his predecessors. In artistic
+achievement he concentrated the less admirable qualities of all, and
+brought the Italian poetry of the Renaissance to a close by exaggerating
+its previous defects. Yet, as a man, Marino is interesting, more
+interesting in many respects than the melancholy discontented Tasso. He
+accepted the conditions of his age with genial and careless sympathy,
+making himself at once its idol, its interpreter, and its buffoon.
+Finally, he illustrates the law of change which transferred to
+Neapolitans in this age the scepter which had formerly been swayed by
+Tuscans and Lombards.[186]
+
+Giovanni Battista Marino was born at Naples in 1569. His father, a
+jurist of eminence, bred him for the law. But the attractions of poetry
+and pleasure were irresistible by this mobile son of the warm South--
+
+      La lusinga del Genio in me prevalse,
+    E la toga deposta, altrui lascisi
+    Parolette smaltir mendaci e false.
+    Nè dubbi testi interpretar curai,
+    Nè discordi accordar chiose mi calse,
+    Quella stimando sol perfetta legge
+    Che de'sensi sfrenati il fren corregge.
+      Legge omai più non v' ha la qual per dritto
+    Punisca il fallo o ricompensi il merto.
+    Sembra quando è fin quì deciso e scritto
+    D'opinion confuse abisso incerto.
+    Dalle calumnie il litigante afflitto
+    Somiglia in vasto mar legno inesperto,
+    Reggono il tutto con affetto ingordo,
+    Passion cieca ed interesse sordo.
+
+[Footnote 186: Telesio, Bruno, Campanella, Salvator Rosa, Vico, were,
+like Marino, natives of the Regno.]
+
+Such, in the poet's maturity, was his judgment upon law; and probably he
+expressed the same opinion with frankness in his youth. Seeing these
+dispositions in his son, the severe parent cast him out of doors, and
+young Marino was free to indulge vagabond instincts with lazzaroni and
+loose companions on the quays and strands of Naples. In that luxurious
+climate a healthy native, full of youth and vigor, needs but little to
+support existence. Marino set his wits to work, and reaped too facile
+laurels in the fields of Venus and the Muses. His verses speedily
+attracted the notice of noble patrons, among whom the Duke of Bovino,
+the Prince of Conca, and Tasso's friend the Marquis Manso have to be
+commemorated. They took care that so genuine and genial a poet should
+not starve. It was in one of Manso's palaces that Marino had an
+opportunity of worshiping the singer of Armida and Erminia at a
+distance. He had already acquired dubious celebrity as a juvenile Don
+Juan and a writer of audaciously licentious lyrics, when disaster
+overtook him. He assisted one of his profligate friends in the abduction
+of a girl. For this breach of the law both were thrown together into
+prison, and Marino only escaped justice by the sudden death of his
+accomplice. His patrons now thought it desirable that he should leave
+Naples for a time. Accordingly they sent him with letters of
+recommendation to Rome, where he was well received by members of the
+Crescenzio and Aldobrandino families. The Cardinal Pietro Aldobrandino
+made him private secretary, and took him on a journey to Ravenna and
+Turin. From the commencement to the end of his literary career Marino's
+march through life was one triumphal progress. At Turin, as formerly in
+Naples and Rome, he achieved a notable success. The Duke of Savoy, Carlo
+Emmanuele, offered him a place at Court, appointed him secretary, and
+dubbed him Knight of S. Maurice.
+
+      Vidi la corte, e nella corte io vidi
+    Promesse lunghe e guiderdoni avari,
+    Favori ingiusti e patrocini infidi,
+    Speranze dolci e pentimenti amari,
+    Sorrisi traditor, vezzi omicidi,
+    Ed acquisti dubbiosi e danni chiari,
+    E voti vani ed idoli bugiardi,
+    Onde il male è sicuro e il ben vien tardi.
+
+It was the custom of all poets in that age to live in Courts and to
+abuse them, to adulate princes and to vilify these patrons. Marino,
+however, had real cause to complain of the treachery of courtiers. He
+appears to have been a man of easy-going temper, popular among
+acquaintances, and serviceable to the society he frequented. This
+comradely disposition did not save him, however, from jealousies and
+hatreds; for he had, besides, a Neapolitan's inclination for satire.
+There was a Genoese poetaster named Gasparo Murtola established in
+Court-service at Turin, who had recently composed a lumbering poem, _Il
+Mondo Creato_. Marino made fun of it in a sonnet; Murtola retorted; and
+a warfare of invectives began which equaled for scurrility and filth the
+duels of Poggio and Valla. Murtola, seeing that he was likely to be
+worsted by his livelier antagonist, waited for him one day round a
+corner, gun in hand. The gun was discharged, and wounded, not Marino,
+but a favorite servant of the duke. For this offense the assassin was
+condemned to death; and would apparently have been executed, but for
+Marino's generosity. He procured his enemy's pardon, and was repaid with
+the blackest ingratitude. On his release from prison Murtola laid hands
+upon a satire, _La Cuccagna_, written some time previously by his rival.
+This he laid before the duke, as a seditious attack upon the government
+of Savoy. Marino now in his turn was imprisoned; but he proved, through
+the intervention of Manso, that the _Cuccagna_ had been published long
+before his arrival at Turin. Disgusted by these incidents, he next
+accepted an invitation from the French Court, and journeyed to Paris in
+1615, where the Italianated society of that city received him like a
+living Phoebus. Maria de Medici, as Regent, with Concini for her
+counselor and lover, was then in all her vulgar glory. Richelieu's star
+had not arisen to eclipse Italian intrigue and to form French taste by
+the Academy. D'Urfè and Du Bartas, more marinistic than Marino, more
+euphuistic than Euphues, gave laws to literature; and the pageant
+pictures by Rubens, which still adorn the Gallery of the Louvre, marked
+the full-blown and sensuous splendor of Maria's equipage. Marino's
+genius corresponded nicely to the environment in which he now found
+himself; the Italians of the French Court discerned in him the poet who
+could best express their ideal of existence. He was idolized, glutted
+with gold, indulged and flattered to the top of his bent. Yearly
+appointments estimated at 10,000 crowns were augmented by presents in
+return for complimentary verses or for copies of the poem he was then
+composing. This poem was the _Adone_, the theme of which had been
+suggested by Carlo Emmanuele, and which he now adroitly used as a means
+of flattering the French throne. First printed at Paris in 1623, its
+reception both there and in Italy secured apotheosis in his lifetime for
+the poet.[187] One minor point in this magnificent first folio edition
+of _Adone_ deserves notice, as not uncharacteristic of the age. Only two
+Cantos out of the twenty are distinguished by anything peculiar in their
+engraved decorations. Of these two, the eleventh displays the shield of
+France; the thirteenth, which describes Falsirena's incantations and
+enchantments, is ornamented with the symbol of the Jesuits, IHS. For
+this the publishers alone were probably responsible. Yet it may stand as
+a parable of all-pervasive Jesuitry. Even among the roses and raptures
+of the most voluptuous poem of the century their presence makes itself
+felt, as though to hint that the _Adone_ is capable of being used
+according to Jesuitical rules of casuistry A.M.D.G. One warning voice
+was raised before the publication of this epic. Cardinal Bentivoglio
+wrote from Italy beseeching Marino to 'purge it of lasciviousness in
+such wise that it may not have to dread the lash of our Italian
+censure.' Whether he followed this advice, in other words whether the
+original MS. of the _Adone_ was more openly licentious than the
+published poem, I do not know. Anyhow, it was put upon the Index in
+1627. This does not, however, appear to have impaired its popularity, or
+to have injured its author's reputation. Soon after the appearance of
+_Adone_, Marino, then past fifty, returned to Naples. He was desirous of
+reposing on his laurels, wealthy, honored, and adored, among the scenes
+from which he fled in danger and disgrace thirty years before. His
+entrance into Naples was an ovation. The Iazzaroni came to meet his
+coach, dancing and scattering roses; noblemen attended him on
+horse-back; ladies gazed on him from balconies. A banner waving to the
+wind announced the advent of 'that ocean of incomparable learning, soul
+of lyres, subject for pens, material for ink, most eloquent, most
+fertile, phoenix of felicity, ornament of the laurel, of swans in their
+divine leisure chief and uncontested leader.' At Naples he died in
+1625--felicitous in not having survived the fame which attended him
+through life and reached its climax just before his death.
+
+[Footnote 187: It is worth noting that Shakespeare's _Venus and Adonis_
+was first printed in 1593, thirty years previously.]
+
+The _Adone_ strikes us at first sight as the supreme poem of epicene
+voluptuousness. Its smooth-chinned hero, beautiful as a girl, soft as a
+girl, sentimental as a girl, with nothing of the man about him--except
+that 'Nature, as she wrought him, fell adoting,'--threads a labyrinth of
+suggestive adventures, in each of which he is more the patient than the
+agent of desire. Mercury introduces him to our attention in a series of
+those fables (tales of Narcissus, Ganymede, Cyparissus, Hylas, Atys) by
+which antiquity figured the seductiveness of adolescence. Venus woos
+him, and Falserina tries to force him. Captured in feminine attire by
+brigands, he is detained in a cave as the mistress of their chief, and
+doted on by the effeminate companion of his prison. Finally, he contends
+for the throne of Cyprus with a band of luxurious youths--
+
+    Bardassonacci, paggi da taverna.
+
+The crown is destined for the physically fairest. The rival charms of
+the competitors are minutely noted, their personal blemishes sagaciously
+detected, by a council of pleasure-sated worldlings. In his death Adonis
+succumbs to the assault of a boar, fatally inflamed with lust, who
+wounds the young man in his groin, dealing destruction where the beast
+meant only amorous caresses. Gods and godesses console Venus in her
+sorrow for his loss, each of whom relates the tale of similar disasters.
+Among these legends Apollo's love for Hyacinth and Phoebus' love for
+Pampinus figure conspicuously. Thus Marino's Adonis excites unhealthy
+interest by the spectacle of boyhood exposed to the caprices and
+allurements of both sexes doting on unfledged virility.
+
+What contributes to this effect, in the central motive of the poem, is
+that Venus herself is no artless virgin, no innocent Chloe,
+corresponding to a rustic Daphnis. She is already wife, mother,
+adulteress, _femme entretenue_, before she meets the lad. Her method of
+treating him is that of a licentious queen, who, after seducing page or
+groom, keeps the instrument of her pleasures in seclusion for occasional
+indulgence during intervals of public business. Vulcan and Mars, her
+husband and her _cicisbeo_, contest the woman's right to this caprice;
+and when the god of war compels, she yields him the crapulous fruition
+of her charms before the eye of her disconsolate boy-paramour. Her
+pre-occupation with Court affairs in Cythera--balls, pageants,
+sacrifices, and a people's homage--brings about the catastrophe. Through
+her temporary neglect, Adonis falls victim to a conspiracy of the gods.
+Thus the part which the female plays in this amorous epic is that of an
+accomplished courtesan, highly placed in society. All the pathos, all
+the attraction of beauty and of sentiment, is reserved for the
+adolescent male.
+
+This fact, though disagreeable, has to be noted. It is too
+characteristic of the wave of feeling at that time passing over Europe,
+to be ignored. The morbid strain which touched the Courts alike of
+Valois, Medici and Stuarts; which infected the poetry of Marlowe and of
+Shakespeare; which cast a sickly pallor even over sainthood and over
+painting in the school of Bologna, cannot be neglected. In Marino's
+_Adone_ it reaches its artistic climax.[188]
+
+This, however, is not the main point about the poem. The _Adone_ should
+rather be classed as the epic of voluptuousness in all its forms and
+species. If the love-poetry of the Italian Renaissance began with the
+sensuality of Boccaccio's _Amoroso Visione_, it ended, after traversing
+the idyl, the novel, the pastoral, the elegy and the romance, in the
+more complex sensuality of Marino's _Adone_; for this, like the _Amoroso
+Visione_, but far more emphatically, proclaims the beatification of man
+by sexual pleasure:--
+
+    Tramortiscon di gioia ebbre e languenti
+    L'anime stanche, al ciel d'Amor rapite.
+    Gl'iterati sospiri, i rotti accenti,
+    Le dolcissime guerre e le ferite,
+    Narrar non so--fresche aure, onde correnti,
+    Voi che il miraste, e ben l'udiste, il dite!
+    Voi secretari de'felici amori,
+    Verdi mirti, alti pini, ombrosi allori! (Canto viii.)
+
+[Footnote 188: Ferrari, in his _Rivolnzioni d'Italia_, vol. iii. p. 563,
+observes: 'Una Venere sospetta versa lagrime forse maschili sul
+bellissimo Adonide,' etc. Shakespeare's _Venus and Adonis_, in like
+manner, is so written as to force the reader to feel with Venus the
+seduction of Adonis.]
+
+Thus voluptuousness has its transcendentalism; and Marino finds even his
+prolific vocabulary inadequate to express the mysteries of this heaven
+of sensuous delights.[189]
+
+It must not be thought that the _Adone_ is an obscene poem. Marino was
+too skillful a master in the craft of pleasure to revolt or to regale
+his readers with grossness. He had too much of the Neapolitan's frank
+self-abandonment to nature for broad indecency in art to afford him
+special satisfaction; and the taste of his age demanded innuendo. The
+laureate of Courts and cities saturated with licentiousness knew well
+that Coan vestments are more provocative than nudity. It was his object
+to flatter the senses and seduce the understanding rather than to
+stimulate coarse appetite. Refinement was the aphrodisiac of a
+sated society, and millinery formed a main ingredient in its
+love-philters.[190] Marino, therefore, took the carnal instincts for
+granted, and played upon them as a lutist plays the strings of some lax
+thrilling instrument. Of moral judgment, of antipathy to this or that
+form of lust, of prejudice or preference in the material of pleasure,
+there is no trace. He shows himself equally indulgent to the passion of
+Mirra for her father, of Jove for Ganymede, of Bacchus for Pampinus, of
+Venus for Adonis, of Apollo for Hyacinth. He tells the disgusting story
+of Cinisca with the same fluent ease as the lovely tale of Psyche;
+passes with the same light touch over Falserina at the bedside of Adonis
+and Feronia in his dungeon; uses the same palette for the picture of
+Venus caressing Mars and the struggles of the nymph and satyr. All he
+demanded was a basis of soft sensuality, from which, as from putrescent
+soil, might spring the pale and scented flower of artful luxury.
+
+[Footnote 189: With the stanza quoted above Marino closes the cycle
+which Boccaccio in the _Amoroso Visione_ (canto xlix.) had opened.]
+
+[Footnote 190: On this point I may call attention to the elaborate
+portraits drawn by Marino (canto xvi.) of the seven young men who
+contend with Adonis for the prize of beauty and the crown of Cyprus.
+Quite as many words are bestowed upon their costumes, jewelry and
+hair-dressing as upon their personal charms.]
+
+In harmony with the spirit of an age reformed or deformed by the
+Catholic Revival, Marino parades cynical hypocrisy. The eighth canto of
+_Adone_ is an elaborately-wrought initiation into the mysteries of
+carnal pleasure. It is a hymn to the sense of touch:[191]
+
+    Ogni altro senso può ben di leggiero
+    Deluso esser talor da falsi oggetti:
+    Questo sol no, lo qual sempre è del vero
+    Fido ministro e padre dei diletti.
+    Gli altri non possedendo il corpo intero,
+    Ma qualche parte sol, non son perfetti.
+    Questo con atto universal distende
+    Lesue forze per tutto, e tutto il prende.
+
+[Footnote 191: I have pleasure in inviting my readers to study the true
+doctrine regarding the place of touch among the senses as laid down by
+Ruskin in _Modern Painters_, part iii. sec. 1, chap. ii.]
+
+We are led by subtle gradations, by labyrinthine delays, to the final
+beatification of Adonis. Picture is interwoven with picture, each in
+turn contributing to the panorama of sensual Paradise. Yet while
+straining all the resources of his art, with intense sympathy, to seduce
+his reader, the poet drops of set purpose phrases like the following:
+
+    Flora non so, non so se Frine o Taide
+    Trovar mai seppe oscenita si laide.
+
+Here the ape masked in the man turns around and grins, gibbering vulgar
+words to point his meaning, and casting dirt on his pretended decency.
+While racking the resources of allusive diction to veil and to suggest
+an immodest movement of his hero (Adonis being goaded beyond the bounds
+of boyish delicacy by lascivious sights), he suddenly subsides with a
+knavish titter into prose:
+
+    Così il fanciullo all'inonesto gioco.
+
+But the end of all this practice is that innocent Adonis has been
+conducted by slow and artfully contrived approaches to a wanton's
+embrace, and that the spectators of his seduction have become, as it
+were, parties to his fall. To make Marino's cynicism of hypocrisy more
+glaring, he prefaces each canto with an allegory, declaring that Adonis
+and Venus symbolize the human soul abandoned to vice, and the
+allurements of sensuality which work its ruin. In the poem itself,
+meanwhile, the hero and heroine are consistently treated as a pair of
+enviable, devoted, and at last unfortunate lovers.[192]
+
+It is characteristic of the mood expressed in the _Adone_ that
+voluptuousness should not be passionate, but sentimental. Instead of
+fire, the poet gives us honeyed tears to drink, and rocks the soul upon
+an ever-rippling tide of Lydian melody. The acme of pleasure, as
+conceived by him, is kissing. Twenty-three of the most inspired stanzas
+of the eighth canto are allotted to a panegyric of the kiss, in which
+delight all other amorous delights are drowned.[193] Tasso's melancholy
+yearning after forbidden fruit is now replaced by satiety contemplating
+the image of past joys with purring satisfaction. This quality of
+self-contented sentiment partly explains why the type of beauty adored
+is neither womanly nor manly, but adolescent. It has to be tender,
+fragile, solicitous, unripe; appealing to sensibility, not to passion,
+by feminine charms in nerveless and soulless boyhood. The most
+distinctive mark of Adonis is that he has no character, no will, no
+intellect. He is all sentiment, sighs, tears, pliability, and sweetness.
+
+[Footnote 192: The hypocrisy of the allegory is highly significant for
+this phase of Italian culture. We have seen how even Tasso condescended
+to apply it to his noble epic, which needed no such miserable pretense.
+Exquisitely grotesque was the attempt made by Centorio degli Ortensi to
+sanctify Bandello's _Novelle_ by supplying each one of them with a moral
+interpretation (ed. Milano: Gio. Antonio degli Antoni, 1560, See
+Passano's _Novellieri in Prosa_, p. 28).]
+
+[Footnote 193: What I have elsewhere, called 'the tyranny of the kiss'
+in Italian poetry, begins in Tasso's _Rinaldo_, acquires vast
+proportions in Guarino's _Pastor Fido_, and becomes intolerable in
+Marino's _Adone_.]
+
+This emasculate nature displays itself with consummate effect in the
+sobbing farewell, followed by the pretty pettishnesses, of the
+seventeenth canto.
+
+As a contrast to his over-sweet and cloying ideal of lascivious grace,
+Marino counterposes extravagant forms of ugliness. He loves to describe
+the loathsome incantations of witches. He shows Falserina prowling among
+corpses on a battle-field, and injecting the congealed veins of her
+resuscitated victim with abominable juices. He crowds the Cave of
+Jealousy with monsters horrible to sight and sense; depicts the
+brutality of brigands; paints hideous portraits of eunuchs, deformed
+hags, unnameable abortions. He gloats over cruelty, and revels in
+violence.[194] When Mars appears upon the scene, the orchestra of lutes
+and cymbals with which we had been lulled to sleep, is exchanged for a
+Corybantic din of dissonances. Orgonte, the emblem of pride, outdoes the
+hyperboles of Rodomonte and the lunes of Tamburlaine. Nowhere, either in
+his voluptuousness or in its counterpart of disgust, is there
+moderation. The Hellenic precept, 'Nothing overmuch,' the gracious Greek
+virtue of temperate restraint, which is for art what training is for
+athletes, discipline for soldiers, and pruning for orchard trees, has
+been violated in every canto, each phrase, the slightest motive of this
+poem. Sensuality can bear such violation better than sublimity;
+therefore the perfume of voluptuousness in the _Adone_, though
+excessive, is both penetrating and profound; while those passages which
+aim at inspiring terror or dilating the imagination, fail totally of
+their effect. The ghastly, grotesque, repulsive images are so
+overcharged that they cease even to offend. We find ourselves in a
+region where tact, sense of proportion, moral judgment, and right
+adjustment of means to ends, have been wantonly abandoned. Marino avowed
+that he only aimed at surprising his readers:
+
+    È del poeta il fin la meraviglia.
+
+[Footnote 194: See the climax to the episode of Filauro and Filora.]
+
+But 45,000 lines of sustained astonishment, of industrious and
+indefatigable appeals to wonder by devices of language, devices of
+incident, devices of rhodomontade, devices of innuendo, devices of
+_capricci_ and _concetti_, induce the stolidity of callousness. We leave
+off marveling, and yield what is left of our sensibility to the
+fascination of inexhaustible picturesqueness. For, with all his faults,
+Marino was a master of the picturesque, and did possess an art of
+fascination. The picturesque, so difficult to define, so different from
+the pictorial and the poetical, was a quality of the seventeenth century
+corresponding to its defects of bad taste. And this gift no poet shared
+in larger measure than Marino.
+
+Granted his own conditions, granted the emptiness of moral and
+intellectual substance in the man and in his age, we are compelled to
+acknowledge that his literary powers were rich and various. Few
+writers, at the same time, illustrate the vices of decadence more
+luminously than this Protean poet of vacuity. Few display more clearly
+the 'expense of spirit in a waste of shame.' None teach the dependence
+of art upon moralized and humane motives more significantly than this
+drunken Helot of genius. His indifference to truth, his defiance of
+sobriety, his conviction that the sole end of art is astonishment, have
+doomed him to oblivion not wholly merited. The critic, whose duty forces
+him to read through the _Adone_, will be left bewildered by the
+spectacle of such profuse wealth so wantonly squandered.[195] In spite
+of fatigue, in spite of disgust, he will probably be constrained to
+record his opinion that, while Tasso represented the last effort of
+noble poetry struggling after modern expression under out-worn forms of
+the Classical Revival, it was left for Marino in his levity and license
+to evoke a real and novel though _rococo_ form, which nicely
+corresponded to the temper of his times, and determined the immediate
+future of art. For this reason he requires the attention which has here
+been paid him.
+
+[Footnote 195: In support of this opinion upon Marino's merit as a poet,
+I will cite the episode of Clizio (canto i. p. 17); the tale of Psyche
+(iv. 65); the tale of the nightingale and the boy--which occurs both in
+Ford and Crashaw, by the way (vii. 112); the hymn to pleasure (vii.
+116); the passage of Venus and Adonis to the bath (viii. 133); the
+picture of the nymph and satyr (viii. 135); the personification of the
+Court (x. 167); the Cave of Jealousy (xii. 204-206); the jewel-garden of
+Falserina (xii. 218); Falserina watching Adonis asleep (xii. 225);
+Falserina's incantations (xiii. 233); Mars in the lap of Venus
+surrounded by the loves (xiii. 245); Venus disguised as a gypsy (xv.
+290); the game of chess (xv. 297); the leave-taking of Venus and Adonis
+(xvii. 332); the phantom of dead Adonis (xviii. 357); the grief of Venus
+(xviii. 358-362); the tales of Hyacinth and Pampinus (xix. 372-378). The
+references are to ed. Napoli, Boutteaux, 1861.]
+
+But how, it may be asked, was it possible to expand the story of Venus
+and Adonis into an epic of 45,000 lines? The answer to this question
+could best be given by an analysis of the twenty cantos: and since few
+living students have perused them, such a display of erudition would be
+pardonable. Marini does not, however, deserve so many pages in a work
+devoted to the close of the Italian Renaissance. It will suffice to say
+that the slender narrative of the amour of Venus and her boyish idol,
+his coronation as king of Cyprus, and his death by the boar's tusk, is
+ingeniously interwoven with a great variety of episodes. The poet finds
+occasion to relate the principal myths of Hellenic passion treating
+these in a style which frequently reminds us of Ovid's Metamorphoses; he
+borrows tales from Apuleius, Lucian, and the pastoral novelists; he
+develops the theme of jealousy in Mars and Vulcan, introduces his own
+autobiography, digresses into romantic adventures by sea and land,
+creates a rival to Venus in the sorceress Falserina, sketches the
+progress of poetry in one canto and devotes another to a panegyric of
+Italian princes, extols the House of France and adulates Marie de
+Medicis, surveys the science of the century, describes fantastic palaces
+and magic gardens, enters with curious minuteness into the several
+delights of the five senses, discourses upon Courts, ambition, avarice
+and honor, journeys over the Mediterranean, conducts a game of chess
+through fifty brilliant stanzas; in brief, while keeping his main theme
+in view, is careful to excite and sustain the attention of his readers
+by a succession of varied and ingeniously suggested novelties.
+Prolixity, indefatigable straining after sensational effect,
+interminable description, are the defects of the _Adone_; but they are
+defects related to great qualities possessed by the author, to
+inexhaustible resources, curious knowledge, the improvisatore's
+facility, the trained rhetorician's dexterity in the use of language,
+the artist's fervid delight in the exercise of his craft.
+
+Allowing for Marino's peculiar method, his _Adone_ has the excellence of
+unity which was so highly prized by the poets of his age and nation.
+Critics have maintained that the whole epic is but a development of the
+episode of Rinaldo in Armida's garden. But it is more than this. It
+contains all the main ingredients of the Italian Romance, with the
+exception of chivalry and war. There is a pastoral episode corresponding
+to that of Erminia among the shepherds, a magnificent enchantress in the
+manner of Alcina, an imprisonment of the hero which reminds us of
+Ruggiero in Atlante's magic castle, a journey like Astolfo's to the
+moon, a conflict between good and evil supernatural powers, a thread of
+allegory more or less apparent, a side glance at contemporary history;
+and these elements are so combined as to render the _Adone_ one of the
+many poems in the long romantic tradition. It differs mainly from its
+predecessors in the strict unity of subject, which subordinates each
+episode and each digression to the personal adventures of the heroine
+and hero; while the death and obsequies of Adonis afford a tragic close
+that is lacking to previous poems detached from the Carolingian cycle.
+Contemporary writers praised it as a poem of peace. But it is the poem
+of ignoble peace, of such peace as Italy enjoyed in servitude, when a
+nation of _cicisbei_ had naught to occupy their energies but sensual
+pleasure. Ingenious as Marino truly was in conducting his romance upon
+so vast a scheme through all its windings to one issue, we feel that the
+slender tale of a boy's passion for the queen of courtesans and his
+metamorphosis into the scarlet windflower of the forest supplied no
+worthy motive for this intricate machinery. The metaphor of an alum
+basket crystallized upon a petty frame of wire occurs to us when we
+contemplate its glittering ornaments, and reflect upon the poverty of
+the sustaining theme. It might in fact stand for a symbol of the
+intellectual vacancy of the age which welcomed it with rapture, and of
+the society which formed a century of taste upon its pattern.
+
+In another and higher literary quality the _Adone_ represents that
+moment of Italian development. A foreigner may hardly pass magisterial
+judgment on its diction. Yet I venture to remark that Marino only at
+rare intervals attains to purity of poetic style; even his best passages
+are deformed, not merely by conceits to which the name of _Marinism_ has
+been given, but also by gross vulgarities and lapses into trivial prose.
+Notwithstanding this want of distinction, however, he has a melody that
+never fails. The undulating, evenly on-flowing _cantilena_ of his verbal
+music sustains the reader on a tide of song. That element of poetry,
+which, as I have observed, was developed with remarkable success by
+Tasso in some parts of the _Gerusalemme_ is the main strength of the
+_Adone_. With Marino the _Chant d'Amour_ never rises so high, thrills so
+subtly, touches the soul so sweetly and so sadly, as it does in Tasso's
+verse. But in all those five thousand octave stanzas it is rarely
+altogether absent. The singing faculty of the Neapolitan was given to
+this poet of voluptuousness; and if the song is neither deep nor
+stirring, neither stately nor sublime, it is because his soul held
+nothing in its vast vacuity but sensuous joy.[196] A musical Casanova,
+an unmalignant Aretino, he sang as vulgar nature prompted; but he always
+kept on singing. His partiality for detonating dissonances, squibs and
+crackers of pyrotechnical rhetoric, braying trumpets and exploding
+popguns, which deafen and distract our ears attuned to the suave cadence
+of the _cantilena_, is no less characteristic of the Neapolitan. Marino
+had the improvisatory exuberance, the impudence, the superficial
+passion, the luxurious delight in life, and the noisiness of his
+birthplace. He also shared its love of the grotesque as complement and
+contrast to pervading beauty.
+
+[Footnote 196: There are passages of pure _cantilena_ in this poem,
+where sense is absolutely swallowed up in sound, and words become the
+mere vehicle for rhythmic melody. Of this verbal music the dirge of the
+nymphs for Adonis and the threnos of Venus afford excellent examples
+(xix. pp. 358-361). Note especially the stanza beginning:
+
+    Adone, Adone, o bell'Adon, tu giaci,
+    Nè senti i miei sospir, nè miri il pianto!
+    O bell'Adone, o caro Adon, tu taci,
+    Nè rispondi a colei che amasti tanto!
+
+There is nothing more similar to this in literature than Fra Jacopone's
+delirium of mystic love:
+
+    Amor amor Jesu, son giunto a porto;
+    Amor amor Jesu, tu m'hai menato;
+    Amor amor Jesu, dammi conforto;
+    Amor amor Jesu, si m'hai enfiamato.
+
+Only the one is written in a Mixo-Lydian, the other in a Hyper-Phrygian
+mood.
+]
+
+A serious fault to be found with Marino's style is its involved
+exaggeration in description. Who, for instance, can tolerate this
+picture of a young man's foot shod with a blue buskin?
+
+    L'animato del piè molle alabastro
+    Che oscura il latte del sentier celeste
+    Stretto alla gamba con purpureo nastro
+    Di cuoio azzurro un borsacchin gli veste.
+
+Again he carries to the point of lunacy that casuistical rhetoric,
+introduced by Ariosto and refined upon by Tasso, with which luckless
+heroines or heroes announce their doubts and difficulties to the world
+in long soliloquies. The ten stanzas which set forth Falserina's
+feelings after she has felt the pangs of love for Adonis, might pass for
+a parody:
+
+    Ardo, lassa, o non ardo! ahì qual io sento
+    Stranio nel cor non conosciuto affetto!
+    E forse ardore? ardor non è, chè spento
+    L'avrei col pianto; è ben d'ardor sospetto!
+    Sospetto no, piuttosto egli è tormento.
+    Come tormento fia, se da diletto?
+
+And so forth through eighty lines in which every conceivable change is
+rung upon _Amo o non amo?... Io vivo e moro pur.... Io non ho core
+e lo mio cor n'ha dui.... With all this effort no one is convinced of
+Falserina's emotion, and her long-winded oration reads like a
+schoolboy's exercise upon some line of the fourth Aeneid. Yet if we
+allow the sense of rhythmical melody to intervene between our
+intellectual perception and Marino's language, we shall still be able to
+translate these outpourings into something which upon the operatic stage
+would keep its value. False rhetoric and the inability to stop when
+enough and more than enough has been said upon any theme to be
+developed, are the incurable defects of Marino. His profuse _fioriture_
+compared with the simpler descant of Ariosto or Tasso remind us of
+Rossini's florid roulades beside the grace of Pergolese's or the majesty
+of Marcello's song.
+
+The peculiar quality of bad taste which is known in Italy as
+_Marinismo_, consisted in a perpetual straining after effect by
+antitheses, conceits, plans on words degenerating into equivocation, and
+such-like rhetorical grimaces. Marino's _ars poetica_ was summed up in
+this sentence: 'Chi non sa far stupir, vada alia striglia.' Therefore,
+he finds periphrases for the simplest expressions. He calls the
+nightingale _sirena de'boschi_, gunpowder _l'irreparabil fulmine
+terreno_, Columbus _il ligure Argonauta_, Galileo _il novello
+Endimione_. In these instances, what might have been expanded into a
+simile, is substituted for the proper word in order to surprise the
+reader. When he alludes to Dante, he poses a conundrum on that poet's
+surname: _Ben sull'ali liggier tre mondi canta_. The younger Palma is
+complimented on wresting the _palm_ from Titian and Veronese. Guido Reni
+is apostrophized as: _Reni onde il maggior Reno all'altro cede_[197] We
+are never safe in reading his pages from the whirr and whistle of such
+verbal fireworks. And yet it must be allowed that Marino's style is on
+the whole freer from literary affectations than that of our own
+Euphuists. It is only at intervals that the temptation to make a point
+by clever trickery seems irresistible. When he is seriously engaged upon
+a topic that stirs his nature to the depth, as in the eighth canto,
+description flows on for stanza after stanza with limpid swiftness.
+Another kind of artifice to which he has resort, is the repetition of a
+dominant word:
+
+[Footnote 197: There is a streamlet called Reno near Bologna.]
+
+    Con tai lusinghe il lusinghiero amante
+    La lusinghiera Dea lusinga e prega.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+    Godiamci, amiamei. Amor d'amor mercede,
+    Degno cambio d'amore è solo amore.
+
+This play on a word sometimes passes over into a palpable pun, as in the
+following pretty phrase:
+
+    O mia dorata ed adorata Dea.
+
+Still we feel that Shakespeare was guilty of precisely the same verbal
+impertinences. It is only intensity of feeling which prevents such lines
+as:
+
+    Take all my loves, my love, yea take them all;
+    What hast thou then more than thou hadst before?
+    No love, my love, that thou may'st true love call:
+    All mine was thine, before thou hadst this more:
+
+from being Marinistic. But it must be added that this intensity of
+feeling renders the artifice employed sublimely natural. Here we lay our
+finger on the crucial point at issue in any estimate of literary
+mannerism. What is the force of thought, the fervor of emotion, the
+acute perception of truth in nature and in man, which lies behind that
+manneristic screen? If, as in the case of Shakespeare, sufficiency or
+superabundance of these essential elements is palpable, we pardon, we
+ignore, the euphuism. But should the quality of substance fail, then we
+repudiate it and despise it. Therefore Marino, who is certainly not more
+euphuistic than Shakespeare, but who has immeasurably less of potent
+stuff in him, wears the motley of his barocco style in limbo bordering
+upon oblivion, while the Swan of Avon parades the same literary livery
+upon both summits of Parnassus. So true it is that poetry cannot be
+estimated apart from intellectual and moral contents. Had Marino
+written:
+
+    Prick love for pricking, and you beat love down:
+
+or:
+
+      'twould anger him
+    To raise a spirit in his mistress' circle
+    Of some strange nature, letting it there stand
+    Till she had laid it and conjured it down:
+
+or:
+
+    The bawdy hand of the dial is now upon
+    The prick of noon:
+
+he would have furnished his accusers with far stronger diatribes against
+words of double meaning and licentious conceits than his own pages
+offer. But since it was out of the fullness of world-wisdom that
+Shakespeare penned those phrases for Mercutio, and set them as pendants
+to the impassioned descants upon love and death which he poured from the
+lips of Romeo, they pass condoned and unperceived.
+
+Only poverty of matter and insincerity of fancy damn in Marino those
+literary affectations which he held in common with a host of
+writers--with Gorgias, Aeschylus, Chaeremon, Philostratus, among Greeks;
+with Petrarch, Boccaccio, Bembo, Aretino, Tasso, Guarini, among
+Italians; with Calderon and Cervantes, not to mention Gongora, among
+Spaniards; with the foremost French and English writers of the
+Renaissance; with all verbal artists in any age, who have sought unduly
+to refine upon their material of language. In a word, Marino is not
+condemned by his so-called Marinism. His true stigma is the inadequacy
+to conceive of human nature except under a twofold mask of sensuous
+voluptuousness and sensuous ferocity. It is this narrow and ignoble
+range of imagination which constitutes his real inferiority, far more
+than any poetical extravagance in diction. The same mean conception of
+humanity brands with ignominy the four generations over which he
+dominated--that brood of eunuchs and courtiers, churchmen and _Cavalieri
+serventi_, barocco architects and brigands, casuists and bravi,
+grimacers, hypocrites, confessors, impostors, bastards of the spirit,
+who controlled Italian culture for a hundred years.
+
+At a first glance we shall be astonished to find that this poet, who may
+justly be regarded as the corypheus of Circean orgies in the seventeenth
+century, left in MS. a grave lament upon the woes of Italy. Marino's
+_Pianto d'Italia_ has no trace of Marinism. It is composed with sobriety
+in a pedestrian style of plainness, and it tells the truth without
+reserve. Italy traces her wretchedness to one sole cause, subjection
+under Spanish rule.
+
+    Lascio ch'un re che di real non tiene
+    Altro che il nome effemminato e vile
+    A sua voglia mi reggi, e di catene
+    Barbare mi circondi il piè servile.
+
+This tyrant foments jealousy and sows seeds of discord between the
+Italian states. His viceroys are elected from the cruelest, the most
+unjust, the most rapacious, and the most luxurious of the courtiers
+crawling round his throne. The College of Cardinals is bought and sold.
+No prince dares move a finger in his family or state without consulting
+the Iberian senate; still less can he levy troops for self-defense. Yet
+throughout Europe Spanish victories have been obtained by Italian
+generals; the bravest soldiers in foreign armies are Italian exiles.
+Perhaps it may be argued that the empty titles which abound in every
+petty city, the fulsome promises on which those miserable vassals found
+their hopes, are makeweights for such miseries. Call them rather chains
+to bind the nation, lures and birdlime such as snarers use. There is but
+one quarter to which the widowed and discrowned Queen of Nations can
+appeal for succor. She turns to Carlo Emmanuele, Duke of Savoy, to the
+hills whence cometh help. It was not, however, until two centuries after
+Marino penned these patriotic stanzas, that her prayer was answered. And
+the reflection forced upon us when we read the _Pianto d'Italia_, is
+that Marino composed it to flatter a patron who at that moment
+entertained visionary schemes of attacking the Spanish hegemony.
+
+To make any but an abrupt transition from Marino to Chiabrera would be
+impossible. It is like passing from some luxurious grove of oranges and
+roses to a barren hill-top without prospect over sea or champaign. We
+are fortunate in possessing a few pages of autobiography, from which
+all that is needful to remember of Gabriello Chiabrera's personal
+history may be extracted. He was born in 1552 at Savona, fifteen days
+after his father's death. His mother made a second marriage, and left
+him to the care of an uncle, with whom at the age of nine he went to
+reside in Rome. In the house of this bachelor uncle the poor little
+orphan pined away. Fever succeeded fever, until his guardian felt that
+companionship with boys in play and study was the only chance of saving
+so frail a life as Gabriello's. Accordingly he placed the invalid under
+the care of the Jesuits in their Collegio Romano. Here the child's
+health revived, and his education till the age of twenty throve apace.
+The Jesuits seem to have been liberal in their course of training; for
+young Chiabrera benefited by private conversation with Paolo Manuzio and
+Sperone Speroni, while he attended the lectures of Muretus in the
+university.
+
+How different was this adolescence from that of Marino! Both youths grew
+to manhood without domestic influences; and both were conspicuous in
+after life for the want of that affection which abounds in Tasso. But
+here the parallel between them ends. Marino, running wild upon the
+streets of Naples, taking his fill of pleasure and adventure, picking up
+ill-digested information at hap-hazard, and forming his poetic style as
+nature prompted; Chiabrera, disciplined in piety and morals by Jesuit
+directors, imbued with erudition by an arid scholar, a formal pedant
+and an accomplished rhetorician, the three chief representatives of
+decadent Italian humanism: no contrast can be imagined greater than that
+which marked these two lads out for diverse paths in literature. The one
+was formed to be the poet of caprice and license, openly ranking with
+those
+
+    Che la ragion sommettono al talento,
+
+and making _s'ei piace ei lice_ his rule of conduct and of art. The
+other received a rigid bent toward decorum, in religious observances, in
+ethical severity, and in literature of a strictly scholastic type.
+
+Yet Chiabrera was not without the hot blood of Italian youth. His uncle
+died, and he found himself alone in the world. After spending a few
+years in the service of Cardinal Cornaro, he quarreled with a Roman
+gentleman, vindicated his honor by some act of violence, and was
+outlawed from the city. Upon this he retired to Savona; and here again
+he met with similar adventures. Wounded in a brawl, he took the law into
+his own hands, and revenged himself upon his assailant. This punctilio
+proved him to be a true child of his age; and if we may credit his own
+account of both incidents, he behaved himself as became a gentleman of
+the period. It involved him, however, in serious annoyances both at Rome
+and Savona, from which he only extricated himself with difficulty and
+which impaired his fortune. Up to the age of fifty he remained
+unmarried, and then took a wife by whom he had no children. He lived to
+the ripe age of eighty-four, always at Savona, excepting occasional
+visits to friends in Italian cities, and he died unmolested by serious
+illness after his first entrance into the Collegio Romano. How he
+occupied the leisure of that lengthy solitude may be gathered from his
+published works--two or three thick volumes of lyrics; four bulky poems
+of heroic narrative; twelve dramas, including two tragedies; thirty
+satires or epistles; and about forty miscellaneous poems in divers
+meters. In a word, he devoted his whole life to the art of poetry, for
+which he was not naturally gifted, and which he pursued in a gravely
+methodical spirit. It may be said at once that the body of his work,
+with the exception of some simple pieces of occasion, and a few chastely
+written epistles, is such as nobody can read without weariness.
+
+Before investigating Chiabrera's claim to rank among Italian poets, it
+may be well to examine his autobiography in those points which touch
+upon the temper of society. Short as it is, this document is precious
+for the light it casts upon contemporary custom. As a writer, Chiabrera
+was distinguished by sobriety of judgment, rectitude, piety, purity of
+feeling, justice toward his fellow-workers in literature, and an earnest
+desire to revive the antique virtues among his countrymen. There is no
+reason to suppose that these estimable qualities did not distinguish him
+in private life. Yet eight out of the eighteen pages of his biography
+are devoted to comically solemn details regarding the honors paid him
+by Italian princes. The Grand Duke of Florence, Ferdinand I., noticed
+him standing with uncovered head at a theatrical representation in the
+Pitti Palace. He bade the poet put his cap on and sit down. Cosimo, the
+heir apparent, showed the same condescending courtesy. When he was at
+Turin, Carlo Emmanuele, Duke of Savoy, placed a coach and pair at his
+disposal, and allowed him 300 lire for traveling expenses to and from
+Savona. But this prince omitted to appoint him lodgings in the palace,
+nor did he invite him to cover in the presence. This perhaps is one
+reason why Chiabrera refused the duke's offer of a secretaryship at
+Court. Vincenzo Gonzaga, Duke of Mantua, on the contrary, allotted him
+rooms and always suffered him to keep his hat on. The Pope, who was an
+old college friend of Chiabrera, made him handsome presents, and on one
+delightful occasion allowed him to hear a sermon in the Papal pew. The
+Doge of Genoa, officially particular in points of etiquette, always took
+care to bid him cover, although he was a subject born of the Republic.
+
+Basely insignificant as are these details, they serve to show what value
+was then ascribed even by men of real respectability to trifling
+princely favors. The unction with which Chiabrera relates them, warming
+his cold style into a glow of satisfaction, is a practical satire upon
+his endeavor to resuscitate the virtues of antique republics in that
+Italy. To do this was his principal aim as a moralist; to revive the
+grand style of Pindar was his object as an artist. Each attempt involved
+impossibility, and argued a visionary ambition dimly conscious of its
+scope. Without freedom, without the living mythology of Hellas, without
+a triumphant national cause, in the very death of independence, at the
+end of a long age of glorious but artificial culture, how could
+Chiabrera dare to pose as Pindar? Instead of the youth of Greece
+ascending with free flight and all the future of the world before it,
+decrepit Italy, the Italy so rightly drawn by Marino in his _Pianto_,
+lay groveling in the dust of decaying thrones. Her lyrist had to sing of
+pallone-matches instead of Panhellenic games; to celebrate the heroic
+conquest of two Turkish galleys by a Tuscan fleet, instead of Marathon
+and Salamis; to praise S. Lucy and S. Paul with tepid fervor, instead of
+telling how Rhodes swam at her god's bidding upward from the waves.
+
+One example will serve as well as many to illustrate the false attitude
+assumed by Chiabrera when he posed as a new Pindar in the midst of
+seventeenth-century Italians. I will select the Ode to Don Cesare
+d'Este. There is something pathetically ridiculous, in this would-be
+swan of the Dircean fount, this apostle of pagan virtues, admonishing
+the heir of Alfonso II to prove himself an obedient son of the Church by
+relinquishing his Duchy of Ferrara to the Holy See. The poet asks him,
+in fine classic phrases, whether he could bear to look on desecrated
+altars, confessionals without absolving priests, chapels without
+choristers, a people barred with bolt and lock from Paradise. How
+trivial are earthly compared with heavenly crowns! How vulgar is the
+love of power and gold! The exhortation, exquisite enough in chastened
+style, closes with this hypocritical appeal to Cesare's aristocratic
+prejudices:
+
+    Parli la plebe a suo volere, e pensi--
+    Non con la plebe hanno da gir gli Estensi.
+
+That is to say, nobility demands that the House of Este should desert
+its subjects, sacrifice its throne, crawl at a Pontiff's feet, and
+starve among a crowd of disthroned princes, wrapping the ragged purple
+of its misery around it till it, too, mixes with the people it contemns.
+
+Hopeless as the venture was, Chiabrera made it the one preoccupation of
+his life, in these untoward circumstances, to remodel Italian poetry
+upon the Greek pattern. It was a merit of the Sei Cento, a sign of
+grace, that the Italians now at last threw orthodox aesthetic precepts
+to the winds, and avowed their inability to carry the Petrarchistic
+tradition further. The best of them, Campanella and Bruno, molded vulgar
+language like metal in the furnace of a vehement imagination, making it
+the vehicle of fantastic passion and enthusiastic philosophy. From their
+crucible the Sonnet and the Ode emerged with no resemblance to
+academical standards. Grotesque, angular, gnarled, contorted, Gothic
+even, these antiquated forms beneath their wayward touch were scarcely
+recognizable. They had become the receptacles of burning, scalding,
+trenchant realities. Salvator Rosa, next below the best, forced
+indignation to lend him wings, and scaled Parnassus with brass-bound
+feet and fury. Marino, bent on riveting attention by surprises, fervid
+with his own reality of lust, employed the octave stanza as a Turkish
+Bey might use an odalisque. 'The only rule worth thinking of,' he said,
+'is to know how and when and where to break all rules, adapting
+ourselves to current taste and the fashions of the age.' His epic
+represents a successful, because a vivid, reaction against
+conventionality. The life that throbs in it is incontestable, even
+though that life may be nothing better than ephemeral. With like
+brutality of instinct, healthy because natural, the barocco architects
+embraced ugliness, discord, deformity, spasm, as an escape from harmony
+and regularity with which the times were satiated. Prose-writers burst
+the bonds of Bembo, trampled on Boccaccio, reveled in the stylistic
+debaucheries of Bartolo. Painters, rendered academic in vain by those
+Fabii of Bologna who had striven to restore the commonwealth of art by
+temporizing, launched themselves upon a sea of massacre and murder,
+blood and entrails, horrors of dark woods and Bacchanalia of chubby
+Cupids. The popular Muse of Italy meanwhile emerged with furtive grace
+and inexhaustible vivacity in dialectic poems, dances, Pulcinello,
+Bergamasque Pantaloon, and what of parody and satire, Harlequinades, and
+carnival diversions, any local soil might cherish.[198] All this revolt
+against precedent, this resurrection of primeval instinct, crude and
+grinning, took place, let us remember, under the eyes of the Jesuits,
+within the shadow of the Inquisition, in an age reformed and ordered by
+the Council of Trent. Art was following Aretino, the reprobate and
+rebel. He first amid the languors of the golden age--and this is
+Aretino's merit--discerned that the only escape from its inevitable
+exhaustion was by passing over into crudest naturalism.
+
+[Footnote 198: See Scherillo's two books on the _Commedia dell'Arte_ and
+the _Opera Buffa_.]
+
+But for Chiabrera, the excellent gentleman, the patronized of princes,
+scrupulous upon the point of honor, pupil of Jesuits, pious, twisted
+back on humanism by his Roman tutors, what escape was left for him? Obey
+the genius of his times he must. Innovate he must. He chose the least
+indecorous sphere at hand for innovation; and felt therewith most
+innocently happy. Without being precisely conscious of it, he had
+discovered a way of adhering to time-honored precedent while following
+the general impulse to discard precedent. He threw Petrarch overboard,
+but he took on Pindar for his pilot. 'When I see anything eminently
+beautiful, or hear something, or taste something that is excellent, I
+say: It is Greek Poetry.' In this self-revealing sentence lies the
+ruling instinct of the man as scholar. The highest praise he can confer
+upon Italian matters, is to call them Greek Poetry. 'When I have to
+express my aims in verse, I compare myself to Columbus, who said that he
+would discover a new world or drown.' Again, in this self-revealing
+sentence, Chiabrera betrays the instinct which in common with his period
+he obeyed. He was bound to startle society by a discovery or to drown.
+For this, be it remembered, was the time in which Pallavicino, like
+Marino, declared that poetry must make men raise their eyebrows in
+astonishment. For Chiabrera, educated as he had been, that new world
+toward which he navigated was a new Hellenic style of Italian poetry;
+and the Theban was to guide him toward its shores. But on the voyage
+Chiabrera drowned: drowned for eternity in hyper-atlantic whirlpools of
+oblivion. Some critics, pitying so lofty, so respectable an ambition,
+have whispered that he found a little Island of the Blest and there
+planted modest myrtles of mediocre immortality. Yet this is not the
+truth. On such a quest there was only failure or success. He did not
+succeed. His cold mincemeat from Diocean tables, tepid historic
+parallels, artificially concocted legends, could not create Greek poetry
+again beneath the ribs of death. The age was destined to be saved by
+music. License was its only liberty, as the _Adone_ taught. Unmusical
+Chiabrera, buckram'd up by old mythologies and sterling precepts, left
+its life untouched. His antique virtues stood, like stucco gods and
+goddesses, on pedestals in garden groves, and moldered. His Pindaric
+flights were such as a sparrow, gazing upward at a hawk, might venture
+on. Those abrupt transitions, whereby he sought to simulate the lordly
+_sprezzatura_ of the Theban eagle, 'soaring with supreme dominion in the
+azure depths of air,' remind us mainly of the hoppings of a frog.
+Chiabrera failed: failed all the more lamentably because he was so
+scholarly, so estimable. He is chiefly interesting now as the example of
+a man devoted to the Church, a pupil of Jesuits, a moralist, and a
+humanist, in some sense also a patriot, who felt the temper of his time,
+and strove to innovate in literature. Devoid of sincere sympathy with
+his academically chosen models, thinking he had discovered a safe path
+for innovation, he fell flat in the slime and perished.
+
+Marino had human life and vulgar nature, the sensualities and
+frivolities of the century, to help him. Chiabrera claimed none of these
+advantages. What had Tassoni for his outfit? Sound common sense,
+critical acumen, the irony of humor, hatred of tyrants and humbug, an
+acrid temper mollified by genial love of letters, a manly spirit of
+independence. Last, but not least, he inherited something of the old
+Elysian smile which played upon the lips of Ariosto, from which Tasso's
+melancholy shrank discomfited, which Marino smothered in the kisses of
+his courtesans, and Chiabrera banned as too ignoble for Dircean bards.
+This smile it was that cheered Tassoni's leisure when, fallen on evil
+days, he penned the _Socchia Rapita_.
+
+Alessandro Tassoni was born in 1565 of a noble Modenese family. Before
+completing his nineteenth year he won the degree of Doctor of Laws, and
+afterwards spent twelve years in studying at the chief universities of
+Lombardy. Between 1599 and 1603 he served the Cardinal Ascanio Colonna
+both in Spain and Rome, as secretary. The insight he then gained into
+the working of Spanish despotism made him a relentless enemy of that
+already decadent monarchy. When Carlo Emmanuele, Duke of Savoy, sent
+back his Collar of the Golden Fleece in 1613 and drew the sword of
+resistance against Philip III., Tassoni penned two philippics against
+Spaniards, which are the firmest, most embittered expression of
+patriotism as it then existed. He had the acuteness to perceive that the
+Spanish state was no longer in its prime of vigor, and the noble
+ingenuousness to dream that Italian princes might be roused to sink
+their rancors in a common effort after independence. As a matter of
+fact, Estensi, Medici, Farnesi, Gonzaghi, all the reigning houses as yet
+unabsorbed by Church or Spain, preferred the predominance of a power
+which sanctioned their local tyrannies, irksome and degrading as that
+overlordship was, to the hegemony of Piedmontese Macedon. And like all
+Italian patriots, strong in mind, feeble in muscle, he failed to reckon
+with the actual soldierly superiority of Spaniards. Italy could give
+generals at this epoch to her masters; but she could not count on
+levying privates for her own defense. Carlo Emmanuele rewarded the
+generous ardor of Tassoni by grants of pensions which were never paid,
+and by offices at Court which involved the poet-student in perilous
+intrigue. 'My service with the princes of the House of Savoy,' so he
+wrote at a later period, 'did not take its origin in benefits or favors
+received or expected. It sprang from a pure spontaneous motion of the
+soul, which inspired me with love for the noble character of Duke
+Charles.' When he finally withdrew from that service, he had his
+portrait painted. In his hands he held a fig, and beneath the picture
+ran a couplet ending with the words, 'this the Court gave me.'
+Throughout his life Tassoni showed an independence rare in that century.
+His principal works were published without dedications to patrons. In
+the preface to his _Remarks on Petrarch_ he expressed his opinion thus:
+'I leave to those who like them the fruitless dedications, not to say
+flatteries, which are customary nowadays. I seek no protection; for a
+lie does not deserve it, and truth is indifferent to it. Let such as
+opine that the shadow of great personages can conceal the ineptitude of
+authors, make the most of this advantage.' Believing firmly in
+astrology, he judged that his own horoscope condemned him to
+ill-success. It appears that he was born under the influence of Saturn,
+when the sun and moon were in conjunction; and he held that this
+combination of the heavenly bodies boded 'things noteworthy, yet not
+felicitous.' It was, however, difficult for a man of Tassoni's condition
+in that state of society to draw breath outside the circle of a Court.
+Accordingly, in 1626, he entered the service of the Pope's nephew,
+Cardinal Lodovisio. He did not find this much to his liking: 'I may
+compare myself to P. Emilius Metellus, when he was shod with those
+elegant boots which pinched his feet. Everybody said, Oh what fine
+boots, how well they fit! But the wretch was unable to walk in them.' On
+the Cardinal's death in 1632 Tassoni removed to the Court of Francesco
+I. of Modena, and died there in 1635.
+
+As a writer, Tassoni, in common with the best spirits of his time, aimed
+at innovation. It had become palpable to the Italians that the
+Renaissance was over, and that they must break with the traditions of
+the past. This, as I have already pointed out, was the saving virtue of
+the early seventeenth century; but what good fruits it might have
+fostered, had not the political and ecclesiastical conditions of the age
+been adverse, remains a matter for conjecture. 'It is my will and object
+to utter new opinions,' he wrote to a friend; and acting upon this
+principle, he attacked the chief prejudices of his age in philosophy and
+literature. One of his earliest publications was a miscellaneous
+collection of _Divers Thoughts_, in which he derided Aristotle's Physics
+and propounded speculations similar to those developed by Gassendi. He
+dared to cast scorn on Homer, as rude and barbarous, poor in the faculty
+of invention, taxable with at least five hundred flagrant defects. How
+little Tassoni really comprehended Homer may be judged from his
+complacent assertion that the episode of Luna and Endymion (_Secchia
+Rapita_, canto viii.) was composed in the Homeric manner. In truth he
+could estimate the Iliad and Odyssey no better than Chiabrera could the
+Pythians and Olympians of Pindar. A just sense of criticism failed the
+scholars of that age, which was too remote in its customs, too imperfect
+in its science of history, to understand the essence of Greek art. With
+equally amusing candor Tassoni passed judgments upon Dante, and thought
+that he had rivaled the Purgatory in his description of the Dawn
+(_Secchia Rapita_, viii. 15, the author's note). We must, however, be
+circumspect and take these criticisms with a grain of salt; for one
+never knows how far Tassoni may be laughing in his sleeve. There is no
+doubt, however, regarding the sincerity of his strictures upon the Della
+Cruscan Vocabulary of 1612, or the more famous inquiry into Petrarch's
+style. The _Considerazioni sopra le Rime del Petrarca_ were composed in
+1602-3 during a sea voyage from Genoa to Spain. They told what now must
+be considered the plain truth of common sense about the affectations
+into which a servile study of the _Canzoniere_ had betrayed generations
+of Italian rhymesters. Tassoni had in view Petrarch's pedantic
+imitators rather than their master; and when the storm of literary fury,
+stirred up by his work, was raging round him, he thus established his
+position: 'Surely it is allowable to censure Petrarch's poems, if a man
+does this, not from malignant envy, but from a wish to remove the
+superstitions and abuses which beget such evil effects, and to confound
+the sects of the Rabbins hardened in their perfidy of obsolete opinion,
+and in particular of such as think they cannot write straight without
+the _falsariga_ of their model.' I may observe in passing that the
+points in this paragraph are borrowed from a sympathizing letter which
+Marino addressed to the author on his essay. In another place Tassoni
+stated, 'It was never my intention to speak evil of this poet
+[Petrarch], whom I have always admired above any lyrist of ancient or
+modern times.'
+
+So independent in his conduct and so bold in his opinions was the author
+of the _Secchia Rapita_. The composition of this poem grew out of the
+disputes which followed Tassoni's _Remarks on Petrarch_. He found
+himself assailed by two scurrilous libels, which were traced to the
+Count Alessandro Brusantini, feudal lord of Culagna and Bismozza.
+Justice could not be obtained upon the person of so eminent a noble.
+Tassoni, with true Italian refinement, resolved to give himself the
+unique pleasure of ingenious vengeance. The name of the Count's fief
+supplied him with a standing dish of sarcasm. He would write a satiric
+poem, of which the Conte Culagna should be the burlesque hero. After ten
+months' labor, probably in the year 1615, the _Secchia Rapita_ already
+went abroad in MS.[199] Tassoni sought to pass it off as a product of
+his youth; but both the style and the personalities which it contained
+rendered this impossible. Privately issued, the poem had a great
+success. 'In less than a year,' writes the author, 'more MS. copies were
+in circulation than are usually sent forth from the press in ten years
+of the most famous works.' One professional scribe made 200 ducats in
+the course of a few months by reproducing it; and the price paid for
+each copy was eight crowns. It became necessary to publish the _Secchia
+Rapita_. But now arose innumerable difficulties. The printers of Modena
+and Padua refused; Giuliano Cassiani had been sent to prison in 1617 for
+publishing some verses of Testi against Spain. The Inquisition withheld
+its _imprimatur_. Attempts were made to have it printed on the sly at
+Padua; but the craftsman who engaged to execute this job was imprisoned.
+At last, in 1622, Tassoni contrived to have the poem published in Paris.
+The edition soon reached Italy. In Rome it was prohibited, but freely
+sold; and at last Gregory XV. allowed it to be reprinted with some
+canceled passages. There is, in truth, nothing prejudicial either to the
+Catholic creed or to general morality in the _Secchia Rapita_. We note,
+meanwhile, with interest, that it first saw the light at Paris, sharing
+thus the fortunes of the _Adone_, which it preceded by one year. If the
+greatest living Italians at this time were exiles, it appears that the
+two most eminent poems of their literature first saw the light on
+foreign shores.
+
+[Footnote 199: For the date 1615 see Carducci's learned essay prefixed
+to his edition of the _Secchia Rapita_ (Barbera, 1861).]
+
+The _Secchia Rapita_ is the first example of heroico-comic poetry.
+Tassoni claims in print the honor of inventing this new species, and
+tells his friends that 'though he will not pique himself on being a
+poet, still he sets some store on having discovered a new kind of poem
+and occupied a vacant seat.' The seat--and it was no Siege
+Perilous--stood indeed empty and ready to be won by any free-lance of
+letters. Folengo had burlesqued romance. But no one as yet had made a
+parody of that which still existed mainly as the unaccomplished hope of
+literature. Trissino with his _Italia Liberata_, Tasso with his
+_Gerusalemme Liberata_, tried to persuade themselves and the world that
+they had succeeded in delivering Italy in labor of an epic. But their
+maieutic ingenuity was vain. The nation carried no epic in her womb.
+Trissino's _Italia_ was a weazened changeling of erudition, and Tasso's
+_Gerusalemme_ a florid bastard of romance. Tassoni, noticing the
+imposition of these two eminent and worthy writers, determined to give
+his century an epic or heroic poem in the only form which then was
+possible. Briefly, he produced a caricature, modeled upon no existing
+work of modern art, but corresponding to the lineaments of that Desired
+of the Nation which pedants had prophesied. Unity of action celestial
+machinery, races in conflict, contrasted heroes, the wavering chance of
+war, episodes, bards, heroines, and love subordinated to the martial
+motive--all these features of the epic he viewed through the distorting
+medium of his comic art.
+
+In the days of the second Lombard League, when Frederick II. was
+fighting a losing battle with the Church, Guelf Bologna came into grim
+conflict with her Ghibelline neighbor Modena. The territory of these two
+cities formed the _champ clos_ of a duel in which the forces of Germany
+and nearly all Italy took part; and in one engagement, at Fossalta, the
+Emperor's heir, King Enzo of Sardinia, was taken captive. How he passed
+the rest of his days, a prisoner of the Bolognese, and how he begat the
+semi-royal brood of Bentivogli, is matter of history and legend. During
+this conflict memorable among the many municipal wars of Italy in the
+middle ages, it happened that some Modenese soldiers, who had pushed
+their way into the suburbs of Bologna, carried off a bucket and
+suspended it as a trophy in the bell-tower of the cathedral, where it
+may still be seen. One of the peculiarities of those mediaeval struggles
+which roused the rivalry of towns separated from each other by a few
+miles of fertile country, and which raged through generations till the
+real interests at issue were confounded in blind animosity of neighbor
+against neighbor--was the sense of humor and of sarcasm they encouraged.
+To hurl dead donkey against your enemy's town-wall passed for a good
+joke, and discredited his honor more than the loss of a hundred fighting
+men in a pitched battle. Frontier fortresses received insulting names,
+like the Perugian _Becca di questo_, or like the Bolognese _Grevalcore_.
+There was much, in fact, in these Italian wars which reminds one of the
+hostilities between rival houses in a public school.
+
+Such being the element of humor ready to hand in the annals of his
+country, Tassoni chose the episode of the Bolognese bucket for the theme
+of a mock-heroic epic. He made what had been an insignificant incident
+the real occasion of the war, and grouped the facts of history around it
+by ingenious distortions of the truth. The bucket is the Helen of his
+Iliad:[200]
+
+    Vedrai s'al cantar mio porgi l'orecchia,
+    Elena trasformarsi in una secchia.
+
+[Footnote 200: Canto i. 2.]
+
+A mere trifle thus becomes a point of dispute capable of bringing gods,
+popes, emperors, kings, princes, cities, and whole nations into
+conflict. At the same time the satirist betrays his malice by departing
+as little as possible from the main current of actual events. History
+lends verisimilitude to the preposterous assumption that heaven and
+earth were drawn into a squabble about a bucket: and if there is any
+moral to be derived from the _Secchia Rapita_ we have it here. At the
+end of the contention, when both parties are exhausted, it is found
+that the person of a king weighs in the scale of nations no more than an
+empty bucket:[201]
+
+    Riserbando ne' patti a i Modanesi
+    La secchia, e 'l re de'Sardi ai Bolognesi.
+
+Such is the main subject of the _Secchia Rapita_; and such is Tassoni's
+irony, an irony worthy of Aristophanes in its far-reaching indulgent
+contempt for human circumstance. But the poem has another object. It was
+written to punish Count Alessandro Brusantini. The leading episode,
+which occupies about three cantos of the twelve, is an elaborate
+vilification of this personal enemy travestied as the contemptible Conte
+di Culagna.
+
+Tassoni's method of art corresponds to the irony of his inspiration. We
+find his originality in a peculiar blending of serious and burlesque
+styles, in abrupt but always well-contrived transitions from heroical
+magniloquence to plebeian farce and from scurrility to poetic elevation,
+finally in a frequent employment of the figure which the Greeks called
+[Greek: para prosdokian]. His poem is a parody of the Aristophanic type.
+'Like a fantastically ironical magic tree, the world-subversive idea
+which lies at the root of it springs up with blooming ornament of
+thoughts, with singing nightingales and climbing chattering apes.'[202]
+To seek a central motive or a sober meaning in this caprice of the
+satirical imagination would be idle. Tassoni had no intention, as some
+critics have pretended, to exhibit the folly of those party wars which
+tore the heart of Italy three centuries before his epoch, to teach the
+people of his day the miseries of foreign interference, or to strike a
+death-blow at classical mythology. The lesson which can be drawn from
+his cantos, that man in warfare disquiets himself in vain for naught,
+that a bucket is as good a _casus belli_ as Helen, the moral which
+Southey pointed in his ballad of the Battle of Blenheim, emerges, not
+from the poet's design, but from the inevitable logic of his humor.
+Pique inspired the _Secchia Rapita_, and in the despicable character of
+Count Culagna he fully revenged the slight which had been put upon him.
+The revenge is savage, certainly; for the Count remains 'immortally
+immerded' in the long-drawn episode which brought to view the shame of
+his domestic life. Yet while Tassoni drew blood, he never ceased to
+smile; and Count Culagna remains for us a personage of comedy rather
+than of satire.
+
+[Footnote 201: Canto xii. 77.]
+
+[Footnote 202: So Heine wrote of Aristophanes. See my essay in _Studies
+of the Greek Poets_.]
+
+In the next place, Tassoni meant to ridicule the poets of his time. He
+calls the _Secchia Rapita_ 'an absurd caprice, written to burlesque the
+modern poets.' His genius was nothing if not critical, and literature
+afforded him plenty of material for fun. Romance-writers with their
+jousts and duels and armed heroines, would-be epic poets with their
+extra-mundane machinery and pomp of phrase, Marino and his hyperbolical
+conceits, Tuscan purists bent on using only words of the Tre Cento,
+Petrarchisti spinning cobwebs of old metaphors and obsolete periphrases,
+all felt in turn the touch of his light lash. The homage paid to
+Petrarch's stuffed cat at Arquà supplied him with a truly Aristophanic
+gibe.[203] Society comes next beneath his ferule. There is not a city of
+Italy which Tassoni did not wring in the withers of its self-conceit.
+The dialects of Ferrara, Bologna, Bergamo, Florence, Rome, lend the
+satirist vulgar phrases when he quits the grand style and, taking
+Virgil's golden trumpet from his lips, slides off into a _canaille_
+drawl or sluice of Billingsgate. Modena is burlesqued in her presiding
+Potta, gibbeted for her filthy streets. The Sienese discover that the
+world accounts them lunatics. The Florentines and Perugians are branded
+for notorious vice. Roman foppery, fantastical in feminine
+pretentiousness, serves as a foil to drag Culagna down into the ditch of
+ignominy. Here and there, Tassoni's satire is both venomous and pungent,
+as when he paints the dotage of the Empire, stabs Spanish pride of
+sovereignty, and menaces the Papacy with insurrection. But for the most
+part, like Horace in the phrase of Persius, he plays about the vitals of
+the victims who admit him to their confidence--_admissus circum
+praecordia ludit_.
+
+[Footnote 203: Canto viii. 33, 34.]
+
+We can but regret that so clear-sighted, so urbane and so truly
+Aristophanic a satirist had not a wider field to work in.
+Seventeenth-century Italy was all too narrow for his genius; and if the
+_Secchia Rapita_ has lost its savor, this is less the poet's fault than
+the defect of his material. He was strong enough to have brought the
+Athens of Cleon, the France of Henri III., or the England of James I.
+within the range of his distorting truth-revealing mirror. Yet, even as
+it was, Tassoni opened several paths for modern humorists. Rabelais
+might have owned that caricature of Mars and Bacchus rioting in a tavern
+bed with Venus travestied as a boy, and in the morning, after
+breakfasting divinely on two hundred restorative eggs, escaping with the
+fear of a scandalized host and the police-court before their eyes. Yet
+Rabelais would hardly have brought this cynical picture of crude
+debauchery into so fine a contrast with the celestial environment of
+gods and goddesses. True to his principle of effect by alternation,
+Tassoni sometimes sketches the deities whom he derides, in the style of
+Volpato engravings after Guido. They move across his canvas with
+ethereal grace. What can be more charming than Diana visiting Endymion,
+and confessing to the Loves that all her past career as huntress and as
+chaste had been an error? Venus, too, when she takes that sensuously
+dreamy all-poetic journey across the blue Mediterranean to visit
+golden-haired King Enzo in his sleep, makes us forget her entrance into
+Modena disguised as a lad trained to play female parts upon the stage.
+This blending of true elegance with broad farce is a novelty in modern
+literature. We are reminded of the songs of the Mystae on the meadows of
+Elysium in the _Frogs_. Scarron and Voltaire, through the French
+imitators of Tassoni, took lessons from his caricature of Saturn, the
+old diseased senator traveling in a sedan chair to the celestial
+parliament, with a clyster-pipe in front of him and his seat upon a
+close stool. Molière and Swift, votaries of Cloacina, were anticipated
+in the climax of Count Culagna's attempt to poison his wife, and in the
+invention of the enchanted ass so formidable by Parthian discharges on
+its adversary. Over these births of Tassoni's genius the Maccaronic Muse
+of Folengo and his Bolognese predecessors presided. There is something
+Lombard, a smack of sausage in the humor. But it remained for the
+Modenese poet to bring this Mafelina into the comity of nations. We are
+not, indeed, bound to pay her homage. Yet when we find her inspiring
+such writers as Swift, Voltaire, Sterne and Heine, it is well to
+remember that Tassoni first evoked her from Mantuan gutters and the
+tripe-shops of Bologna.
+
+'The fantastically ironical magic tree' of the _Secchia Rapita_ spread
+its green boughs not merely for chattering baboons. Nightingales sang
+there. The monkey-like Culagna, with his tricks and antics, disappears.
+Virtuous Renoppia, that wholesome country lass, the _bourgeois_
+counterpart of Bradamante, withholds her slipper from the poet's head
+when he is singing sad or lovely things of human fortune. Our eyes,
+rendered sensitive by vulgar sights, dwell with unwonted pleasure on the
+chivalrous beauty of King Enzo. Ernesto's death touches our sympathy
+with pathos, in spite of the innuendo cast upon his comrade Jaconìa.
+Paolo Malatesta rides with the shades of doom, the Dantesque cloud of
+love and destiny, around his forehead, through that motley mock-heroic
+band of burghers. Manfredi, consumed by an unholy passion for his
+sister, burns for one moment, like a face revealed by lightning, on our
+vision and is gone. Finally, when the mood seizes him (for Tassoni
+persuades us into thinking he is but the creature of caprice), he tunes
+the soft idyllic harp and sings Endymion's love-tale in strains soft as
+Marino's, sweet as Tasso's, outdoing Marino in delicacy, Tasso in
+reserve. This episode moved rigid Alfieri to admiration. It remains
+embedded in a burlesque poem, one of the most perfectly outlined
+triumphs of refined Italian romantic art. Yet such was the strength of
+the master's hand, so loyal was he to his principle of contrast, that he
+cuts the melodious idyl short with a twang of the guitar-strings, and
+strikes up a tavern ballad on Lucrezia. The irony which ruled his art
+demanded this inversion of proprieties. Cynthia wooing Endymion shows us
+woman in her frailty; Lucrece violated by Tarquin is woman in her
+dignity. The ironical poet had to adorn the first story with his
+choicest flowers of style and feeling, to burlesque the second with his
+grossest realism.
+
+This antithesis between sustained poetry and melodiously-worded slang,
+between radiant forms of beauty and grotesque ugliness, penetrates the
+_Secchia Rapita_ in every canto and in every detail. We pass from
+battle-scenes worthy of Ariosto and Tasso at their best into ditches of
+liquid dung. Ambassadors are introduced with touches that degrade them
+to the rank of _commis voyageurs_. Before the senate the same men utter
+orations in the style of Livy. The pomp of war is paraded, its machinery
+of catapults is put in motion, to discharge a dead ass into a besieged
+town; and when the beleagured garrison behold it flying through the air,
+they do not take the donkey for a taunt, but for a heavenly portent. A
+tournament is held and very brave in their attire are all the
+combatants. But according to its rules the greatest sluggard wins the
+crown of honor. Even in the similes, which formed so important an
+element of epic decoration, the same principle of contrast is
+maintained. Fine vignettes from nature in the style consecrated by
+Ariosto and Tasso introduce ludicrous incidents. Vulgar details picked
+up from the streets prepare us for touches of pathos or poetry.
+
+Tassoni takes high rank as a literary artist for the firmness with which
+he adhered to his principle of irony, and for the facility of vigor
+which conceals all traces of effort in so difficult a task. I may be
+thought to have pitched his praise too high. But those will forgive me
+who enjoy the play of pure sharp-witted fancy, or who reflect upon the
+sadness of the theme which occupies my pen in these two volumes.
+
+Of the four poets to whom this chapter is devoted, Guarini, Marino, and
+Tassoni were successful, Chiabrera was a respectable failure. The reason
+of this difference is apparent. In the then conditions of Italian
+society, at the close of a great and glorious period of varied culture,
+beneath the shadow of a score of Spaniardizing princelings, with the
+spies of the Inquisition at every corner, and the drill of the
+Tridentine Council to be gone through under Jesuitical direction, there
+was no place for a second Pindar. But there was scope for decorative
+art, for sensuous indulgence, and for genial irony. Happy the man who
+paced his vineyards, dreaming musically of Arcadia! Happy the man who
+rolled in Circe's pigsty! Happy the man who sat in his study and
+laughed! Therefore the most meritorious productions of the time,
+Boccalini's _Ragguagli di Parnaso_, Bracciolini's _Scherno degli Dei_,
+have a touch of Tassoni's humor in them; while Achillini and Preti limp
+somewhat feebly after Marino's Alcibidean swagger, and endless pastorals
+pullulate from Guarini's tragi-comedy. We need not occupy our minds with
+these secondary writers, nor do more than indicate the scholarly
+niceness with which Filicaja in the second half of the seventeenth
+century continued Chiabrera's tradition. But one word must be said in
+honor of Fulvio Testi, the Modenese poet and statesman, who paid for the
+fame of a Canzone with his head. He has a double interest for us: first,
+because Leopardi esteemed him the noblest of Italian lyrists after
+Petrarch; secondly, because his fate proved that Tasso's dread of
+assassination was not wholly an illusion. Reading the ode addressed to
+Count Raimondo Montecuccoli, _Ruscelletto orgoglioso_, the ode which
+brought Testi to the block in a dungeon of the Estensi, we comprehend
+what Leopardi meant by his high panegyric. It is a piece of poetry,
+lofty in style, grave in movement, pregnant with weighty thought, stern
+and rugged, steeped in a sublimity of gloom and Stoicism which remind us
+of the author of _La Ginestra_. The century produced little that bore a
+stamp so evident of dignity and greatness.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XII.
+
+PALESTRINA AND THE ORIGINS OF MODERN MUSIC.
+
+     Italy in Renaissance produces no National School of Music--Flemish
+     Composers in Rome--Singers and Orchestra--The Chaotic Indecency of
+     this Contrapuntal Style--Palestrina's Birth and Early
+     History--Decrees of the Tridentine Council upon Church Music--The
+     Mass of Pope Marcello--Palestrina Satisfies the Cardinals with his
+     New Style of Sacred Music--Pius IV. and his Partiality for
+     Music--Palestrina and Filippo Neri--His Motetts--The Song of
+     Solomon set to Melody--Palestrina, the Saviour of Music--The
+     Founder of the Modern Style--Florentine Essays in the Oratorio.
+
+It is a singular fact that while Italy led all the European races in
+scholarship and literature, in the arts of sculpture and painting, in
+commerce and the sciences of life, she had developed no national school
+of music in the middle of the sixteenth century. Native melody might
+indeed be heard in abundance along her shores and hillsides, in city
+streets and on the squares where men and girls danced together at
+evening. But such melody was popular; it could not be called artistic or
+scientific. The music which resounded through the Sistine Chapel,
+beneath the Prophets of Michel Angelo, on high days and festivals, was
+not Italian. The composers of it came for the most part from Flemish or
+French provinces, bearing the names of Josquin Deprès, of Andrew
+Willaert, of Eleazar Genet, of James Arkadelt, of Claude Gondimel; and
+the performers were in like manner chiefly ultramontanes. Julius II. in
+1513 founded a chapel in the Vatican Basilica called the Cappella Giulia
+for the maintenance of twelve male singers, twelve boys, and two masters
+of the choristers. In doing so it was his object to encourage a Roman
+school of music and to free the Chapter of S. Peter's from the
+inconvenience of being forced to engage foreign choir-men. His scheme,
+however, had been only partially successful. As late as 1540, we find
+that the principal composers and musicians in Rome were still
+foreigners. To three Italians of repute, there were five Flemings, three
+Frenchmen, three Spaniards, one German, and one Portuguese.[204]
+
+[Footnote 204: See Baini, _Life of Palestrina_, vol. ii. p. 20.]
+
+The Flemish style of contrapuntal or figured harmony, which had
+enchanted Europe by its novelty and grace when Josquin Deprès, in the
+last quarter of the fifteenth century, brought it into universal vogue,
+was still dominant in Italy. But this style already showed unmistakable
+signs of decadence and dissolution. It had become unfit for
+ecclesiastical uses, and by the exaggeration of its qualities it was
+tending to anarchy. The grand defect of Flemish music, considered as an
+art of expression, was that it ignored propriety and neglected the
+libretto. Instead of exercising original invention, instead of suiting
+melodies to words by appropriate combinations of sound and sense, the
+composers chose any musical themes that came to hand, and wrought them
+up into elaborate contrapuntal structures without regard for their book.
+The first words of a passage from the Creed, for instance, were briefly
+indicated at the outset of the number: what followed was but a
+reiteration of the same syllables, and divided in the most arbitrary
+manner to suit the complicated descant which they had to serve. The
+singers could not adapt their melodic phrases to the liturgical text,
+since sometimes passages of considerable length fell upon a couple of
+syllables, while on the contrary a long sentence might have no more than
+a bar or even less assigned to it. They were consequently in the habit
+of drawling out or gabbling over the words, regardless of both sense and
+sentiment. Nor was this all. The composers of the Flemish school prided
+themselves on overloading their work with every kind of intricate and
+difficult ornament, exhibiting their dexterity by canons of many types,
+inversions, imitations, contrapuntal devices of divers ingenious and
+distracting species. The verbal theme became a mere basis for the
+utterance of scientific artifices and the display of vocal gymnastics.
+The singers, for their part, were allowed innumerable licenses. While
+the bass sustained the melody, the other voices indulged in extempore
+descant (_composizione alla mente_) and in extravagances of technical
+execution (_rifiorimenti_), regardless of the style of the main
+composition, violating time, and setting even the fundamental tone at
+defiance.
+
+The composers, to advance another step in the analysis of this strange
+medley, took particular delight in combining different sets of words,
+melodies of widely diverse character, antagonistic rhythms and divergent
+systems of accentuation in a single piece. They assigned these several
+ingredients to several parts; and for the further exhibition of their
+perverse skill, went even to the length of coupling themes in the major
+and the minor.
+
+The most obvious result of such practice was that it became impossible
+to understand what words were being sung, and that instead of concord
+and order in the choir, a confused discord and anarchy of dinning sounds
+prevailed. What made the matter from an ecclesiastical point of view
+still worse, was that these scholastically artificial compositions were
+frequently based on trivial and vulgar tunes, suggesting the tavern, the
+dancing-room, or even worse places, to worshipers assembled for the
+celebration of a Sacrament. Masses bore titles adopted from the popular
+melodies on which they were founded: such, for example, as 'Adieu mes
+amours,' 'A l'ombre d'un buissonnet,' 'Baise-moi,' 'L'ami baudichon
+madame,' 'Le vilain jaloux.' Even the words of love-ditties and obscene
+ballads in French, Flemish, and Italian, were being squalled out by the
+tenor while the bass gave utterance to an _Agnus_ or a _Benedictus_, and
+the soprano was engaged upon the verses of a Latin hymn. Baini, who
+examined hundreds of these Masses and motetts in MS., says that the
+words imported into them from vulgar sources 'make one's flesh creep and
+one's hair stand on end.' He does not venture to do more than indicate a
+few of the more decent of these interloping verses; but mentions one
+_Kyrie_, in which the tenor sang _Je ne vis oncques la pareille_; a
+_Sanctus_, in which he had to utter _gracieuse gente mounyere_; and a
+_Benedictus_, where the same offender was employed on _Madame, faites
+moy sçavoir_. As an augmentation of this indecency, numbers from a Mass
+or motett which started with the grave rhythm of a Gregorian tone, were
+brought to their conclusion on the dance measure of a popular _ballata_,
+so that _Incarnatus est_ or _Kyrie eleison_ went jigging off into
+suggestions of Masetto and Zerlina at a village ball.
+
+To describe all the impertinences to which the customs of vocal
+execution then in vogue gave rise, by means of flourishes,
+improvisations, accelerations of time and multitudinous artifices
+derived from the _ad libitum_ abuses of the fugal machinery, would serve
+no purpose. But it may be profitably mentioned that the mischief was not
+confined to the vocal parts. Organ and orchestra of divers instruments
+were allowed the same liberty of improvising on the given theme,
+embroidering these with fanciful _capricci_, and indulging their own
+taste in symphonies connected with the main structure by slight and
+artificial links. Instrumental music had not yet taken an independent
+place in art. The lute, the trumpet, or the stops of the organ, followed
+and imitated the voice; and thus in this confusion a choir of stringed
+and wind instruments was placed in competition with the singing
+choir.[205] It would appear that the composer frequently gave but a
+ground-sketch of his plan, without troubling himself to distribute
+written parts to the executants. The efflorescences, excursuses and
+episodes to which I have alluded, were supplied by artists whom long
+training in this kind of music enabled to perform their separate sallies
+and to execute their several antics within certain limits of recognized
+license. But since each vied with the other to produce striking effects,
+the choir rivaling the orchestra, the tenor competing with the bass, the
+organ with the viol, it followed that the din of their accumulated
+efforts was not unjustly compared to that made by a 'sty of grunting
+pigs,' the builders of the Tower of Babel, or the 'squalling of cats in
+January.'[206] 'All their happiness,' writes a contemporary critic,
+'consisted in keeping the bass singer to the fugue, while at the same
+time one voice was shouting out _Sanctus_, another _Sabaoth_, a third
+_gloria tua_, with howlings, bellowings and squealings that cannot be
+described.'
+
+[Footnote 205: While the choir was singing, the orchestra was playing
+concerted pieces called _ricercari_, in which the vocal parts were
+reproduced.]
+
+[Footnote 206: See the original passages from contemporary writers
+quoted by Baini, vol. i. pp. 102-104. Savonarola went so far as to
+affirm: 'Che questo canto figurato l'ha trovato Satanasso,' a phrase
+quite in the style of a Puritan abusing choirs and organs.]
+
+It must not be thought that this almost unimaginable state of things
+indicated a defect either of intellectual capacity or of artistic skill.
+It was due rather to the abuse of science and of virtuosity, both of
+which had attained to a high degree of development. It manifested the
+decadence of music in its immaturity, through over-confident employment
+of exuberant resources on an end inadequate for the fulfillment of the
+art. Music, it must be remembered, unlike literature and plastic art,
+had no antique tradition to assimilate, no masterpieces of accomplished
+form to study. In the modern world it was an art without connecting
+links to bind it to the past. And this circumstance rendered it liable
+to negligent treatment by a society that prided itself upon the recovery
+of the classics. The cultivated classes abandoned it in practice to
+popular creators of melody upon the one hand, and to grotesque
+scholastic pedants on the other. And from the blending of those
+ill-accorded elements arose the chaos which I have attempted to
+describe.
+
+Learned composers in the style developed by the Flemish masters had
+grown tired of writing simple music for four voices and a single choir.
+They reveled in the opportunity of combining eight vocal parts and
+bringing three choirs with accompanying orchestras into play at the same
+time. They were proud of proving how by counterpoint the most dissimilar
+and mutually-jarring factors could be wrought into a whole, intelligible
+to the scientific musician, though unedifying to the public. In the
+neglect of their art, considered as an art of interpretation and
+expression, they abandoned themselves to intricate problems and to the
+presentation of incongruous complexities.
+
+The singers were expert in rendering difficult passages, in developing
+unpromising motives, and in embroidering the arras-work of the composer
+with fanciful extravagances of vocal execution. The instrumentalists
+were trained in the art of copying effects of fugue or madrigal by lutes
+and viols in concerted pieces. The people were used to dance and sing
+and touch the mandoline together; in every house were found amateurs who
+could with voice and string produce the studied compositions of the
+masters.
+
+What was really lacking, amid this exuberance of musical resources, in
+this thick jungle of technical facilities, was a controlling element of
+correct taste, a right sense of the proper function of music as an
+interpretative art. On the very threshold of its modern development,
+music had fallen into early decay owing to the misapplication of the
+means so copiously provided by nature and by exercise. A man of genius
+and of substantial intuition into the real ends of vocal music was
+demanded at this moment, who should guide the art into its destined
+channel. And in order to elicit such a creator of new impulses, such a
+Nomothetes of the disordered state, it was requisite that external
+pressure should be brought to bear upon the art. An initiator of the
+right caliber was found in Palestrina. The pressure from without was
+supplied by the Council of Trent.
+
+It may here be parenthetically remarked that music, all through modern
+history, has needed such legislators and initiators of new methods.
+Considered as an art of expression, she has always tended to elude
+control, to create for herself a domain extraneous to her proper
+function, and to erect her resources of mere sound into
+self-sufficingness. What Palestrina effected in the sixteenth century,
+was afterwards accomplished on a wider platform by Gluck in the
+eighteenth, and in our own days the same deliverance has been attempted
+by Wagner. The efforts of all these epoch-making musicians have been
+directed toward restraining the tendencies of music to assert an
+independence, which for herself becomes the source of weakness by
+reducing her to co-operation with insignificant words, and which renders
+her subservient to merely technical dexterities.
+
+Giovanni Pier Luigi, called Palestrina from his birthplace in one of the
+Colonna fiefs near Rome, the ancient Praeneste, was born of poor
+parents, in the year 1524, He went to Rome about 1540, and began his
+musical career probably as a choir-boy in one of the Basilicas. Claude
+Goudimel, the Besançon composer, who subsequently met a tragic death at
+Lyons in a massacre of Huguenots, had opened a school of harmony in
+Rome, where Palestrina learned the first rudiments of that science. What
+Palestrina owed to Goudimel, is not clear. But we have the right to
+assume that the Protestant part-songs of the French people which
+Goudimel transferred to the hymn-books of the Huguenots, had a potent
+influence upon the formation of his style. They may have been for him
+what the Chorales of Germany were for the school of Bach.[207]
+Externally, Palestrina's life was a very uneventful one, and the records
+collected with indefatigable diligence by his biographer have only
+brought to light changes from one post to another in several Basilicas,
+and unceasing industry in composition. The vast number of works
+published by Palestrina in his lifetime, or left in MS. at his death, or
+known to have been written and now lost, would be truly astonishing were
+it not a fact that very eminent creative genius is always copious, and
+in no province of the arts more fertile than in that of music.
+Palestrina lived and died a poor man. In his dedications he occasionally
+remarks with sober pathos on the difficulty of pursuing scientific
+studies in the midst of domestic anxiety. His pay was very small, and
+the expense of publishing his works, which does not seem to have been
+defrayed by patrons, was at that time very great. Yet he enjoyed an
+uncontested reputation as the first of living composers, the saviour of
+Church music, the creator of a new style; and on his tomb, in 1594, was
+inscribed this title: _Princeps Musicae_.
+
+[Footnote 207: See Michelet, _Histoire de France_, vol. xi. pp. 76, 101,
+vol. xii. p. 383 (Paris: Lacroix, 1877).]
+
+The state of confusion into which ecclesiastical music had fallen,
+rendered it inevitable that some notice of so grave a scandal should be
+taken by the Fathers of the Tridentine Council in their deliberations on
+reform of ritual. It appears, therefore, that in their twenty-second
+session (September 17, 1562) they enjoined upon the Ordinaries to
+'exclude from churches all such music as, whether through the organ or
+the singing, introduces anything of impure or lascivious, in order that
+the house of God may truly be seen to be and may be called the house of
+prayer.'[208] In order to give effect to this decree of the Tridentine
+Council, Pius IV. appointed a congregation of eight Cardinals upon
+August 2, 1564, among whom three deserve especial mention--Michele
+Ghislieri, the Inquisitor, who was afterwards Pope Pius V.; Carlo
+Borromeo, the sainted Archbishop of Milan; and Vitellozzo Vitellozzi. It
+was their business, among other matters of reform, to see that the
+Church music of Rome was instantly reduced to proper order in accordance
+with the decree of the Council. Carlo Borromeo was nephew and chief
+minister of the reigning Pope. Vitellozzo Vitellozzi was a young man of
+thirty-three years, who possessed a singular passion for music.
+
+[Footnote 208: Baini, i. p. 196.]
+
+To these two members of the congregation, as a sub-committee, was
+deputed the special task of settling the question of ecclesiastical
+music, it being stipulated that they should by all means see that
+sufficient clearness was introduced into the enunciation of the
+liturgical words by the singers.
+
+I will here interrupt the thread of the narration, in order to touch
+upon the legendary story which connects Palestrina incorrectly with what
+subsequently happened. It was well known that on the decisions of the
+sub-committee of the congregation hung the fate of Church music. For
+some while it seemed as though music might be altogether expelled from
+the rites of the Catholic Ecclesia. And it soon became matter of history
+that Palestrina had won the cause of his art, had maintained it in its
+eminent position in the ritual of Rome, and at the same time had opened
+a new period in the development of modern music by the production of his
+Mass called the _Mass of Pope Marcellus_ at this critical moment. These
+things were true; and when the peril had been overpassed, and the actual
+circumstances of the salvation and revolution of Church music had been
+forgotten, the memory of the crisis and the title of the victorious Mass
+remained to form a mythus. The story ran that the good Pope Marcellus,
+who occupied the Holy See for only twenty-two days, in the year 1555,
+determined on the abolition of all music but Plain Song in the Church;
+hearing of which resolve, Palestrina besought him to suspend his decree
+until he had himself produced and presented a Mass conformable to
+ecclesiastical propriety. Marcello granted the chapel-master this
+request; and on Easter Day, the Mass, which saved Church music from
+destruction, was performed with the papal approval and the applause of
+Rome. It is not necessary to point out the many impossibilities and
+contradictions involved in this legend, since the real history of the
+Mass which wrought salvation for Church music, lies before us plainly
+written in the prolix pages of Baini. Yet it would have vexed me to pass
+by in silence so interesting and instructive an example of the mode by
+which the truth of history is veiled in legend.
+
+Truth is always more interesting than fiction, and the facts of this
+important episode in musical history are not without their element of
+romance. There is no doubt that there was a powerful party in the
+Catholic Church imbued with a stern ascetic or puritanical spirit, who
+would gladly have excluded all but Plain Song from her services. Had
+Michele Ghislieri instead of the somewhat worldly Angelo de'Medici been
+on the Papal throne, or had the decision of the musical difficulty been
+delegated to him by the congregation of eight Cardinals in 1564,
+Palestrina might not have obtained that opportunity of which he so
+triumphantly availed himself. But it happened that the reigning Pope was
+a lover of the art, and had a special reason for being almost
+superstitiously indulgent to its professors. While he was yet a
+Cardinal, in the easy-going days of Julius III., Angelo de'Medici had
+been invited with other princes of the Church to hear the marvelous
+performances upon the lute and the incomparable improvisations of a boy
+called Silvio Antoniano. The meeting took place at a banquet in the
+palace of the Venetian Cardinal Pisani. When the guests were assembled,
+the Cardinal Rannuccio Farnese put together a bouquet of flowers, and
+presenting these to the musician, bade him give them to that one of the
+Cardinals who should one day be chosen Pope. Silvio without hesitation
+handed the flowers to Angelo de'Medici, and taking up his lute began to
+sing his praises in impassioned extempore verse. After his election to
+the Papacy, with the title of Pius IV., Angelo de'Medici took Silvio
+into his service, and employed him in such honorable offices that the
+fortunate youth was finally advanced to the dignity of Cardinal under
+the reign of Clement VIII., in 1598.[209]
+
+[Footnote 209: It will be remembered that this Silvio Antoniano was one
+of the revisers of Tasso's poem, and the one who gave him most trouble.]
+
+It was therefore necessary for the congregation of musical reform to
+take the Pope's partiality for this art into consideration; and they
+showed their good will by choosing his own nephew, together with a
+notorious amateur of music, for their sub-committee. The two Cardinals
+applied to the College of Pontifical Singers for advice; and these
+deputed eight of their number--three Spaniards, one Fleming, and four
+Italians--to act as assistants in the coming deliberations. It was soon
+agreed that Masses and motetts in which different verbal themes were
+jumbled, should be prohibited; that musical motives taken from profane
+songs should be abandoned; and that no countenance should be given to
+compositions or words invented by contemporary poets. These three
+conditions were probably laid down as indispensable by the Cardinals in
+office before proceeding to the more difficult question of securing a
+plain and intelligible enunciation of the sacred text. When the
+Cardinals demanded this as the essential point in the proposed reform,
+the singers replied that it would be impossible in practice. They were
+so used to the complicated structure of figured music, with its canons,
+fugal intricacies, imitations and inversions, that they could not even
+imagine a music that should be simple and straightforward, retaining the
+essential features of vocal harmony, and yet allowing the words on which
+it was composed to be distinctly heard. The Cardinals rebutted these
+objections by pointing to the Te Deum of Costanzo Festa (a piece which
+has been always sung on the election of a new Pope from that day to our
+own times) and to the Improperia of Palestrina, which also holds its own
+in the service of the Sistine. But the singers answered that these were
+exceptional pieces, which, though they might fulfill the requirements of
+the Congregation of Reform, could not be taken as the sole models for
+compositions involving such variety and length of execution as the Mass.
+Their answer proved conclusively to what extent the contrapuntal style
+had dissociated itself from the right object of all vocal music, that of
+interpreting, enforcing, and transfiguring the words with which it
+deals, and how it had become a mere art for the scientific development
+of irrelevant and often impertinent melodic themes.
+
+In order to avoid an absolute deadlock, which might have resulted in the
+sacrifice of ecclesiastical harmony, and have inflicted a death-blow on
+modern music, the committee agreed to refer their difficulties to
+Palestrina. On the principle of _solvitur ambulando_, he was invited to
+study the problem, and to produce a trial piece which should satisfy the
+conditions exacted by the Congregation as well as the requirements of
+the artists. Literally, he received commission to write a Mass in sober
+ecclesiastical style, free from all impure and light suggestions in the
+themes, the melodies and the rhythms, which should allow the sacred
+words in their full sense to be distinctly heard, without sacrificing
+vocal harmony and the customary interlacing of fugued passages. If he
+succeeded, the Cardinals promised to make no further innovation; but if
+he failed, Carlo Borromeo warned him that the Congregation of Reform
+would disband the choral establishments of the Pontifical Chapel and the
+Roman churches, and prohibit the figured style in vogue, in pursuance
+of the clear decision of the Tridentine Council.
+
+This was a task of Hercules imposed on Palestrina. The art to which he
+had devoted his lifetime, the fame which he had acquired as a composer,
+the profession by which he and all his colleagues gained their daily
+bread, depended on his working out the problem. He was practically
+commanded to discover a new species of Church music, or to behold the
+ruin of himself and his companions, the extinction of the art and
+science he so passionately loved. Truly may his biographer remark: 'I am
+deliberately of opinion that no artist either before or since has ever
+found himself in a parallel strait.'
+
+We have no exact record of the spirit in which he approached this
+labor.[210] But he was a man of sincere piety, a great and enthusiastic
+servant of art. The command he had received came from a quarter which at
+that period and in Rome had almost divine authority. He knew that music
+hung trembling in the balance upon his failure or success.
+
+[Footnote 210: In the Dedication of the _Mass of Pope Marcello_ to
+Philip II. in 1567 Palestrina only says that he had been constrained by
+the order of men of the highest gravity and most approved piety to apply
+himself _ad sanctissimum Missae sacrificium novo modorum genere
+decorandum_, and that he had performed his task with indefatigable pains
+and industry (Baini, _op. cit._ vol. i. p. 280). But it is noteworthy
+that of the three Masses furnished for the approval of the congregation,
+the first was entitled _Illumina oculos meos_, and that an anecdote
+referring to this title relates Palestrina's earnest prayers for grace
+and inspiration during the execution of the work (_ibid._ p. 223,
+note.)]
+
+And these two motives, the motive of religious zeal and the motive of
+devotion to art, inspired him for the creation of a new musical world.
+Analysis of his work and comparison of it with the style which he was
+called on to supersede, show pretty clearly what were the principles
+that governed him. With a view to securing the main object of rendering
+the text intelligible to the faithful, he had to dispense with the
+complicated Flemish system of combined melodies in counterpoint, and to
+employ his scientific resources of fugue and canon with parsimony, so
+that in future they should subserve and not tyrannize over expression.
+He determined to write for six voices, two of which should be bass, in
+order that the fundamental themes should be sustained with dignity and
+continuity. But what he had principally in view, what in fact he had
+been called on to initiate, was that novel adaptation of melody and
+science to verbal phrase and sense, whereby music should be made an art
+interpretative of religious sentiment, powerful to clothe each shade of
+meaning in the text with appropriate and beautiful sound, instead of
+remaining a merely artificial and mechanical structure of sounds
+disconnected from the words employed in giving them vocal utterance.
+
+Palestrina set to work, and composed three Masses, which were performed
+upon April 28, 1565, before the eight Cardinals of the congregation in
+the palace of Cardinal Vitellozzi. All three were approved of; but the
+first two still left something to be desired. Baini reports that they
+preserved somewhat too much of the cumbrous Flemish manner; and that
+though the words were more intelligible, the fugal artifices overlaid
+their clear enunciation. In the third, however, it was unanimously
+agreed that Palestrina had solved the problem satisfactorily. 'Its style
+is always equal, always noble, always alive, always full of thought and
+sincere feeling, rising and ascending to the climax; not to understand
+the words would be impossible; the melodies combine to stimulate
+devotion; the harmonies touch the heart; it delights without
+distracting; satisfies desire without tickling the senses; it is
+beautiful in all the beauties of the sanctuary.' So writes Palestrina's
+enthusiastic biographer; so apparently thought the Cardinals of the
+congregation; and when this Mass (called the _Mass of Pope Marcellus_,
+out of grateful tribute to the Pontiff, whose untimely death had
+extinguished many sanguine expectations) was given to the world, the
+whole of Italy welcomed it with a burst of passionate applause. Church
+music had been saved. Modern music had been created. A new and
+lovely-form of art had arisen like a star.
+
+It was not enough that the _Mass of Pope Marcellus_ should have
+satisfied the congregation. It had next to receive the approval of the
+Pope, who heard it on June 19. On this occasion, if the Court Chronicle
+be correct, Pius made a pretty speech, declaring that 'of such nature
+must have been the harmonies of the new song heard by John the Apostle
+in the heavenly Jerusalem, and that another John had given us a taste of
+them in the Jerusalem of the Church Militant.' He seems, indeed, to have
+been convinced that the main problem of preserving clearness of
+enunciation in the uttered words had been solved, and that there was now
+no reason to deprive the faithful of the artistic and devotional value
+of melodious music. He consequently appointed Palestrina to the post of
+composer for the Papal Chapel, and created a monopoly for the
+performance of his works. This measure, which roused considerable
+jealousy among musicians at the moment, had the salutary effect of
+rendering the new style permanent in usage.
+
+Of Palestrina's voluminous compositions this is not the place to speak.
+It is enough to have indicated the decisive part which he took in the
+reformation of Church music at a moment when its very existence was
+imperiled, and to have described the principles upon which he laid down
+new laws for the art. I must not, however, omit to dwell upon his
+subsequent connection with S. Filippo Neri, since the music he composed
+for the Oratory of that saint contributed much toward the creation of a
+semi-lyrical and semi-dramatic style to which we may refer the origins
+of the modern Oratorio. Filippo Neri was the spiritual director of
+Palestrina, and appointed him composer to his devout confraternity. For
+the use of that society the master wrote a series of _Arie Divote_ on
+Italian words. They were meant to be sung by the members, and to
+supersede the old usages of Laud-music, which had chiefly consisted in
+adapting popular street-tunes to sacred words.[211]
+
+[Footnote 211: See _Renaissance in Italy_, vol. iv. pp. 263, 305.]
+
+To the same connection with the Oratory we owe one of the most
+remarkable series of Palestrina's compositions. These were written upon
+the words of an Italian Canzone in thirty octave stanzas, addressed as a
+prayer to the Virgin. Palestrina set each stanza, after the fashion of a
+Madrigal, to different melodies; and the whole work proved a manual of
+devotional music, in the purest artistic taste, and the most delicately
+sentimental key of feeling. Together with this collection of spiritual
+songs should be mentioned Palestrina's setting of passages from the Song
+of Solomon in a series of motetts; which were dedicated to Gregory
+XIII., in 1584. They had an enormous success. Ten editions between that
+date and 1650 were poured out from the presses of Rome and Venice, to
+satisfy the impatience of thousands who desired to feed upon 'the nectar
+of their sweetness.' Palestrina chose for the motives of his
+compositions such voluptuous phrases of the Vulgate as the following:
+_Fasciculus myrrhae dilectus meus mihi._ _Fulcite me floribus, stipate
+me malis, quia amore langueo._ _Vulnerasti cor meum, soror, sponsa mea._
+This was the period when Italy was ringing with the secular sweetnesses
+of Tasso's _Aminta_ and of Guarini's _Pastor fido_; when the devotion of
+the cloister was becoming languorous and soft; when the cult of the
+Virgin was assuming the extravagant proportions satirized by Pascal;
+finally, when manners were affecting a tone of swooning piety blent with
+sensuous luxuriousness. Palestrina's setting of the Canticle and of the
+Hymn to Mary provided the public with music which, according to the
+taste of that epoch, transferred terrestrial emotions into the regions
+of paradisal bliss, and justified the definition of music as the
+_Lamento dell'amore o la preghiera agli dei_. The great creator of a new
+ecclesiastical style, the 'imitator of nature,' as Vincenzo Galilei
+styled him, the 'prince of music,' as his epitaph proclaimed him, lent
+his genius to an art, vacillating between mundane sensuality and
+celestial rapture, which, however innocently developed by him in the
+sphere of music, was symptomatic of the most unhealthy tendencies of his
+race and age. While singing these madrigals and these motetts the youth
+of either sex were no longer reminded, it is true, of tavern ditties or
+dance measures. But the emotions of luxurious delight or passionate
+ecstasy deep in their own natures were drawn forth, and sanctified by
+application to the language of effeminate devotion.
+
+I have dwelt upon these two sets of compositions, rather than upon the
+masses of strictly and severely ecclesiastical music which Palestrina
+produced with inexhaustible industry, partly because they appear to have
+been extraordinarily popular, and partly because they illustrate those
+tendencies in art and manners which the sentimental school of Bolognese
+painters attempted to embody. They belong to that religious sphere which
+the Jesuit Order occupied, governed, and administered upon the lines of
+their prescribed discipline. These considerations are not merely
+irrelevant. The specific qualities of Italian music for the next two
+centuries were undoubtedly determined by the atmosphere of sensuous
+pietism in which it flourished, at the very time when German music was
+striking far other roots in the Chorales of the Reformation epoch. What
+Palestrina effected was to substitute in Church music the clear and
+melodious manner of the secular madrigal for the heavy and scholastic
+science of the Flemish school, and to produce masterpieces of religious
+art in his motetts on the Canticles which confounded the lines of
+demarcation between pious and profane expression. He taught music to
+utter the emotions of the heart; but those emotions in his land and race
+were already tending in religion toward the sentimental and voluptuous.
+
+There is no doubt that the peril to which music was exposed at the time
+of the Tridentine Council was a serious and real one. When we remember
+how intimate was the connection between the higher kinds of music and
+the ritual of the Church, this will be apparent. Nor is it too much to
+affirm that the art at that crisis, but for the favor shown to it by
+Pius IV. and for Palestrina's intervention, might have been well-nigh
+extinguished in Italy. How fatal the results would then have been for
+the development of modern music, can be estimated by considering the
+decisive part played by the Italians in the formation of musical style
+from the end of the sixteenth century onwards to the age of Gluck,
+Handel, Haydn and Mozart. Had the music of the Church in Italy been
+confined at that epoch to Plain Song, as the Congregation of Reform
+threatened, the great Italian school of vocalization would not have been
+founded, the Conservatories of Naples and the Scuole of Venice would
+have been silent, and the style upon which, dating from Palestrina's
+inventions, the evolution of all species of the art proceeded, would
+have passed into oblivion.
+
+That this proposition is not extravagant, the history of music in
+England will suffice to prove. Before the victory of Puritan principles
+in Church and State, the English were well abreast of other races in
+this art. During the sixteenth century, Tallis, Byrd, Morland, Wilbye,
+Dowland and Orlando Gibbons could hold their own against Italian
+masters. The musical establishments of cathedrals, royal and collegiate
+chapels, and noble houses were nurseries for artists. Every English
+home, in that age, like every German home in the eighteenth century,
+abounded in amateurs who were capable of performing part-songs and
+concerted pieces on the lute and viol with correctness. Under the
+_régime_ of the Commonwealth this national growth of music received a
+check from which it never afterwards recovered. Though the seventeenth
+century witnessed the rising of one eminent composer, Purcell; though
+the eighteenth was adorned with meritorious writers of the stamp of Blow
+and Boyce; yet it is obvious that the art remained among us
+unprogressive, at a time when it was making gigantic strides in Italy
+and Germany. It is always dangerous to attribute the decline of art in a
+nation to any one cause. Yet I think it can scarcely be contested that
+the change of manners and of temperament wrought in England by the
+prevalence of Puritan opinion, had much to answer for in this premature
+decay of music. We may therefore fairly argue that if the gloomy passion
+of intolerant fanaticism which burned in men like Caraffa and Ghislieri
+had prevailed in Italy--a passion analogous in its exclusiveness to
+Puritanism--or if no composer, in the place of Palestrina, had satisfied
+the requirements of the Council and the congregation, the history of
+music in Italy and Europe to us-wards would have been far different.
+
+These considerations are adduced to justify the importance attached by
+me to the episode of which Palestrina was the hero. Yet it should not be
+forgotten that other influences were at work at the same time in Italy,
+which greatly stimulated the advance of music. If space permitted, it
+would be interesting to enlarge upon the work of Luca Marenzio, the
+prince of madrigal-writers, and on the services rendered by Vincenzo
+Galileo, father of the greatest man of science in his age, in placing
+the practice of stringed instruments on a sound basis. It should also be
+remembered that in the society of Filippo Neri at Rome, the Oratorio was
+taking shape, and emerging from the simple elements of the Spiritual
+Laud and _Aria Divota_. This form, however, would certainly have
+perished if the austere party in the Church had prevailed against the
+lenient for the exclusion of figured music, from religious exercises.
+
+There was, moreover, an interesting contemporary movement at Florence,
+which deserves some detailed mention. A private academy of amateurs and
+artists formed itself for the avowed purpose of reviving the musical
+declamation of the Greeks. As the new ecclesiastical style created by
+Palestrina grew out of the Counter-Reformation embodied in the decrees
+of the Tridentine Council, so this movement, which eventually resulted
+in the Opera, attached itself to the earlier enthusiasms of the
+Classical Revival. The humanists had restored Latin poetry; the
+architects had perfected a neo-Latin manner; sculptors and painters had
+profited by the study of antique fragments, and had reproduced the
+bas-reliefs and arabesques of Roman palaces. It was now, much later in
+the day, the turn of the musicians to make a similar attempt. Their
+quest was vague and visionary. Nothing remained of Greek or Roman music.
+To guide these explorers, there was only a dim instinct that the
+ancients had declaimed dramatic verse with musical intonation. But, as
+the alchemists sought the philosopher's stone, and founded modern
+chemistry; as, according to an ancient proverb, they who search for
+silver find gold; so it happened that, from the pedantic and
+ill-directed attempts of this academy proceeded the system on which the
+modern Oratorio and Opera were based. What is noticeable in these
+experiments is, that a new form of musical expression, declamatory and
+continuous, therefore dramatic, as opposed to the lyrical and fugal
+methods of the contrapuntists, was in process of elaboration. Claudio
+Monteverde, who may be termed the pioneer of _recitativo_, in his opera
+of _Orfeo_; Giacomo Carissimi, in whose _Jephtha_ the form of the
+Oratorio it already outlined, were the most eminent masters of the
+school which took its origin in the Florentine Academy of the Palazzo
+Vernio.
+
+To pursue the subject further, would be to transgress the chronological
+limits of my subject. It is enough to have attempted in this chapter to
+show how the destinies of Italian music were secured and its species
+determined in the last quarter of the sixteenth century. How that art
+at its climax in the eighteenth century affected the manners, penetrated
+the whole life, and influenced the literature of the Italians, may be
+read in an English work of singular ability and originality.[212]
+
+[Footnote 212: _Studies of the Eighteenth Century in Italy_, by Vernon
+Lee.]
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XIII.
+
+THE BOLOGNESE SCHOOL OF PAINTERS.
+
+     Decline of Plastic Art--Dates of the Eclectic Masters--The
+     Mannerists--Baroccio--Reaction started by Lodovico Caracci--His
+     Cousins Annibale and Agostino--Their Studies--Their Academy at
+     Bologna--Their Artistic Aims--Dionysius Calvaert--Guido Reni--The
+     Man and His Art--Domenichino--Ruskin's Criticism--Relation of
+     Domenichino to the Piety of His Age--Caravaggio and the
+     Realists--Ribera--Lo Spagna--Guercino--His qualities as
+     Colorist--His Terribleness--Private Life--Digression upon
+     Criticism--Reasons why the Bolognese Painters are justly now
+     neglected.
+
+After tracing the origin of modern music at its fountain head in
+Palestrina, it requires some courage to approach the plastic arts at
+this same epoch.
+
+Music was the last real manifestation of the creative genius in Italy.
+Rarefied to evanescent currents of emotional and sensuous
+out-breathings, the spirit of the race exhaled itself in song from human
+throats, in melody on lute and viol, until the whole of Europe thrilled
+with the marvel and the mystery of this new language of the soul. Music
+was the fittest utterance for the Italians of the Counter-Reformation
+period. Debarred from political activity, denied the liberty of thought
+and speech, that gifted people found an inarticulate vehicle of
+expression in tone; tone which conveys all meanings to the nerves that
+feel, advances nothing to the mind that reasons, says everything without
+formulating a proposition.
+
+Only a sense of duty to my subject, which demands completion, makes me
+treat of painting in the last years of the sixteenth century. The great
+Italian cycle, rounded by Lionardo, Raffaello, Michelangelo, Correggio
+and Tiziano, was being closed at Venice by Tintoretto. After him
+invention ceased. But there arose at Bologna a school, bent on
+resuscitating the traditions of an art which had already done its utmost
+to interpret mind to mind through mediums of lovely form and color. The
+founders of the Bolognese Academy, like Medea operating on decrepit
+Aeson, chopped up the limbs of painting which had ceased to throb with
+organic life, recombined them by an act of intellect and will, and
+having pieced them together, set the composite machine in motion on the
+path of studied method. Their aim was analogous to that of the Church in
+its reconstitution of Catholicism; and they succeeded, in so far as they
+achieved a partial success, through the inspiration which the Catholic
+Revival gave them. These painters are known as the Eclectics and this
+title sufficiently indicates their effort to revive art by recomposing
+what lay before them in disintegrated fragments. They did not explore
+new territory or invent fresh vehicles of expression. They sought to
+select the best points of Graeco-Roman and Italian style, unconscious
+that the physical type of the Niobids, the voluptuous charm of
+Correggio, the luminous color of Titian, the terribleness of
+Michelangelo, and the serenity of Raphael, being the ultimate
+expressions of distinct artistic qualities, were incompatible. A still
+deeper truth escaped their notice--namely, that art is valueless unless
+the artist has something intensely felt to say, and that where this
+intensity of feeling exists, it finds for itself its own specific and
+inevitable form.
+
+    'Poems distilled from other poems pass away,
+    The swarms of reflectors and the polite pass, and leave ashes;
+    Admirers, importers, obedient persons,
+    make but the soil of literature.'
+
+These profound sentences are the epitaph, not only of imitative poetry,
+but also of such eclectic art as the Caracci instituted. Very little of
+it bears examination now. We regard it with listlessness or loathing. We
+turn from it without regret. We cannot, or do not, wish to keep it in
+our memory.
+
+Yet no student of Italian painting will refuse the Caracci that tribute
+of respect which is due to virile effort. They were in vital sympathy
+with the critical and analytical spirit of their age--an age mournfully
+conscious that its scepter had departed--that
+
+    'Nothing can bring back the hour
+    Of splendor in the grass, of glory in the flower;'
+
+an age incapable as yet of acquiescing in this gloom, strenuously eager
+by study and by labor to regain the kingdom which belongs alone to
+inspiration. Science and industry enabled them to galvanize the corpse
+of art; into this they breathed the breath of the religion _à la mode_,
+of fashionable sensuousness and prevalent sentimentality.
+
+Michelangelo died in 1564, Paolo Veronese in 1588, Tintoretto in 1594.
+These were the three latest survivors of the great generation, and each
+of them had enjoyed a life of activity prolonged into extreme old age.
+Their intellectual peers had long ago departed; Lionardo in 1520,
+Raphael in 1522, Correggio in 1534.
+
+    'Theirs was the giant race, before the flood.'
+
+These dates have to be kept in mind; for the painters of the Bolognese
+School were all born after 1550, born for the most part at that decisive
+epoch of the Tridentine Council which might be compared to a watershed
+of time between the Renaissance and the Counter-Reformation--Lodovico
+Caracci in 1555, Agostino in 1558, Annibale in 1560, Guido Reni in 1574,
+Lionello Spada in 1576, Francesco Albani in 1578, Domenichino in 1581,
+Guercino in 1590.[213] With the last of these men the eclectic impulse
+was exhausted; and a second generation, derived in part from them,
+linked the painters of the Renaissance to those of modern times. It is
+sufficient to mention Nicholas and Gaspar Poussin, Claude Lorraine,
+Salvator Rosa, Luca Giordano, and Canaletto as chief representatives of
+this secondary group.[214]
+
+On examining the dates which I have given, it will be noticed that the
+Bolognese Eclectics, intervening between the age of Michelangelo and the
+age of Nicholas Poussin, worked during the first fervor of the Catholic
+Revival. Their art may therefore be taken as fairly representative of
+the religious temper and the profane culture of the Italians in the
+period influenced by the Council of Trent. It represents that temper and
+that culture before the decline of the same influence, when the Counter
+Reformation was in active progress and the Papal pretensions to absolute
+dominion had received no check.
+
+[Footnote 213: The three founders of the school were thus born precisely
+during the most critical years of the Council. They felt the Catholic
+reaction least. That expressed itself most markedly in Domenichino, born
+seventeen years after its close.]
+
+[Footnote 214: Nich. Poussin, b. 1594; Claude, 1600; Gaspar Poussin,
+1613; Salvator Rosa, 1615; Luca Giordano, 1632; Canaletto, 1697.]
+
+We should be wrong, however, to treat the Eclectics as though they
+succeeded without interruption to that 'giant race, before the flood.'
+Their movement was emphatically one of revival; and revival implies
+decadence. After 1541, when Michelangelo finished the Last Judgment, and
+before 1584, when the Caracci were working on their frescoes in the
+Palazzo Fava at Bologna--that is to say, between the last of the genuine
+Renaissance paintings and the first of the Revival--nearly half a
+century elapsed, during which art sank into a slough of slovenly and
+soulless putrescence.[215] Every city of Italy swarmed with artists,
+adequately educated in technical methods, and apt at aping the grand
+style of their masters. But in all their work there is nothing felt,
+nothing thought out, nothing expressed, nothing imagined. It is a vast
+vacuity of meaningless and worthless brush-play, a wilderness of hollow
+trickery and futile fumbling with conventional forms. The Mannerists, as
+they were called, covered acres of palace and church walls with
+allegories, histories, and legends, carelessly designed, rapidly
+executed, but pleasing the eye with crowds of figures and with gaudy
+colors. Their colors are now faded. Their figures are now seen to be
+reminiscences of Raphael's, Correggio's, Buonarroti's draughtsmanship.
+Yet they satisfied the patrons of that time, who required hasty work,
+and had not much money wherewith to reward the mature labors of a
+conscientious student. In relation, moreover, to the spiritless and
+insincere architecture then coming into vogue, this art of the
+Mannerists can scarcely be judged out of place. When I divulge the names
+of Giorgio Vasari, Giuseppe Cesari (Cav. d'Arpino), Tempesta, Fontana,
+Tibaldi, the Zuccari, the Procaccini, the Campi of Cremona, the scholars
+of Perino del Vaga, I shall probably call up before the reluctant eyes
+of many of my readers visions of dreary wanderings through weariful
+saloons and of disconsolate starings up at stuccoed cupolas in Rome and
+Genoa, in Florence and Naples, and in all the towns of Lombardy.[216]
+
+In an earlier volume I briefly sketched the development of this
+pernicious mannerism, which now deluged the arts of Italy. Only one
+painter, outside Venice, seems to have carried on a fairly good
+tradition. This was Federigo Baroccio (1528-1612), who feebly continued
+the style of Correggio, with a certain hectic originality, infusing
+sentimental pietism into that great master's pagan sensuousness. The
+mixture is disagreeable; and when one is obliged to mention Baroccio as
+the best in a bad period, this accentuates the badness of his
+contemporaries. He has however, historical value from another point of
+view, inasmuch as nothing more strongly characterizes the eclecticism of
+the Caracci than their partiality for Correggio.[217] Though I have no
+reason to suppose that Baroccio, living chiefly as he did at Urbino,
+directly influenced their style, the similarity between his ideal and
+theirs is certainly striking. It seems to point at something inevitable
+in the direction taken by the Eclectics.
+
+[Footnote 215: I of course except Venice, for reasons which I have
+sufficiently set forth in _Renaissance in Italy_, vol. iii. p. 347. Long
+after other schools of Italy the Venetian was still only adolescent.]
+
+[Footnote 216: I have not thought it worth while to write down more than
+a very few names of the Mannerists. Notice how often they worked in
+whole families and indistinguishable coteries.]
+
+[Footnote 217: Everyone familiar with European picture-galleries will
+remember cabinet pieces by the Caracci, especially Ecce Homos, Pietàs,
+Agonies in the Garden, which look like copies from Correggio with a dash
+of added sentimentalism.]
+
+Such was the state of art in Italy when Lodovico Caracci, the son of a
+Bolognese butcher, conceived his plan of replacing it upon a sounder
+system.[218] Instinct led him to Venice, where painting was still alive.
+The veteran Tintoretto warned him that he had no vocation. But Lodovico
+obstinately resolved to win by industry what nature seemed to have
+denied him. He studied diligently at Florence, Parma, Mantua, and
+Venice, founding his style upon those of Andrea del Sarto, Correggio,
+Titian, Parmigiano, Giulio Romano, and Primaticcio. When he again
+settled at Bologna, he induced his two cousins, Agostino and Annibale,
+the sons of a tailor, to join him in the serious pursuit of art.
+Agostino was a goldsmith by trade, already expert in the use of the
+burin, which he afterwards employed more frequently than the brush.[219]
+Of the three Caracci he was the most versatile, and perhaps the most
+gifted. There is a note of distinction and attainment in his work.
+Annibale, the youngest, was a rough, wild, hasty, and hot-tempered lad,
+of robust build and vigorous intellect, but boorish in his manners,
+fond of low society, and eaten up with jealousy. They called him the
+_ragazzaccio_, or 'lout of a boy,' when he began to make his mark at
+Bologna. Agostino presented a strong contrast to his brother, being an
+accomplished musician, an excellent dancer, a fair poet, fit to converse
+with noblemen, and possessed of very considerable culture. Lodovico, the
+eldest of the cousins, acted as mentor and instructor to the others. He
+pacified their quarrels, when Annibale's jealousy burst out; set them
+upon the right methods of study, and passed judgment on their paintings.
+
+[Footnote 218: I have mainly used the encyclopedic work entitled
+_Felsina Pittrice_ (Bologna, 1841, 2 vols.) for my study of the
+Eclectics. This is based upon the voluminous writings of the Count C.C.
+Malvasia, who, having been born in 1616, and having enjoyed personal
+intercourse with the later survivors of the Bolognese Academy, was able
+to bequeath a vast mass of anecdotical and other material to posterity.
+The collection contains critical annotations and additions by the hand
+of Zanotti and later art students, together with many illustrative
+documents of the highest value. Reading this miscellaneous repertory, we
+are forced to regret that the same amount of characteristic and
+authentic information has not been preserved about one of the greater
+schools of Italy--the Venetian, for example.]
+
+[Footnote 219: He acquired a somewhat infamous celebrity by his obscene
+engravings in the style of Giulio Romano.]
+
+Like Lodovico, the brothers served their first apprenticeship in art at
+Parma and Venice. Annibale's letters from the former place show how
+Correggio subdued him, and the large copies he there made still preserve
+for us some shadows of Correggio's time-ruined frescoes. At Venice he
+executed a copy of Titian's Peter Martyr. This picture, the most
+dramatic of Titian's works, and the most elaborate in its landscape, was
+destined to exercise a decisive influence over the Eclectic school. From
+the Caracci to Domenichino we are able to trace the dominant tone and
+composition of that masterpiece. No less decisive, as I have already
+observed, was the influence of Correggio's peculiar style in the choice
+of type, the light and shade, and the foreshortenings of the Bolognese
+painters. In some degree, the manner of Paolo Veronese may also be
+discerned. The Caracci avoided Tintoretto, and at the beginning of
+their career they derived but little from Raphael or Michelangelo.
+Theirs was at first a mainly Veneto-Lombardic eclecticism, dashed with
+something absorbed from Giulio Romano and something from the later
+Florentines. It must not however, be supposed that they confined their
+attention to Italian painters. They contrived to collect casts from
+antique marbles, coins, engravings of the best German and Italian
+workmanship, books on architecture and perspective, original drawings,
+and similar academical appliances. Nor were they neglectful of drawing
+from the nude, or of anatomy. Indeed, their days and nights were spent
+in one continuous round of study, which had for its main object the
+comparison of dead and living nature with the best specimens of art in
+all ages. It may seem strange that this assiduity and thoroughness of
+method did not produce work of higher quality. Yet we must remember that
+even enthusiastic devotion to art will not give inspiration, and that
+the most thorough science cannot communicate charm. Though the Caracci
+invented fresh attitudes and showed complete mastery of the human form,
+their types remained commonplace. Though their chiaroscuro was
+accurately based on that of Correggio, it lacked his aërial play of
+semitones. Though they went straight to Titian for color, they never
+approached Venetian lucidity and glow. There was something vulgar in
+their imagination, prosaic in their feeling, leaden in their frigid
+touch on legend. Who wants those countless gods and goddesses of the
+Farnese Gallery, those beblubbered saints and colossal Sibyls of the
+Bolognese Pinacoteca, those chubby cherubs and buxom nymphs, those
+Satyrs and S. Sebastians, to come down from the walls and live with us?
+The grace of Raphael's Galatea, the inspiration of Michelangelo's Genii
+of the Sistine, the mystery of Lionardo's Faun-S. John, the wilding
+grace of Correggio's Diana, the voluptuous fascination of Titian's
+Venus, the mundane seductiveness of Veronese's Europa, the golden glory
+of Tintoretto's Bacchus,--all have evanesced, and in their place are
+hard mechanic figures, excellently drawn, correctly posed, but with no
+touch of poetry. Where, indeed, shall we find 'the light that never was
+on sea or land' throughout Bologna?[220]
+
+[Footnote 220: Malvasia has preserved, in his _Life of Primaticcio_, a
+sonnet written by Agostino Caracci, in which the aims of the Eclectics
+are clearly indicated. The good painter must have at his command Roman
+or classic design, Venetian movement and shadow, Lombard coloring, the
+sublimity of Michelangelo, the truth to nature of Titian, the pure and
+sovereign style of Correggio, Raphael's symmetry, Tibaldi's fitness and
+solidity, Primaticcio's erudite invention, with something of
+Parmigianino's grace (_Fels. Pittr._ vol. i. p. 129). Zanotti adds:
+'This sonnet is assuredly one which every painter ought to learn by
+heart and observe in practice.']
+
+Part of this failure must be ascribed to a radically false conception of
+the way to combine studies of nature with studies of art. The Eclectics
+in general started with the theory that a painter ought to form mental
+ideals of beauty, strength, dignity, ferocity, and so forth, from the
+observation of characteristic individuals and acknowledged
+masterpieces. These ideal types he has to preserve in his memory, and
+to use living persons only as external means for bringing them into
+play. Thus, it was indifferent who sat to him as model. He believed that
+he could invest the ugliest lump of living flesh with the loveliest
+fancy. Lodovico supplied Annibale Caracci with the fleshy back of a
+naked Venus. Guido Reni painted his Madonna's heads from any beardless
+pupil who came handy, and turned his deformed color-grinder--a man 'with
+a muzzle like a renegado'--into the penitent Magdalen.[221] It was
+inevitable that forms and faces thus evolved should bear the stamp of
+mediocrity, monotony, and dullness on them. Few, very few,
+painters--perhaps only Michelangelo--have been able to give to purely
+imagined forms the value and the individuality of persons; and he
+succeeded best in this perilous attempt when he designed the passionate
+Genii of the Sistine frescoes. Such flights were far beyond the grasp of
+the Eclectics. Seeking after the 'grand style,' they fell, as I shall
+show in the sequel of this chapter, into commonplace vacuity, which
+makes them now insipid.[222]
+
+[Footnote 221: See Malvasia, _op. cit._ vol. i. p. 277; vol. ii. p. 57.
+The odd thing is that Malvasia tells these stories of the
+Lodovico-Aphrodite and the color-grinder-Magdalen with applause, as
+though they proved the mastery of Annibale Caracci and Guido.]
+
+[Footnote 222: The later Eclectics--Spada, Domenichino, Guercino--were
+to some extent saved by the influences they derived from Caravaggio and
+the Naturalisti. But they had not the tact to see where the finer point
+of naturalistic art lies for a delicately minded painter. They added its
+brutality, as employed by Caravaggio, to the insipidities of the
+Caracci, and produced such horrors as Domenichino's Martyrdom of S.
+Agnes.]
+
+There was at this time a native of Antwerp named Dionysius Calvaert, a
+coarse fellow of violent manners, who kept open school in Bologna. The
+best of the Caracci's pupils--Guido Reni, Domenichino and
+Albani--emigrated to their academy from this man's workshop. Something,
+as it seems to me, peculiar in the method of handling oil paint, which
+all three have in common, may perhaps be ascribed to early training
+under their Flemish master. His brutality drove them out of doors; and,
+having sought the protection of Lodovico Caracci, they successively made
+such progress in the methods of painting as rendered them the most
+distinguished representatives of the Bolognese Revival. All three were
+men of immaculate manners. Guido Reni, beautiful as a Sibyl in youth,
+with blonde hair, blue eyes, and fair complexion, was, to the end of his
+illustrious career, reputed a virgin. Albani, who translated into
+delicate oil-painting the sensuousness of the _Adone_, studied the forms
+of Nymphs and Venuses from his lovely wife, and the limbs of Amorini
+from the children whom she bore him regularly every year. Domenichino, a
+man of shy, retiring habits, preoccupied with the psychological problems
+which he strove to translate into dramatic pictures, doted on one woman,
+whom he married, and who lived to deplore his death (as she believed) by
+poison. Guido was specially characterized by devotion to Madonna. He was
+a singular child. On every Christmas eve, for seven successive years,
+ghostly knockings were heard upon his chamber door; and, every night,
+when he awoke from sleep, the darkness above his bed was illuminated by
+a mysterious egg-shaped globe of light.[223] His eccentricity in later
+life amounted to insanity, and at last he gave himself up wholly to the
+demon of the gaming-table. Domenichino obeyed only one passion, if we
+except his passion for the wife he loved so dearly, and this was music.
+He displayed some strangeness of temperament in a morbid dislike of
+noise and interruptions. Otherwise, nothing disturbed the even current
+of an existence dedicated to solving questions of art. Albani mixed more
+freely in the world than Domenichino, enjoyed the pleasures of the table
+and of sumptuous living, but with Italian sobriety, and expatiated in
+those spheres of literature which supplied him with motives for his
+coldly sensual pictures. Yet he maintained the credit of a thoroughly
+domestic, soundly natured, and vigorously wholesome man.
+
+[Footnote 223: This tradition of Guido's childhood I give for what it is
+worth, from Malvasia, _op. cit._ vol. ii. p. 53. In after life, beside
+being piously addicted to Madonna-worship, he had a great dread of women
+in general and witches in particular. What some will call spiritual,
+others effeminate, in his mature work, may be due to the temperament
+thus indicated.]
+
+I have thought it well thus to preface what I have to say about these
+masters, partly because critics of the modern stamp, trusting more to
+their subjective impressions than to authoritative records, have painted
+the moral characters of Guido and Domenichino in lurid colors, and also
+because there is certainly something in their work which leaves a
+painful memory of unhealthy sentiment, impassiveness to pain, and
+polished carnalism on the mind. It may incidentally be recorded that
+Lodovico Caracci, Guido Reni, and Francesco Albani are all of them, on
+very good authority, reported to have been even prudishly modest in
+their use of female models. They never permitted a woman to strip
+entirely, and Guido carried his reserve to such a pitch that he
+preferred to leave his studio door open while drawing from a woman.[224]
+Malevolence might suggest that this was only part and parcel of
+post-Tridentine hypocrisy; and probably there is truth in the
+suggestion. I certainly do not reckon such solicitous respect for
+garments entirely to their credit. But it helps us to understand the
+eccentric compound of sentiment, sensuality, piety, and uneasy morality
+which distinguished the age, and which is continually perplexing the
+student of its art.
+
+[Footnote 224: Malvasia, _op. cit._ p. 53, p. 178. The latter passage is
+preceded by a discussion of the nude in art which shows how Malvasia had
+imbibed Tridentine morality in the middle of Italy glowing with
+Renaissance masterpieces.]
+
+Of these three men, Guido was the most genially endowed. He alone
+derived a true spark from the previous age of inspiration. He wearies us
+indeed with his effeminacy, and with the reiteration of a physical type
+sentimentalized from the head and bust of Niobe. But thoughts of real
+originality and grace not seldom visited his meditations; and he alone
+deserved the name of colorist among the painters I have as yet ascribed
+to the Bolognese School.[225] Guido affected a cool harmony of blue,
+white, and deadened gold, which in the best pictures of his second
+manner--the Fortune, the Bacchus and Ariadne of S. Luke's in Rome, the
+Crucifixion at Modena--has a charm akin to that of Metastasio's silvery
+lyrics. The samson at Bologna rises above these works both in force of
+conception and glow of color. The Aurora of the Rospigliosi Casino
+attempts a wider scheme of hues, and is certainly, except for some lack
+of refinement in the attendant Hours, a very noble composition. The S.
+Michael of the Cappuccini is seductive by its rich bravura style; and
+the large Pietà in the Bolognese Gallery impresses our mind by a
+monumental sadness and sobriety of tone. The Massacre of the Innocents,
+though one of Guido's most ambitious efforts, and though it displays an
+ingenious adaptation of the Niobe to Raphael's mannerism, fails by
+falling between two aims--the aim to secure dramatic effect, and the aim
+to treat a terrible subject with harmonious repose.
+
+[Footnote 225: Lo Spada and Guercino, afterwards to be mentioned, were
+certainly colorists.]
+
+Of Albani nothing need be said in detail. Most people knew his pictures
+of the Four Elements, so neatly executed in a style adapting Flemish
+smoothness of surface to Italian suavity of line. This sort of art
+delighted the cardinals and Monsignori of the seventeenth century. But
+it has nothing whatsoever to say to and human soul.
+
+On Domenichino's two most famous pictures at Bologna Mr. Ruskin has
+written one of his over-poweringly virulent invectives.[226] It is worth
+inserting here at length. More passionate words could hardly be chosen
+to express the disgust inspired in minds attuned to earlier Italian art
+by these once worshiped paintings. Mr. Ruskin's obvious injustice,
+intemperance, and ostentatious emphasis will serve to point the change
+of opinion which has passed over England since Sir Joshua Reynolds
+wrote. His denunciation of the badness of Domenichino's art, though
+expressed with such a clangor of exaggeration, fairly represents the
+feeling of modern students. 'The man,' he says, 'who painted the Madonna
+del Rosario and Martyrdom of S. Agnes in the gallery of Bologna, is
+palpably incapable of doing anything good, great, or right in any field,
+way, or kind whatsoever.... This is no rash method of judgment, sweeping
+and hasty as it may appear. From the weaknesses of an artist, or
+failures, however numerous, we have no right to conjecture his total
+inability; a time may come when he shall rise into sudden strength, or
+an instance occur when his efforts shall be successful. But there are
+some pictures which rank not under the head of failures, but of
+perpetrations or commissions; some things which a man cannot do or say
+without sealing forever his character and capacity. The angel holding
+the cross with his finger in his eye, the roaring, red-faced children
+about the crown of thorns, the blasphemous (I speak deliberately and
+determinedly) head of Christ upon the handkerchief, and the mode in
+which the martyrdom of the saint is exhibited (I do not choose to use
+the expressions which alone could characterize it), are perfect,
+sufficient, incontrovertible proofs that whatever appears good in any of
+the doings of such a painter must be deceptive, and that we may be
+assured that our taste is corrupted and false whenever we feel disposed
+to admire him. I am prepared to support this position, however
+uncharitable it may seem; a man may be tempted into a gross sin by
+passion, and forgiven; and yet there are some kinds of sins into which
+only men of a certain kind can be tempted, and which cannot be forgiven.
+It should be added, however, that the artistical qualities of these
+pictures are in every way worthy of the conceptions they realize. I do
+not recollect any instance of color or execution so coarse and
+feelingless.'
+
+[Footnote 226: _Modern Painters_, vol. i. p. 87.]
+
+
+We have only to think of the S. Agnes by Tintoretto, or of Luini's St.
+Catherine, in order to be well aware how far Domenichino, as a painter,
+deviated from the right path of art.[227]
+
+[Footnote 227: I allude to the Tintoretto in S. Maria dell'Orto at
+Venice, and to the Luini in the Monastero Maggiore at Milan. Yet the
+model of Luini's S. Catherine was the infamous Contessa di Cellant, who
+murdered her husband and some lovers, and was beheaded for her crimes in
+Milan. This fact demonstrates the value of the model in the hands of an
+artist capable of using it.]
+
+Yet we are bound to acquit him, as a man, of that moral obliquity which
+Mr. Ruskin seems to impute. Indeed, we know Domenichino to have been an
+unaffectedly good fellow. He was misled by his dramatic bias, and also
+by the prevalent religious temper of his age. Jesuitry had saturated the
+Italian mind; and in a former chapter I have dwelt upon the concrete
+materialism which formed the basis of the Jesuitical imagination. In
+portraying the martyrdom of S. Agnes as he has done, Domenichino was
+only obeying the rules of Loyola's _Exercitia_. That he belonged to a
+school which was essentially vulgar in its choice of type, to a city
+never distinguished for delicacy of taste, and to a generation which was
+rapidly losing the sense of artistic reserve, suffices to explain the
+crude brutality of the conceptions which he formed of tragic
+episodes.[228] The same may be said about all those horrible pictures of
+tortures, martyrdoms, and acts of violence which were produced by the
+dozen in Italy at this epoch. We turn from them with loathing. They
+inspire neither terror nor pity, only the sickness of the shambles. And
+yet it would be unjust to ascribe their unimaginative ghastliness to any
+special love of cruelty. This evil element may be rationally deduced
+from false dramatic instinct and perverted habits of brooding sensuously
+on our Lord's Passion, in minds deprived of the right feeling for
+artistic beauty.
+
+[Footnote 228: When I assert that the age was losing the sense of
+artistic reserve, I wish to refer back to what I have written about
+Marino, the dictator of the age in matters of taste. See above, pp. 273,
+274.]
+
+Probably Domenichino thought that he was surpassing Titian's Peter
+Martyr when he painted his hard and hideous parody of that great
+picture. Yet Titian had already touched the extreme verge of allowable
+realization, and his work belonged to the sphere of higher pictorial art
+mainly by right of noble treatment. Of this noble treatment, and of the
+harmonious coloring which shed a sanctifying splendor over the painful
+scene, Domenichino stripped his master's design. What he added was
+grimace, spasm, and the expression of degrading physical terror.
+
+That Domenichino could be, in his own way, stately, is proved by the
+Communion of S. Jerome, in which he rehandled Agostino Caracci's fine
+conception. Though devoid of charm, this justly celebrated painting
+remains a monument of the success which may be achieved by the vigorous
+application of robust intellectual powers to the working out of a
+well-conceived and fully developed composition. Domenichino's gigantic
+saints and Sibyls, with their fleshy limbs, red cheeks, and upturned
+eyes, though famous enough in the last century, do not demand a word of
+comment now.[229] So strangely has taste altered, that to our eyes they
+seem scarcely decorative.
+
+[Footnote 229: Go to S. Andrea nella Valle in Rome, to study the best of
+them.]
+
+While the Caracci were reviving art at Bologna in the way that I have
+described, Caravaggio in Rome opposed the Mannerists after his own and a
+very different fashion.[230] The insipidities of men like Cesari drove
+him into a crude realism. He resolved to describe sacred and historical
+events just as though they were being enacted in the Ghetto by butchers
+and fishwives. This reaction against flimsy emptiness was wholesome; and
+many interesting studies from the taverns of Italy, portraits of
+gamesters, sharpers, _bravi_ and the like, remain to prove Caravaggio's
+mastery over scenes of common life.[231] But when he applied his
+principles to higher subjects, their vulgarity became apparent. Only in
+one picture, the Entombment in the Vatican, did he succeed in affecting
+imagination forcibly by the evident realization of a tragic scene. His
+martyrdoms are inexpressibly revolting, without appeal to any sense but
+savage blood-lust. It seems difficult for realism, either in literature
+or art, not to fasten upon ugliness, vice, pain, and disease, as though
+these imperfections of our nature were more real than beauty, goodness,
+pleasure, and health. Therefore Caravaggio, the leader of a school which
+the Italians christened Naturalists, may be compared to Zola.
+
+
+[Footnote 230: Michelangelo Amerighi da Caravaggio (1569-1609).]
+
+[Footnote 231: For the historian of manners in seventeenth-century Italy
+those pictures have a truly precious value, as they are executed with
+such passion as to raise them above the more careful but more lymphatic
+transcripts from beer-cellars in Dutch painting.]
+
+A Spaniard, settled at Naples--Giuseppe Ribera, nicknamed Lo
+Spagnoletto--carried on Caravaggio's tradition. Spagnoletto surpassed
+his master in the brutally realistic expression of physical anguish.
+His Prometheus writhing under the beak of the vulture, his disembowelled
+martyrs and skinless S. Bartholomews, are among the most nauseous
+products of a masculine nature blessed with robust health. Were they
+delirious or hysterical, they would be less disgusting. But no; they are
+merely vigorous and faithful representations of what anybody might have
+witnessed, when a traitor like Ravaillac or a Lombard _untore_ was being
+put to death in agony. His firm mental grip on cruelty, and the somber
+gloom with which he invested these ghastly transcripts from the
+torture-chamber, prove Ribera true to his Spanish origin. Caravaggio
+delighted in color, and was indeed a colorist of high rank, considering
+the times in which he lived. Spagnoletto rejoiced in somber shadows, as
+though to illustrate the striking sonnet I have quoted in another place
+from Campanella.[232]
+
+[Footnote 232: See above, part I. p. 47.]
+
+This digression upon the Naturalists was needed partly to illustrate the
+nature of the attempted revival of the art of painting at this epoch,
+and partly to introduce two notable masters of the Bolognese school.
+Lionello Spada, a street-arab of Bologna, found his way into the studio
+of the Caracci, where he made himself a favorite by roguish ways and
+ready wit. He afterwards joined Caravaggio, and, when he reappeared in
+Lombardy, he had formed a manner of his own, more resplendent in color
+and more naturalistic than that of the Caracci, but with less of realism
+than his Roman teacher's. If I could afford space for anecdotical
+details, the romance of Spada's life would furnish much entertaining
+material. But I must press on toward Guercino, who represents in a more
+famous personality this blending of the Bolognese and Naturalistic
+styles. Giovanni Francesco Barbieri got his nickname of Il Guercino, or
+the 'Squintling,' from an accident which distorted his right eye in
+babyhood. Born of poor parents, he was apprenticed to indifferent
+painters in Bologna at an early age, his father agreeing to pay for the
+boy's education by a load of grain and a vat of grapes delivered yearly.
+Thus Guercino owed far less to academical studies than to his own
+genius. Being Lodovico Caracci's junior by thirty-five years, and
+Annibale's by thirty, he had ample opportunities for studying the
+products of their school in Bologna, without joining the Academy. A
+generation lay between him and the first Eclectics. Nearly the same
+space of time separated Guercino from the founder of the Naturalists,
+and it was universally admitted in his lifetime that he owed to
+Caravaggio in coloring no less than he derived from the Caracci in
+sobriety and dignity of conception. These qualities of divergent schools
+Guercino combined in a manner marked by salient individuality. As a
+colorist, he approached the Tenebrosi--those lovers of surcharged
+shadows and darkened hues, whose gloom culminated in Ribera. But we
+note a fat and buttery _impasto_ in Guercino, which distinguishes his
+work from the drier and more meager manner of the Roman-Neapolitan
+painters. It is something characteristic of Bologna, a richness which we
+might flippantly compare to sausage, or a Flemish smoothness, indicating
+Calvaert's influence. More than this, Guercino possessed a harmony of
+tones peculiar to himself, and strongly contrasted with Guido's
+silver-gray gradations. Guido's coloring, at its best, often reminds one
+of olive branches set against a blue sea and pale horizon in faintly
+amber morning light. The empurpled indigoes, relieved by smouldering
+Venetian red, which Guercino loved, suggest thunder-clouds, dispersed,
+rolling away through dun subdued glare of sunset reflected upward from
+the west. And this scheme of color, vivid but heavy, luminous but
+sullen, corresponded to what contemporaries called the Terribilità of
+Guercino's conception. Terribleness was a word which came into vogue to
+describe Michelangelo's grand manner. It implied audacity of
+imagination, dashing draughtsmanship, colossal scale, something demonic
+and decisive in execution.[233] The terrible takes in Guercino's work
+far lower flights than in the Sistine Chapel. With Michelangelo it
+soared like an eagle; with Guercino it flitted like a bat. His brawny
+saints are ponderous, not awe-inspiring.
+
+[Footnote 233: But the men who used the word failed to perceive that
+what justified these qualities in Michelangelo's work was piercing,
+poignant, spiritual passion, of which their age had nothing.]
+
+Yet we feel that the man loved largeness, massiveness, and volume; that
+he was preoccupied with intellectual problems; planning deeply, and
+constructing strongly, under conditions unfavorable to spiritual
+freedom.
+
+Guercino lived the life of an anchorite, absorbed in studies, unwived,
+sober, pious, truthful, sincere in his commerce with the world,
+unaffectedly virtuous, devoted to his art and God. Some of his pictures
+bring forcibly before our minds the religious _milieu_ created by the
+Catholic Revival. I will take the single instance of a large
+oil-painting in the Bolognese Gallery. It represents the reception of a
+Duke of Aquitaine into monastic orders by S. Bernard. The knightly
+quality of the hero is adequately portrayed; his piety is masculine. But
+an accessory to the main subject of the composition arrests attention. A
+monk, earnestly pleading, emphatically gesticulating, addresses himself
+to the task of converting a young squire. Perugino, or even Raphael,
+would have brought the scene quite otherwise before us. The Duke's
+consecration would of course have occupied a commanding place in the
+picture. But the episodes would have been composed of comely groups or
+animated portraits. Guercino, obedient to the religious spirit of the
+Counter-Reformation, compels sympathy with ecclesiastical propaganda.
+
+Guido exercised a powerful influence over his immediate successors.
+Guercino felt it when he painted that soulless picture of Abraham and
+Hagar, in the Brera--the picture which excited Byron's admiration, which
+has been praised for its accurate delineation of a teardrop, and which,
+when all is reckoned, has just nothing of emotion in it but a frigid
+inhumanity. He competed with Guido in the fresco of the Lodovisi Aurora,
+a substantial work certainly, yet one that lacks the saving qualities of
+the Rospigliosi ceiling--grace and geniality of fancy.
+
+In the history of criticism there are few things more perplexing than
+the vicissitudes of taste and celebrity, whereby the idols of past
+generations crumble suddenly to dust, while the despised and rejected
+are lifted to pinnacles of glory. Successive waves of aesthetical
+preference, following one upon the other with curious rapidity, sweep
+ancient fortresses of fame from their venerable basements, and raise
+upon the crests of wordy foam some delicate seashell that erewhile lay
+embedded in oblivious sand. During the last half-century, taste has been
+more capricious, revolutionary, and apparently anarchical than at any
+previous epoch. The unity of orthodox opinion has broken up. Critics
+have sought to display originality by depreciating names famous in
+former ages, and by exalting minor stars to the rank of luminaries of
+the first magnitude. A man, yet in middle life, can remember with what
+reverence engravings after Raphael, the Caracci, and Poussin were
+treated in his boyhood; how Fra Angelico and Perugino ruled at a
+somewhat later period; how one set of eloquent writers discovered
+Blake, another Botticelli, and a third Carpaccio; how Signorelli and
+Bellini and Mantegna received tardy recognition; and now, of late years,
+how Tiepolo has bidden fair to obtain the European _grido_. He will also
+bear in mind that the conditions of his own development--studies in the
+Elgin marbles, the application of photography to works of art, the
+publications of the Arundel Society, and that genius of new culture in
+the air which is more potent than all teaching, rendered for himself
+each oracular utterance interesting but comparatively unimportant--as it
+were but talk about truths evident to sight.
+
+Meanwhile, amid this gabble of 'sects and schisms,' this disputation
+which makes a simple mind take refuge in the epigram attributed to Swift
+on Handel and Bononcini,[234] criticism and popular intelligence have
+been unanimous upon two points, first, in manifesting a general dislike
+for Italian art after the date of Raphael's third manner, and a
+particular dislike for the Bolognese painters; secondly, in an earnest
+effort to discriminate and exhibit what is sincere and beautiful in
+works to which our forefathers were unintelligibly irresponsive. A
+wholesome reaction, in one word, has taken place against academical
+dogmatism; and the study of art has been based upon appreciably better
+historical and aesthetical principles.
+
+[Footnote 234:
+    'Strange that such difference should be
+    'Twixt tweedle-dum and tweedle-dee.']
+
+The seeming confusion of the last half-century ought not, therefore, to
+shake our confidence in the possibility of arriving at stable laws of
+taste. Radical revolutions, however salutary, cannot be effected without
+some injustice to ideals of the past and without some ill-grounded
+enthusiasm for the ideals of the moment. Nor can so wide a region as
+that of modern European art be explored except by divers pioneers, each
+biassed by personal predilections and peculiar sensibilities, each
+liable to changes of opinion under the excitement of discovery, each
+followed by a coterie sworn to support their master's _ipse dixit_.
+
+The chief thing is to obtain a clear conception of the mental atmosphere
+in which sound criticism has to live and move and have its being. 'The
+form of this world passes; and I would fain occupy myself only with that
+which constitutes abiding relations.' So said Goethe; and these words
+have much the same effect as that admonition of his 'to live with steady
+purpose in the Whole, the Good, the Beautiful.' The true critic must
+divert his mind from what is transient and ephemeral, must fasten upon
+abiding relations, _bleibende Verhältnisse_. He notes that one age is
+classical, another romantic; that _this_ swears by Giotto, _that_ by the
+Caracci. Meanwhile, he resolves to maintain that classics and romantics,
+the Caracci and Giotto, are alike only worthy of regard in so far as
+they exemplify the qualities which bring art into the sphere of abiding
+relations. One writer is eloquent for Fra Angelico, another for Rubens;
+the one has personal sympathy for the Fiesolan monk, the other for the
+Flemish courtier. Our true critic renounces idiosyncratic whims and
+partialities, striving to enter with firm purpose into the understanding
+of universal goodness and beauty. In so far as he finds truth in
+Angelico and Rubens, will he be appreciative of both.
+
+Aristotle laid it down as an axiom that the ultimate verdict in matters
+of taste is 'what the man of enlightened intelligence would decide.' The
+critic becomes a man of enlightened intelligence, a [Greek: phronimos],
+by following the line of Goethe's precepts. In working out self-culture,
+he will derive assistance by the way from the commanding philosophical
+conception of our century. All things with which we are acquainted are
+in evolutionary process. Everything belonging to human nature is in a
+state of organic transition--passing through necessary phases of birth,
+growth, decline, and death. Art, in any one of its specific
+manifestations--Italian painting for example--avoids this law of organic
+evolution, arrests development at the fairest season of growth, averts
+the decadence which ends in death, no more than does an oak. The oak,
+starting from an acorn, nourished by earth, air, light, and water,
+offers indeed a simpler problem than so complex an organism as Italian
+painting, developed under conditions of manifold diversity. Yet the
+dominant law controls both equally.
+
+It is not, however, in evolutions that we must seek the abiding
+relations spoken of by Goethe. The evolutionary conception does not
+supply those to students of art, though it unfolds a law which is
+permanent and of universal application in the world at large. It forces
+us to dwell on necessary conditions of mutability and transformation. It
+leads the critic to comprehend the whole, and encourages the habit of
+scientific tolerance. We are saved by it from uselessly fretting
+ourselves because of the ungodly and the inevitable; from mourning over
+the decline of Gothic architecture into Perpendicular aridity and
+flamboyant feebleness, over the passage of the scepter from Sophocles to
+Euripides or from Tasso to Marino, over the chaos of Mannerism,
+Eclecticism and Naturalism into which Italian painting plunged from the
+height of its maturity. This toleration and acceptance of unavoidable
+change need not imply want of discriminative perception. We can apply
+the evolutionary canon in all strictness without ignoring that adult
+manhood is preferable to senile decrepitude, that Pheidias surpasses the
+sculptors of Antinous, that one Madonna of Gian Bellini is worth all the
+pictures of the younger Palma, and that Dossi's portrait of the
+Ferrarese jester is better worth having than the whole of Annibale
+Caracci's Galleria Farnesina.[235] It will even lead us to select for
+models those works which bear the mark of adolescence or vigorous
+maturity, as supplying more fruitful sources for our own artistic
+education.
+
+[Footnote 235: The great picture by Dosso Dossi, to which I have
+alluded, is in the Modenese gallery.]
+
+Nevertheless, not in evolution, but in man's soul, his intellectual and
+moral nature, must be sought those abiding relations which constitute
+sound art, and are the test of right aesthetic judgment. These are such
+as truth, simplicity, sobriety, love, grace, patience, modesty,
+thoughtfulness, repose, health, vigor, brain-stuff, dignity of
+imagination, lucidity of vision, purity, and depth of feeling. Wherever
+the critic finds these--whether it be in Giotto at the dawn or in Guido
+at the evensong of Italian painting, in Homer or Theocritus at the two
+extremes of Greek poetry--he will recognize the work as ranking with
+those things from which the soul draws nourishment. At the same time, he
+may not neglect the claims of craftsmanship. Each art has its own
+vehicle of expression, and exacts some innate capacity for the use of
+that vehicle from the artist. Therefore the critic must be also
+sufficiently versed in technicalities to give them their due value. It
+can, however, be laid down, as a general truth, that while immature or
+awkward workmanship is compatible with aesthetic excellence, technical
+dexterity, however skillfully applied, has never done anything for a
+soulless painter.
+
+Criticism, furthermore, implies judgment; and that judgment must be
+adjusted to the special nature of the thing criticised. Art is different
+from ethics, from the physical world, from sensuality, however refined.
+It will not, therefore, in the long run do for the critic of an art to
+apply the same rules as the moralist, the naturalist, or the hedonist.
+It will not do for him to be contented with edification, or
+differentiation of species, or demonstrable delightfulness as the
+test-stone of artistic excellence. All art is a presentation of the
+inner human being, his thought and feeling, through the medium of
+beautiful symbols in form, color, and sound. Our verdict must therefore
+be determined by the amount of thought, the amount of feeling, proper to
+noble humanity, which we find adequately expressed in beautiful
+aesthetic symbols. And the man who shall pronounce this verdict is, now
+as in the days of Aristotle, the man of enlightened intelligence, sound
+in his own nature and open to ideas. Even his verdict will not be final;
+for no one is wholly free from partialities due to the age in which he
+lives, and to his special temperament. Still, a consensus of such
+verdicts eventually forms that voice of the people which, according to
+an old proverb, is the voice of God. Slowly, and after many successive
+siftings, the cumulative votes of the _phronimoi_ decide. Insurgents
+against their judgment, in the case of acknowledged masters like
+Pheidias, Michelangelo, Shakespeare, are doomed to final defeat, because
+this judgment is really based upon abiding relations between art and
+human nature.
+
+Our hope with regard to the unity of taste in the future then is, that,
+all sentimental or academical seekings after the ideal having been
+abandoned, momentary theories founded upon idiosyncratic or temporary
+partialities exploded, and nothing accepted but what is solid and
+positive, the scientific spirit shall make men progressively more and
+more conscious of those _bleibende Verhältnisse_, more and more capable
+of living in the whole; also that, in proportion as we gain a firmer
+hold upon our own place in the world, we shall come to comprehend with
+more instinctive certitude what is simple, natural, and honest,
+welcoming with gladness all artistic products that exhibit these
+qualities. The perception of the enlightened man will then be the taste
+of a healthy person who has made himself acquainted with the laws of
+evolution in art and in society, and is able to test the excellence of
+work in any stage, from immaturity to decadence, by discerning what
+there is of truth, sincerity, and natural vigor in it.
+
+This digression was forced upon me by the difficulty of properly
+appreciating the Bolognese Eclectics now. What would be the amused
+astonishment of Sir Joshua Reynolds, if he returned to London at the
+present moment, and beheld the Dagon of his esteemed Caracci dashed to
+pieces by the ark of Botticelli--Carpaccio enthroned--Raffaello
+stigmatized as the stone of stumbling and the origin of evil? Yet
+Reynolds had as good a right to his opinion as any living master of the
+brush, or any living masters of language. There is no doubt that the
+Bolognese painters sufficed for the eighteenth century, whose taste
+indeed they had created.[236] There is equally no doubt that for the
+nineteenth they are insufficient.[237] The main business of a critic is
+to try to answer two questions: first why did the epoch produce such
+art, and why did it rejoice in it?--secondly, has this art any real
+worth beyond a documentary value for the students of one defined
+historical period; has it enduring qualities of originality, strength,
+beauty, and inspiration? To the first of these questions I have already
+given some answer by showing under what conditions the Caracci reacted
+against mannerism. In the due consideration of the second we are
+hampered by the culture of our period, which has strongly prejudiced all
+minds against the results of that reaction.
+
+[Footnote 236: The passage from Lodovico Caracci through Poussin to
+Reynolds is direct and unbroken. 'Poussin,' says Lanzi, 'ranked
+Domenichino directly next to Raffaello.' _History of Painting in Italy_,
+Engl. Tr. vol. iii. p. 84.]
+
+[Footnote 237: Perhaps a generation will yet arise which shall take the
+Caracci and their scholars into favor, even as people of refinement in
+our own days find a charm in patches, powder, perukes, sedan-chairs,
+patchouli, and other lumber from the age despised by Keats. I remember
+visiting a noble English lady at her country seat. We drank tea in her
+room, decorated by a fashionable 'Queen Anne' artist. She told us that
+the quaintly pretty furniture of the last century which adorned it had
+recently been brought down from the attic, whither her fore bears had
+consigned it as tasteless--Gillow in their minds superseding
+Chippendale.]
+
+The painting of the Eclectics was not spontaneous art. It was art
+mechanically revived during a period of critical hesitancy and declining
+enthusiasms. It was produced at Bologna, 'la dotta' or 'la grassa,' by
+Bolognese craftsmen. This is worth remembering; for except Guido
+Guinicelli and Francesco Raibolini, no natives of Bologna were eminently
+gifted for the arts. And Bologna was the city famous for her ponderous
+learning, famous also for the good cheer of her table, neither erudition
+nor savory meats being essential to the artist's temperament. The
+painting which emerged there at the close of the sixteenth century
+embodied religion and culture, both of a base alloy. The Christianity of
+the age was not naïve, simple, sincere, and popular, like that of the
+thirteenth century; but hysterical, dogmatic, hypocritical, and
+sacerdotal. It was not Christianity indeed, but Catholicism galvanized
+by terror into reactionary movement. The culture of the age was on the
+wane. Men had long lost their first clean perception of classical
+literature, and the motives of the mediaeval past were exhausted.
+Therefore, though the Eclectics went on painting the old subjects, they
+painted all alike with frigid superficiality. If we examine the lists of
+pictures turned out by the Caracci and Guercino, we shall find a pretty
+equal quantity of saints and Susannas, Judiths and Cleopatras, Davids
+and Bacchuses, Jehovahs and Jupiters, anchorites and Bassarids, Faiths
+and Fortunes, cherubs and Cupids. Artistically, all are on the same dead
+level of inspiration. Nothing new or vital, fanciful or imaginative, has
+been breathed into antique mythology. What has been added to religious
+expression is repellent. Extravagantly ideal in ecstatic Magdalens and
+Maries, extravagantly realistic in martyrdoms and torments,
+extravagantly harsh in dogmatic mysteries and the ecclesiastical parade
+of power, extravagantly soft in sentimental tenderness and tearful
+piety, this new religious element, the element of the Inquisition, the
+Tridentine Council, and the Jesuits, contradicts the true gospel of
+Christ. The painting which embodies it belongs to a spirit at strife
+with what was vital and progressive in the modern world. It is therefore
+naturally abhorrent to us now; nor can it be appreciated except by those
+who yearn for the triumph of ultramontane principles.
+
+If we turn from the intellectual content of this art to its external
+manifestation, we shall find similar reasons for its failure to delight
+or satisfy. The ambition of the Caracci was to combine in one the
+salient qualities of earlier masters. This ambition doomed their style
+to the sterility of hybrids. Moreover, in selecting, they omitted just
+those features which had given grace and character to their models. The
+substitution of generic types for portraiture, the avoidance of
+individuality, the contempt for what is simple and natural in details,
+deprived their work of attractiveness and suggestion. It is noticeable
+that they never painted flowers. While studying Titian's landscapes,
+they omitted the iris and the caper-blossom and the columbine which star
+the grass beneath Ariadne's feet. The lessons of the rocks and
+chestnut-trees of his S. Jeromes Solitude were lost on them. They began
+the false system of depicting ideal foliage and ideal precipices--that
+is to say, trees which are not trees, and cliffs which cannot be
+distinguished from cork or stucco. In like manner, the clothes wherewith
+they clad their personages were not of brocade or satin or broadcloth,
+but of that empty lie called drapery. The purpled silks of Titian's
+Lilac Lady, in the Pitti, the embroidered hems of Boccaccini da Cremona,
+the crimson velvet of Raphael's Joanna of Aragon, Veronese's cloth of
+silver and shot taffety, are replaced by one monotonous nondescript
+stuff, differently dyed in dull or glaring colors, but always shoddy.
+Characteristic costumes have disappeared. We shall not find in any of
+their Massacres of the Innocents a soldier like Bonifazio's Dall'Armi.
+In lieu of gems with flashing facets, or of quaint jewels from the
+Oreficeria, they adorn their kings and princesses with nothing less
+elevated than polished gold and ropes of pearls. After the same fashion,
+furniture, utensils, houses, animals, birds, weapons, are
+idealized--stripped, that is to say, of what in these things is specific
+and vital.
+
+It would be incorrect to say that there are no exceptions in Eclectic
+painting to this evil system. Yet the sweeping truth remains that the
+Caracci returned, not to what was best in their predecessors, but to
+what was dangerous and misleading.
+
+The 'grand style,' in Sir Joshua's sense of that phrase, denoting style
+which eliminates specific and characteristic qualities from objects,
+replacing them by so-called 'ideal' generalities, had already made its
+appearance in Raphael, Correggio, and Buonarroti We even find it in Da
+Vinci's Last Supper. Yet in Raphael it comes attended with divine grace;
+in Correggio with faun-like radiancy of gladness; in Buonarroti with
+Sinaitic sublimity; in Da Vinci with penetrative force of psychological
+characterization. The Caracci and their followers, with a few
+exceptions--Guido at his best being the notablest--brought nothing of
+these saving virtues to the pseudo-grand style.
+
+It was this delusion regarding nobility and elevation in style which
+betrayed so genial a painter as Reynolds into his appreciation of the
+Bolognese masters. He admired them; but he admired Titian, Raphael,
+Correggio, and Buonarroti more. And he admired the Eclectics because
+they developed the perilous part of the great Italian tradition. Just as
+Coleridge recommended young students of dramatic verse to found their
+style at first on Massinger rather than on Shakespeare, so Reynolds
+thought that the Caracci were sound models for beginners in the science
+of idealization. Shakespeare and Michelangelo are inimitable; Massinger
+and the Caracci exhibit the one thing needful to be learned, upon a
+scale not wholly unattainable by industry and talent. That was the line
+of argument; and, granted that the pseudo-grand style is a _sine quâ
+non_ of painting, Reynolds's position was logical.[238]
+
+[Footnote 238: It is only because I am an Englishman, writing a popular
+book for English folk, that I thus spend time in noticing the opinions
+of Joshua Reynolds. Addressing a European audience in this year grace, I
+should not have thought of eddying about his obsolete doctrine.]
+
+The criticism and the art-practice of this century have combined to
+shake our faith in the grand style. The spirit of the Romantic movement,
+penetrating poetry first, then manifesting itself in the reflective
+writings of Rio and Lord Lindsay, Ruskin and Gautier, producing the
+English landscape-painters and pre-Raphaelites, the French Realists and
+Impressionists, has shifted the center of gravity in taste. Science,
+too, contributes its quota. Histories of painting, like Kugler's, and
+Crowe and Cavalcaselle's, composed in an impartial and searching spirit
+of investigation, place students at a point of view removed from
+prejudice and academical canons of perfection. Only here and there,
+under special reactionary influences, as in the Dusseldorf and Munich
+schools of religious purists, has anything approaching to the
+eighteenth-century 'grand style' delusion reappeared.
+
+Why, therefore, the Eclectics are at present pining in the shade of
+neglect is now sufficiently apparent. We dislike their religious
+sentiments. We repudiate their false and unimaginative ideality. We
+recognize their touch on antique mythology to be cold and lifeless.
+Superficial imitations of Niobe and the Belvedere Apollo have no
+attraction for a generation educated by the marbles of the Parthenon.
+Dull reproductions of Raphael's manner at his worst cannot delight men
+satiated with Raphael's manner at his best. Whether the whirligig of
+time will bring about a revenge for the Eclectics yet remains to be
+seen. Taste is so capricious, or rather the conditions which create
+taste are so complex and inscrutable, that even this, which now seems
+impossible, may happen in the future. But a modest prediction can be
+hazarded that nothing short of the substitution of Catholicism for
+science and of Jesuitry for truth in the European mind will work a
+general revolution in their favor.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XIV.
+
+CONCLUSION.
+
+     The main Events of European History--Italy in the
+     Renaissance--Germany and Reformation--Catholic Reaction--Its
+     Antagonism to Renaissance and Reformation--Profound Identity of
+     Renaissance and Reformation--Place of Italy in European
+     Civilization--Want of Sympathy between Latin and Teutonic
+     Races--Relation of Rome to Italy--Macaulay on the Roman Church--On
+     Protestantism--Early Decline of Renaissance Enthusiasms--Italy's
+     Present and Future.
+
+I.
+
+The four main events of European history since the death of Christ are
+the decline of Graeco-Roman civilization, the triumph of Christianity as
+a new humanizing agency, the intrusion of Teutonic and Slavonic tribes
+into the comity of nations, and the construction of the modern world of
+thought by Renaissance and Reformation.
+
+As seems to be inevitable in the progress of our species, each of these
+changes involved losses, compensated by final gains; for humanity moves
+like a glacier, plastically, but with alternating phases of advance and
+retreat, obeying laws of fracture and regelation.
+
+It would thus be easy to deplore the collapse of that mighty and
+beneficent organism which we call the Roman Empire. Yet without this
+collapse how could the Catholic Church have supplied inspiration to
+peoples gifted with fresh faculties, endowed with insight differing from
+that of Greeks and Romans?
+
+It is tempting to lament the extinction of arts letters, and elaborated
+habits of civility, which followed the barbarian invasions. Yet without
+such extinction, how can we imagine to ourselves the growth of those new
+arts, original literatures, and varied modes of social culture, to which
+we give the names of mediaeval, chivalrous, or feudal?
+
+It is obvious that we can quarrel with the Renaissance for having put an
+end to purely Christian arts and letters by imposing a kind of pagan
+mannerism on the spontaneous products of the later mediaeval genius. But
+without this reversion to the remaining models of antique culture, how
+could the European races have become conscious of historical continuity;
+how could the corrupt system of Papal domination have been broken by
+Reform; how, finally, could Science, the vital principle of our present
+civilization, have been evolved?
+
+In all these instances it appears that the old order must yield place to
+the new, not only because the new is destined to incorporate and
+supersede it, but also because the old has become unfruitful. Thus, the
+Roman Empire, having discharged its organizing function, was decrepit,
+and classical civilization, after exhibiting its strength in season, was
+decaying when the Latin priesthood and the barbarians entered that
+closed garden of antiquity, and trampled it beneath their feet.
+Mediaeval religion and modes of thought, in like manner, were at the
+point of ossifying, when Humanism intervened to twine the threads of
+past and present into strands that should be strong as cables for the
+furtherance of future energy.
+
+It is incontestable that the Reformation and the Counter-Reformation,
+each of them on different grounds antagonistic to the Renaissance,
+appear to have retarded that emancipation of the reason, begun by
+Humanism, which is still in progress. Nevertheless, the strife of
+Protestantism and Catholicism was needed for preserving moral and
+religious elements which might have been too lightly dropped, and for
+working these into the staple of the modern consciousness. The process
+of the last three centuries, attended as it has been by serious
+drawbacks to the Spanish and Italian peoples, and by a lamentable waste
+of vigor to the Teutonic nations, has yet resulted in a permeation of
+the modern compost with the leaven of Christianity. Unchecked, it is
+probable that the Renaissance would have swept away much that was
+valuable and deserved to be permanent. Nor, without the flux and reflux
+of contending principles by which Europe was agitated in the
+Counter-Reformation period, could the equipoise of reciprocally
+attracting and repelling States, which constitutes the modern as
+different from the ancient or the mediaeval groundwork of political
+existence, have been so efficiently established.
+
+
+II.
+
+Permanence and homogeneity are not to be predicated of 'anything that's
+merely ours and mortal.' We have missed the whole teaching of history if
+we wail aloud because Greek and Roman culture succumbed to barbarism,
+out of which mediaeval Christianity emerged; because the revival of
+learning diverted arts and letters in each Occidental nation from their
+home-plowed channels; because Protestant theologians and Spanish Jesuits
+impeded that self-evolution of the reason which Italian humanists
+inaugurated. No less futile were it to waste declamatory tears upon the
+strife of absolutism with new-fledged democracy, or to vaticinate a
+reign of socialistic terror for the immediate future. We have to
+recognize that man cannot be other than what he makes himself; and he
+makes himself in obedience to immutable although unwritten laws, whereof
+he only of late years became dimly conscious. It is well, then, while
+reflecting on the lessons of some deeply studied epoch in world-history,
+to regard the developments with which we have been specially occupied,
+no less than the ephemeral activity of each particular individual, as
+factors in a universal process, whereof none sees the issue, but which,
+willing or unwilling, each man helps to further. We shall then
+acknowledge that a contest between Conservatism and Liberalism, between
+established order and the order that is destined to replace it, between
+custom and innovation, constitutes the essence of vitality in human
+affairs. The nations by turns are protagonists in the drama of progress;
+by turns are doomed to play the part of obstructive agents. Intermingled
+in conflict which is active life, they contribute by their phases of
+declension and resistance, no less than by their forward movements, to
+the growth of an organism which shall probably in the far future be
+coextensive with the whole human race.
+
+
+III.
+
+These considerations are suggested to us by the subject I have handled
+in this work. The first five volumes were devoted to showing how Italy,
+in the Renaissance, elaborated a new way of regarding man and the world,
+a new system of education, new social manners, and a new type of culture
+for herself and Europe. This was her pioneer's work in the period of
+transition from the middle ages; and while she was engaged in it, all
+classes, from popes and princes down to poetlings and pedants, seemed
+for a while to have lost sight of Catholic Christianity. They were
+equally indifferent to that corresponding and contemporary movement
+across the Alps, which is known as Reformation. They could not discern
+the close link of connection which binds Renaissance to Reformation.
+Though at root identical in tendency towards freedom, these stirrings of
+the modern spirit assumed externally such diverse forms as made them
+reciprocally repellent. Only one European nation received both impulses
+simultaneously. That was England, which adopted Protestantism and
+produced the literature of Spenser, Bacon, and Shakespeare at the same
+epoch. France, earlier than England, felt Renaissance influences, and
+for some while seemed upon the point of joining the Reformation. But
+while the French were hesitating, Spain proclaimed herself the
+uncompromising enemy of Protestantism, and Rome, supported by this
+powerful ally, dragged Italy into the Catholic reaction. That effort
+aimed at galvanizing a decrepit Church into the semblance of vital
+energy, and, while professing the reformation of its corrupt system,
+stereotyped all that was antagonistic in its creed and customs to the
+spirit of the modern world. The Catholic Revival necessitated vigorous
+reaction, not only against Protestantism, but also against the
+Liberalism of the Renaissance and the political liberties of peoples. It
+triumphed throughout Southern Europe chiefly because France chose at
+length the Catholic side. But the triumph was only partial, condemning
+Spain and Italy indeed to intellectual barrenness for a season, but not
+sufficing to dominate and suppress the development of rationalism. The
+pioneer's work of Italy was over. She joined the ranks of obscurantists
+and obstructives. Germany, having failed to accomplish the Reformation
+in time, was distracted by the Catholic reaction, which plunged her
+into a series of disastrous wars. It remained for England and Holland,
+not, however, without similar perturbations in both countries, to lead
+the van of progress through two centuries; after which this foremost
+post was assigned to France and the United States.
+
+
+IV.
+
+The views which I have maintained throughout my work upon the
+Renaissance will be found, I think, to be coherent. They have received
+such varied illustrations that it is difficult to recapitulate the
+principles on which they rest, without repetition. The main outline of
+the argument, however, is as follows. During the middle ages, Western
+Christendom recognized, in theory at least, the ideal of European unity
+under the dual headship of the Papacy and Empire. There was one civil
+order and one Church. Emperor and Pope, though frequently at strife,
+were supposed to support each other for the common welfare of
+Christendom. That mediaeval conception has now, in the centuries which
+we call modern, passed into oblivion; and the period in which it ceased
+to have effective value we denote as the period of the Renaissance and
+the Reformation. So long as the ideal held good, it was possible for the
+Papacy to stamp out heresies and to stifle the earlier stirrings of
+antagonistic culture. Thus the precursory movements to which I alluded
+in the first chapter of my 'Age of the Despots,' seemed to be abortive;
+and no less apparently abortive were the reformatory efforts of Wyclif
+and Huss. Yet Europe was slowly undergoing mental and moral changes,
+which announced the advent of a new era. These changes were more
+apparent in Italy than elsewhere, through the revival of arts and
+letters early in the fourteenth century. Cimabue, Giotto, and the
+Pisani, Dante, Petrarch, and Boccaccio, set culture forward on fresh
+paths divergent from previous mediaeval tradition. The gradual
+enfeeblement of the Empire and the distraction of the Church during the
+Great Schism prepared the means whereby both Renaissance and Reformation
+were eventually realized. The Council of Constance brought the Western
+nations into active diplomatical relations, and sowed seeds of thought
+which afterwards sprang up in Luther.
+
+Meanwhile a special nidus had been created in the South. The Italian
+communes freed themselves from all but titular subjection to the Empire,
+and were practically independent of the Papacy during its exile in
+Avignon. They succumbed to despots, and from Italian despotism emerged
+the Machiavellian conception of the State. This conception, modified in
+various ways, by Sarpi's theory of Church and State, by the Jesuit
+theory of Papal Supremacy, by the counter-theory of the Divine Right of
+Kings, by theories of Social Contract and the Divine Right of Nations,
+superseded the elder ideal of Universal Monarchy. It grew originally
+out of the specific conditions of Italy in the fifteenth century, and
+acquired force from that habit of mind, fostered by the Classical
+Revival, which we call humanism. Humanism had flourished in Italy since
+the days of Petrarch, and had been communicated by Italian teachers to
+the rest of Europe. As in the South it generated the new learning and
+the new culture which I have described in the first five volumes of my
+work, and acted as a solvent on the mediaeval idea of the Empire, so in
+the North it generated a new religious enthusiasm and acted as a solvent
+on the mediaeval idea of the Church. All through the middle ages,
+nothing seemed more formidable to the European mind than heresy. Any
+sacrifices were willingly made in order to secure the unity of the
+Catholic Communion. But now, by the Protestant rebellion, that spell was
+broken, and the right of peoples to choose their faith, in dissent from
+a Church declared corrupt, was loudly proclaimed.
+
+So long as we keep this line of reasoning in view, we shall recognize
+why it is not only uncritical, but also impossible, to separate the two
+movements severally called Renaissance and Reformation. Both had a
+common root in humanism, and humanism owed its existence on the one hand
+to the recovery of antique literature, on the other to the fact that the
+Papacy, instead of striving to stamp it out as it had stamped out
+Provençal civilization, viewed it at first with approval. The new
+learning, as our ancestors were wont to call it, involved, in
+Michelet's pregnant formula, the discovery of the world and man, and
+developed a spirit of revolt against mediaevalism in all its
+manifestations. Its fruits were speedily discerned in bold exploratory
+studies, sound methods of criticism, audacious speculation, and the free
+play of the intellect over every field of knowledge. This new learning
+had time and opportunity for full development in Italy, and for adequate
+extension to the Northern races, before its real tendencies were
+suspected. When that happened, the transition from the mediaeval to the
+modern age had been secured. The Empire was obsolete. The Church was
+forced into reaction. Europe became the battle-field of progressive and
+retrogressive forces, the scene of a struggle between two parties which
+can best be termed Liberalism and Conservatism.
+
+Stripping the subject of those artistic and literary associations which
+we are accustomed to connect with the word Renaissance, these seem to me
+the most essential points to bear in mind about this movement. Then,
+when we have studied the diverse antecedent circumstances of the German
+and Italian races, when we take into account their national qualities,
+and estimate the different aims and divergent enthusiasms evoked in each
+by humanistic ardor, we shall perceive how it came to pass that
+Renaissance and Reformation clashed together in discordant opposition to
+the Catholic Revival.
+
+
+V.
+
+Italy, through the Roman Republic, the Roman Empire, and the Roman
+Church, gave discipline, culture, and religion to the Western world.
+But, during the course of this civilizing process, a force arose in
+Northern Europe which was destined to transfer the center of gravity
+from the Mediterranean basin northwards. The Teutonic tribes effaced the
+Western Empire, adopted Christianity, and profoundly modified what still
+survived of Latin civility among the Occidental races. A new factor was
+thus introduced into the European community, which had to be assimilated
+to the old; and the genius of the Italian people never displayed itself
+more luminously than in the ability with which the Bishops of Rome
+availed themselves of this occasion. They separated the Latin from the
+Greek Church, and, by the figment of the Holy Roman Empire, cemented
+Southern and Northern Europe into an apparently cohesive whole. After
+the year A.D. 800, Europe, from the Baltic to the Mediterranean,
+acknowledged a dual headship; Papacy and Empire ranking as ideals under
+which the unity of Christendom subsisted in a multiplicity of separate
+and self-evolving nations.
+
+The concordat between Latin Church and German Empire, the one
+representing traditions of antique intelligence and southern habits of
+State organization, the other introducing the young energies of
+half-cultivated peoples and the chivalry of the North, was never
+perfect. Yet, incomplete as the fusion between Roman and Teuton actually
+was, it had a common basis in religion, and it enabled the federated
+peoples to maintain recognized international relations. What we now call
+Renaissance and Reformation revealed still unreconciled antagonisms
+between Southern and Northern, Latin and German, factors in this
+mediaeval Europe. Italy, freed for a while from both Papacy and Empire,
+expressed her intellectual energy in the Revival of Learning, developing
+that bold investigating spirit to which the names of Humanism or of
+Rationalism may be given. The new learning, the new enthusiasm for
+inquiry, the new study of the world and man, as subjects of vital
+interest irrespective of our dreamed-of life beyond the grave,
+stimulated in Italy what we know as Renaissance; while in Germany it led
+to what we know as Reformation. The Reformation must be regarded as the
+Teutonic counterpart to the Italian Renaissance. It was what emerged
+from the core of that huge barbarian factor, which had sapped the Roman
+Empire, and accepted Catholicism; which lent its vigor to the mediaeval
+Empire, and which now participated in the culture of the classical
+Revival. As Italy restored freedom to human intelligence and the senses
+by arts and letters and amenities of refined existence, so Germany
+restored freedom to the soul and conscience by strenuous efforts after
+religious sincerity and political independence. The one people aiming
+at a restoration of pagan civility beneath the shadow of Catholicism,
+the other seeking after a purer Christianity in antagonism to the Papal
+hierarchy, initiated from opposite points of view that complete
+emancipation of the modern mind which has not yet been fully realized.
+
+If we inquire why the final end to which both Renaissance and
+Reformation tended--namely, the liberation of the spirit from mediaeval
+prepossessions and impediments--has not been more perfectly attained, we
+find the cause of this partial failure in the contradictory conceptions
+formed by South and North of a problem which was at root one. Both
+Renaissance and Reformation had their origin in the revival of learning,
+or rather in that humanistic enthusiasm which was its vital essence. But
+the race-differences involved in these two movements were so
+irreconcilable, the objects pursued were so divergent, that Renaissance
+and Reformation came into the conflict of chemical combination,
+producing a ferment out of which the intellectual unity of Europe has
+not as yet clearly emerged. The Latin race, having created a new
+learning and a new culture, found itself at strife with the Teutonic
+race, which at the same period developed new religious conceptions and
+new political energies.
+
+The Church supplied a battle-field for these hostilities. The
+Renaissance was by no means favorable to the principles of Catholic
+orthodoxy; and the Italians showed themselves to be Christians by
+convention and tradition rather than by conviction in the fifteenth
+century. Yet Italy was well content to let the corrupt hierarchy of
+Papal Rome subsist, provided Rome maintained the attitude which Leo X.
+had adopted toward the liberal spirit of the Classical Revival. The
+Reformation, on the other hand, was openly antagonistic to the Catholic
+Church. Protestantism repudiated the toleration professed by skeptical
+philosophers and indulgent free-thinkers in the South, while it repelled
+those refined persons by theological fervor and moral indignation which
+they could not comprehend. Thus the Italian and the German children of
+humanism failed to make common cause against Catholicism, with which the
+former felt no sympathy and which the latter vehemently attacked.
+Meanwhile the Church awoke to a sense of her peril. The Papacy was still
+a force of the first magnitude; and it only required a vigorous effort
+to place it once more in an attitude of domination and resistance. This
+effort it made by reforming the ecclesiastical hierarchy, defining
+Catholic dogma, and carrying on a war of extermination against the
+twofold Liberalism of Renaissance and Reformation.
+
+That reactionary movement against the progress of free thought which
+extinguished the Italian Renaissance and repelled the Reformation, has
+formed the subject of the two preceding volumes of my work. It could not
+have been conducted by the Court of Rome without the help of Spain. The
+Spanish nation, at this epoch paramount in Europe, declared itself
+fanatically and unanimously for the Catholic Revival. In Italy it lent
+the weight of arms and overlordship to the Church for the suppression of
+popular liberties. It provided the Papacy with a spiritual militia
+specially disciplined to meet the exigencies of the moment. Yet the
+center of the reaction was still Rome; and the Spanish hegemony enabled
+the Roman hierarchy to consolidate an organism which has long survived
+its own influence in European affairs.
+
+
+VI.
+
+After the close of the Great Schism Rome began to obey the national
+impulses of the Italians, entered into their confederation as one of the
+five leading powers, and assumed externally the humanistic culture then
+in vogue. But the Church was a cosmopolitan institution. Its interests
+extended beyond the Alps, beyond the Pyrenees, beyond the oceans
+traversed by Portuguese and Spanish navigators. The Renaissance so far
+modified its structure that the Papacy continued politically to rank as
+an Italian power. Its headquarters could not be removed from the Tiber,
+and by the tacit consent of Latin Catholicism the Supreme Pontiff was
+selected from Italian prelates. Yet now, in 1530, it began to play a new
+part more consonant with its mediaeval functions and pretensions. Rome
+indeed had ceased to be the imperial capital of Europe, where the
+secular head of Christendom assumed the crown of Empire from his peer
+the spiritual chieftain. The Eternal City in this new phase of modern
+history, which lasted until Vittorio Emmanuele's entrance into the
+Quirinal in 1870, gave the Pope a place among Catholic sovereigns. From
+his throne upon the seven hills he conducted with their approval and
+assistance the campaign of the Counter-Reformation. Instead of
+encouraging and developing what yet remained of Renaissance in Italy,
+instead of directing that movement of the self-emancipating mind beyond
+the stage of art and humanism into the stage of rationalism and science,
+the Church used its authority to bring back the middle ages and to
+repress national impulses. It made common cause with Spain for a common
+object--the maintenance of Italy in a state of political and
+intellectual bondage, and the subjugation of such provinces in Europe as
+had not been irretrievably lost to the Catholic cause. The Italians, as
+a nation, remained passive, but not altogether unwilling or unapproving
+spectators of the drama which was being enacted under Papal leadership
+beyond their boundaries. Once again their activity was merged in that of
+Rome--in the action of that State which had first secured for them the
+Empire of the habitable globe, and next the spiritual hegemony of the
+Western races, and from the predominance of which they had partially
+disengaged themselves during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. It
+was the Papacy's sense of its own danger as a cosmopolitan institution,
+combined with the crushing superiority of Spain in the peninsula, which
+determined this phase of Italian history.
+
+The Catholic Revival, like the Renaissance, may in a certain sense be
+viewed as a product of Italian genius. This is sufficiently proved by
+the diplomatic history of the Tridentine Council, and by the dedication
+of the Jesuits to Papal service. It must, however, be remembered that
+while the Renaissance emanated from the race at large, from its
+confederation of independent republics and tyrannies, the Catholic
+Revival emanated from that portion of the race which is called Rome,
+from the ecclesiastical hierarchy imbued with world-wide ambitions in
+which national interests were drowned. There is nothing more interesting
+to the biographer of the Italians than the complicated correlation in
+which they have always stood to the cosmopolitan organism of Rome,
+itself Italian. In their antique days of greatness Rome subdued them,
+and by their native legions won the overlordship of the world. After the
+downfall of the Empire the Church continued Roman traditions in an
+altered form, but it found itself unable to dispense with the foreign
+assistance of Franks and Germans. The price now paid by Italy for
+spiritual headship in Europe was subjection to Teutonic suzerains and
+perpetual intriguing interference in her affairs. During the Avignonian
+captivity and the Great Schism, Italy developed intellectual and
+confederative unity, imposing her laws of culture and of state-craft
+even on the Papacy when it returned to Rome. But again at the close of
+the Renaissance, when Italian independence had collapsed, the Church
+aspired to spiritual supremacy; and at this epoch she recompensed her
+Spanish ally by aiding and abetting in the enslavement of the peninsula.
+Still the Roman Pontiff, who acted as generalissimo of the Catholic
+armies throughout Europe, was now more than ever recognized as an
+Italian power.
+
+
+VII.
+
+In his review of Ranke's _History of the Popes_ Lord Macaulay insists
+with brilliant eloquence upon the marvelous vitality and longevity of
+the Roman Catholic Church. He describes the insurrection of the
+intellect against her rule in Provence, and her triumph in the Crusade
+which sacrificed a nation to the conception of mediaeval religious
+unity. He dwells on her humiliation in exile at Avignon, her
+enfeeblement during the Great Schism, and her restoration to splendor
+and power at the close of the Councils. Then he devotes his vast
+accumulated stores of learning and his force of rhetoric to explain the
+Reformation, the Catholic Revival, and the Counter-Reformation. He
+proves abundantly what there was in the organism of the Catholic Church
+and in the temper of Papal Rome, which made these now reactionary powers
+more than a match for Protestantism. 'In fifty years from the day on
+which Luther publicly renounced communion with the Papacy, and burned
+the bull of Leo before the gates of Wittenberg, Protestantism attained
+its highest ascendency, an ascendency which it soon lost, and which it
+never regained.' This sentence forms the theme for Lord Macaulay's
+survey of the Catholic Revival. Dazzling and fascinating as that survey
+is, it fails through misconception of one all-important point. Lord
+Macaulay takes for granted that conflict in Europe, since the
+publication of Luther's manifesto against Rome, has been between
+Catholicism and Protestantism. Even after describing the cataclysm of
+the French Revolution, he winds up his argument with these words: 'We
+think it a most remarkable fact that no Christian nation, which did not
+adopt the principles of the Reformation before the end of the sixteenth
+century, should ever have adopted them. Catholic communities have, since
+that time, become infidel and Catholic again; but none has become
+Protestant.' This is tantamount to regarding Protestantism as something
+fixed and final in itself, as a permanent and necessary form of
+Christianity. Here lies the fallacy which makes his reasoning, in spite
+of all its eloquence, but superficial. Protestantism, in truth, has
+never been more than a half-way house or halting-place between
+Catholicism and what may variously be described as free thought or
+science or rationalism. Being in its origin critical--being, as its name
+implies, a protest and an opposition--Protestantism was doomed to
+sterility, whenever it hardened into one or other of its dogmatic
+forms. As critics and insurgents, Luther and Calvin rank among the
+liberators of the modern intellect. As founders of intolerant and
+mutually hostile Christian sects, Luther and Calvin rank among the
+retarders of modern civilization. In subsequent thinkers of whom both
+sects have disapproved, we may recognize the veritable continuators of
+their work in its best aspect. The Lutheran and Calvinist Churches are
+but backwaters and stagnant pools, left behind by the subsidence of
+rivers in flood, separated from the tidal stress of cosmic forces.
+Macaulay's misconception of the true character of Protestantism, which
+is to Catholicism what the several dissenting bodies are to the English
+Establishment, has diverted his attention from the deeper issues
+involved in the Counter-Reformation. He hardly touches upon Rome's
+persecution of free thought, upon her obstinate opposition to science.
+Consequently, he is not sufficiently aware that Copernicus and Bruno
+were, even in the sixteenth century, far more dangerous foes to
+Catholicism than were the leaders of the Reformed Churches. Copernicus
+and Bruno, the lineal ancestors of Helmholtz and Darwin, headed that
+opposition to Catholicism which has been continuous and potent to the
+present day, which has never retreated into backwaters or stagnated in
+slumbrous pools. From this opposition the essence of Christianity, the
+spirit which Christ bequeathed to his disciples, has nothing to fear.
+But Catholicism and Protestantism alike, in so far as both are dogmatic
+and reactionary, clinging to creeds which will not bear the test of
+scientific investigation, to myths which have lost their significance in
+the light of advancing knowledge, and to methods of interpreting the
+Scriptures at variance with the canons of historical criticism, have
+very much to fear from this opposition. Lord Macaulay thinks it a most
+remarkable fact that no Christian nation has adopted the principles of
+the Reformation since the end of the sixteenth century. He does not
+perceive that, in every race of Europe, all enlightened thinkers,
+whether we name Bacon or Descartes, Spinoza or Leibnitz, Goethe or
+Mazzini, have adopted and carried forward those principles in their
+essence. That they have not proclaimed themselves Protestants unless
+they happened to be born Protestants, ought not to arouse his wonder,
+any more than that Washington and Heine did not proclaim themselves
+Whigs. For Protestantism, when it became dogmatic and stereotyped itself
+in sects, ceased to hold any vital relation to the forward movement of
+modern thought. The Reformation, in its origin, was, as I have tried to
+show, the Northern and Teutonic manifestation of that struggle after
+intellectual freedom, which in Italy and France had taken shape as
+Renaissance. But Calvinism, Lutheranism, Zwinglianism, and Anglicanism
+renounced that struggle only less decidedly than Catholicism; and in
+some of their specific phases, in Puritanism for example, they showed
+themselves even more antagonistic to liberal culture and progressive
+thought than did the Roman Church.
+
+Whatever may be thought about the future of Catholicism (and no prudent
+man will utter prophecies upon such matters), there can be no doubt that
+the universal mind of the Christian races, whether Catholic or
+Protestant, has been profoundly penetrated and permeated with
+rationalism, which, springing simultaneously in Reformation and
+Renaissance out of humanism, has supplied the spiritual life of the last
+four centuries. This has created science in all its branches. This has
+stimulated critical and historical curiosity. This has substituted sound
+for false methods of inquiry, the love of truth for attachment to
+venerable delusion. This has sustained the unconquerable soul of man in
+its persistent effort after liberty and its revolt against the tyranny
+of priests and princes. At present, civilization seems threatened by
+more potent foes than the Roman Church, nor is it likely that these foes
+will seek a coalition with Catholicism.
+
+As a final remark upon this topic, it should be pointed out that
+Protestantism, in spite of the shortcomings I have indicated, has, on
+the whole, been more favorable to intellectual progress than
+Catholicism. For Protestantism was never altogether oblivious of its
+origin in revolt against unjust spiritual domination, while Catholicism
+has steadily maintained its conservative attitude of self-defense by
+repression. This suffices to explain another point insisted on by Lord
+Macaulay--namely, that those nations in which Protestantism took root
+have steadily advanced, while the decay of Southern Europe can be mainly
+ascribed to the Catholic Revival. The one group of nations have made
+progress, not indeed because they were Protestants, but because they
+were more obedient to the Divine Mind, more in sympathy with the vital
+principle of movement, more open to rationalism. The other group of
+nations have declined, because Catholicism after the year 1530, wilfully
+separated itself from truth and liberty and living force, and
+obstinately persisted in serving the false deities of an antiquated
+religion.
+
+
+VIII.
+
+Few periods in history illustrate the law of reaction and retrogression,
+to which all processes of civil progress are subject, more plainly and
+more sadly than the one with which I have been dealing in these volumes.
+The Renaissance in Italy started with the fascination of a golden dream;
+and like the music of a dream, it floated over Europe. But the force
+which had stimulated humanity to this delightful reawakening of senses
+and intelligence, stirred also the slumbering religious conscience, and
+a yearning after personal emancipation. Protestantism arose like a stern
+reality, plunging the nations into confused and deadly conflict,
+arousing antagonisms in established orders, unleashing cupidities and
+passions which had lurked within the breasts of manifold adventurers.
+The fifteenth century closed to a solemn symphony. After the middle of
+the sixteenth, discord sounded from every quarter of the Occidental
+world. Italy lay trampled on and dying. Spain reared her dragon's crest
+of menacing ambition and remorseless fanaticism. France was torn by
+factions and devoured by vicious favorites of corrupt kings. Germany
+heaved like a huge ocean in the grip of a tumultuous gyrating cyclone.
+England passed through a complex revolution, the issue of which, under
+the sway of three Tudor monarchs, appeared undecided, until the fourth
+by happy fate secured the future of her people. It is not to be wondered
+that, in these circumstances, a mournful discouragement should have
+descended on the age; that men should have become more dubitative; that
+arts and letters should have seemed to pine upon unfertile ground. The
+nutriment they needed was absorbed by plants of fiercer and ranker
+growth, religious hatreds, political greeds, relentless passions burning
+in the hearts of princes and of populations.
+
+
+IX.
+
+Italy had already given so much of mental and social civilization to
+Europe, that her quiescence at this epoch can scarcely supply a
+substantial theme for rhetorical lamentations. Marino and Guido Reni
+prove that the richer veins of Renaissance art and poetry had been
+worked out. The lives of Aldus the younger and Muretus show that
+humanism was well-nigh exhausted on its native soil. This will not,
+however, prevent us from deploring the untimely frost cast by
+persecution on Italy's budding boughs of knowledge. While we rejoice in
+Galileo, we must needs shed tears of fiery wrath over the passion of
+Campanella and the stake of Bruno. Meanwhile the tree of genius was ever
+green and vital in that Saturnian land of culture. Poetry, painting,
+sculpture, and architecture, having borne their flowers and fruits,
+retired to rest. Scholarship faded; science was nipped in its unfolding
+season by unkindly influences. But music put forth lusty shoots and
+flourished, yielding a new paradise of harmless joy, which even priests
+could grudge not to the world, and which lulled tyranny to sleep with
+silvery numbers.
+
+Thanks be to God that I who pen these pages, and that you who read them,
+have before us in this year of grace the spectacle of a resuscitated
+Italy! In this last quarter of the nineteenth century, the work of her
+heroes, Vittorio Emmanuele, Mazzini, Garibaldi, and Cavour, stands
+firmly founded. The creation of united Italy, that latest birth of the
+Italian genius, that most impossible of dreamed-of triumphs through long
+ages of her glory and greatness, compensates for all that she has borne
+in these three hundred years. Now that Rome is no longer the seat of a
+cosmopolitan theocracy, but the capital of a regenerated people; now
+that Venice joins hands with Genoa, forgetful of Curzola and Chioggia;
+now that Florence and Pisa and Siena stand like sisters on the sacred
+Tuscan soil, while Milan has no strife with Naples, and the Alps and
+sea-waves gird one harmony of cities who have drowned their ancient
+spites in amity,--the student of the splendid and the bitter past may
+pause and bow his head in gratitude to Heaven and swear that, after all,
+all things are well.
+
+
+X.
+
+There is no finality in human history. It is folly to believe that any
+religions, any social orders, any scientific hypotheses, are more than
+provisional, and partially possessed of truth. Let us assume that the
+whole curve of human existence on this planet describes a parabola of
+some twenty millions of years in duration.[239] Of this we have already
+exhausted unreckoned centuries in the evolution of pre-historic man, and
+perhaps five thousand years in the ages of historic records. How much of
+time remains in front? Through that past period of five thousand years
+preserved for purblind retrospect in records, what changes of opinion,
+what peripeties of empire, may we not observe and ponder! How many
+theologies, cosmological conceptions, polities, moralities, dominions,
+ways of living and of looking upon life, have followed one upon another!
+The space itself is brief; compared with the incalculable longevity of
+the globe, it is but a bare 'scape in oblivion.' And, however ephemeral
+the persistence of humanity may be in this its earthly dwelling-place,
+the conscious past sinks into insignificance before those aeons of the
+conscious future, those on-coming and out-rolling waves of further
+evolution which bear posterity forward. Has any solid gain of man been
+lost on the stream of time to us-ward? We doubt that. Has anything final
+and conclusive been arrived at? We doubt that also. The river broadens,
+as it bears us on. But the rills from which it gathered, and the ocean
+whereto it tends, are now, as ever in the past, inscrutable. It is
+therefore futile to suppose, at this short stage upon our journey, while
+the infant founts of knowledge are still murmuring to our ears, that any
+form of faith or science has been attained as permanent; that any
+Pillars of Hercules have been set up against the Atlantic Ocean of
+experience and exploration. Think of that curve of possibly twenty
+million years, and of the five thousand years remembered by humanity!
+How much, how incalculably much longer is the space to be traversed than
+that which we have left behind! It seems, therefore, our truest, as it
+is our humblest, wisdom to live by faith and love. 'And now abideth
+faith, hope, charity, these three; but the greatest of these is
+charity.' Love is the greatest; and against love man has sinned most in
+the short but blood-bedabbled annals of his past. Hope is the virtue
+from which a faithful human being can best afford to abstain, unless
+hope wait as patient handmaid upon faith. Faith is the steadying and
+sustaining force, holding fast by which each one of us dares defy
+change, and gaze with eyes of curious contemplation on the tide which
+brought us, and is carrying, and will bear us where we see not. 'I know
+not how I came of you and I know not where I go with you; but I know I
+came well and I shall go well.' Man can do no better than live in
+Eternity's Sunrise, as Blake put it. To live in the eternal sunrise of
+God's presence, ever rising, not yet risen, which will never reach its
+meridian on this globe, seems to be the destiny, as it should also be
+the blessing, of mankind.
+
+[Footnote 239: Twenty millions of years is of course a mere symbol, _x_
+or _y_.]
+
+
+
+
+INDEX.
+
+
+A
+
+ACADEMIES, Italian, the flourishing time of, i. 52.
+
+ACCIAIUOLI, Roberto, i. 33.
+
+ACCOLTI, Benedetto, conspirator against Pius IV., i. 132.
+
+ACCORAMBONI, Claudio (father of Vittoria), i. 356.
+
+---Marcello (brother of Vittoria):
+  intrigues for the marriage of his sister with the
+  Duke of Bracciano, i. 358 _sqq._;
+  procures the murder of her husband, 362;
+  employs a Greek enchantress to brew love-philters, 365;
+  his death, 372.
+
+---Tarquinia (mother of Vittoria), i. 356.
+
+---Vittoria, the story of, i. 355 _sqq._;
+  her birth and parentage, 356;
+  marriage with Felice Peretti, 357;
+  intrigue with the Duke of Bracciano, 360;
+  the murder of her husband, 362;
+  her marriage with Bracciano, 364;
+  annulled by the Pope, 364, 366;
+  the union renounced by the Duke, 365;
+  put on trial for the murder of Peretti, _ib._;
+  their union publicly ratified by the Duke, 366;
+  flight from Rome, _ib._;
+  death of Bracciano, 367;
+  her murder procured by Lodovico Orsini, 369.
+
+'ACTS of Faith,' i. 107, 176, 187.
+
+ADMINISTRATOR, the (Jesuit functionary), i. 273.
+
+'ADONE,' Marino's:
+  its publication, ii. 264;
+  critique of the poem, 266 _sqq._
+
+ALBANI, Francesco, Bolognese painter, ii. 355, 358.
+
+ALEXANDER VI., Pope, parallel between, and Pope Paul IV., i. 106.
+
+ALFONSO II., Duke of Ferrara:
+  sketch of his Court, ii. 28 _sqq._;
+  his second marriage, 30;
+  treatment of Tasso, 38, 51, 53, 58, 60 _sqq._;
+  his third marriage, 66;
+  estimate of the reasons why he imprisoned Tasso, 66 _sqq._
+
+ALFONSO the Magnanimous:
+  arrangements under his will, i. 4.
+
+ALIDOSI, Cardinal Francesco, murder of, i. 36.
+
+ALLEGORY, hypocrisy of the, exemplified in Tasso, ii. 44;
+  in Marino, 272;
+  in Ortensi's moral interpretations of Bandello's
+ _Novelle_, 272 _n._
+
+ALTEMPS, Cardinal d' (Mark of Hohen Ems), legate at Trent, i. 119 _n._
+
+ALVA, Duke of, defeat of the Duke of Guise by, i. 103.
+
+'AMADIS of Gaul,' the favorite book of Loyola in his youth, i. 232.
+
+AMIAS, Beatrice, mother of Francesco Cenci, i. 346.
+
+'AMINTA,' Tasso's pastoral drama, first production of, ii. 39;
+  its style, 114.
+
+ANGELUZZO, Giovanni, Tasso's first teacher, ii. 12.
+
+ANIMA Mundi, Bruno's doctrine of, ii. 177.
+
+ANTONIANO, a censor of the _Gerusalemme Liberata_, ii. 43.
+
+---Silvio, a boy _improvvisatore_, anecdote of, ii. 328.
+
+AQUAVIVA, the fifth General of the Jesuits, i. 248.
+
+AQUITAINE, Duke of, Guercino's painting of in Bologna, ii. 367.
+
+ARAGONESE Dynasty, the, in Italy, i. 4.
+
+ARBUES, Peter, Saint of the Inquisition in Aragon, i. 161, 178.
+
+ARETINO, Pietro, i. 42, 70;
+  satire of on Paul IV., 108.
+
+'ARIE Divote,' Palestrina's, ii. 335.
+
+ARISTOTLE'S Axiom on Taste, ii. 371, 374.
+
+ARMADA, Spanish, i. 149.
+
+ARMI, Lodovico dall', a _bravo_ of noble family, i. 409;
+  accredited at Venice as Henry VIII.'s 'Colonel,' 410;
+  his career of secret diplomacy, 411;
+  negotiations between Lord Wriothesley and Venice regarding
+  the ban issued against him, 412;
+  his downfall, 413;
+  personal appearance, 414;
+  execution, 415.
+
+ARNOLFINI, Massimiliano, paramour of Lucrezia Buonvisi, i. 331;
+  procures the assassination of her husband, 332;
+  flight from justice, 332;
+  outlawed, 336;
+  his wanderings and wretched end, 339.
+
+ART of Memory, Bruno's, ii. 139.
+
+ART of Poetry, Tasso's Dialogues on the, ii. 22, 24;
+  influence of its theory on Tasso's own work, 25.
+
+ASSISTANTS, the (Jesuit functionaries), i. 273.
+
+ASTORGA, Marquis of, i. 22.
+
+AURORA, the Ludovisi fresco of, ii. 368.
+
+AVILA, Don Luigi d', i. 128.
+
+
+B
+
+BAGLIONI, Malatesta, i. 46.
+
+BAINI'S _Life of Palestrina_, ii. 316 _sqq._
+
+BALBI, Cesare, on Italian decadence, ii. 3.
+
+BANDITTI, tales illustrative of, i. 388 _sqq._
+
+'BANDO' (of outlawry), recitation of the terms of a, i. 328.
+
+BARBIERI, Giovanni Francesco, _see_ IL GUERCINO.
+
+BARCELONA, the Treaty of, i. 15.
+
+BARNABITES, Order of the:
+  their foundation, i. 80.
+
+BAROCCIO, Federigo, ii. 349.
+
+BAROZZA, a Venetian courtezan, i. 394, 396.
+
+BASEL, Council of, i. 94.
+
+BEARD, unshorn, worn in sign of mourning, i. 36.
+
+BEDELL, William (Bishop of Kilmore), on Fra Paolo and
+  Fra Fulgenzio, ii. 231.
+
+BEDMAR'S conspiracy, ii. 186.
+
+BELLARMINO, Cardinal, on the inviolability of the Vulgate, i. 212;
+  relations of, with Fra Paolo Sarpi, ii. 213, 222;
+  his censure of the _Pastor Fido_, 251.
+
+BELRIGUARDO, the villa of, Tasso at, ii. 53.
+
+BEMBO, Pietro, i. 30, 41.
+
+BENDEDEI, Taddea, wife of Guarini, ii. 245.
+
+BENTIVOGLI, the semi-royal offspring of King Enzo of Sardinia, ii. 304.
+
+BIBBONI, Cecco:
+  his account of how he murdered Lorenzino de'Medici, i. 488 _sqq._;
+  his associate, Bebo, details of the life of a _bravo_, 389;
+  tracking an outlaw, 392;
+  the wages of a tyrannicide, 394;
+  the _bravo's_ patient watching, 395;
+  the murder, 397;
+  flight of the assassins, 399;
+  their reception by Count Collalto, 401;
+  they seek refuge at the Spanish embassy, 402;
+  protected by Charles V.'s orders, 403;
+  conveyed to Pisa, 404;
+  well provided for their future life, _ib._
+
+BITONTO. Pasquale di, one of the assassins of Sarpi, ii. 212.
+
+BLACK garments of Charles V., the, i. 43.
+
+BLACK Pope, the, i. 275.
+
+BLOIS, Treaty of, i. 12.
+
+BOBADILLA, Nicholas, associate of Ignatius Loyola, i. 240;
+  his work as a Jesuit in Bavaria, 258.
+
+BOLOGNA and Modena, humors of the conflict between, ii. 304.
+
+BOLOGNESE school of painters, the, ii. 343 _sqq._;
+  why their paintings are now neglected, 375 _sqq._;
+  mental condition of Bolognese art, 376.
+
+BONELLI, Michele, nephew of Pius V., i. 147.
+
+BONIFAZIO of Montferrat, Marquis, one of the Paleologi, i. 23.
+
+BORGIA, Francis (Duke of Gandia), third General of the Jesuits, i. 256;
+  prevented by Loyola from accepting a Cardinal's hat, 260.
+
+BORROMEO, Carlo:
+  his character, i. 115;
+  a possible successor to Pius IV., 135;
+  ruled in Rome by the Jesuits, 142;
+  his intimacy with Sarpi, ii. 194.
+
+---Federigo, i. 115;
+  letter of, forbidding soldiers' visits to convents, 316 _n._
+
+BRANCACCIO, Diana, treachery of, towards the Duchess of Palliano, i. 378;
+  her murder, 379.
+
+'BRAVI,' maintenance of by Italian nobles, i. 313;
+  tales illustrative of, 388 _sqq._;
+  relations of trust between _bravi_ and foreign Courts, 409.
+
+BRIGANDAGE in Italy, i. 416.
+
+BROWN, Mr. H.F., his researches in the Venetian archives, i. 189 _n._
+
+BRUCCIOLI, Antonio, translator of the Bible into Italian, i. 76.
+
+BRUNO, Giordano:
+  his birth, and training as a Dominican, ii. 129;
+  early speculative doubts, 130;
+  _Il Candelajo_, 131, 183;
+  early studies, 133;
+  prosecution for heresy, 134;
+  a wandering student, 135;
+  at Geneva, 136;
+  Toulouse, 137;
+  at the Sorbonne, 138;
+  the Art of Memory, 139, 154;
+  _De Umbris Idearum_, _ib._;
+  relations with Henri III., 140;
+  Bruno's person and conversation, 141;
+  in England, _ib._;
+  works printed in London, 142;
+  descriptions of London life, _ib._;
+  opinion of Queen Elizabeth, 143;
+  lecturer at Oxford, 144;
+  address to the Vice-Chancellor, 146;
+  academical opposition, 147;
+  the Ash-Wednesday Supper, _ib._;
+  in the family of Castelnau, 148;
+  in Germany, 149;
+  Bruno's opinion of the Reformers, _ib._;
+  the _De Monade_ and _De Triplici Minimo_, 150;
+  Bruno in a monastery at Frankfort, 151;
+  invited to Venice, 153;
+  a guest of Mocenigo there, 154;
+  his occupations, 156;
+  denounced by Mocenigo and imprisoned by the Inquisition, 157;
+  the heads of the accusation, 157 _sqq._;
+  trial, 159;
+  recantation, 160;
+  estimate of Bruno's apology, 161;
+  his removal to and long imprisonment at Rome, 163;
+  his execution, 164;
+  evidence of his martyrdom, 164 _sqq._;
+  Schoppe's account, 165;
+  details of Bruno's treatment in Rome, 167;
+  the burning at the stake, 167 _sq._;
+  Bruno a martyr, 168;
+  contrast with Tasso, 169;
+  Bruno's mental attitude, 170 _sq._;
+  his championship of the Copernican system, 172;
+  his relation to modern science and philosophy, 173;
+  conception of the universe, 173 _sqq._;
+  his theology, 175;
+  the _Anima Mundi_, 177;
+  anticipations of modern thought, 178, 182;
+  his want of method, 180;
+  the treatise on the Seven Arts, 182;
+  Bruno's literary style, 182 _sqq._;
+  his death contrasted with that of Sarpi, 239 _n._
+
+BRUSANTINI, Count Alessandro (Tassoni's 'Conte Culagna'), ii. 301, 306.
+
+BUCKET, the Bolognese, ii. 305.
+
+BUONCOMPAGNO, Giacomo, bastard, son of Gregory XIII., i. 150.
+
+---Ugo, _see_ GREGORY XIII.
+
+BUONVISI, Lucrezia, story of, i. 330;
+  intrigue with Arnolfini, 331;
+  murder of her husband, 332;
+  Lucrezia suspected of complicity, 334;
+  becomes a nun (Sister Umilia), _ib._;
+  the case against her, 338;
+  amours of inmates of her convent, 340;
+  Umilia's intrigue with Samminiati, _ib._;
+  discovery of their correspondence, 341;
+  trial and sentences of the nuns, 344;
+  Umilia's last days, 345.
+
+---Lelio, assassination of, i. 332.
+
+BURGUNDIAN diamond of Charles the Bold, the, i. 38.
+
+
+C
+
+CALCAGNINI, Celio, letter of, on religious controversies, i. 74.
+
+CALVAERT, Dionysius, a Flemish painter in Bologna, ii. 355.
+
+CALVETTI, Olimpio (one of the assassins of Francesco Cenci), i. 350.
+
+CALVIN, i. 73;
+  his relation to modern civilization, ii. 402.
+
+CAMBRAY, Treaty of (the Paix des Dames), i. 9, 15.
+
+CAMERA Apostolica, the, venality of, i. 140.
+
+CAMERINO, Duchy of, i. 86.
+
+CAMPANELLA, on the black robes of the Spaniards in Italy, i. 44.
+
+CAMPEGGI, Cardinal Lorenzo, i. 21.
+
+CAMPIREALI, Elena, the tale of, i. 428.
+
+CANELLO, U.A., on Italian society in the sixteenth century, i. 304 _n._
+
+CANISIUS, lieutenant of Loyola in Austria, i. 259;
+  appointed to the administration of the see of Vienna, 260.
+
+CANOSSA, Antonio, conspirator against Pius IV., i. 132.
+
+CAPELLO, Bianca, the story of, i. 382.
+
+CAPPELLA, Giulia (Rome), school for training choristers, ii. 316.
+
+CARACCI, the, Bolognese painters, ii. 345, 349 _sqq._
+
+CARAFFA, Cardinal, condemned to death by Pius IV., i. 115.
+
+---Giovanni Pietro (afterwards Pope Paul IV.),
+  causes the rejection of Contarini's
+  arrangement with the Lutherans, i. 78;
+  helps to found the Theatines, 79;
+  made Cardinal by Paul III., 88;
+  hatred of Spanish ascendency, 89;
+  becomes Pope Paul IV., 102;
+  quarrel with Philip II., 102 _sqq._;
+  opens negotiations with Soliman, 103;
+  reconciliation with Spain, 104;
+  nepotism, _ib._;
+  indignation against the misdoings of his relatives, 106;
+  ecclesiastical reforms, 107 _sq._;
+  zeal for the Holy Office, 107 _n._;
+  personal character, 108;
+  his death, _ib._;
+  his earlier relations with Ignatius Loyola, 242.
+
+CARAFFESCHI, evil character of the, i. 105;
+  four condemned to death by Pius IV., 115, 318.
+
+CARAVAGGIO, Michelangelo Amerighi da, Italian Realist painter, ii. 363 _n._
+
+CARDINE, Aliffe and Leonardo di (Caraffeschi),
+  condemned to death by Pius IV., i. 115.
+
+CARDONA, Violante de (Duchess of Palliano), story of, i. 373 _sqq._;
+  her accomplishments, 374;
+  character, _ib._;
+  passion of Marcello Capecce for her, _ib._;
+  her character compromised through Diana Brancaccio, 378;
+  murder of Marcello and Diana by the Duke, _ib._;
+  death of Violante at the hands of her brother, 380.
+
+CARLI, Orazio:
+  description of his being put to the torture, i. 333 _sq._
+
+CARLO Emmanuele of Savoy, Italian hopes founded on, ii. 246, 286;
+  friend of Marino, 262;
+  kindness to Chiabrera, 290;
+  treatment of Tassoni, 298.
+
+CARNESECCHI, condemned by the Roman Inquisition to be burned, i. 145.
+
+CARPI, attached to Ferrara, i. 40.
+
+CARRANZA, Archbishop of Toledo, condemned by the
+  Roman Inquisition to be burned, i. 145.
+
+CASA, Giovanni della (author of the _Capitolo del Forno_), i. 393, 395.
+
+CASTELNAU, Michel de, kindness of towards Giordano Bruno, ii. 141, 148.
+
+---Marie de, Bruno's admiration for, ii. 148.
+
+---Pierre de, the first Saint of the Inquisition, i. 161.
+
+CATALANI, Marzio (one of the assassins of Francesco Cenci), i. 350.
+
+CATEAU Cambrésis, the Peace of, i. 48.
+
+CATHOLIC Revival, the inaugurators of, at Bologna, i. 16;
+  transition from the Renaissance to, 65;
+  new religious spirit in Italy, 67;
+  the Popes and the Council of Trent, 96 _sqq._;
+  a Papal triumph, 130;
+  the Catholic Reaction generated the Counter-Reformation, 133;
+  its effect on social and domestic morals, 301 _sqq._
+
+CELEBRITY, vicissitudes of, ii. 368.
+
+CELIBACY, clerical, the question of, at Trent, i. 123.
+
+CELLANT, Contessa di, the model of Luini's S. Catherine, ii. 360 _n._
+
+'CENA delle Ceneri, La,' Bruno's, i. 85 _n._; ii. 140, 142, 183.
+
+CENCI, Beatrice, examination of the legend of, i. 351 _sqq._
+
+---Francesco: bastard son of Cristoforo Cenci, i. 346;
+  his early life, _ib._;
+  disgraceful charges against him, 348;
+  compounds by heavy money payment for his crimes, _ib._;
+  violent deaths of his sons, _ib._;
+  severity towards his children, 349;
+  his assassination procured by his wife and three children, 350;
+  the murderers denounced, _ib._;
+  their trial and punishments, 351.
+
+---Msgr. Christoforo, father of Francesco Cenci, i. 346.
+
+CENTINI, Giacomo: story of his attempts by sorcery on the
+  life of Urban VIII., i. 425.
+
+CESI, Msgr., invites Tasso to Bologna, ii. 22.
+
+CHARLES V., his compact with Clement VII., i. 15;
+  Emperor Elect, 16;
+  relations with Andrea Doria, 17;
+  at Genoa, 18;
+  his journey to Bologna, 20;
+  his reception there, 22;
+  the meeting with Clement, 23;
+  mustering of Italian princes, 25;
+  negotiations on Italian affairs, 26 _sqq._;
+  a treaty of peace signed, 31;
+  the difficulty with Florence, 32;
+  the question of the two crowns, 34 _sqq._;
+  description of the coronation, 37 _sqq._;
+  the events that followed, 39 _sqq._;
+  the net results of Charles's administration of Italian affairs, 45 _sqq._;
+  his relations with Paul III., 100;
+  his abdication, 102;
+  he protects the assassins of Lorenzino de'Medici, 403.
+
+CHARLES VIII., of France: his invasion of Italy, i. 8.
+
+CHIABRERA, Gabriello: his birth, ii. 287;
+  educated by the Jesuits, _ib._;
+  his youth, 288;
+  the occupations of a long life, 289;
+  courtliness, 290;
+  ode to Cesare d'Este, 291;
+  Chiabrera's aim to remodel Italian poetry on a Greek pattern. 292 _sqq._;
+  would-be Pindaric flights, 296;
+  comparison with Marino and Tassoni, _ib._
+
+CIOTTO, Giambattista, relations of, with Giordano Bruno, ii. 152 _sqq._
+
+CISNEROS, Garcia de, author of a work which suggested
+  S. Ignatius's _Exercitia_, i. 236.
+
+CLEMENT VII.: a prisoner in S. Angelo, i. 14;
+  compact with Charles V., 15;
+  their meeting at Bologna, 16 _sqq._;
+  negotiations with the Emperor Elect, 26 _sqq._;
+  peace signed, 31.
+
+CLEMENT VIII.: his Concordat with Venice, i. 193;
+  Index of Prohibited Books issued by him, _ib._;
+  his rules for the censorship of books, 198 _sqq._;
+  he confers a pension on Tasso, ii. 76.
+
+CLOUGH, Mr., lines of, on 'Christianized' monuments in Papal Rome, i. 154.
+
+COADJUTORS, Temporal and Spiritual (Jesuit grades), i. 271.
+
+COLLALTO, Count Salici da, patron of the _bravo_ Bibboni, i. 400.
+
+COLONNA, the, reduced to submission to the Popes, i. 7.
+
+---Vespasiano, Duke of Palliano, i. 77.
+
+---Vittoria, i. 77;
+  letter to, from Tasso in his childhood, ii. 15.
+
+COMANDINO, Federigo, Tasso's teacher, ii. 19.
+
+COMPANY OF JESUS, _see_ JESUITS.
+
+CONCLAVES, external influences on, in the election of Popes, i. 134.
+
+CONFEDERATION between Clement VII. and Charles V., i. 31.
+
+'CONFIRMATIONS,' Fra Fulgenzio's, ii. 201.
+
+CONSERVATISM and Liberalism, necessary contest between, ii. 386.
+
+'CONSIDERATIONS on the Censures,' Sarpi's, ii. 201.
+
+CONSTANCE, Council of, i. 92.
+
+CONTARINI, Gasparo: his negotiations between Catholics
+  and Protestants, i. 30;
+  treatment of his writings by Inquisitors, 31;
+  suspected of heterodoxy, 72;
+  intimacy with Gaetano di Thiene, 76;
+  his concessions to the Reformers repudiated by the Curia, 78;
+  memorial on ecclesiastical abuses, 79.
+
+---Simeone: his account of a plague at Savigliano, i. 419 _sq._
+
+'CONTRIBUTIONS of the Clergy, Discourse upon the,' Sarpi's, ii. 221.
+
+COPERNICAN system, the, Bruno's championship of, ii. 172.
+
+COREGLIA, one of the assassins of Lelio Buonvisi, i. 333 _sqq._
+
+CORONATION of Charles V., description of, i. 34 _sqq._;
+  notable people present at, 39 _sqq._
+
+CORSAIRS, Tunisian and Algerian, raids of, on Italian coasts, i. 417.
+
+COSCIA, Giangiacopo, guardian of Tasso's sister, ii. 16.
+
+COSIMO I. of Tuscany, the rule of, i. 46, 47.
+
+COSTANTINI, Antonio, Tasso's last letter written to, ii. 77;
+  sonnet on the poet, 78.
+
+COTERIES, religious, in Rome, Venice, Naples, i. 75 _sqq._
+
+COUNTER-REFORMATION: its intellectual and moral character, i. 63;
+  the term defined, 64 _n._;
+  decline of Renaissance impulse, 65;
+  criticism and formalism in Italy, _ib._;
+  contrast with the development of other European races, 66;
+  transition to the Catholic Revival, 67;
+  attitudes of Italians towards the German Reformation, 71;
+  free-thinkers, 73;
+  the Oratory of Divine Love, 76;
+  the Moderate Reformers, _ib._;
+  Gasparo Contarini, 78;
+  new Religious Orders, 79;
+  the Council of Trent, 97, 119;
+  Tridentine Reforms, 107, 134;
+  asceticism fashionable in Rome, 108, 142;
+  active hostilities against Protestantism, 148;
+  the new spirit of Roman polity, 149 _sqq._;
+  work of the Inquisition, 159 _sqq._;
+  the Index, 195 _sqq._;
+  twofold aim of Papal policy, 226;
+  the Jesuits, 229 _sqq._;
+  an estimate of the results of the Reformation
+  and of the Counter-Reformation, ii. 385 _sqq._
+
+COURIERS, daily post of, between the Council of Trent
+  and the Vatican, i. 121.
+
+COURT life in Italy, i. 20, 37, 41, 51; ii. 17, 29, 65, 201, 251.
+
+CRIMES of violence, in Italy in the sixteenth century, i. 304 _sqq._
+
+CRIMINAL procedure, of Italian governments in the sixteenth
+  century, i. 308 _sqq._
+
+CRITICISM, fundamental principles of, ii. 370;
+  the future of, 374.
+
+CROWNS, the iron and the golden, of the Emperor, i. 34.
+
+CULAGNA, Conte di, _see_ BRUSANTINI.
+
+CURIA, the, complicity of, with the attempts on Sarpi's life, ii. 213.
+
+
+D
+
+'DATATARIO:' amount and sources of its income, i. 140.
+
+DATI, Giovanbattista, amount of, with nuns, i. 341 _sq._
+
+'DECAMERONE,' Boccaccio's expurgated editions of, issued
+  in Rome, i. 224 _sq._
+
+DELLA CRUSCANS, the, attack of, on Tasso's poetry, ii. 35, 72, 117 _n._
+
+'DE Monade,' Bruno's, ii. 150, 152 _n._, 167.
+
+DEPRES, Josquin, the leader of the contrapuntal style in music, ii. 316.
+
+'DE Triplici Minimo,' Bruno's, ii. 150, 152 _n._, 167.
+
+'DE Umbris Idearum,' Bruno's, ii. 139.
+
+DEZA, Diego, Spanish Inquisitor, i. 182.
+
+DIACATHOLICON, the, meaning of the term as used by Sarpi, i. 231; ii. 202.
+
+DIALOGUES, Tasso's, ii. 22, 112.
+
+DIRECTORIUM, the (Lainez' commentary on the constitution
+  of the Jesuits), i. 249.
+
+DIVINE Right of sovereigns, the: why it found favor
+  among Protestants, i. 296.
+
+DOMENICHINO, Bolognese painter, ii. 355;
+  critique of Mr. Ruskin's invectives against his work, 359 _sqq._
+
+DOMINICANS, the, ousted as theologians by the Jesuits at Trent, i. 101;
+  their reputation for learning, ii. 130.
+
+DOMINIS, Marcantonio de, publishes in England
+  Sarpi's _History of the Council of Trent_, ii. 223.
+
+DONATO, Leonardo, Doge of Venice, ii. 198.
+
+DORIA, Andrea:
+  his relations with Charles V., i. 18.
+
+---Cardinal Girolamo, i. 21.
+
+
+E
+
+ECLECTICISM in painting, ii. 345 _sqq._, 375 _sqq._
+
+ECONOMICAL stagnation in Italy, i. 423.
+
+ELIZABETH, Queen (of England), Bruno's admiration of, ii. 143.
+
+EMANCIPATION of the reason, retarded by both the Reformation and the
+    Counter-Reformation, ii. 385 _sqq._
+
+EMIGRANTS from Italy, regulations of the Inquisition regarding, i. 227.
+
+ENZO, King (of Sardinia), a prisoner at Bologna, ii. 304.
+
+EPIC poetry, Italian speculations on, ii. 24;
+  Tasso's Dialogues on, 26.
+
+'EROICI Furori, Gli,' Bruno's, ii. 142, 183.
+
+ESPIONAGE, system of among the Jesuits, i. 273.
+
+ESTE, Alfonso d' (Duke of Ferrara), relations of, with Charles V., i. 40.
+
+---Cardinal Ippolito d', i. 127 _sq._
+
+---Cardinal Luigi d', Tasso in the service of, ii. 12, 27.
+
+---Don Cesare d', Chiabrera's Ode to, ii. 291.
+
+---House of, their possessions in Italy, i. 45. 48.
+
+---Isabella d', at the coronation of Charles V.. i. 21.
+
+---Leonora d', the nature of Tasso's attachment to, ii. 31 _sqq._, 36, 40,
+    51, 54 _n._, 56, 68;
+  her death, 71.
+
+---Lucrezia d', Tasso's attachment to, ii. 32, 39;
+  her marriage, 35;
+  her death, 40 _n._
+
+EVOLUTION in relation to Art, ii. 371 _sqq._
+
+'EXERCITIA Spiritualia' (Loyola's), i. 236;
+  manner of their use, 267 _sqq._
+
+EXTINCTION of republics in Italy, i. 45 _sqq._
+
+
+F
+
+FABER, Peter, associate of Loyola, i. 239;
+  his work as a Jesuit in Spain, 258.
+
+FARNESE, Alessandro, _see_ PAUL III.
+
+---Giulia, mistress of Alexander VI., i. 81.
+
+---Ottavio (grandson of Paul III.), Duke of Camerino, i. 86.
+
+---Pier Luigi (son of Paul III.), Duke of Parma, i. 86.
+
+FEDERATION, Italian, the five members of the, i. 3 _sqq._;
+  how it was broken up, 11.
+
+FERDINAND, Emperor, successor of Charles V., i. 102, 118;
+  his relations with Canisius and the Jesuits, 259.
+
+FERRARA, i. 7;
+  settlement of the Duchy of, by Charles V., i. 40;
+  life at the Court of, ii. 29, 65, 247, 251.
+
+FERRUCCI, Francesco, i. 46.
+
+FESTA, Costanzo, the _Te Deum_ of, ii. 329.
+
+FINANCES of the Papacy under Sixtus V., i. 152.
+
+FIORENZA, Giovanni di, one of the assassins of Sarpi, ii. 212.
+
+FLAMINIO, Marcantonio, i. 76.
+
+FLEMISH musicians in Rome, ii. 316 _sqq._
+
+FLORENCE:
+  condition of the Republic in 1494, i. 10;
+  Siege of the town (1530), 30 _sq._;
+  capitulation, 46;
+  under the rule of Spain, _ib._;
+  extinction of the Republic, 47;
+  the rule of Cosimo I., 49.
+
+FORMALISM, the development of, i. 66.
+
+FOSCARI, Francesco, the dogeship of, i. 9.
+
+FRANCIS I.: his capture at Pavia, i. 9, 13.
+
+FRECCI, Maddalò de', the betrayer of Tasso's love-affairs, ii. 51.
+
+FREDERICK II., Emperor: his edicts against heresy, i. 163.
+
+FREETHINKERS, Italian, i. 73 _sq._
+
+FULGENZIO, Fra, the preaching of at Venice, ii. 207;
+  his biography of Sarpi, _ib._
+
+FULKE GREVILLE, a supper at the house of, described
+  by Giordano Bruno, ii. 142, 147.
+
+
+G
+
+GALLICAN CHURCH, the: its interests in the Council of Trent, i. 126.
+
+GALLUZZI'S record of Jesuit attempts to seduce youth, i. 284.
+
+GATTINARA, Cardinal, Grand Chancellor of the Empire, i. 31.
+
+GAMBARA, Veronica, i. 41.
+
+GENERAL Congregation of the Jesuits, functions of the, i. 273.
+
+GENERAL of the Jesuits, position of, in regard to the Order, i. 272.
+
+GENOA, becomes subject to Spain, i. 18.
+
+GENTILE, Valentino, i. 73.
+
+GERSON'S _Considerations upon Papal Excommunications_,
+  translated by Sarpi, ii. 200.
+
+'GERUSALEMME Conquistata,' Tasso's, ii. 75, 114 _sq._, 124.
+
+'GERUSALEMME Liberata:' at first called _Gottifredo_, ii. 35;
+  its dedication, 38, 47 _sq._;
+  submitted by Tasso to censors, 43;
+  their criticisms, 43 _sq._, 50;
+  successful publication of the poem, 71;
+  its subject-matter, 92;
+  the romance of the epic, 93;
+  Tancredi, the hero, 94;
+  imitations of Dante and Virgil, 95 _sqq._;
+  artificiality, 100;
+  pompous cadences, 101;
+  oratorical dexterity, 102;
+  the similes and metaphors, _ib._;
+  Armida, the heroine, 106.
+
+GHISLIERI, Michele, _see_ PIUS V.
+
+---Paolo, a relative of Pius V., i. 147.
+
+GIBERTI, Gianmatteo, Bishop of Verona, i. 19.
+
+GILLOT, Jacques, letter from Sarpi to, on the relations
+  of Church and State, ii. 203.
+
+GIOVANNI FRANCESCO, Fra, an accomplice in the attacks on Sarpi, ii. 214.
+
+'GLI ETEREI,' Academy of, at Padua, ii. 26.
+
+GOLDEN crown, the, significance of, i. 34.
+
+GONGORISM, i. 66.
+
+GONZAGA, Cardinal Ercole, ambassador from Clement VII.
+  to Charles V., i. 19.
+
+---Cardinal Scipione, a friend of Tasso, ii. 26, 42, 46, 67, 73.
+
+---Don Ferrante, i. 25.
+
+---Eleanora Ippolita, Duchess of Urbino, i. 37.
+
+---Federigo, Marquis of Mantua, i. 26.
+
+---Vincenzo, obtains Tasso's release, ii. 73;
+  the circumstances of his marriage, i. 386.
+
+'GOTTIFREDO.' Tasso's first title for the _Gerusalemme Liberata_, ii. 35.
+
+GOUDIMEL, Claude: his school of music at Rome, ii. 323.
+
+GRANADA, Treaty of, i. 12.
+
+GRAND style (in art), the so-called, ii. 379.
+
+GREGORY XIII., Pope (Ugo Buoncompagno): his early career
+  and election, i. 149;
+  manner of life, 150;
+  treatment of his relatives, 151;
+  revival of obsolete rights of the Church, 152;
+  consequent confusion in the Papal States, _ib._
+
+GRISON mercenaries in Italy, i. 103 _n._
+
+GUARINI, on the death of Tasso, ii. 69 _n._;
+  publishes a revised edition of Tasso's lyrics, 72;
+  Guarini's parentage, 244;
+  at the Court of Alfonso II. of Ferrara, 245;
+  a rival of Tasso, _ib._;
+  engaged on foreign embassies, 246;
+  appointed Court poet, 247;
+  domestic troubles, 249;
+  his last years, 251;
+  his death, _ib._;
+  argument of the _Pastor Fido_, _ib._;
+  satire upon the Court of Ferrara, 254;
+  critique of the poem, 255;
+  its style, 256;
+  comparison with Tasso's _Aminta_, 275.
+
+GUELF and Ghibelline contentions: how they ended in Italy, i. 57.
+
+GUICCIARDINI, Francesco, i. 33.
+
+GUISE, Duke of: his defeat by Alva, i. 103;
+  his murder, 129.
+
+GUZMAN, Domenigo de (S. Dominic), founder of the Dominican Order, i. 162.
+
+
+H
+
+HEGEMONY, Spanish, economical and social condition of
+  the Italians under, i. 50;
+  the evils of, 61.
+
+HENCHENEOR, Cardinal William, i. 36.
+
+HENRI III., favor shown to Giordano Bruno by, ii. 139.
+
+HENRI IV., the murder of, i. 297.
+
+HENRY VIII.: his divorce from Katharine of Aragon, i. 44.
+
+HEROICO-comic poetry, Tassoni's _Secchia Rapita_,
+  the first example of, ii. 303.
+
+'HISTORY of the Council of Trent,' Sarpi's, ii. 222 _sqq._
+
+HOLY Office, _see_ INQUISITION.
+
+HOLY Roman Empire, the, ii. 393.
+
+HOMATA, Benedetta, attempted murder of by Gianpaolo Osio, i. 323 _sqq._
+
+HOMICIDE, lax morality of the Jesuits in regard to, i. 306 _n._
+
+HOSIUS, Cardinal, legate at Trent, i. 118.
+
+HUMANISM, the work of, ii. 385, 391;
+  what it involved, 392;
+  Rationalism, its offspring, 404.
+
+HUMANITY, the past and future of, ii. 408 _sqq._
+
+
+I
+
+IL BORGA, a censor of the _Gerusalemme Liberata_, ii. 43.
+
+'IL Candelajo,' Giordano Bruno's comedy, ii. 131, 183.
+
+IL GUERCINO (G.F. Barbieri), Bolognese painter, ii. 365;
+  his masterpieces, 367.
+
+'IL PADRE di Famiglio,' Tasso's Dialogue, ii. 63.
+
+'IL Pentito,' Tasso's name as one of Gli Eterei, ii. 26.
+
+INGEGNERI, Antonio, a friend of Tasso, ii. 64;
+  publishes the _Gerusalemme_, 71.
+
+INDEX Expurgatorius:
+  its first publication at Venice, i. 192;
+  effects on the printing trade there, 193;
+  the Index in concert with the Inquisition, 194;
+  origin of the Index, 195;
+  local lists of prohibited books, _ib._;
+  establishment of the Congregation of the Index, 197;
+  Index of Clement VIII., 198;
+  its preambles, _ib._;
+  regulations, 199 _sq._;
+  details of the censorship and correction of books, 201;
+  rules as to printers, publishers, and booksellers, 203;
+  responsibility of the Holy Office, 204;
+  annoyances arising from delays and ignorance on the part of censors, 205;
+  spiteful delators of charges of heresy, 207;
+  extirpation of books, 208;
+  proscribed literature, 209;
+  garbled works by Vatican students, 210;
+  effect of the Tridentine decree about the Vulgate, 212;
+  influence of the Index on schools and lecture-rooms, 213;
+  decline of humanism, 218;
+  the statutes on the _Ratio Status_, 220;
+  their object and effect, 221;
+  the treatment of lewd and obscene publications, 223;
+  expurgation of secular books, 224.
+
+INQUISITION, the, i. 159 _sqq._;
+  the first germ of the Holy Office, 161;
+  developed during the crusade against the Albigenses, _ib._;
+  S. Dominic its founder, 162;
+  introduced into Lombardy, etc., 164;
+  the stigma of heresy, 165;
+  three types of Inquisition, 166;
+  the number of victims, 166 _n._;
+  the crimes of which it took cognizance, 167;
+  the methods of the Apostolical Holy Office, 168;
+  treatment of the New Christians in Castile, 169, 171;
+  origin of the Spanish Holy Office, 170;
+  opposition of Queen Isabella, 171;
+  exodus of New Christians, 172;
+  the punishments inflicted, _ib._;
+  futile appeals to Rome, 173;
+  constitution of the Inquisition, 174;
+  its two most formidable features, 175;
+  method of its judicial proceedings, 176;
+  the sentence and its execution, 177;
+  the holocausts and their pageant, _ib._;
+  Torquemada's insolence, 179;
+  the body-guard of the Grand Inquisitor, 180;
+  number of Torquemada's victims, 181;
+  exodus of Moors from Castile, 182;
+  victims under Torquemada's successors, _ib._;
+  an Aceldama at Madrid, 184;
+  the Roman Holy Office, _ib._;
+  remodelled by Giov. Paolo Caraffa, 185;
+  'Acts of Faith' in Rome, 186;
+  numbers of the victims, 187;
+  in other parts of Italy, 188;
+  the Venetian Holy Office, 190;
+  dependent on
+  the State, _ib._;
+  Tasso's dread of the Inquisition, ii. 42, 45, 49, 51;
+  the case of Giordano Bruno, 134, 157 _sqq._;
+  Sarpi denounced to the Holy Office, 195.
+
+INTELLECTUAL and social activity in Italian cities, i. 51.
+
+INTERDICT of Venice (1606), ii. 198 _sqq._;
+  the compromise, 205.
+
+INVASION, wars of, in Italy, i. 11 _sqq._
+
+IRON crown, the, sent from Monza to Bologna, i. 36.
+
+'ITALIA Liberata,' Trissino's, ii. 24, 303.
+
+ITALIA Unita, ii. 407.
+
+ITALY:
+  its political conditions in 1494, i. 2 _sqq._;
+  the five members of its federation, 3;
+  how the federation was broken up, 11;
+  the League between Clement VII. and Charles V., 31;
+  review of the settlement of Italy effected by Emperor
+  and Pope, 45 _sqq._;
+  extinction of republics, 47;
+  economical and social condition of the Italians under
+  Spanish hegemony, 48;
+  intellectual life, 51;
+  predominance of Spain and Rome, 53 _sqq._;
+  Italian servitude, 58;
+  the evils of Spanish rule, 59 _sqq._;
+  seven Spanish devils in Italy, 61;
+  changes wrought by the Counter-Reformation, 64 _sqq._;
+  criticism and formalism, 65;
+  transition from the Renaissance to the Catholic Revival, _ib._;
+  attitude of Italians towards the German Reformation, 71.
+
+
+J
+
+JESUITS, Order of:
+  its importance in the Counter-Reformation, i. 229;
+  the Diacatholicon, 231;
+  works on the history of the Order, 231 _n._;
+  sketch of the life of Ignatius Loyola, 231 _sqq._;
+  the first foundation of the _Exercitia_, 236;
+  Peter Faber and Francis Xavier, 239;
+  the vows taken by Ignatius and his neophytes at Paris, 240;
+  their proposed mission to the Holy Land, 241;
+  their visits to Venice and Rome, 242 _sq._;
+  the name of the Order, 244;
+  negotiations in Rome, 245;
+  the fourth vow, 246;
+  the constitutions approved by Paul III., 247;
+  the Directorium of Lainez, 249;
+  the original limit of the number of members, _ib._;
+  Loyola's administration, 250;
+  asceticism deprecated, 251;
+  worldly wisdom of the founder, 253;
+  rapid spread of the Order, 254;
+  the Collegium Romanum, 255;
+  Collegium Germanicum, _ib._;
+  the Order deemed rivals by the Dominicans in Spain, _ib._;
+  successes in Portugal, 256;
+  difficulties in France, 257;
+  in the Low Countries, _ib._;
+  in Bavaria and Austria, 258;
+  Loyola's dictatorship, 259;
+  his adroitness in managing distinguished members of his Order, 260;
+  statistics of the Jesuits at Loyola's death, _ib._;
+  the autocracy of the General, 261;
+  Jesuit precepts on obedience, 263 _sq._;
+  addiction to Catholicism, 266;
+  the spiritual drill of the _Exercitia Spiritualia_, 267;
+  materialistic imagination, 268;
+  psychological adroitness of the method, 269;
+  position and treatment of the novice, 270;
+  the Jesuit Hierarchy, 271;
+  the General, 272;
+  five sworn spies to watch him, 273;
+  a system of espionage through the Order, 274;
+  position of a Jesuit, _ib._;
+  the Black Pope, 275;
+  the working of the Jesuit vow of poverty, 275 _sq._;
+  revision of the Constitutions by Lainez, 277;
+  the question about the _Monita Secreta_, 277 _sqq._;
+  estimate of the historical importance of the Jesuits, 280 _sq._;
+  their methods of mental tyranny, 281;
+  Jesuitical education, 282;
+  desire to gain the control of youth, 283;
+  their general aim the aggrandizement of the Order, 284;
+  treatment of _études fortes_, _ib._;
+  admixture of falsehood and truth, 285;
+  sham learning and sham art, 286;
+  Jesuit morality, 287;
+  manipulation of the conscience, 288;
+  casuistical ethics, 290;
+  system of confession and direction, 293;
+  political intrigues and doctrines, 294 _sqq._;
+  the theory of the sovereignty of the people, 296;
+  Jesuit connection with political plots, 297;
+  suspected in regard to the deaths of Popes, 298;
+  the Order expelled from various countries, 299 _n._;
+  relations of Jesuits to Rome, 299;
+  their lax morality in regard to homicide, 306 _n._, 314;
+  their support of the Interdict of Venice, ii. 198 _sqq._
+
+JEWS, Spanish, wealth and influence of, i. 169;
+  adoption of Christianity, _ib._;
+  attacked by the Inquisition, 170;
+  the edict for their expulsion, 171;
+  its results, 172.
+
+JULIUS II.:
+  results of his martial energy, i. 7.
+
+---III., Pope (Giov. Maria del Monte), i. 101.
+
+
+K
+
+KEPLER, high opinion of Bruno's speculations held by, ii. 164.
+
+KINGDOMS and States of Italy in 1494, enumeration of, i. 3.
+
+
+L
+
+'LA Cuccagna,' a satire by Marino, ii. 263.
+
+LAINEZ, James, associate of Ignatius Loyola, i. 240;
+  his influence on the development of the Jesuits, 248;
+  his commentary on the Constitutions (the Directorium), 249;
+  his work in Venice, etc., 254;
+  abject submission to Loyola, 262.
+
+LATERAN, Council of the, i. 95.
+
+LATIN and Teutonic factors in European civilization, ii. 393 _sqq._
+
+LATINI, Latino, on the extirpation of books by the Index, i. 208.
+
+LEGATES, Papal, at Trent, i. 97 _n._, 119.
+
+LE JAY, Claude, associate of Ignatius Loyola, i. 240;
+  his work as a Jesuit at Ferrara, 254;
+  in Austria. 258.
+
+LEONI, Giambattista, employed by Sarpi to write against
+  the Jesuits, ii. 200.
+
+LEPANTO, battle of, i. 149.
+
+LESCHASSIER, Sarpi's letters to, ii. 229, 235.
+
+'LE Sette Giornate,' Tasso's, ii. 75, 115, 124.
+
+LEYVA, Antonio de, at Bologna, i. 22.
+
+---Virginia Maria de (the Lady of Monza):
+  birth and parentage, i. 317;
+  a nun in a convent of the Umiliate, 318;
+  her seduction by Gianpaolo Osio, 318 _sqq._;
+  birth of her child, 321;
+  murder of her waiting-woman by Osio, 322;
+  the intrigue discovered, 323;
+  attempted murder by Osio of two of her associates, 324;
+  Virginia's punishment and after-life, 329.
+
+LONDON, Bruno's account of the life of the people of, ii. 142;
+  social life in, 143.
+
+LORENTE'S History of the Inquisition, cited, 171 _sqq._;
+  his account of the number of victims of the Holy Office, i. 181, 183 _n._
+
+LORRAINE, Cardinal:
+  his influence in the Council of Trent, i. 125 _sq._
+
+LO SPAGNOLETTO (Giuseppe Ribera), Italian Realist painter, ii. 363.
+
+LOUISA of Savoy, one of the arrangers of the Paix des Dames, i. 16.
+
+LOUIS XII.: his descent into Lombardy, and its results, i. 9;
+  allied with the Austrian Emperor and the King of Spain, i. 12.
+
+LOYOLA, Ignatius, founder of the Jesuits:
+  his birth and childhood, i. 231;
+  his youth and early training, _ib._;
+  illness at Pampeluna, 232;
+  pilgrimage to Montserrat, 234;
+  retreat at Manresa, _ib._;
+  his romance and discipline, 235;
+  journey to the Holy Land, 237;
+  his apprenticeship to his future calling, _ib._;
+  imprisoned by the Inquisition, 238;
+  studies theology in Paris, _ib._;
+  gains disciples there, 239;
+  his methods with them, _ib._;
+  with ten companions takes the vows of chastity and poverty, 240;
+  Ignatius at Venice, 241;
+  his relations with Caraffa and the Theatines, 242;
+  in Rome, 243;
+  the name of the new Order, 244;
+  its military organization, 245;
+  the project favored by Paul III., _ib._;
+  the Constitution approved by the Pope, 247;
+  his worldly wisdom, 248 _n._;
+  Loyola's creative force, 249;
+  his administration, 250 _sq._;
+  dislike of the common forms of monasticism, 251;
+  his aims and principles, 252;
+  comparison with Luther, 253;
+  rapid spread of the Order, 254;
+  special desire of Ignatius to get a firm hold on Germany, 258;
+  his dictatorship, 259;
+  adroitness in managing his subordinates, 260;
+  autocratic administration, 261;
+  insistence on the virtue of obedience, 263;
+  devotion to the Roman Church, 265;
+  the _Exercitia Spiritualia_, 267 _sqq._;
+  Loyola's dislike of asceticism, 270;
+  his interpretation of the vow of poverty, 275;
+  his instructions as to the management of consciences, 287 _sq._;
+  his doctrine on the fear of God, 304 _n._
+
+LUCERO EL TENEBROSO, the Spanish Inquisitor, i. 180.
+
+LUINI'S picture of S. Catherine, ii. 360.
+
+LULLY, Raymond:
+  his Art of Memory and Classification of the Sciences,
+  adapted by Giordano Bruno, ii. 139.
+
+LUNA, Don Juan de, i. 47.
+
+LUTHER, Bruno's high estimate of, ii. 149;
+  his relation to modern civilization, 402.
+
+LUTHERAN soldiers in Italy, i. 44.
+
+LUTHERANISM in Italy, i. 185.
+
+
+M
+
+MACAULAY, Lord, on Sarpi's religious opinions, ii. 227 _n._;
+  critique of his survey of the Catholic Revival, 400 _sqq._
+
+MAIN events in modern history, the, ii. 383 _sqq._
+
+MALATESTA, Roberto, leader of bandits in the Papal States, i. 152.
+
+MALIPIERO, Alessandro, a friend of Sarpi, ii. 210.
+
+MALVASIA, Count C.C., writings of, on the Bolognese painters, ii. 350 _n._
+
+MANRESA, Ignatius Loyola at, i. 234.
+
+MANRIQUE, Thomas, Master of the Sacred Palace, an expurgated
+  edition of the _Decamerone_ issued by, i. 224.
+
+MANSO, Marquis:
+  his _Life of Tasso_, ii. 54, 56, 58, 64, 70, 115;
+  friend of Marino in his youth, 261.
+
+MANTUA, raised to the rank of a duchy, i. 27.
+
+MANUZIO, Aldo (the younger), ill-treatment of, in Rome, i. 217 _sq._
+
+---Paolo:
+  works produced at his press in Rome, i. 220;
+  a friend of Chiabrera, ii. 287.
+
+MARCELLUS II., Pope (Marcello Cervini), i. 97, 101.
+
+MARGARET of Austria, one of the arrangers of the Paix des Dames, i. 16.
+
+MARIANAZZO, a robber chief, refusal of pardon by, i. 309.
+
+MARIGNANO, Marquis of (Gian Giacomo Medici), i. 109, 115.
+
+MARINISM, i. 66; ii. 299, 302.
+
+MARINO, Giovanni Battista:
+  his birth and parentage, ii. 260;
+  escapades of his youth in Naples, 261;
+  at the Court of Carlo Emanuele, 262;
+  his life in Turin, _ib._;
+  at the Court of Maria de'Medici, 263;
+  successful publication of the _Adone_, 264;
+  return to Naples, 265;
+  critique of the _Adone_, 266 _sq._;
+  the Epic of Voluptuousness, 268;
+  its effeminate sensuality, 268 _sq._;
+  cynical hypocrisy, 270;
+  the character of Adonis, 272;
+  ugliness and discord, 273;
+  Marino's poetic gifts, 274;
+  great variety of episodes, 276;
+  unity of theme, 277;
+  purity of poetic style rarely attained, 279;
+  false rhetoric, 280;
+  Marinism, 281;
+  verbal fireworks, 282;
+  Marino's real inadequacy, 285;
+  the _Pianto d'Italia_, 286;
+  comparison of Marino with Chiabrera, 296.
+
+MARTELLI, Giovan Battista, a _bravo_ attendant on
+  Lorenzino de'Medici, i. 396.
+
+MARTUCCIA, a notorious Roman courtesan, i. 375.
+
+MASANIELLO, cause of the rising of, in Naples, i. 49.
+
+MASSACRE of S. Bartholomew, i. 55, 149.
+
+MASSIMI, Eufrosina (second wife of Lelio Massimi), the
+  murder of, i. 354 _sq._
+
+---Lelio: violent deaths of the five sons whom he cursed, i. 355 _sq._
+
+'MATERIE Beneficiarie, Delle,' Sarpi's, ii. 219.
+
+MAXIMILIAN, Emperor, allied against Venice with Louis XII., i. 12.
+
+MAZZOLA, Francesco (Il Parmigianino), i. 42.
+
+MEDA, Caterina da (waiting-woman of Virginia de Leyva), murder of, i. 322.
+
+MEDIAEVAL habits, survival of, in Italy in the sixteenth century, i. 306.
+
+MEDICI, de', family of:
+  their advances towards Despotism, i. 10;
+  violent deaths of members, 382 _sqq._;
+  eleven murdered in a half-century, 387.
+
+---Alessandro, Duke of Florence, i. 19, 46, 388.
+
+---Cosimo, i. 46;
+  made Grand Duke of Tuscany, 47.
+
+---Giovanni, i. 11.
+
+---Ippolito, i. 19.
+
+---Lorenzino, assassination of his cousin Alessandro
+  (Duke of Florence) by, i. 388;
+  details of his own murder, 389 _sqq._
+
+---Lorenzo, i. 10.
+
+---Maria, the Court of, as Regent of France, ii. 263.
+
+---Piero, i. 10.
+
+MEDICI, Gian Giacomo (brother of Pius IV.), i. 50, 109.
+
+---Giovanni Angelo, _see_ PIUS IV.
+
+---Margherita (sister of Pius IV.), mother of Carlo Borromeo, i. 115 _n._
+
+MENDOZA, Don Hurtado de, i. 47.
+
+MERSENNE, evidence of, as to the burning of Giordano Bruno, ii. 164 _n._
+
+METAPHYSICAL speculators in Italy, i. 73.
+
+METAURUS, the, Tasso's ode to, ii. 63.
+
+METEMPSYCHOSIS, Bruno's doctrine of, ii. 160.
+
+MEXICO, the early Jesuits in, i. 260.
+
+MIANI, Girolamo, founder of the congregation of the Somascans, i. 79;
+  his relations with Loyola, 242.
+
+MICANZI, Fulgenzio, _see_ FULGENZIO, FRA.
+
+MILAN, Duchy of:
+  its state in 1494, i. 8.
+
+MOCENIGO, Giovanni:
+  his character, ii. 152;
+  invites Giordano Bruno to Venice, 153;
+  the object of the invitation, 154;
+  their intercourse, 155;
+  Bruno denounced to the Inquisition by Mocenigo, 157.
+
+---Luigi, on the relations between Pius IV. and Cardinal Morone, i. 110 _n._
+
+MODENA and Bologna, humors of the conflict between, ii. 304.
+
+MONOPOLIES, system of, in Italy, i. 49.
+
+MONTALTO, Cardinal, nephew of Sixtus V., i. 157.
+
+MONTEBELLO, Baron, the tale of, i. 428.
+
+MONTECATINO, Antonio, an enemy of Tasso at Ferrara, ii. 48, 50, 60, 62;
+  his downfall, 66.
+
+MONTE OLIVETO, the monastery of, Tasso at, ii, 74.
+
+MONZA, the Lady of, _see_ LEYVA, VIRGINIA MARIA DE.
+
+MORALS, social and domestic, in Italy, effect of the
+  Catholic Revival on, i. 301 _sqq._;
+  outcome of the Tridentine decrees, 302;
+  hypocrisy and ceremonial observances, 303;
+  sufferings of the lower classes, _ib._;
+  increase of crimes of violence, 304;
+  mistrust between the aristocracy and the _bourgeoisie_, 306;
+  survival of mediaeval habits, _ib._;
+  brigandage, 307;
+  criminal procedure, 308;
+  mutual jealousy of States afforded security to refugee homicides, 309;
+  toleration of outlaws, 310;
+  the Lucchese army of bandits, 311;
+  honorable murder, 312;
+  maintenance of _bravi_, _ib._;
+social violence countenanced by the Church, 314;
+  sexual morality, 315;
+  state of convents, 316;
+  profligate fanaticism, _ib._;
+  convent intrigues, 318 _sqq._
+
+MORATO, Peregrino, letter from Celio Calcagnini to, i. 74.
+
+MORNAY, Duplessis, Sarpi's letters to, ii. 229.
+
+MORONE, Cardinal, i. 26;
+  Papal legate at Trent, 97 _n._;
+  imprisoned by Paul IV., 110;
+  relations with Pius IV., _ib._;
+  liberal thinkers among his associates, 111 _n._;
+  his work in connection with the Council of Trent, 127.
+
+---Girolamo, i. 26, 72.
+
+MUNICIPAL wars, Italian, ii. 304.
+
+MURDERS in Italy in the sixteenth century, i. 305 _sqq._
+
+MURETUS:
+  his difficulties as a professor in Rome, i. 214, 216.
+
+MURTOLA, Gasparo, attempted assassination of the poet Marino by, ii. 263.
+
+MUSIC, Italian, decadence of, in the sixteenth century, ii. 315;
+  foreign musicians in Rome, 316;
+  the contrapuntal style, 317;
+  licenses allowed to performers, _ib._;
+  the medleys prepared by composers, _ib._;
+  disgraceful condition of Church music, 318;
+  orchestral _ricercari_, 320 _n._;
+  Savonarola's opinion of the Church music of his time, _ib._;
+  musical aptitude of the people, 322;
+  lack of a controlling element of correct taste, _ib._;
+  advent of Palestrina, _ib._;
+  the Congregation for the Reform of Music, 325;
+  rise of the Oratorio, 334;
+  music in England in the sixteenth century, 338;
+  rise of the Opera, 340.
+
+MUSICIANS, Italian, of the seventeenth cenutry, ii. 243.
+
+
+N
+
+NAPLES, kingdom of, separated from Sicily, i. 4;
+  its extent, _ib._;
+  in the hands of Spain, 12.
+
+NASSAU, Count of, i. 38.
+
+NATURE, the study of, among Italian philosophers, ii. 128.
+
+NEPOTISM, Papal:
+  the Caraffas, i. 104 _sq._;
+  the Borromeos, 115;
+  the Ghislieri, 147;
+  Gregory XIII.'s relatives, 151;
+  estimate of the incomes of Papal nephews, 156 _sqq._
+
+NEW Christians, the, in Spain, _see_ JEWS.
+
+NOBILI, Flaminio de', a censor of the _Gerusalemme Liberata_, ii. 43.
+
+NOLA, survival of Greek customs in, ii. 132.
+
+NOVICES, Jesuit, position of, i. 271.
+
+NUNNERIES, state of, in the sixteenth century, i. 315 _sqq._
+
+
+O
+
+OMERO, Fuggiguerra, sobriquet chosen by Tasso in his wanderings, ii. 64.
+
+OPERA, rise of the, in Florence, ii. 341.
+
+ORANGE, Prince of, leader of the Spanish army in
+  the siege of Florence, i. 18.
+
+ORATORIO (Musical), the:
+  its origins in Rome, ii. 334.
+
+ORATORY of Divine Love, the, i. 76.
+
+ORSINI, the, reduced to submission to the Popes, i. 7.
+
+---Paolo Giordano (Duke of Bracciano):
+  his passion for Vittoria Accoramboni, i. 358;
+  his gigantic stature and corpulence, 359;
+  poisons his first wife, 360;
+  treatment by Sixtus V., 363;
+  secret marriage with Vittoria, 364;
+  renounces the marriage, 365;
+  ratifies the union by public marriage, 366;
+  flight from Rome, _ib._:
+  death of the Duke, 367.
+
+---Prince Lodovico:
+  procures the murder of Vittoria Accoramboni and her brother, i. 368;
+  siege of his palace, 370;
+  his violent death, 371.
+
+---Troilo, lover of the Duchess of Bracciano, i. 360;
+  details of his murder by Ambrogio Tremazzi, 405 _sqq._
+
+OSIO, Gianpaolo:
+  his intrigue with Virginia de Leyva, i. 318 _sqq._;
+  murders her waiting-woman, 322;
+  attempts to murder two other nuns, 324;
+  his letter of defence to Cardinal Federigo Borromeo, 326;
+  condemned to death and outlawed, 327;
+  terms of the _Bando_, 328;
+  his end, 329.
+
+OSORIO, Don Alvaro, Grand Marshal of Spain, i. 22.
+
+OUTLAWRY in Italy in the sixteenth century, i. 307 _sqq._
+
+OXFORD, Giordano Bruno's reception at, ii. 144.
+
+
+P
+
+PACHECO, Cardinal, the foe of the Caraffeschi, i. 105.
+
+PADUAN school of scepictism, the, influence of, on Tasso, ii. 20.
+
+PAGANELLO, Conte, assassin of Vittoria Accoramboni, i. 371.
+
+PAINTING in the late years of the sixteenth century, ii. 344;
+  Eclecticism, 345;
+  influence of the Tridentine Council, 347;
+  the Mannerists, 348;
+  Baroccio, 349;
+  the Caracci, 350 _sqq._;
+  studies of the Bolognese painters, 352;
+  academical ideality, 354;
+  Guido, Albani, Domenichino, 355 _sqq._;
+  criticism of Domenichino's work, 359;
+  the Italian Realists, 363 _sqq._;
+  Lo Spada, 364;
+  Il Guercino, 365;
+  critical reaction against the Eclectics, 368;
+  fundamental principles of criticism, 370 _sqq._
+
+PAIX des Dames, i. 9, 16.
+
+PALAZZO Vernio, Academy (musical) of the, ii. 340;
+  distinguished composers of its school, 341.
+
+PALEARIO, Aonio:
+  his opinion of the Index, i. 197, 214.
+
+PALESTRINA, Giovanni Pier Luigi:
+  his birth and early musical training, ii. 323;
+  uneventful life of the _Princeps Musicae_, 324;
+  relations with the Congregation for Musical Reform, 325;
+  the legend and the facts about
+  _Missa Papae Marcelli_, 326 _sqq._, 331 _n._;
+  Palestrina's commission, 331;
+  the three Masses in competition, 332;
+  the award by the Congregation and the Pope, 334;
+  Palestrina's connection with S. Filippo Neri, 334;
+  _Arie Divote_ composed for the Oratory, 335 _sq._;
+  character of the new music, 335;
+  influence of Palestrina on Italian music, 336;
+  estimate of the general benefit derived by music from him, 337 _sq._
+
+PALLAVICINI, on Paul IV.'s seal for the Holy Office, i. 107 _n._
+
+PALLAVICINO, Matteo, murder of, by Marcello Accoramboni, i. 358.
+
+PALLIANO, Duchess of, _see_ CARDONA, VIOLANTE DE.
+
+---Duke of (nephew of Paul IV.), murders committed by, i. 379;
+  his execution, 380.
+
+PANCIROLI, Guido, Tasso's master in the study of law, ii. 20.
+
+PAPACY, the, its position after the sack of Rome, i. 13;
+  tyranny of, arising from the instinct of self-preservation, 54;
+  dislike of, for General Councils, 90;
+  manipulation of the Council of Trent, 97 _sqq._, 119 _sqq._;
+  its supremacy founded by that Council, 131;
+  later policy of the Popes, 149 _sqq._, 226.
+
+PAPAL States, the:
+  their condition in 1447, i. 5;
+  attempts to consolidate them into a kingdom, 6.
+
+PARMA and Piacenza, creation of the Duchy of, by Paul III., i. 86.
+
+PARMA, Duchy of, added to the States of the Church, i. 7.
+
+PARMIGIANINO, Il, painting of Charles V. by, i. 42.
+
+PARRASIO, Alessandro, one of the assassins of Sarpi, ii. 212.
+
+PART-SONGS, French Protestant, influence of, on Palestrina, ii. 324.
+
+PASSARI, Pietro, amours of, with the nuns of S. Chiara, Lucca, i. 340 _sq._
+
+'PASTOR Fido,' Guarini's, critique of, ii. 252 _sqq._
+
+PAUL III., Pope, sends Contarini to the conference at Rechensburg, i. 78;
+  receives a memorial on ecclesiastical abuses, 79;
+  establishes the Roman Holy Office, 80;
+  sanctions the Company of Jesus, _ib._;
+  his early life and education, 81;
+  love of splendor, 82;
+  peculiarity of his position, _ib._;
+  the Pope of the transition, 84;
+  jealous of Spanish ascendency in Italy, 85;
+  creates the Duchy of Parma for his son, 86 _sqq._;
+  members of the moderate reforming party made Cardinals, 88;
+  his repugnance to a General Council, 90;
+  indiction of a Council to be held at Trent, 97;
+  difficulties of his position, 100;
+  his death, 101;
+  his connection with the founding of the Jesuit Order, 245.
+
+PAUL IV., Pope, _see_ CARAFFA, GIOV. PIETRO.
+
+PAUL V., Pope:
+  details of his nepotism, i. 157 _n._;
+  places Venice under an interdict, ii. 198.
+
+PAVIA, the battle of, 13.
+
+PELLEGRINI, Cammillo, panegyrist of Tasso, ii. 72.
+
+PEPERARA, Laura, Tasso's relations with, ii. 31.
+
+PERETTI, Felice (nephew of Sixtus V.), husband of Vittoria
+  Accoramboni, i. 357;
+  his murder, 358.
+
+PESCARA, Marquis of, husband of Vittoria Colonna, i. 25.
+
+'PESTE di S. Carlo, La,' i. 421.
+
+'PETRARCA, Considerazioni sopra le Rime, del,' Tassoni's, ii. 298, 300.
+
+PETRONI, Lucrezia, second wife of Francesco Cenci, i. 348 _sq._
+
+PETRONIO, S., Bologna, reception of Charles V. by Clement VII. at, i. 23;
+  the Emperor's coronation at, 37 _sqq._
+
+PETRUCCI, Pandolfo, seduction of two sons of, by the Jesuits, i. 284.
+
+PHILIP II. of Spain:
+  his quarrel with Paul IV., i. 102;
+  the reconciliation, 104.
+
+PHILOSOPHERS of Southern Italy in the sixteenth century, ii. 126 _sqq._
+
+PIACENZA, added to the States of the Church, i. 7.
+
+PICCOLOMINI, Alfonso, leader of bandits in the Papal States, i. 152.
+
+'PIETRO Soave Polano,' anagram of 'Paolo Sarpi Veneto,' ii. 223.
+
+PIGNA (secretary to the Duke of Ferrara), a rival of Tasso, ii. 34, 45, 48.
+
+PINDAR, the professed model of Chiabrera's poetry, ii. 291, 294.
+
+PIRATES, raids of, on Italy, i. 417.
+
+PISA, first Council of, i. 92;
+  the second, 95.
+
+PIUS IV., Pope (Giov. Angelo Medici):
+  his parentage, i. 109;
+  Caraffa's antipathy to him, 110;
+  makes Cardinal Morone his counsellor, _ib._;
+  negotiations with the autocrats of Europe, 111;
+  his diplomatic character, 112;
+  the Tridentine decrees, _ib._;
+  keen insight into the political conditions of his time, 113;
+  independent spirit, 115;
+  treatment of his relatives, _ib._;
+  his brother's death helped him to the Papacy, _ib._;
+  the felicity of his life, 116;
+  the religious condition of Northern Europe in his reign, 117;
+  re-opening of the Council of Trent, 119;
+  his management of the difficulties connected with the Council, 127 _sqq._;
+  use of cajoleries and menaces, 129;
+  success of the Pope's plans, 130;
+  his Bull of ratification of the Tridentine decrees, 131;
+  his last days, 132;
+  estimate of the work of his reign, 133 _sqq._;
+  his lack of generosity, 142;
+  coldness in religious exercises, 144;
+  love of ease and good companions, 147.
+
+PIUS V., Pope (Michele Ghislieri):
+  his election, i. 137;
+  influence of Carlo Borromeo on him, 137, 145, 147;
+  ascetic virtues, 145;
+  zeal for the Holy Office, 145;
+  edict for the expulsion of prostitutes from Rome, 146;
+  his exercise of the Papal Supremacy, 148;
+  his Tridentine Profession of Faith, _ib._;
+  advocates rigid uniformity, 148;
+  promotes attacks on Protestants, _ib._
+
+PLAGUES:
+  in Venice, i. 418;
+  at Naples and in Savoy, _ib._;
+  statistics of the mortality, 418 _n._;
+  disease supposed to be wilfully spread by malefactors, 420.
+
+POETRY, Heroic, the problem of creating, in Italy, ii. 80.
+
+POLAND, the crown of, sought by Italian princes, ii. 246.
+
+POLE, Cardinal Reginald, i. 76;
+  Papal legate at Trent, 97 _n._
+
+POMA, Ridolfo, one of the assassins of Sarpi, ii. 212.
+
+POMPONIUS LAETUS, the teacher of Paul III., i. 81, 82.
+
+POPULAR melodies employed in Church music in the
+  sixteenth century, ii. 318.
+
+PORTRAIT of Charles V. by Titian, i. 42.
+
+'PRESS, Discourse upon the,' Sarpi's, ii. 220.
+
+'PRINCEPS Musicae,' the title inscribed on Palestrina's tomb, ii. 325.
+
+PRINTING:
+  effects of the Index Expurgatorius on the trade in Venice, i. 192;
+  firms denounced by name by Paul IV., 198, 208.
+
+PROFESSED of three and of four vows (Jesuit grades), i. 271 _sq._
+
+PROLETARIATE, the Italian, social morality of in the
+  sixteenth century, i. 224 _sqq._
+
+PROSTITUTES, Roman, expulsion of by Pius V., i. 146.
+
+PROTESTANT Churches in Italy, persecution of, i. 186.
+
+PROTESTANTISM in Italy, i. 71.
+
+PROVINCES, Jesuit, enumeration of the, i. 161.
+
+PUNCTILIO in the Sei Cento, ii. 288.
+
+PURISTS, Tuscan, Tassoni's ridicule of, ii. 308.
+
+PUTEO, Cardinal, legate at Trent, i. 119.
+
+
+Q
+
+QUEMADERO, the Inquisition's place of punishment at Seville, i. 178.
+
+QUENTIN, S., battle of, i. 103.
+
+QUERRO, Msgr., an associate of the Cenci family, i. 349, 350, 352.
+
+
+R
+
+'RAGGUAGLI di Parnaso,' Boccalini's, ii. 313.
+
+RANGONI, the, friends of Tasso and of his father, ii. 6, 23.
+
+'RATIO Status,' statutes of the Index on the, i. 220.
+
+RATIONALISM, the real offspring of Humanism, ii. 404.
+
+RAVENNA, exarchate of, i. 7.
+
+REALISTS, Italian school of painters, ii. 363 _sqq._
+
+RECHENSBURG, the conference at, i. 78, 88
+
+'RECITATIVO,' Claudio Monteverde the pioneer of, ii. 341.
+
+REFORMATION, the: position of Italians towards its doctrines, i. 72.
+
+REFORMING theologians in Italy, i. 76 _sq._
+
+RELIGIOUS Orders, new, foundation of, in Italy, i. 79 _sq._
+
+RELIGIOUS spirit of the Italian Church in the sixteenth century, i. 71.
+
+RENAISSANCE and Reformation: the impulses of both
+  simultaneously received by England, ii. 388.
+
+RENÉE of France, Duchess of Ferrara, i. 77.
+
+RENI, Guido, Bolognese painter, ii. 355;
+  his masterpieces, 358.
+
+REPUBLICAN governments in Italy, i. 5.
+
+RETROSPECT over the Renaissance, ii. 389 _sqq._
+
+REYNOLDS, Sir Joshua, admiration of, for the Bolognese
+  painters, ii. 359, 375.
+
+RIBERA, Giuseppe, _see_ LO SPAGNOLETTO.
+
+RICEI, Ottavia, attempted murder of, by Gianpaolo Osio, i. 323 _sqq._
+
+'RICERCARI,' employment of, in Italian music, ii. 343.
+
+RINALDO, Tasso's, first appearance of, ii. 22;
+  its preface, 82;
+  its subject-matter, 84;
+  its religious motive, 86;
+  its style, 86 _sqq._
+
+RODRIGUEZ d'Azevedo, Simon, associate of Ignatius Loyola, i. 240;
+  his work as a Jesuit in Portugal, 256, 262.
+
+ROMAN University, the, degraded condition of, in the sixteenth
+  century, i. 216.
+
+ROME, fluctuating population of, i. 137;
+  eleemosynary paupers, 139;
+  reform of Roman manners after the Council of Trent, 141;
+  expulsion of prostitutes, 146;
+  Roman society in Gregory XIII.'s reign, 152;
+  the headquarters of Catholicism, ii. 397;
+  relations with the Counter-Reformation, 398;
+  the complicated correlation of Italians with Papal Rome, 399;
+  the capital of a regenerated people, 408.
+
+RONDINELLI, Ercole, Tasso's instructions to, in regard to his MSS., ii. 35.
+
+ROSSI, Bastiano de', a critic of the _Gerusalemme Liberata_, ii. 72.
+
+---Porzia de' (mother of Torquato Tasso):
+  her parentage, ii. 5, 7;
+  her marriage, 7;
+  her death, probably by poison, 9;
+  her character, 12;
+  Torquato's love for her, 15.
+
+---Vittorio de':
+  his description of the ill-treatment of Aldo Manuzio in Rome, i. 217 _sq._
+
+ROVERE, Francesco della (Duke of Urbino), account of, i. 36.
+
+RUBBIERA, a fief of the Empire, i. 40.
+
+RUSKIN, Mr., on the cause of the decline of Venice, i. 423 _n._;
+  invectives of, against Domenichino's work, ii. 359.
+
+
+S
+
+SACRED Palace, the Master of the:
+  censor of books in Rome, i. 201.
+
+SALMERON, Alfonzo, associate of Ignatius Loyola, i. 240;
+  in Naples and Sicily, 254.
+
+SALUZZO ceded to Savoy, i. 56.
+
+SALVIATI, Leonardo, a critic of the _Gerusalemme Liberata_, ii. 72.
+
+SAMMINIATI, Tommaso, intrigue and correspondence of, with
+  Sister Umilia (Lucrezia Buonvisi), i. 341 _sqq._;
+  banished from Lucca, 344.
+
+S. ANNA, the hospital of, Tasso's confinement at, ii. 66 _sqq._
+
+SAN BENITO, the costume of persons condemned by the Inquisition, i. 177.
+
+SANSEVERINO, Amerigo, a friend of Bernardo Tasso, ii. 14.
+
+---Ferrante di, Prince of Salerno, i. 38; ii. 6 _sqq._
+
+SANTA CROCE, Ersilia di, first wife of Francesco Cenci, i. 347.
+
+SANVITALE, Eleonora, Tasso's love-affair with, ii. 48.
+
+SARDINIA, the island of, a Spanish province, i. 45.
+
+SARPI, Fra Paolo:
+  his birth and parentage, ii. 185;
+  his position in the history of Venice, 186;
+  his physical constitution, 189;
+  moral temperament, 190;
+  mental perspicacity, 191;
+  discoveries in magnetism and optics, 192;
+  studies and conversation, 193;
+  early entry into the Order of the Servites, _ib._;
+  his English type of character, 194;
+  denounced to the Inquisition, 195;
+  his independent attitude, 196;
+  his great love for Venice, 197;
+  the interdict of 1606, 198;
+  Sarpi's defence of Venice against the Jesuits, 199 _sqq._;
+  pamphlet warfare, 201;
+  importance of this episode, 202;
+  Sarpi's theory of Church and State, 203;
+  boldness of his views, 205;
+  compromise of the quarrel of the interdict, _ib._;
+  Sarpi's relations with Fra Fulgenzio, 207;
+  Sarpi warned by Schoppe of danger to his life, 208;
+  attacked by assassins, 209;
+  the _Stilus Romanae Curiae_, 211;
+  history of the assassins, 212;
+  complicity of the Papal Court, 213;
+  other attempts on Sarpi's life, 214 _sq._;
+  his opinion of the instigators, 216;
+  his so called heresy, 218;
+  his work as Theologian to the Republic, 219;
+  his minor writings, 221;
+  his opposition to Papal Supremacy, _ib._;
+  the _History of the Council of Trent_, 222;
+  its sources, 223;
+  its argument, 224;
+  deformation, not reformation, wrought by the Council, 225;
+  Sarpi's impartiality, 226;
+  was Sarpi a Protestant? 228;
+  his religious opinions, 229;
+  views on the possibility of uniting Christendom, 230;
+  hostility to ultra-papal Catholicism, 231;
+  critique of Jesuitry, 233;
+  of ultramontane education, 235;
+  the Tridentine Seminaries, 235;
+  Sarpi's dread lest Europe should succumb to Rome, 237;
+  his last days, 238;
+  his death contrasted with that of Giordano Bruno, 239 _n._;
+  his creed, 239;
+  Sarpi a Christian Stoic, 240.
+
+SARPI, citations from his writings, on the Papal
+  interpretation of the Tridentine decrees, i. 131 _n._;
+  details of the nepotism of the Popes, 156 _n._, 157 _n._;
+  denunciation of the Index, 197 _n._, 206, 208 _n._;
+  on the revival of polite learning, 215;
+  on the political philosophy of the statutes of the Index, 221;
+  on the Inquisition rules regarding emigrants from Italy, 227 _sq._;
+  his invention of the name 'Diacatholicon,' 231;
+  on the deflection of Jesuitry from Loyola's spirit and intention, 248;
+  on the secret statutes of the Jesuits, 278;
+  denunciations of Jesuit morality, 289 _n._;
+  on the murder of Henri IV., 297 _n._;
+  on the instigators of the attempts on his own life, ii. 215 _n._;
+  on the attitude of the Roman Court towards murder, 216;
+  on the literary polemics of James I., 229;
+  on Jesuit education and the Tridentine Seminaries, 237.
+
+SAVONAROLA'S opinion of the Church music of his time, ii. 320 _n._
+
+SAVOY, the house of:
+  its connection with important events in Italy, i. 16 _n._, 38, 56;
+  becomes an Italian dynasty, 58.
+
+'SCHERNO DEGLI DEI,' Bracciolini's, ii. 313.
+
+SCHOLASTICS (Jesuit grade), i. 271.
+
+SCHOPPE (Scioppius), Gaspar:
+  sketch of his career, ii. 165, 208;
+  his account of Bruno's heterodox opinions, 166;
+  description of the last hours of Bruno, 167.
+
+'SECCHIA RAPITA, LA,' Tassoni's, ii. 301 _sqq._
+
+SECONDARY writers of the Sei Cento, ii. 313.
+
+SEI CENTO, the, decline of culture in Italy in, ii. 242;
+  its musicians, 243.
+
+SEMINARIES, Tridentine, ii. 235.
+
+SERIPANDO, Cardinal, legate at Trent, i. 118.
+
+SERSALE, Alessandro and Antonio, Tasso's nephews, ii. 72.
+
+---Cornelia (sister of Tasso), ii. 7, 9, 15 _sq._, 55, 64;
+  her children, 72.
+
+SERVITES, General of the, complicity of, in the attempts on
+  Sarpi's life, ii. 214.
+
+SETTLEMENT of Italy effected by Charles V. and Clement VII.,
+  net results of, i. 45 _sqq._
+
+'SEVEN Liberal Arts, On the,' a lost treatise by Giordano
+  Bruno, ii. 156, 182.
+
+SFORZA, Francesco Maria, his relations with Charles V., i. 28.
+
+---Lodovico (Il Moro, ruler of Milan), invites Charles VIII.
+  into Italy, i. 8.
+
+SICILY, separated from Naples, i. 4.
+
+SIENA, republic of, subdued by Florence, i. 47.
+
+'SIGNS of the Times, The,' a lost work by Giordano Bruno, ii. 136.
+
+SIGONIUS: his _History of Bologna_ blocked by the Index, i. 207.
+
+SIMONETA, Cardinal, legate at Trent, i. 118, 121.
+
+SIXTUS V., Pope:
+  short-sighted hoarding of treasure by, i. 153;
+  his enactments against brigandage, 152;
+  accumulation of Papal revenues, _ib._;
+  public works, 153;
+  animosity against pagan art, _ib._;
+  works on and about S. Peter's, 154;
+  methods of increasing revenue, 155;
+  nepotism, 157;
+  development of the Papacy in his reign, 158;
+  his death predicted by Bellarmino, 298;
+  his behavior after the murder of his nephew (Felice Peretti), 362.
+
+SODERINI, Alessandro, assassinated together with his nephew
+  Lorenzino de'Medici, i. 398.
+
+SOLIMAN, Paul IV.'s negotiations with, i. 103.
+
+SOMASCAN Fathers, Congregation of the, i. 79.
+
+S. ONOFRIO, Tasso's death at, ii. 78;
+  the mask of his face at, 116.
+
+SORANZO, on the character of Pius IV., i. 111 _n._;
+  on Carlo Borromeo, 116 _n._;
+  on the changes in Roman society in 1565, 143.
+
+'SPACCIO della Bestia Trionfante, Lo,' Giordano Bruno's,
+  ii. 132 _n._, 140, 165, 183 _sq._
+
+SPADA, Lionello, Bolognese painter, ii. 364.
+
+SPAIN:
+  its position in Italy after the battle of Pavia, i. 14.
+
+SPANIARDS of the sixteenth century, character of, i. 59.
+
+SPERONI, Sperone:
+  his criticism of Tasso's _Gerusalemme_, ii. 44;
+  a friend of Chiabrera, 287.
+
+SPHERE, the, Giordano Bruno's doctrine of, ii. 135, 144 _sq._
+
+STENDHAL, De (Henri Beyle):
+  his _Chroniques et Nouvelles_ cited:
+    on the Cenci, i. 351 _sq._;
+    the Duchess of Palliano, 373.
+
+STERILITY of Protestantism, ii. 401.
+
+STROZZI, Filippo, i. 46.
+
+---Piero, i. 47.
+
+
+T
+
+TASSO, Bernardo (father of Torquato), i. 38;
+  his birth and parentage, ii. 5;
+  the _Amadigi_, 7, 11, 18, 35;
+  his youth and marriage, 7;
+  misfortunes, _ib._;
+  exile and poverty, 8;
+  death of his wife, 9;
+  his death, 10, 35;
+  his character, _ib._;
+  his _Floridante_, 35.
+
+---Christoforo (cousin of Torquato), ii. 14.
+
+---Torquato:
+  his relation to his epoch, ii. 2;
+  to the influences of Italian decadence, 4;
+  his father's position, 6;
+  Torquato's birth, 7;
+  the death of his mother, 9, 15;
+  what Tasso inherited from his father, 11;
+  Bernardo's treatment of his son, _ib._;
+  Tasso's precocity as a child, 12;
+  his early teachers, _ib._;
+  pious ecstasy in his ninth year, 13;
+  with his father in Rome, 14;
+  his first extant letter, 15;
+  his education, 16;
+  with his father at the Court of Urbino, 17;
+  mode of life here, 18;
+  acquires familiarity with Virgil, 19;
+  studies and annotates the _Divina Commedia_, _ib._;
+  metaphysical studies and religious doubts, 20;
+  reaction, _ib._;
+  the appearance of the _Rinaldo_, 21;
+  leaves Padua for Bologna, _ib._;
+  Dialogues on the Art of Poetry, 22, 24, 26;
+  flight to Modena, 22;
+  speculations upon Poetry, 23;
+  Tasso's theory of the Epic, 24;
+  he joins the Academy 'Gli Eterei' at Padua, as 'Il Pentito,' 26;
+  enters the service of Luigi d'Este, 27;
+  life at the Court of Ferrara, 28;
+  Tasso's love-affairs, 31;
+  the problem of his relations with Leonora and Lucrezia
+  d'Este, 32 _sqq._, 48, 51;
+  quarrel with Pigna, 34;
+  his want of tact, _ib._;
+  edits his _Floridante_, 35;
+  visit to Paris, _ib._;
+  the _Gottifredo_ (_Gerusalemme Liberata_), 35, 38, 42, 48, 50;
+  his instructions to Rondinelli, _ib._;
+  life at the Court of Charles IX., 36;
+  rupture with Luigi d'Este, 38;
+  enters the service of Alfonso, Duke of Ferrara, _ib._;
+  renewed relations with Leonora, _ib._;
+  production and success of _Aminta_, 39;
+  relations with Lucrezia d'Este (Duchess of Urbino), _ib._;
+  his letters to Leonora, 41;
+  his triumphant career, _ib._;
+  submits the _Gerusalemme_ to seven censors, 43;
+  their criticisms, _ib._;
+  literary annoyances, 44;
+  discontent with Ferrara, 45;
+  Tasso's sense of his importance, _ib._;
+  the beginning of his ruin, 46;
+  he courts the Medici, 47;
+  action of his enemies at Ferrara, 48;
+  doubts as to his sanity, 49;
+  his dread of the Inquisition, _ib._;
+  persecution by the courtiers, 50;
+  revelation of his love affairs by Maddalò de'Frecci, 51;
+  Tasso's fear of being poisoned, _ib._;
+  outbreak of mental malady, 52;
+  temporary imprisonment, _ib._;
+  estimate of the hypothesis that Tasso feigned madness, 53;
+  his escape from the Convent of S. Francis, 54;
+  with his sister at Sorrento, 55;
+  hankering after Ferrara, 56;
+  his attachment to the House of Este, 57;
+  terms on which he is received back, 58;
+  second flight from Ferrara, 61;
+  at Venice, Urbino, Turin, 63;
+  'Omero Fuggiguerra,' 64;
+  recall to Ferrara, 65;
+  imprisoned at S. Anna, 66;
+  reasons for his arrest, 67;
+  nature of his malady, 69;
+  life in the hospital, 71;
+  release and wanderings, 73;
+  the _Torrismondo_, _ib._;
+  work on the _Gerusalemme Conquistata_ and
+  the _Sette Giornate_, 75;
+  last years at Naples and Rome, 76;
+  at S. Onofrio, 76;
+  death, 78;
+  imaginary Tassos, 79;
+  condition of romantic and heroic poetry in Tasso's youth, 80;
+  his first essay in poetry, 81;
+  the preface to _Rinaldo_, 82;
+  subject-matter of the poem, 84;
+  its religious motive, 86;
+  Latinity of diction, _ib._;
+  weak points of style, 88;
+  lyrism and idyll, 89;
+  subject of the _Gerusalemme Liberata_, 92;
+  its romance, 94;
+  imitation of Virgil, 97;
+  of Dante, 97, 99;
+  rhetorical artificiality, 100;
+  sonorous verses, 101;
+  oratorical dexterity, 102;
+  similes and metaphors, _ib._;
+  majestic simplicity, 104;
+  the heroine, 106;
+  Tasso, the poet of Sentiment, 108;
+  the _Non so che_, 109 _sq._;
+  Sofronia, Erminia, Clorinda, 109 _sqq._;
+  the Dialogues and the tragedy _Torrismondo_, 113;
+  the _Gerusalemme Conquistata_ and
+  _Le Sette Giornate_, 115, 124;
+  personal appearance of Tasso, 115;
+  general survey of his character, 116 _sqq._;
+  his relation to his age, 120;
+  his mental attitude, 122;
+  his native genius, 124.
+
+TASSONI, Alessandro:
+  his birth, ii. 297;
+  treatment by Carlo Emmanuele, 298;
+  his independent spirit, _ib._;
+  aim at originality of thought, 299;
+  his criticism of Dante and Petrarch, 300;
+  the _Secchia Rapita_:
+    its origin and motive, 301;
+    its circulation in manuscript copies, 302;
+  Tassoni the inventor of heroico-comic poetry, 303;
+  humor and sarcasm in Italian municipal wars, 304;
+  the episode of the Bolognese bucket, _ib._;
+  irony of the _Secchia Rapita_, 306;
+  method of Tassoni's art, _ib._;
+  ridicule of contemporary poets, 307;
+  satire and parody, 308;
+  French imitators of Tasso, 310;
+  episodes of pure poetry, 311;
+  sustained antithesis between poetry and melodiously-worded slang, 312;
+  Tassoni's rank as a literary artist, _ib._
+
+TAXATION, the methods of, adopted by Spanish Viceroys in Italy, i. 49.
+
+TENEBROSI, the (school of painters), ii. 365.
+
+TESTI, Fulvio, Modenese poet, ii. 314.
+
+TEUTONIC tribes, relations of with the Italians, ii. 393;
+  unreconciled antagonisms, 394;
+  divergence, 395;
+  the Church, the battle-field of Renaissance and Reformation, 395.
+
+THEATINES, foundation of the Order of, i. 79.
+
+THEORY, Italian love of, in Tasso's time, ii. 25;
+  critique of Tasso's theory of poetry, 26, 42.
+
+THIENE, Gaetano di, founder of the Theatines, i. 76.
+
+THIRTY Divine Attributes, Bruno's doctrine of, ii. 139.
+
+TINTORETTO'S picture of S. Agnes, ii. 361.
+
+TITIAN, portrait of Charles V. by, i. 42.
+
+TOLEDO, Don Pietro di, Viceroy of Naples, i. 38; ii. 7.
+
+---Francesco da, confessor of Gregory XIII., i. 150.
+
+TORQUEMADA, the Spanish Inquisitor, i. 173, 179, 181.
+
+TORRE, Delia, the family of, ancestors, of the Tassi, ii. 5.
+
+'TORRISMONDO,' Tasso's tragedy of, ii. 73, 113 _sq._
+
+TORTURE, cases of witnesses put to, i. 333 _sqq._
+
+TOUCH, the sense of, Marino's praises of, ii. 270.
+
+TOULOUSE, power of the Inquisition in, ii. 137.
+
+TRAGIC narratives circulated in manuscript in the
+  sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, i. 372.
+
+'TREATISE on the Inquisition,' Sarpi's, ii. 220.
+
+---'on the Interdict,' Sarpi's, ii. 201.
+
+TREMAZZI, Ambrogio:
+  his own report of how he wrought the murder of Troilo
+  Orsini, i. 405 _sqq._;
+  his notions about his due reward, 406.
+
+TRENT, Council of:
+  Indiction of, by Paul III., i. 97;
+  numbers of its members, 97 _n._, 119 _n._;
+  diverse objects of the Spanish, French, and German
+  representatives, 98, 122;
+  the articles which it confirmed, 98;
+  method of procedure, 99, 120;
+  the Council transferred to Bologna, 100;
+  Paul IV.'s measures of ecclesiastical reform, 107;
+  the Council's decrees actually settled in the four Courts, 112, 119;
+  its organization by Pius IV., 118 _sqq._;
+  inauspicious commencement, 119;
+  the privileges of the Papal legates, 120;
+  daily post of couriers to the Vatican, 121;
+  arts of the Roman Curia, 122;
+  Spanish, French, Imperial Opposition, 123;
+  clerical celibacy and Communion under both forms, _ib._;
+  packing the Council with Italian bishops, 125;
+  the interests of the Gallican Church, 126;
+  interference of the Emperor Ferdinand, _ib._;
+  confusion in the Council, 126 _n._;
+  envoys to France and the Emperor, 127;
+  cajoleries and menaces, 129;
+  action of the Court of Spain, 130;
+  firmness of the Spanish bishops, 130 _n._;
+  Papal Supremacy decreed, 131;
+  reservation in the Papal Bull of ratification, 131 _and note_;
+  Tridentine Profession of Faith (Creed of Pius V.), 148.
+
+TUSCANY, creation of the Grand Duchy of, i. 47.
+
+TWO SICILIES, the kingdom of the, i. 45.
+
+'TYRANNY of the kiss,' the, exemplified in the _Rinaldo_, ii. 90;
+  in the _Pastor Fido_, 255;
+  in the _Adone_, 272.
+
+
+U
+
+UNIVERSAL Monarchy, end of the belief in, i. 34.
+
+UNIVERSE, Bruno's conception of the, ii. 173 _sqq._
+
+UNIVERSITIES, Italian, i. 51.
+
+'UNTORI, La Peste degli,' i. 421;
+  trial of the _Untoti_, 421.
+
+URBAN VIII., fantastic attempt made against the life of, i. 425 _sq._
+
+URBINO, the Court of, life at, ii. 17 _sq._
+
+
+V
+
+VALDES, Juan:
+  his work _On the Benefits of Christ's Death_, i. 76.
+
+VALORI, Baccio, i. 33.
+
+VASTO, Marquis of, i. 25.
+
+VENETIAN ambassadors' despatches cited:
+  on the manners of the Roman Court in 1565, i. 142, 147;
+  the expulsion of prostitutes from Rome, 146.
+
+VENICE, the Republic of, its possessions in the fifteenth century, i. 9;
+  relations with Spain in 1530, 45;
+  rise of a contempt for commerce in, 49;
+  the constitution of its Holy Office, 190;
+  Concordat with Clement VIII., 193;
+  Tasso at, ii. 19 _sq._;
+  its condition in Sarpi's youth, 185;
+  political indifference of its aristocracy, 186;
+  put under interdict by Paul V., 198.
+
+VENIERO, Maffeo, on Tasso's mental malady, ii. 52, 63.
+
+VERONA, Peter of (Peter Martyr), Italian Dominican Saint
+  of the Inquisition, i. 161.
+
+VERVINS, the Treaty of, i. 48, 56.
+
+VETTORI, Francesco, i. 33.
+
+VIRGIL, Tasso's admiration of, ii. 25;
+  translations and adaptations from, 98.
+
+VISCONTI, the dynasty of, i. 8.
+
+---Valentina, grandmother of Louis XII. of France, i. 8.
+
+VITELLI, Alessandro, i. 46.
+
+VITELLOZZI, Vitellozzo, influence of, in the reform of
+  Church music, ii. 325.
+
+VITI, Michele, one of the assassins of Sarpi, ii. 212.
+
+'VOCERO,' the, i. 332.
+
+VOLTERRA, Bebo da, associate of Bibboni in the murder of
+  Lorenzino de'Medici, i. 390 _sqq._
+
+VULGATE, the:
+  results of its being declared inviolable, i. 210.
+
+
+W
+
+WALDENSIANS in Calabria, the, i. 188.
+
+WITCHCRAFT, chiefly confined to the mountain regions of Italy, i. 425;
+  mainly used as a weapon of malice, _ib._;
+  details of the sorcery practised by Giacomo Centini, 425 _sqq._
+
+WIFE-MURDERS in Italy in the sixteenth century, i. 380 _sq._, 385.
+
+
+X
+
+XAVIER, Francis, associate of Ignatius Loyola, i. 239;
+  his work as a Jesuit in Portugal, 256;
+  his mission to the Indies, 260.
+
+XIMENES, Cardinal, as Inquisitor General, i. 182.
+
+
+Z
+
+ZANETTI, Guido, delivered over to the Roman Inquisition, i. 145.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Renaissance in Italy, Volumes 1 and 2
+by John Addington Symonds
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+   "http://www.w3.org/TR/xhtml1/DTD/xhtml1-strict.dtd" >
+
+<html xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml">
+  <head>
+    <title>
+      The Project Gutenberg eBook of Renaissance In Italy in Two Parts, by John
+      Addington Symonds.
+    </title>
+    <style type="text/css" xml:space="preserve">
+    h1,h2,h3,h4,h5,h6 {
+         text-align: center; /* all headings centered */
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+  </head>
+  <body>
+<pre xml:space="preserve">
+
+The Project Gutenberg EBook of Renaissance in Italy, Volumes 1 and 2
+by John Addington Symonds
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: Renaissance in Italy, Volumes 1 and 2
+       The Catholic Reaction
+
+Author: John Addington Symonds
+
+Release Date: August 10, 2005 [EBook #16504]
+Last Updated: May 6, 2018
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK RENAISSANCE IN ITALY ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Ted Garvin, Chuck Greif and the Online
+Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net
+
+HTML file revised by David Widger
+
+
+
+
+</pre>
+    <h1>
+      RENAISSANCE IN ITALY
+    </h1>
+    <h2>
+      <i>THE CATHOLIC REACTION</i>
+    </h2>
+    <h3>
+      In Two Parts
+    </h3>
+    <h3>
+      BY
+    </h3>
+    <h2>
+      JOHN ADDINGTON SYMONDS
+    </h2>
+    <h3>
+      NEW YORK HENRY HOLT AND COMPANY 1887 <i>AUTHOR'S EDITION</i>
+    </h3>
+    <hr style="width: 25%;" />
+    <h2>
+      PART I
+    </h2>
+    <div class="center">
+      <a href="#PREFACE"><b>PREFACE</b></a><br /> <a
+      href="#CONTENTS_OF_THE_FIRST_VOLUME"><b>CONTENTS OF THE FIRST VOLUME.</b></a><br />
+      <a href="#CHAPTER_I"><b>CHAPTER_I</b></a><br /> <a href="#CHAPTER_II"><b>CHAPTER
+      II</b></a><br /> <a href="#CHAPTER_III"><b>CHAPTER III</b></a><br /> <a
+      href="#CHAPTER_IV"><b>CHAPTER IV</b></a><br /> <a href="#CHAPTER_V"><b>CHAPTER
+      V</b></a><br /> <a href="#CHAPTER_VI"><b>CHAPTER VI</b></a><br /> <a
+      href="#FOOTNOTES"><b>FOOTNOTES</b></a><br />
+    </div>
+    <hr style="width: 65%;" />
+    <h2>
+      PART II
+    </h2>
+    <div class="center">
+      <a href="#CONTENTS_OF_THE_SECOND_VOLUME"><b>CONTENTS OF THE SECOND VOLUME</b></a><br />
+      <a href="#CHAPTER_VII"><b>CHAPTER VII</b></a><br /> <a href="#CHAPTER_VIII"><b>CHAPTER
+      VIII</b></a><br /> <a href="#CHAPTER_IX"><b>CHAPTER IX</b></a><br /> <a
+      href="#CHAPTER_X"><b>CHAPTER X</b></a><br /> <a href="#CHAPTER_XI"><b>CHAPTER
+      XI</b></a><br /> <a href="#CHAPTER_XII"><b>CHAPTER XII</b></a><br /> <a
+      href="#CHAPTER_XIII"><b>CHAPTER XIII</b></a><br /> <a href="#CHAPTER_XIV"><b>CHAPTER
+      XIV</b></a><br /> <a href="#INDEX"><b>INDEX</b></a><br /> <a
+      href="#FOOTNOTES"><b>FOOTNOTES</b></a><br />
+    </div>
+    <hr style="width: 65%;" />
+    <h2>
+      CONTENTS OF THE FIRST VOLUME
+    </h2>
+    <div class="blockquot">
+      <h4>
+        CHAPTER I
+      </h4>
+      <h5>
+        THE SPANISH HEGEMONY
+      </h5>
+      <p>
+        Italy in the Renaissance&mdash;The Five Great Powers&mdash;The Kingdom
+        of Naples&mdash;The Papacy&mdash;The Duchy of Milan&mdash;Venice&mdash;The
+        Florentine Republic&mdash;Wars of Invasion closed by the Sack of Rome in
+        1527&mdash;Concordat between Clement VII. and Charles V.&mdash;Treaty of
+        Barcelona and Paix des Dames&mdash;Charles lands at Genoa&mdash;His
+        Journey to Bologna&mdash;Entrance into Bologna and Reception by Clement&mdash;Mustering
+        of Italian Princes&mdash;Franceso Sforza replaced in the Duchy of Milan&mdash;Venetian
+        Embassy&mdash;Italian League signed on Christmas Eve 1529&mdash;Florence
+        alone excluded&mdash;The Siege of Florence pressed by the Prince of
+        Orange&mdash;Charles's Coronation as King of Italy and Holy Roman
+        Emperor&mdash;The Significance of this Ceremony at Bologna&mdash;Ceremony
+        in S. Petronio&mdash;Settlement of the Duchy of Ferrara&mdash;Men of
+        Letters and Arts at Bologna&mdash;The Emperor's Use of the Spanish Habit&mdash;Charles
+        and Clement leave Bologna in March 1530&mdash;Review of the Settlement
+        of Italy affected by Emperor and Pope&mdash;Extinction of Republics&mdash;Subsequent
+        Absorption of Ferrara and Urbino into the Papal States&mdash;Savoy
+        becomes an Italian Power&mdash;Period between Charles's Coronation and
+        the Peace of Cateau Cambresis in 1559&mdash;Economical and Social
+        Condition of the Italians under Spanish Hegemony&mdash;The Nation still
+        exists in Separate Communities&mdash;Intellectual Conditions&mdash;Predominance
+        of Spain and Rome&mdash;Both Cosmopolitan Powers&mdash;Leveling down of
+        the Component Portions of the Nation in a Common Servitude&mdash;The
+        Evils of Spanish Rule
+      </p>
+      <h4>
+        CHAPTER II
+      </h4>
+      <h5>
+        THE PAPACY AND THE TRIDENTINE COUNCIL
+      </h5>
+      <p>
+        The Counter-Reformation&mdash;Its Intellectual and Moral Character&mdash;Causes
+        of the Gradual Extinction of Renaissance Energy&mdash;Transition from
+        the Renaissance to the Catholic Revival&mdash;New Religious Spirit in
+        Italy&mdash;Attitude of Italians toward German Reformation&mdash;Oratory
+        of Divine Love&mdash;Gasparo Contarini and the Moderate Reformers&mdash;New
+        Religious Orders&mdash;Paul III.&mdash;His early History and Education&mdash;Political
+        Attitude between France and Spain&mdash;Creation of the Duchy of Parma&mdash;Imminence
+        of a General Council&mdash;Review of previous Councils&mdash;Paul's
+        Uneasiness&mdash;Opens a Council at Trent in 1542&mdash;Protestants
+        virtually excluded, and Catholic Dogmas confirmed in the first Sessions&mdash;Death
+        of Paul in 1549&mdash;Julius III.&mdash;Paul IV.&mdash;Character and
+        Ruling Passions of G. P. Caraffa&mdash;His Futile Opposition to Spain&mdash;Tyranny
+        of His Nephews&mdash;Their Downfall&mdash;Paul devotes himself to Church
+        Reform and the Inquisition&mdash;Pius IV.&mdash;His Minister Morone&mdash;Diplomatic
+        Temper of this Pope&mdash;His Management of the Council&mdash;Assistance
+        rendered by his Nephew Carlo Borromeo&mdash;Alarming State of Northern
+        Europe&mdash;The Council reopened at Trent in 1562&mdash;Subsequent
+        History of the Council&mdash;It closes with a complete Papal Triumph in
+        1563&mdash;Place of Pius IV. in History&mdash;Pius V.&mdash;The
+        Inquisitor Pope&mdash;Population of Rome&mdash;Social Corruption&mdash;Sale
+        of Offices and Justice&mdash;Tridentine Reforms depress Wealth&mdash;Ascetic
+        Purity of Manners becomes fashionable&mdash;Catholic Reaction generates
+        the Counter-Reformation&mdash;Battle of Lepanto&mdash;Gregory XIII.&mdash;His
+        Relatives&mdash;Policy of enriching the Church at Expense of the Barons&mdash;Brigandage
+        in States of the Church&mdash;Sixtus V.&mdash;His Stern Justice&mdash;Rigid
+        Economy&mdash;Great Public Works&mdash;Taxation&mdash;The City of Rome
+        assumes its present form&mdash;Nepotism in the Counter-Reformation
+        Period&mdash;Various Estimates of the Wealth accumulated by Papal
+        Nephews&mdash;Rise of Princely Roman Families
+      </p>
+      <h4>
+        CHAPTER III
+      </h4>
+      <h5>
+        THE INQUISITION AND THE INDEX
+      </h5>
+      <p>
+        Different Spirit in the Holy Office and the Company of Jesus&mdash;Both
+        needed by the Counter-Reformation&mdash;Heresy in the Early Church&mdash;First
+        Origins of the Inquisition in 1203&mdash;S. Dominic&mdash;The Holy
+        Office becomes a Dominican Institution&mdash;Recognized by the Empire&mdash;Its
+        early Organization&mdash;The Spanish Inquisition&mdash;Founded in 1484&mdash;How
+        it differed from the earlier Apostolical Inquisition&mdash;Jews, Moors,
+        New Christians&mdash;Organization and History of the Holy Office in
+        Spain&mdash;Torquemada and his Successors&mdash;The Spanish Inquisition
+        never introduced into Italy&mdash;How the Roman Inquisition organized by
+        Caraffa differed from it&mdash;<i>Autos da f&eacute;</i> in Rome&mdash;Proscription
+        of suspected Lutherans&mdash;The Calabrian Waldenses&mdash;Protestants
+        at Locarno and Venice&mdash;Digression on the Venetian Holy Office&mdash;Persecution
+        of Free Thought in Literature&mdash;Growth of the Index Librorum
+        Prohibitorum&mdash;Sanction given to it by the Council of Trent&mdash;The
+        Roman Congregation of the Index&mdash;Final Form of the Censorship of
+        Books under Clement VIII.&mdash;Analysis of its Regulations&mdash;Proscription
+        of Heretical Books&mdash;Correction of Texts&mdash;Purgation and
+        Castration&mdash;Inquisitorial and Episcopal Licenses&mdash;Working of
+        the System of this Censorship in Italy&mdash;Its long Delays&mdash;Hostility
+        to Sound Learning&mdash;Ignorance of the Censors&mdash;Interference with
+        Scholars in their Work&mdash;Terrorism of Booksellers&mdash;Vatican
+        Scheme for the Restoration of Christian Erudition&mdash;Frustrated by
+        the Tyranny of the Index&mdash;Dishonesty of the Vatican Scholars&mdash;Biblical
+        Studies rendered nugatory by the Tridentine Decree on the Vulgate&mdash;Decline
+        of Learning in Universities&mdash;Miserable Servitude of Professors&mdash;Greek
+        dies out&mdash;Muretus and Manutius in Rome&mdash;The Index and its
+        Treatment of Political Works&mdash;Machiavelli&mdash;<i>Ratio Status</i>&mdash;Encouragement
+        of Literature on Papal Absolutism&mdash;Sarpi's Attitude&mdash;Comparative
+        Indifference of Rome to Books of Obscene or Immoral Tendency&mdash;Bandello
+        and Boccaccio&mdash;Papal Attempts to control Intercourse of Italians
+        with Heretics
+      </p>
+      <h4>
+        CHAPTER IV
+      </h4>
+      <h5>
+        THE COMPANY OF JESUS
+      </h5>
+      <p>
+        Vast Importance of the Jesuits in the Counter-Reformation&mdash;Ignatius
+        Loyola&mdash;His Youth&mdash;Retreat at Manresa&mdash;Journey to
+        Jerusalem&mdash;Studies in Spain and Paris&mdash;First Formation of his
+        Order at Sainte Barbe&mdash;Sojourn at Venice&mdash;Settlement at Rome&mdash;Papal
+        Recognition of the Order&mdash;Its Military Character&mdash;Absolutism
+        of the General&mdash;Devotion to the Roman Church&mdash;Choice of
+        Members&mdash;Practical and Positive Aims of the Founder&mdash;Exclusion
+        of the Ascetic, Acceptance of the Worldly Spirit&mdash;Review of the
+        Order's Rapid Extension over Europe&mdash;Loyola's Dealings with his
+        Chief Lieutenants&mdash;Propaganda&mdash;The Virtue of Obedience&mdash;The
+        <i>Exercitia Spiritualia</i>&mdash;Materialistic Imagination&mdash;Intensity
+        and Superficiality of Religious Training&mdash;The Status of the Novice&mdash;Temporal
+        Coadjutors&mdash;Scholastics&mdash;Professed of the Three Vows&mdash;Professed
+        of the Four Vows&mdash;The General&mdash;Control exercised over him by
+        his Assistants&mdash;His Relation to the General Congregation&mdash;Espionage
+        a Part of the Jesuit System&mdash;Advantageous Position of a Contented
+        Jesuit&mdash;The Vow of Poverty&mdash;Houses of the Professed and
+        Colleges&mdash;The Constitutions and Declarations&mdash;Problem of the
+        <i>Monita Secreta</i>&mdash;Reciprocal Relations of Rome and the Company&mdash;Characteristics
+        of Jesuit Education&mdash;Direction of Consciences&mdash;Moral Laxity&mdash;Sarpi's
+        Critique&mdash;Casuistry&mdash;Interference in Affairs of State&mdash;Instigation
+        to Regicide and Political Conspiracy&mdash;Theories of Church Supremacy&mdash;Insurgence
+        of the European Nations against the Company
+      </p>
+      <h4>
+        CHAPTER V
+      </h4>
+      <h5>
+        SOCIAL AND DOMESTIC MORALS I PART I
+      </h5>
+      <p>
+        How did the Catholic Revival affect Italian Society?&mdash;Difficulty of
+        Answering this Question&mdash;Frequency of Private Crimes of Violence&mdash;Homicides
+        and Bandits&mdash;Savage Criminal Justice&mdash;Paid Assassins&mdash;Toleration
+        of Outlaws&mdash;Honorable Murder&mdash;Example of the Lucchese Army&mdash;State
+        of the Convents&mdash;The History of Virginia de Leyva&mdash;Lucrezia
+        Buonvisi&mdash;The True Tale of the Cenci&mdash;The Brothers of the
+        House of Massimo&mdash;Vittoria Accoramboni&mdash;The Duchess of
+        Palliano&mdash;Wife-Murders&mdash;The Family of Medici
+      </p>
+      <h4>
+        CHAPTER VI
+      </h4>
+      <h5>
+        SOCIAL AND DOMESTIC MORALS: PART II
+      </h5>
+      <p>
+        Tales illustrative of Bravi and Banditti&mdash;Cecco Bibboni&mdash;Ambrogio
+        Tremazzi&mdash;Lodovico dall'Armi&mdash;Brigandage&mdash;Piracy&mdash;Plagues&mdash;The
+        Plagues of Milan, Venice, Piedmont&mdash;Persecution of the Untori&mdash;Moral
+        State of the Proletariate&mdash;Witchcraft&mdash;Its Italian Features&mdash;History
+        of Giacomo Centini
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <p>
+      <br />
+    </p>
+    <hr style="width: 65%;" />
+    <p>
+      <br />
+    </p>
+    <h2>
+      CONTENTS OF THE SECOND VOLUME
+    </h2>
+    <div class="blockquot">
+      <h4>
+        CHAPTER VII
+      </h4>
+      <h5>
+        TORQUATO TASSO
+      </h5>
+      <p>
+        Tasso's Relation to his Age&mdash;Balbi on that Period&mdash;The Life of
+        Bernardo Tasso&mdash;Torquato's Boyhood&mdash;Sorrento, Naples, Rome,
+        Urbino&mdash;His first Glimpse of the Court&mdash;Student Life at Padua
+        and Bologna&mdash;The <i>Rinaldo</i>&mdash;Dialogues on Epic Poetry&mdash;Enters
+        the Service of Cardinal d'Este&mdash;The Court of Ferrara&mdash;Alfonso
+        II. and the Princesses&mdash;Problem of Tasso's Love&mdash;Goes to
+        France with Cardinal d'Este&mdash;Enters the Service of Duke Alfonso&mdash;The
+        <i>Aminta</i>&mdash;Tasso at Urbino&mdash;Return to Ferrara&mdash;Revision
+        of the <i>Gerusalemme</i>&mdash;Jealousies at Court&mdash;Tasso's Sense
+        of His own Importance&mdash;Plans a Change from Ferrara to Florence&mdash;First
+        Symptoms of Mental Disorder&mdash;Persecutions of the Ferrarese
+        Courtiers&mdash;Tasso confined as a Semi-madman&mdash;Goes with Duke
+        Alfonso to Belriguardo&mdash;Flies in Disguise from Ferrara to Sorrento&mdash;Returns
+        to Court Life at Ferrara&mdash;Problem of his Madness&mdash;Flies again&mdash;Mantua,
+        Venice, Urbino, Turin&mdash;Returns once more to Ferrara&mdash;Alfonso's
+        Third Marriage&mdash;Tasso's Discontent&mdash;Imprisoned for Seven Years
+        in the Madhouse of S. Anna&mdash;Character of Tasso&mdash;Character of
+        Duke Alfonso&mdash;Nature of the Poet's Malady&mdash;His Course of Life
+        in Prison&mdash;Released at the Intercession of Vincenzo Gonzaga&mdash;Goes
+        to Mantua&mdash;The <i>Torrismondo</i>&mdash;An Odyssey of Nine Years&mdash;Death
+        at Sant Onofrio in Rome&mdash;Constantini's Sonnet
+      </p>
+      <h4>
+        CHAPTER VIII
+      </h4>
+      <h5>
+        THE &quot;GERUSALEMME LIBERATA&quot;
+      </h5>
+      <p>
+        Problem of Creating Heroic Poetry&mdash;The Preface to Tasso's <i>Rinaldo</i>&mdash;Subject
+        of <i>Rinaldo</i>&mdash;Blending of Romantic Motives with Heroic Style&mdash;Imitation
+        of Virgil&mdash;Melody and Sentiment&mdash;Choice of Theme for the <i>Gerusalemme</i>&mdash;It
+        becomes a Romantic Poem after all&mdash;Tancredi the real Hero&mdash;Nobility
+        of Tone&mdash;Virgilian Imitation&mdash;Borrowings from Dante&mdash;Involved
+        Diction&mdash;Employment of Sonorous Polysyllabic Words&mdash;Quality of
+        Religious Emotion in this Poem&mdash;Rhetoric&mdash;Similes&mdash;The
+        Grand Style of Pathos&mdash;Verbal Music&mdash;The Chant d'Amour&mdash;Armida&mdash;Tasso's
+        Favorite Phrase, <i>Un non so che</i>&mdash;His Power over Melody and
+        Tender Feeling&mdash;Critique of Tasso's Later Poems&mdash;General
+        Survey of his Character
+      </p>
+      <h4>
+        CHAPTER IX
+      </h4>
+      <h5>
+        GIORDANO BRUNO
+      </h5>
+      <p>
+        Scientific Bias of the Italians checked by Catholic Revival&mdash;Boyhood
+        of Bruno&mdash;Enters Order of S. Dominic at Naples&mdash;Early
+        Accusations of Heresy&mdash;Escapes to Rome&mdash;Teaches the Sphere at
+        Noli&mdash;Visits Venice&mdash;At Geneva&mdash;At Toulouse&mdash;At
+        Paris&mdash;His Intercourse with Henri III.&mdash;Visits England&mdash;The
+        French Ambassador in London&mdash;Oxford&mdash;Bruno's Literary Work in
+        England&mdash;Returns to Paris&mdash;Journeys into Germany&mdash;Wittenberg,
+        Helmst&auml;dt, Frankfort&mdash;Invitation to Venice from Giovanni
+        Mocenigo&mdash;His Life in Venice&mdash;Mocenigo denounces him to the
+        Inquisition&mdash;His Trial at Venice&mdash;Removal to Rome&mdash;Death
+        by Burning in 1600&mdash;Bruno's Relation to the Thought of his Age and
+        to the Thought of Modern Europe&mdash;Outlines of his Philosophy
+      </p>
+      <h4>
+        CHAPTER X
+      </h4>
+      <h5>
+        FRA PAOLO SARPI
+      </h5>
+      <p>
+        Sarpi's Position in the History of Venice&mdash;Parents and Boyhood&mdash;Entrance
+        into the Order of the Servites&mdash;His Personal Qualities&mdash;Achievements
+        as a Scholar and a Man of Science&mdash;His Life among the Servites&mdash;In
+        Bad Odor at Rome&mdash;Paul V. places Venice under Interdict&mdash;Sarpi
+        elected Theologian and Counselor of the Republic&mdash;His Polemical
+        Writings&mdash;Views on Church and State&mdash;The Interdict Removed&mdash;Roman
+        Vengeance&mdash;Sarpi attacked by Bravi&mdash;His Wounds, Illness,
+        Recovery&mdash;Subsequent History of the Assassins&mdash;Further
+        Attempts on Sarpi's Life&mdash;Sarpi's Political and Historical Works&mdash;History
+        of the Council of Trent&mdash;Sarpi's Attitude towards Protestantism His
+        Judgment of the Jesuits&mdash;Sarpi's Death&mdash;The Christian Stoic
+      </p>
+      <h4>
+        CHAPTER XI
+      </h4>
+      <h5>
+        GUARINI, MARINO, CHIABRERA, TASSONI
+      </h5>
+      <p>
+        Dearth of Great Men&mdash;Guarini a Link between Tasso and the
+        Seventeenth Century&mdash;His Biography&mdash;The <i>Pastor Fido</i>&mdash;Qualities
+        of Guarini as Poet&mdash;Marino the Dictator of Letters&mdash;His
+        Riotous Youth at Naples&mdash;Life at Rome, Turin, Paris&mdash;Publishes
+        the <i>Adone</i>&mdash;The Epic of Voluptuousness&mdash;Character and
+        Action of Adonis&mdash;Marino's Hypocrisy&mdash;Sentimental Sweetness&mdash;Brutal
+        Violence&mdash;Violation of Artistic Taste&mdash;Great Powers of the
+        Poet&mdash;Structure of the <i>Adone</i>&mdash;Musical Fluency&mdash;Marinism&mdash;Marino's
+        Patriotic Verses&mdash;Contrast between Chiabrera and Marino&mdash;An
+        Aspirant after Pindar&mdash;Chiabrera's Biography&mdash;His Court Life&mdash;Efforts
+        of Poets in the Seventeenth Century to attain to Novelty&mdash;Chiabrera's
+        Failure&mdash;Tassoni's Life&mdash;His Thirst to Innovate&mdash;Origin
+        of the <i>Secchia Rapita</i>&mdash;Mock-Heroic Poetiy&mdash;The Plot of
+        this Poem&mdash;Its Peculiar Humor&mdash;Irony and Satire&mdash;Novelty
+        of the Species&mdash;Lyrical Interbreathings&mdash;Sustained Contrast of
+        Parody and Pathos&mdash;The Poet Testi
+      </p>
+      <h4>
+        CHAPTER XII
+      </h4>
+      <h5>
+        PALESTRINA AND THE ORIGINS OF MODERN MUSIC
+      </h5>
+      <p>
+        Italy in Renaissance produces no National School of Music&mdash;Flemish
+        Composers in Rome&mdash;Singers and Orchestra&mdash;The Chaotic,
+        Indecency of this Contrapuntal Style&mdash;Palestrina's Birth and Early
+        History&mdash;Decrees of the Tridentine Council upon Church Music&mdash;The
+        Mass of Pope Marcello&mdash;Palestrina Satisfies the Cardinals with his
+        New Style of Sacred Music&mdash;Pius IV. and his Partiality for Music&mdash;Palestrina
+        and Filippo Neri&mdash;His Motetts&mdash;The Song of Solomon set to
+        Melody&mdash;Palestrina, the Saviour of Music&mdash;The Founder of the
+        Modern Style&mdash;Florentine Essays in the Oratorio
+      </p>
+      <h4>
+        CHAPTER XIII
+      </h4>
+      <h5>
+        THE BOLOGNESE SCHOOL OF PAINTERS
+      </h5>
+      <p>
+        Decline of Plastic Art&mdash;Dates of the Eclectic Masters&mdash;The
+        Mannerists&mdash;Baroccio&mdash;Reaction started by Lodovico Caracci&mdash;His
+        Cousins Annibale and Agostino&mdash;Their Studies&mdash;Their Academy at
+        Bologna&mdash;Their Artistic Aims&mdash;Dionysius Calvaert&mdash;Guido
+        Reni&mdash;The Man and his Art&mdash;Domenichino&mdash;Ruskin's
+        Criticism&mdash;Relation of Domenichino to the Piety of his Age&mdash;Caravaggio
+        and the Realists&mdash;Ribera&mdash;Lo Spagna&mdash;Guercino&mdash;His
+        Qualities as Colorist&mdash;His Terribleness&mdash;Private Life&mdash;Digression
+        upon Criticism&mdash;Reasons why the Bolognese Painters, are justly now
+        Neglected
+      </p>
+      <h4>
+        CHAPTER XIV
+      </h4>
+      <h5>
+        CONCLUSION
+      </h5>
+      <p>
+        The Main Events of European History&mdash;Italy in the Renaissance&mdash;Germany
+        and Reformation&mdash;Catholic Reaction&mdash;Its Antagonism to
+        Renaissance and Reformation&mdash;Profound Identity of Renaissance and
+        Reformation&mdash;Place of Italy in European Civilization&mdash;Want of
+        Sympathy between Latin and Teutonic Races&mdash;Relation of Rome to
+        Italy&mdash;Macaulay on the Roman Church&mdash;On Protestantism&mdash;Early
+        Decline of Renaissance Enthusiasms&mdash;Italy's Present and Future
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <hr style="width: 65%;" />
+    <p>
+      <a name="vol_i" id="vol_i"> </a>
+    </p>
+    <h1>
+      RENAISSANCE IN ITALY
+    </h1>
+    <h2>
+      <i>THE CATHOLIC REACTION</i>
+    </h2>
+    <h3>
+      In Two Parts
+    </h3>
+    <h3>
+      BY
+    </h3>
+    <h2>
+      JOHN ADDINGTON SYMONDS
+    </h2>
+    <hr style="width: 25%;" />
+    <div class="poem">
+      <div class="stanza">
+        <span>'Deh! per Dio, donna,<br /> </span> <span>Se romper si potria
+        quelle grandi ale?<br /> </span><br />
+      </div>
+    </div>
+    <div class="poem">
+      <div class="stanza">
+        <br /> <span>Tu piangi e taci; e questo meglio parmi'<br /> </span><br />
+        <span>SAVONAROLA: <i>De Ruina Ecclesia</i><br /> </span>
+      </div>
+    </div>
+    <hr style="width: 65%;" />
+    <h2>
+      PART I
+    </h2>
+    <h3>
+      NEW YORK HENRY HOLT AND COMPANY 1887 <i>AUTHOR'S EDITION</i>
+    </h3>
+    <div class="center">
+      <a href="#PREFACE"><b>PREFACE</b></a><br /> <a
+      href="#CONTENTS_OF_THE_FIRST_VOLUME"><b>CONTENTS OF THE FIRST VOLUME</b></a><br />
+      <a href="#CHAPTER_I"><b>CHAPTER_I</b></a><br /> <a href="#CHAPTER_II"><b>CHAPTER
+      II</b></a><br /> <a href="#CHAPTER_III"><b>CHAPTER III</b></a><br /> <a
+      href="#CHAPTER_IV"><b>CHAPTER IV</b></a><br /> <a href="#CHAPTER_V"><b>CHAPTER
+      V</b></a><br /> <a href="#CHAPTER_VI"><b>CHAPTER VI</b></a><br /> <a
+      href="#FOOTNOTES"><b>FOOTNOTES</b></a><br /> <a
+      href="#CONTENTS_OF_THE_SECOND_VOLUME"><b>CONTENTS OF THE SECOND VOLUME</b></a><br />
+    </div>
+    <hr style="width: 65%;" />
+    <h2>
+      <a name="PREFACE" id="PREFACE"></a>PREFACE
+    </h2>
+    <p>
+      At the end of the second volume of my 'Renaissance in Italy' I indulged
+      the hope that I might live to describe the phase of culture which closed
+      that brilliant epoch. It was in truth demanded that a work pretending to
+      display the manifold activity of the Italian genius during the 15th
+      century and the first quarter of the 16th, should also deal with the
+      causes which interrupted its further development upon the same lines.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      This study, forming a logically-necessitated supplement to the five former
+      volumes of 'Renaissance in Italy,' I have been permitted to complete. The
+      results are now offered to the public in these two parts.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      So far as it was possible, I have conducted my treatment of the Catholic
+      Revival on a method analogous to that adopted for the Renaissance. I found
+      it, however, needful to enter more minutely into details regarding facts
+      and institutions connected with the main theme of national culture.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The Catholic Revival was by its nature reactionary. In order to explain
+      its influences, I have been compelled to analyze the position of Spain in
+      the Italian peninsula, the conduct of the Tridentine Council, the specific
+      organization of the Holy Office and the Company of Jesus, and the state of
+      society upon which those forces were brought to bear.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      In the list of books which follows these prefatory remarks, I have
+      indicated the most important of the sources used by me. Special references
+      will be made in their proper places to works of a subordinate value for
+      the purposes of my inquiry.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      DAVOS PLATZ: <i>July</i> 1886.
+    </p>
+    <hr style="width: 65%;" />
+    <p>
+      <i>WORKS COMMONLY REFERRED TO IN THE TWO SUCCEEDING VOLUMES OF THIS BOOK</i>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      SISMONDI.&mdash;Histoire des Republiques Italiennes du Moyen Age.<br />
+      RANKE.&mdash;History of the Popes. 3 vols. English edition: Bohn.<br />
+      CREIGHTON.&mdash;History of the Papacy during the Reformation. 2<br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1.5em;">vols. Macmillan.</span><br /> BOTTA.&mdash;Storia
+      d'Italia. Continuata da quella del Guicciardini<br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1.5em;">sino al 1789.</span><br /> FERRARI.&mdash;Rivoluzioni
+      d'Italia. 3 vols.<br /> QUINET.&mdash;Les Revolutions d'Italie.<br />
+      GALLUZZI.&mdash;Storia del Granducato di Toscana.<br /> PALLAVICINI.&mdash;Storia
+      del Concilio Tridentino.<br /> SARPI.&mdash;Storia del Concilio. Vols. 1
+      and 2 of Sarpi's Opere.<br /> DENNISTOUN'S Dukes of Urbino. 3 vols.<br />
+      ALBERI.&mdash;Relazioni degli Ambasciatori Veneti.<br /> MUTINELLI.&mdash;Storia
+      Arcana ed Aneddotica d'Italia. Raccontata<br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1.5em;">dai Veneti Ambasciatori. 4 vols. Venice. 1858.</span><br />
+      MUTINELLI.&mdash;Annali Urbani di Venezia.<br /> LITTA.&mdash;Famiglie
+      Celebri Italiane.<br /> PHIUPPSON.&mdash;La Contre-R&eacute;volution
+      Religieuse au XVIme Si&egrave;cle<br /> <span style="margin-left: 1.5em;">Bruxelles.
+      1884.</span><br /> DEJOB.&mdash;De l'Influence du Concile de Trente. Paris.
+      1884.<br /> GIORDANI.&mdash;Delia Venuta e Dimora in Bologna del Sommo
+      Pontefice<br /> <span style="margin-left: 1.5em;">Clemente VII. per la
+      Coronazione di Carlo V., Imperatore. Bologna. 1832.</span><br /> BALBI.&mdash;Sommario
+      della Storia d'Italia.<br /> CANT&Ugrave;.&mdash;Gli Eretici d'Italia. 3
+      vols. Torino. 1866.<br /> LLORENTE.&mdash;Histoire Critique de
+      I'Inquisition d'Espagne. 4 vols.<br /> <span style="margin-left: 1.5em;">Paris.
+      1818.</span><br /> LAVALL&Eacute;E.&mdash;Histoire des Inquisitions
+      Religieuses. 2 vols. Paris.<br /> <span style="margin-left: 1.5em;">1808.</span><br />
+      MCCRIE.&mdash;History of the Reformation in Italy. Edinburgh. 1827.<br />
+      TIRABOSCHI.&mdash;Storia della Letteratura Italiana.<br /> DE SANCTIS.&mdash;Storia
+      della Letteratura Italiana. 2 vols.<br /> SETTEMBRINI.&mdash;Storia della
+      Letteratura Italiana. 3 vols.<br /> CANT&Ugrave;.&mdash;Storia della
+      Letteratura Italiana. Decreta, etc.,<br /> <span style="margin-left: 1.5em;">Societatis
+      Jesu. Avignon. 1827.</span><br /> CANT&Ugrave;.&mdash;Storia della Diocesi
+      di Como. 2 vols.<br /> DANDOLO.&mdash;La Signora di Monza e le Streghe del
+      Tirolo. Milano.<br /> <span style="margin-left: 1.5em;">1855.</span><br />
+      BONGHI.&mdash;Storia di Lucrezia Buonvisi. Lucca. 1864.<br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1.5em;">Archivio Storico Italiano.</span><br /> BANDI
+      LUCCHESI.&mdash;Bologna: Romagnoli. 1863.<br /> BERTOLOTTI.&mdash;Francesco
+      Cenci e la sua Famiglia. Firenze. 1877.<br /> GNOLI.&mdash;Vittoria
+      Accoramboni. Firenze: Le Monnier. 1870.<br /> DAELLI.&mdash;Lorenzino
+      de'Medici. Milano. 1862.<br /> DE STENDHAL.&mdash;Chroniques et Nouvelles.
+      Paris. 1855.<br /> GIORDANO BRUNO.&mdash;Opere Italiane (Wagner). 2 vols.
+      Leipzig. 1830.<br /> JORDANUS BRUNUS.&mdash;Opera Latina. 2 vols. Neapoli.
+      1879.<br /> BRUNO.&mdash;Scripta Latina (Gf&ouml;rer). Stuttgart. 1836.<br />
+      BERTI.&mdash;Vita di Giordano Bruno. Firenze, Torino, Milano. 1868.<br />
+      BRUNNHOFER.&mdash;Giordano Bruno's Weltanschauung und Verhangniss.<br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1.5em;">Leipzig. 1882.</span><br /> PAOLO SARPI.&mdash;Opere.
+      6 vols. Helmstat. 1765.<br /> FRA FULGENZIO MICANZI&mdash;Vita del Sarpi.<br />
+      BIANCHI GIOVINI.&mdash;Biografia di Fra Paolo Sarpi. 2 vols. Bruxelles.
+      1836.<br /> <span style="margin-left: 1.5em;">Lettere di Fra Paolo Sarpi. 2
+      vols. Firenze. 1863.</span><br /> CAMPBELL.&mdash;Life of Fra Paolo Sarpi.
+      London: Molini and Green. 1869<br /> DEJOB.&mdash;Marc-Antoine Muret.
+      Paris: Thorin. 1881.<br /> CHRISTIE.&mdash;Etienne Dolet. London:
+      Macmillan. 1880.<br /> RENOUARD.&mdash;Imprimerie des Aides.<br /> TORQUATO
+      TASSO.&mdash;Opere. Ed. Rosini. 33 vols. Pisa. 1822<br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1.5em;">and on.</span><br />
+    </p>
+    <hr style="width: 65%;" />
+    <p>
+      <i>WORKS REFERRED TO IN THIS BOOK</i>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      TASSO.&mdash;Le Lettere. Ed. Guasti. 5 vols. Firenze. 1855.<br /> CECCHI.&mdash;T.
+      Tasso e la Vita Italiana. Firenze. 1877.<br /> CECCHI.&mdash;T. Tasso. Il
+      Pensiero e le Belle Lettere, etc. Firenze. 1877.<br /> D'OVIDIO.&mdash;Saggi
+      Critici. Napoli. 1878.<br /> MANSO.&mdash;Vita di T. Tasso, in Rosini's
+      edition, vol. 33.<br /> ROSINI.&mdash;Saggio sugli Amori di T. Tasso, in
+      edition cited<br /> <span style="margin-left: 1.5em;">above, vol. 33.</span><br />
+      GUARINI.&mdash;Il Pastor Fido. Ed. Casella. Firenze: Barb&egrave;ra. 1866.<br />
+      MARINO.&mdash;Adone, etc. Napoli. 1861.<br /> CHIABRERA.&mdash;Ed.
+      Polidori. Firenze: Barb&egrave;ra. 1865.<br /> TASSONI.&mdash;La Secchia
+      Rapita. Ed. Carducci. Firenze: Barb&egrave;ra 1861.<br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1.5em;">Il Parnaso Italiano.</span><br /> BAINI.&mdash;Vita
+      di G. P. L. Palestrina.<br /> FELSINA PITTRICE.&mdash;2 vols. Bologna.
+      1841.<br /> LANZI.&mdash;History of Painting in Italy. English Edition.<br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1.5em;">London. Bohn. Vol. 3.</span><br />
+    </p>
+    <hr style="width: 65%;" />
+    <h2>
+      <a name="CONTENTS_OF_THE_FIRST_VOLUME" id="CONTENTS_OF_THE_FIRST_VOLUME"></a>CONTENTS
+      OF THE FIRST VOLUME
+    </h2>
+    <div class="blockquot">
+      <h4>
+        <a href="#CHAPTER_I">CHAPTER I</a>
+      </h4>
+      <h5>
+        THE SPANISH HEGEMONY
+      </h5>
+      <p>
+        Italy in the Renaissance&mdash;The Five Great Powers&mdash;The Kingdom
+        of Naples&mdash;The Papacy&mdash;The Duchy of Milan&mdash;Venice&mdash;The
+        Florentine Republic&mdash;Wars of Invasion closed by the Sack of Rome in
+        1527&mdash;Concordat between Clement VII. and Charles V.&mdash;Treaty of
+        Barcelona and Paix des Dames&mdash;Charles lands at Genoa&mdash;His
+        Journey to Bologna&mdash;Entrance into Bologna and Reception by Clement&mdash;Mustering
+        of Italian Princes&mdash;Franceso Sforza replaced in the Duchy of Milan&mdash;Venetian
+        Embassy&mdash;Italian League signed on Christmas Eve 1529&mdash;Florence
+        alone excluded&mdash;The Siege of Florence pressed by the Prince of
+        Orange&mdash;Charles's Coronation as King of Italy and Holy Roman
+        Emperor&mdash;The Significance of this Ceremony at Bologna&mdash;Ceremony
+        in S. Petronio&mdash;Settlement of the Duchy of Ferrara&mdash;Men of
+        Letters and Arts at Bologna&mdash;The Emperor's Use of the Spanish Habit&mdash;Charles
+        and Clement leave Bologna in March 1530&mdash;Review of the Settlement
+        of Italy affected by Emperor and Pope&mdash;Extinction of Republics&mdash;Subsequent
+        Absorption of Ferrara and Urbino into the Papal States&mdash;Savoy
+        becomes an Italian Power&mdash;Period between Charles's Coronation and
+        the Peace of Cateau Cambresis in 1559&mdash;Economical and Social
+        Condition of the Italians under Spanish Hegemony&mdash;The Nation still
+        exists in Separate Communities&mdash;Intellectual Conditions&mdash;Predominance
+        of Spain and Rome&mdash;Both Cosmopolitan Powers&mdash;Leveling down of
+        the Component Portions of the Nation in a Common Servitude&mdash;The
+        Evils of Spanish Rule
+      </p>
+      <h4>
+        <a href="#CHAPTER_II">CHAPTER II</a>
+      </h4>
+      <h5>
+        THE PAPACY AND THE TRIDENTINE COUNCIL
+      </h5>
+      <p>
+        The Counter-Reformation&mdash;Its Intellectual and Moral Character&mdash;Causes
+        of the Gradual Extinction of Renaissance Energy&mdash;Transition from
+        the Renaissance to the Catholic Revival&mdash;New Religious Spirit in
+        Italy&mdash;Attitude of Italians toward German Reformation&mdash;Oratory
+        of Divine Love&mdash;Gasparo Contarini and the Moderate Reformers&mdash;New
+        Religious Orders&mdash;Paul III.&mdash;His early History and Education&mdash;Political
+        Attitude between France and Spain&mdash;Creation of the Duchy of Parma&mdash;Imminence
+        of a General Council&mdash;Review of previous Councils&mdash;Paul's
+        Uneasiness&mdash;Opens a Council at Trent in 1542&mdash;Protestants
+        virtually excluded, and Catholic Dogmas confirmed in the first Sessions&mdash;Death
+        of Paul in 1549&mdash;Julius III.&mdash;Paul IV.&mdash;Character and
+        Ruling Passions of G. P. Caraffa&mdash;His Futile Opposition to Spain&mdash;Tyranny
+        of His Nephews&mdash;Their Downfall&mdash;Paul devotes himself to Church
+        Reform and the Inquisition&mdash;Pius IV.&mdash;His Minister Morone&mdash;Diplomatic
+        Temper of this Pope&mdash;His Management of the Council&mdash;Assistance
+        rendered by his Nephew Carlo Borromeo&mdash;Alarming State of Northern
+        Europe&mdash;The Council reopened at Trent in 1562&mdash;Subsequent
+        History of the Council&mdash;It closes with a complete Papal Triumph in
+        1563&mdash;Place of Pius IV. in History&mdash;Pius V.&mdash;The
+        Inquisitor Pope&mdash;Population of Rome&mdash;Social Corruption&mdash;Sale
+        of Offices and Justice&mdash;Tridentine Reforms depress Wealth&mdash;Ascetic
+        Purity of Manners becomes fashionable&mdash;Catholic Reaction generates
+        the Counter-Reformation&mdash;Battle of Lepanto&mdash;Gregory XIII.&mdash;His
+        Relatives&mdash;Policy of enriching the Church at Expense of the Barons&mdash;Brigandage
+        in States of the Church&mdash;Sixtus V.&mdash;His Stern Justice&mdash;Rigid
+        Economy&mdash;Great Public Works&mdash;Taxation&mdash;The City of Rome
+        assumes its present form&mdash;Nepotism in the Counter-Reformation
+        Period&mdash;Various Estimates of the Wealth accumulated by Papal
+        Nephews&mdash;Rise of Princely Roman Families
+      </p>
+      <h4>
+        <a href="#CHAPTER_III">CHAPTER III</a>
+      </h4>
+      <h5>
+        THE INQUISITION AND THE INDEX
+      </h5>
+      <p>
+        Different Spirit in the Holy Office and the Company of Jesus&mdash;Both
+        needed by the Counter-Reformation&mdash;Heresy in the Early Church&mdash;First
+        Origins of the Inquisition in 1203&mdash;S. Dominic&mdash;The Holy
+        Office becomes a Dominican Institution&mdash;Recognized by the Empire&mdash;Its
+        early Organization&mdash;The Spanish Inquisition&mdash;Founded in 1484&mdash;How
+        it differed from the earlier Apostolical Inquisition&mdash;Jews, Moors,
+        New Christians&mdash;Organization and History of the Holy Office in
+        Spain&mdash;Torquemada and his Successors&mdash;The Spanish Inquisition
+        never introduced into Italy&mdash;How the Roman Inquisition organized by
+        Caraffa differed from it&mdash;<i>Autos da f&eacute;</i> in Rome&mdash;Proscription
+        of suspected Lutherans&mdash;The Calabrian Waldenses&mdash;Protestants
+        at Locarno and Venice&mdash;Digression on the Venetian Holy Office&mdash;Persecution
+        of Free Thought in Literature&mdash;Growth of the Index Librorum
+        Prohibitorum&mdash;Sanction given to it by the Council of Trent&mdash;The
+        Roman Congregation of the Index&mdash;Final Form of the Censorship of
+        Books under Clement VIII.&mdash;Analysis of its Regulations&mdash;Proscription
+        of Heretical Books&mdash;Correction of Texts&mdash;Purgation and
+        Castration&mdash;Inquisitorial and Episcopal Licenses&mdash;Working of
+        the System of this Censorship in Italy&mdash;Its long Delays&mdash;Hostility
+        to Sound Learning&mdash;Ignorance of the Censors&mdash;Interference with
+        Scholars in their Work&mdash;Terrorism of Booksellers&mdash;Vatican
+        Scheme for the Restoration of Christian Erudition&mdash;Frustrated by
+        the Tyranny of the Index&mdash;Dishonesty of the Vatican Scholars&mdash;Biblical
+        Studies rendered nugatory by the Tridentine Decree on the Vulgate&mdash;Decline
+        of Learning in Universities&mdash;Miserable Servitude of Professors&mdash;Greek
+        dies out&mdash;Muretus and Manutius in Rome&mdash;The Index and its
+        Treatment of Political Works&mdash;Machiavelli&mdash;<i>Ratio Status</i>&mdash;Encouragement
+        of Literature on Papal Absolutism&mdash;Sarpi's Attitude&mdash;Comparative
+        Indifference of Rome to Books of Obscene or Immoral Tendency&mdash;Bandello
+        and Boccaccio&mdash;Papal Attempts to control Intercourse of Italians
+        with Heretics
+      </p>
+      <h4>
+        <a href="#CHAPTER_IV">CHAPTER IV</a>
+      </h4>
+      <h5>
+        THE COMPANY OF JESUS
+      </h5>
+      <p>
+        Vast Importance of the Jesuits in the Counter-Reformation&mdash;Ignatius
+        Loyola&mdash;His Youth&mdash;Retreat at Manresa&mdash;Journey to
+        Jerusalem&mdash;Studies in Spain and Paris&mdash;First Formation of his
+        Order at Sainte Barbe&mdash;Sojourn at Venice&mdash;Settlement at Rome&mdash;Papal
+        Recognition of the Order&mdash;Its Military Character&mdash;Absolutism
+        of the General&mdash;Devotion to the Roman Church&mdash;Choice of
+        Members&mdash;Practical and Positive Aims of the Founder&mdash;Exclusion
+        of the Ascetic, Acceptance of the Worldly Spirit&mdash;Review of the
+        Order's Rapid Extension over Europe&mdash;Loyola's Dealings with his
+        Chief Lieutenants&mdash;Propaganda&mdash;The Virtue of Obedience&mdash;The
+        <i>Exercitia Spiritualia</i>&mdash;Materialistic Imagination&mdash;Intensity
+        and Superficiality of Religious Training&mdash;The Status of the Novice&mdash;Temporal
+        Coadjutors&mdash;Scholastics&mdash;Professed of the Three Vows&mdash;Professed
+        of the Four Vows&mdash;The General&mdash;Control exercised over him by
+        his Assistants&mdash;His Relation to the General Congregation&mdash;Espionage
+        a Part of the Jesuit System&mdash;Advantageous Position of a Contented
+        Jesuit&mdash;The Vow of Poverty&mdash;Houses of the Professed and
+        Colleges&mdash;The Constitutions and Declarations&mdash;Problem of the
+        <i>Monita Secreta</i>&mdash;Reciprocal Relations of Rome and the Company&mdash;Characteristics
+        of Jesuit Education&mdash;Direction of Consciences&mdash;Moral Laxity&mdash;Sarpi's
+        Critique&mdash;Casuistry&mdash;Interference in Affairs of State&mdash;Instigation
+        to Regicide and Political Conspiracy&mdash;Theories of Church Supremacy&mdash;Insurgence
+        of the European Nations against the Company
+      </p>
+      <h4>
+        <a href="#CHAPTER_V">CHAPTER V</a>
+      </h4>
+      <h5>
+        SOCIAL AND DOMESTIC MORALS I PART I
+      </h5>
+      <p>
+        How did the Catholic Revival affect Italian Society?&mdash;Difficulty of
+        Answering this Question&mdash;Frequency of Private Crimes of Violence&mdash;Homicides
+        and Bandits&mdash;Savage Criminal Justice&mdash;Paid Assassins&mdash;Toleration
+        of Outlaws&mdash;Honorable Murder&mdash;Example of the Lucchese Army&mdash;State
+        of the Convents&mdash;The History of Virginia de Leyva&mdash;Lucrezia
+        Buonvisi&mdash;The True Tale of the Cenci&mdash;The Brothers of the
+        House of Massimo&mdash;Vittoria Accoramboni&mdash;The Duchess of
+        Palliano&mdash;Wife-Murders&mdash;The Family of Medici
+      </p>
+      <h4>
+        <a href="#CHAPTER_VI">CHAPTER VI</a>
+      </h4>
+      <h5>
+        SOCIAL AND DOMESTIC MORALS: PART II
+      </h5>
+      <p>
+        Tales illustrative of Bravi and Banditti&mdash;Cecco Bibboni&mdash;Ambrogio
+        Tremazzi&mdash;Lodovico dall'Armi&mdash;Brigandage&mdash;Piracy&mdash;Plagues&mdash;The
+        Plagues of Milan, Venice, Piedmont&mdash;Persecution of the Untori&mdash;Moral
+        State of the Proletariate&mdash;Witchcraft&mdash;Its Italian Features&mdash;History
+        of Giacomo Centini
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <hr style="width: 65%;" />
+    <h1>
+      RENAISSANCE IN ITALY
+    </h1>
+    <h2>
+      <i>THE CATHOLIC REACTION</i>
+    </h2>
+    <h2>
+      PART I
+    </h2>
+    <hr style="width: 65%;" />
+    <h2>
+      <a name="CHAPTER_I" id="CHAPTER_I"></a>CHAPTER I
+    </h2>
+    <p>
+      <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA1" id="pageA1"></a>{1}</span>
+    </p>
+    <h4>
+      THE SPANISH HEGEMONY
+    </h4>
+    <div class="blockquot">
+      <p>
+        Italy in the Renaissance&mdash;The Five Great Powers&mdash;The Kingdom
+        of Naples&mdash;The Papacy&mdash;The Duchy of Milan&mdash;Venice&mdash;The
+        Florentine Republic&mdash;Wars of Invasion closed by the Sack of Rome in
+        1527&mdash;Concordat between Clement VII. and Charles V.&mdash;Treaty of
+        Barcelona and Paix des Dames&mdash;Charles lands at Genoa&mdash;His
+        Journey to Bologna&mdash;Entrance into Bologna and Reception by Clement&mdash;Mustering
+        of Italian Princes&mdash;Francesco Sforza replaced in the Duchy of Milan&mdash;Venetian
+        Embassy&mdash;Italian League signed on Christmas Eve, 1529&mdash;Florence
+        alone excluded&mdash;The Siege of Florence pressed by the Prince of
+        Orange&mdash;Charles's Coronation as King of Italy and Holy Roman
+        Emperor&mdash;The Significance of this Ceremony at Bologna&mdash;Ceremony
+        in S. Petronio&mdash;Settlement of the Duchy of Ferrara&mdash;Men of
+        Letters and Arts at Bologna&mdash;The Emperor's Use of the Spanish Habit&mdash;Charles
+        and Clement leave Bologna in March, 1530&mdash;Review of the Settlement
+        of Italy effected by Emperor and Pope&mdash;Extinction of Republics&mdash;Subsequent
+        Absorption of Ferrara and Urbino into the Papal States&mdash;Savoy
+        becomes an Italian Power&mdash;Period between Charles's Coronation and
+        the Peace of Cateau Cambresis in 1559&mdash;Economical and Social
+        Condition of the Italians under Spanish Hegemony&mdash;The Nation still
+        Exists in Separate Communities&mdash;Intellectual Conditions&mdash;Predominance
+        of Spain and Rome&mdash;Both Cosmopolitan Powers&mdash;Leveling down of
+        the Component Portions of the Nation in a Common Servitude&mdash;The
+        Evils of Spanish Rule.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <p>
+      In the first volume of my book on <i>Renaissance in Italy</i> I attempted
+      to set forth the political and social <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageA2" id="pageA2"></a>{2}</span> phases through which the Italians
+      passed before their principal States fell into the hands of despots, and
+      to explain the conditions of mutual jealousy and military feebleness which
+      exposed those States to the assaults of foreign armies at the close of the
+      fifteenth century.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      In the year 1494, when Charles VIII. of France, at Lodovico Sforza's
+      invitation, crossed the Alps to make good his claim on Naples, the
+      peninsula was Independent. Internal peace had prevailed for a period of
+      nearly fifty years. An equilibrium had been established between the five
+      great native Powers, which secured the advantages of confederation and
+      diplomatic interaction.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      While using the word confederation, I do not, of course, imply that
+      anything similar to the federal union of Switzerland or of North America
+      existed in Italy. The contrary is proved by patent facts. On a miniature
+      scale, Italy then displayed political conditions analogous to those which
+      now prevail in Europe. The parcels of the nation adopted different forms
+      of self-government, sought divers foreign alliances, and owed no
+      allegiance to any central legislative or administrative body. I therefore
+      speak of the Italian confederation only in the same sense as Europe may
+      now be called a confederation of kindred races.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      In the year 1630, when Charles V. (of Austria and Spain) was crowned
+      Emperor at Bologna, this national independence had been irretrievably lost
+      <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA3" id="pageA3"></a>{3}</span> by the
+      Italians. This confederation of evenly-balanced Powers was now exchanged
+      for servitude beneath a foreign monarchy, and for subjection to a
+      cosmopolitan elective priesthood.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The history of social, intellectual, and moral conditions in Italy during
+      the seventy years of the sixteenth century which followed Charles's
+      coronation at Bologna, forms the subject of this work; but before entering
+      upon these topics it will be well to devote one chapter to considering
+      with due brevity the partition of Italy into five States in 1494, the
+      dislocation of this order by the wars between Spain and France for
+      supremacy, the position in which the same States found themselves
+      respectively at the termination of those wars in 1527, and the new
+      settlement of the peninsula effected by Charles V. in 1529-30.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The five members of the Italian federation in 1494 were the kingdom of
+      Naples, the Papacy, the Duchy of Milan, and the Republics of Venice and
+      Florence. Round them, in various relations of amity or hostility, were
+      grouped these minor Powers: the Republics of Genoa, Lucca, Siena; the
+      Duchy of Ferrara, including Modena and Reggio; the Marquisates of Mantua
+      and Montferrat; and the Duchy of Urbino. For our immediate purpose it is
+      not worth taking separate account of the Republic of Pisa, which was
+      practically though not thoroughly enslaved by Florence; or of the despots
+      in the cities of Romagna, the March.<span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA4"
+      id="pageA4"></a>{4}</span> Umbria, and the Patrimony of S. Peter, who were
+      being gradually absorbed into the Papal sovereignty. Nor need we at
+      present notice Savoy, Piemonte, and Saluzzo. Although these north-western
+      provinces were all-important through the period of Franco-Spanish wars,
+      inasmuch as they opened the gate of Italy to French armies, and supplied
+      those armies with a base for military operations, the Duchy of Savoy had
+      not yet become an exclusively Italian Power.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The kingdom of Naples, on the death of Alfonso the Magnanimous in 1458,
+      had been separated from Sicily, and passed by testamentary appointment to
+      his natural son Ferdinand. The bastard Aragonese dynasty was Italian in
+      its tastes and interests, though unpopular both with the barons of the
+      realm and with the people, who in their restlessness were ready to welcome
+      any foreign deliverer from its oppressive yoke. This state of general
+      discontent rendered the revival of the old Angevine party, and their
+      resort to French aid, a source of peril to the monarchy. It also served as
+      a convenient fulcrum for the ambitious schemes of conquest which the
+      princes of the House of Aragon in Spain began to entertain. In territorial
+      extent the kingdom of Naples was the most considerable parcel of the
+      Italian community. It embraced the whole of Calabria, Apulia, the Abruzzi,
+      and the Terra di Lavoro; marching on its northern boundary with the Papal
+      States, and having no other neighbors.<span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageA5" id="pageA5"></a>{5}</span> But though so large and so
+      compact a State, the semifeudal system of government which had obtained in
+      Naples since the first conquest of the country by the Normans, the nature
+      of its population, and the savage dynastic wars to which it had been
+      constantly exposed, rendered it more backward in civilization than the
+      northern and central provinces.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The Papacy, after the ending of the schism and the settlement of Nicholas
+      V. at Rome in 1447, gradually tended to become an Italian sovereignty.
+      During the residence of the Popes at Avignon, and the weakness of the
+      Papal See which followed in the period of the Councils (Pisa, Constance,
+      and Basel), it had lost its hold not only on the immediate neighborhood of
+      Rome, but also on its outlying possessions in Umbria, the Marches of
+      Ancona, and the Exarchate of Ravenna. The great Houses of Colonna and
+      Orsini asserted independence in their principalities. Bologna and Perugia
+      pretended to republican government under the shadow of noble families;
+      Bentivogli, Bracci, Baglioni. Imola, Faenza, Forl&igrave;, Rim&iacute;ni,
+      Pesaro, Urbino, Camerino, Citt&agrave; di Castello, obeyed the rule of
+      tyrants, who were practically lords of these cities though they bore the
+      titles of Papal vicars, and who maintained themselves in wealth and power
+      by exercising the profession of <i>condottieri</i>. It was the chief
+      object of the Popes, after they were freed from the pressing perils of
+      General Councils, and were once more settled in <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageA6" id="pageA6"></a>{6}</span> their capital and recognized as
+      sovereigns by the European Powers, to subdue their vassals and consolidate
+      their provinces into a homogeneous kingdom. This plan was conceived and
+      carried out by a succession of vigorous and unscrupulous Pontiffs&mdash;Sixtus
+      IV., Alexander VI., Julius II., and Leo X.&mdash;throughout the period of
+      distracting foreign wars which agitated Italy. They followed for the most
+      part one line of policy, which was to place the wealth and authority of
+      the Holy See at the disposal of their relatives, Riarios, Delia Roveres,
+      Borgias, and Medici. Their military delegates, among whom the most
+      efficient captain was the terrible Cesare Borgia, had full power to crush
+      the liberties of cities, exterminate the dynasties of despots, and reduce
+      refractory districts to the Papal sway. For these services they were
+      rewarded with ducal and princely titles, with the administration of their
+      conquests, and with the investiture of fiefs as vassals of the Church. The
+      system had its obvious disadvantages. It tended to indecent nepotism; and
+      as Pope succeeded Pope at intervals of a few years, each bent on
+      aggrandizing his own family at the expense of those of his predecessors
+      and the Church, the ecclesiastical States were kept in a continual ferment
+      of expropriation and internal revolution. Yet it is difficult to conceive
+      how a spiritual Power like the Papacy could have solved the problem set
+      before it of becoming a substantial secular sovereignty, without recourse
+      to this ruinous method. The Pope, a <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA7"
+      id="pageA7"></a>{7}</span> lonely man upon an ill-established throne,
+      surrounded by rivals whom his elevation had disappointed, was compelled to
+      rely on the strong arm of adventurers with whose interests his own were
+      indissolubly connected. The profits of all these schemes of egotistical
+      rapacity eventually accrued, not to the relatives of the Pontiffs; none of
+      whom, except the Delia Roveres in Urbino, founded a permanent dynasty at
+      this period; but to the Holy See. Julius II., for example, on his election
+      in 1503, entered into possession of all that Cesare Borgia had attempted
+      to grasp for his own use. He found the Orsini and Colonna humbled, Romagna
+      reduced to submission; and he carried on the policy of conquest by
+      trampling out the liberties of Bologna and Perugia, recovering the cities
+      held by Venice on the coast of Ravenna, and extending his sway over
+      Emilia. The martial energy of Julius added Parma and Piacenza to the
+      States of the Church, and detached Modena and Reggio from the Duchy of
+      Ferrara. These new cities were gained by force; but Julius pretended that
+      they formed part of the Exarchate of Ravenna, which had been granted to
+      his predecessors by Pepin and Charles the Great. He pursued the Papal line
+      of conquest in a nobler spirit than his predecessors, not seeking to
+      advance his relatives so much as to reinstate the Church in her dominions.
+      But he was reckless in the means employed to secure this object. Italy was
+      devastated by wars stirred up, and by foreign armies introduced, in order
+      that the<span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA8" id="pageA8"></a>{8}</span>
+      Pope might win a point in the great game of ecclesiastical aggrandizement.
+      That his successor, Leo X., reverted to the former plan of carving
+      principalities for his relatives out of the possessions of their neighbors
+      and the Church, may be counted among the most important causes of the
+      final ruin of Italian independence.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Of the Duchy of Milan it is not necessary to speak at any great length,
+      although the wars between France and Spain were chiefly carried on for its
+      possession. It had been formed into a compact domain, of comparatively
+      small extent, but of vast commercial and agricultural resources, by the
+      two dynasties of Visconti and Sforza. In 1494 Lodovico Sforza, surnamed Il
+      Moro, ruled Milan for his nephew, the titular Duke, whom he kept in gilded
+      captivity, and whom he eventually murdered. In order to secure his usurped
+      authority, this would-be Machiavelli thought it prudent to invite Charles
+      VIII. into Italy. Charles was to assert his right to the throne of Naples.
+      Lodovico was to be established in the Duchy of Milan. All his subsequent
+      troubles arose from this transaction. Charles came, conquered, and
+      returned to France, disturbing the political equilibrium of the Italian
+      States, and founding a disastrous precedent for future foreign
+      interference. His successor in the French kingdom, Louis XII., believed he
+      had a title to the Duchy of Milan through his grandmother Valentina,
+      daughter of Gian Galeazzo Visconti. The claim was not a <span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageA9" id="pageA9"></a>{9}</span> legal one; for
+      in the investiture of the Duchy females were excluded. It sufficed,
+      however, to inflame the cupidity of Louis; and while he was still but Duke
+      of Orleans, with no sure prospect of inheriting the crown of France, he
+      seems to have indulged the fancy of annexing Milan. No sooner had he
+      ascended the French throne than he began to act upon this ambition. He
+      descended into Lombardy, overran the Milanese, sent Lodovico Sforza to die
+      in a French prison, and initiated the duel between Spain and France for
+      mastery, which ended with the capture of Francis I. at Pavia, and his
+      final cession of all rights over Italy to Charles V. by the Treaty of
+      Cambray.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Of all the republics which had conferred luster upon Italy in its
+      mediaeval period of prosperity Venice alone remained independent. She
+      never submitted to a tyrant; and her government, though growing yearly
+      more closely oligarchical, was acknowledged to be just and liberal. During
+      the centuries of her greatest power Venice hardly ranked among Italian
+      States. It had been her policy to confine herself to the lagoons and to
+      the extension of her dominion over the Levant. In the fifteenth century,
+      however, this policy was abandoned. Venice first possessed herself of
+      Padua, by exterminating the despotic House of Carrara; next of Verona, by
+      destroying the Scala dynasty. Subsequently, during the long dogeship of
+      Francesco Foscari (1423-1457), she devoted herself in good <span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageA10" id="pageA10"></a>{10}</span> earnest to
+      the acquisition of territory upon the mainland. Then she entered as a
+      Power of the first magnitude into the system of purely Italian politics.
+      The Republic of S. Mark owned the sea coast of the Adriatic from Aquileia
+      to the mouths of the Po; and her Lombard dependencies stretched as far as
+      Bergamo westward. Her Italian neighbors were, therefore, the Duchy of
+      Milan, the little Marquisate of Mantua, and the Duchy of Ferrara. When
+      Constantinople fell in 1453, Venice was still more tempted to pursue this
+      new policy of Italian aggrandizement. Meanwhile her growing empire seemed
+      to menace the independence of less wealthy neighbors. The jealousy thus
+      created and the cupidity which brought her into collision with Julius II.
+      in 1508, exposed Venice to the crushing blow inflicted on her power by the
+      combined forces of Europe in the war of the League of Cambray. From this
+      blow, as well as from the simultaneous decline of their Oriental and
+      Levantine commerce, the Venetians never recovered.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      When we turn to the Florentines, we find that at the same epoch, 1494,
+      their ancient republican constitution had been fatally undermined by the
+      advances of the family of Medici towards despotism. Lorenzo de'Medici, who
+      enjoyed the credit of maintaining the equilibrium of Italy by wise
+      diplomacy, had lately died. He left his son Piero, a hot-headed and rash
+      young man, to control the affairs of the commonwealth, as he had
+      previously controlled them, <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA11"
+      id="pageA11"></a>{11}</span> with a show of burgherlike equality, but with
+      the reality of princely power. Another of his sons, Giovanni, received the
+      honor of the Cardinalship. The one was destined to compromise the
+      ascendency of his family in Florence for a period of eighteen years, the
+      other was destined to re-establish that ascendency on a new and more
+      despotic basis. Piero had not his father's prudence, and could not
+      maintain himself in the delicate position of a commercial and civil
+      tyrant. During the disturbances caused by the invasion of Charles VIII. he
+      was driven with all his relatives into exile. The Medici were restored in
+      1512, after the battle of Ravenna, by Spanish troops, at the petition of
+      the Cardinal Giovanni. The elevation of this man to the Papacy in 1513
+      enabled him to plant two of his nephews, as rulers, in Florence, and to
+      pave the way whereby a third eventually rose to the dignity of the tiara.
+      Clement VII. finally succeeded in rendering Florence subject to the
+      Medici, by extinguishing the last sparks of republican opposition, and by
+      so modifying the dynastic protectorate of his family that it was easily
+      converted into a titular Grand Duchy.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The federation of these five Powers had been artificially maintained
+      during the half century of Italy's highest intellectual activity. That was
+      the epoch when the Italians nearly attained to coherence as a nation,
+      through common interests in art and humanism, and by the complicated
+      machinery of diplomatic relations. The federation perished when <span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageA12" id="pageA12"></a>{12}</span> foreign
+      Powers chose Lombardy and Naples for their fields of battle. The disasters
+      of the next thirty-three years (1494-1527) began in earnest on the day
+      when Louis XII. claimed Milan and the Regno. He committed his first
+      mistake by inviting Ferdinand the Catholic to share in the partition of
+      Naples. That province was easily conquered; but Ferdinand retained the
+      whole spoils for himself, securing a large Italian dependency and a
+      magnificent basis of operations for the Spanish Crown. Then Louis made a
+      second mistake by proposing to the visionary Emperor Maximilian that he
+      should aid France in subjugating Venice. We have few instances on record
+      of short-sighted diplomacy to match the Treaties of Granada and Blois
+      (1501 and 1504), through which this monarch, acting rather as a Duke of
+      Milan than a King of France, complicated his Italian schemes by the
+      introduction of two such dangerous allies as the Austrian Emperor and the
+      Spanish sovereign, while the heir of both was in his cradle&mdash;that
+      fatal child of fortune Charles.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The stage of Italy was now prepared for a conflict which in no wise
+      interested her prosperous cities and industrious population. Spain,
+      France, Germany, with their Swiss auxiliaries, had been summoned upon
+      various pretexts to partake of the rich prey she offered. Patriots like
+      Machiavelli perceived too late the suicidal self-indulgence which, by
+      substituting mercenary troops for national militia, and by accustoming
+      selfish tyrants to rely on foreign <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA13"
+      id="pageA13"></a>{13}</span> aid, had exposed the Italians defenceless to
+      the inroads of their warlike neighbors. Whatever parts the Powers of Italy
+      might play, the game was really in the hands of French, Spanish, and
+      German invaders. Meanwhile the mutual jealousies and hatreds of those
+      Powers, kept in check by no tie stronger than diplomacy, prevented them
+      from forming any scheme of common action. One great province (Naples) had
+      fallen into Spanish hands; another (Milan) lay open through the passes of
+      the Alps to France. The Papacy, in the center, manipulated these two
+      hostile foreign forces with some advantage to itself, but with
+      ever-deepening disaster for the race. As in the days of Guelf and
+      Ghibelline, so now again the nation was bisected. The contest between
+      French and Spanish factions became cruel. Personal interests were
+      substituted for principles; cross-combinations perplexed the real issues
+      of dispute; while one sole fact emerged into distinctness&mdash;that,
+      whatever happened, Italy must be the spoil of the victorious duelist.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The practical termination of this state of things arrived in the battle of
+      Pavia, when Francis was removed as a prisoner to Madrid, and in the sack
+      of Rome, when the Pope was imprisoned in the Castle of S. Angelo. It was
+      then found that the laurels and the profit of the bloody contest remained
+      with the King of Spain. What the people suffered from the marching and
+      countermarching of armies, from the military occupations of towns, from
+      the desolation <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA14" id="pageA14"></a>{14}</span>
+      of rural districts, from ruinous campaigns and sanguinary battles, from
+      the pillage of cities and the massacres of their inhabitants, can best be
+      read in Burigozzo's <i>Chronicle of Milan</i>, in the details of the siege
+      of Brescia and the destruction of Pavia, in the <i>Chronicle of Prato</i>,
+      and in the several annals of the sack of Rome. The exhaustion of the
+      country seemed complete; the spirit of the people was broken. But what
+      soon afterwards became apparent, and what in 1527 might have been thought
+      incredible, was that the single member of the Italian union which profited
+      by these apocalyptic sufferings of the nation, was the Papacy. Clement
+      VII., imprisoned in the Castle of S. Angelo, forced day and night to gaze
+      upon his capital in flames and hear the groans of tortured Romans, emerged
+      the only vigorous survivor of the five great Powers on whose concert
+      Italian independence had been founded. Instead of being impaired, the
+      position of the Papacy had been immeasurably improved. Owing to the
+      prostration of Italy, there was now no resistance to the Pope's secular
+      supremacy within the limits of his authorized dominion. The defeat of
+      France and the accession of a Spanish monarch to the Empire guaranteed
+      peace. No foreign force could levy armies or foment uprisings in the name
+      of independence. Venice had been stunned and mutilated by the League of
+      Cambray. Florence had been enslaved after the battle of Ravenna. Milan had
+      been relinquished, out-worn, and depopu<span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageA15" id="pageA15"></a>{15}</span> lated, to the nominal
+      ascendency of an impotent Sforza. Naples was a province of the Spanish
+      monarchy. The feudal vassals and the subject cities of the Holy See had
+      been ground and churned together by a series of revolutions unexampled
+      even in the mediaeval history of the Italian communes. If, therefore, the
+      Pope could come to terms with the King of Spain for the partition of
+      supreme authority in the peninsula, they might henceforward share the
+      mangled remains of the Italian prey at peace together. This is precisely
+      what they resolved on doing. The basis of their agreement was laid in the
+      Treaty of Barcelona in 1529. It was ratified and secured by the Treaty of
+      Cambray in the same year. By the former of these compacts Charles and
+      Clement swore friendship. Clement promised the Imperial crown and the
+      investiture of Naples to the King of Spain. Charles agreed to reinstate
+      the Pope in Emilia, which had been seized from Ferrara by Julius II.; to
+      procure the restoration of Ravenna and Cervia by the Venetians; to subdue
+      Florence to the House of Medici; and to bestow the hand of his natural
+      daughter Margaret of Austria on Clement's bastard nephew Alessandro, who
+      was already designated ruler of the city. By the Treaty of Cambray Francis
+      I. relinquished his claims on Italy and abandoned his Italian supporters
+      without conditions, receiving in exchange the possession of Burgundy. The
+      French allies who were sacrificed on this occasion by the Most Christian
+      to the Most<span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA16" id="pageA16"></a>{16}</span>
+      Catholic Monarch consisted of the Republics of Venice and Florence, the
+      Dukes of Milan and Ferrara, the princely Houses of Orsini and Fregosi in
+      Rome and Genoa, together with the Angevine nobles in the realm of Naples.
+      The Paix des Dames, as this act of capitulation was called (since it had
+      been drawn up in private conclave by Louise of Savoy and Margaret of
+      Austria, the mother and the aunt of the two signatories), was a virtual
+      acknowledgment of the fact that French influence in Italy was at an end.<a
+      name="FNanchorA_1_1" id="FNanchorA_1_1"></a><a href="#FootnoteA_1_1"
+      class="fnanchor">[1]</a>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The surrender of Italy by Francis made it necessary that Charles V. should
+      put in order the vast estates to which he now succeeded as sole master. He
+      was, moreover, Emperor Elect; and he judged this occasion good for
+      assuming the two crowns according to antique custom. Accordingly in July,
+      1529, he caused Andrea Doria to meet him at Barcelona, crossed the
+      Mediterranean in a rough passage of fourteen days, landed at Genoa on
+      August 12, and proceeded by Piacenza, Parma and Modena to Bologna, where
+      Clement VII. was already awaiting him. The meeting of Charles and Clement
+      at Bologna was so solemn an event in Italian history, and its results were
+      so important for the several provinces of the peninsula, that I may be
+      excused for enlarging at some length upon this episode.<span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageA17" id="pageA17"></a>{17}</span>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      With pomp and pageantry it closed an age of unrivaled intellectual
+      splendor and of unexampled sufferings through war. By diplomacy and debate
+      it prescribed laws for a new age of unexpected ecclesiastical energy and
+      of national peace procured at the price of slavery. Illustrious survivors
+      from the period of the pagan Renaissance met here with young men destined
+      to inaugurate the Catholic Revival. The compact struck between Emperor and
+      Pope in private conferences, laid a basis for that firm alliance between
+      Spain and Rome which seriously influenced the destinies of Europe.
+      Finally, this was the last occasion upon which a modern Caesar received
+      the iron and golden crowns in Italy from the hands of a Roman Pontiff. The
+      fortunate inheritor of Spain, the Two Sicilies, Austria and the Low
+      Countries, who then assumed them both at the age of twenty-nine, was not
+      only the last who wielded the Imperial insignia with imperial authority,
+      but was also a far more formidable potentate in Italy than any of his
+      predecessors since Charles the Great had been.<a name="FNanchorA_2_2"
+      id="FNanchorA_2_2"></a><a href="#FootnoteA_2_2" class="fnanchor">[2]</a>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      That Charles should have employed the galleys of Doria for the
+      transhipment of his person, suite, and military escort from Barcelona,
+      deserves a word of comment. Andrea Doria had been bred in the service of
+      the French crown, upon which Genoa was <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageA18" id="pageA18"></a>{18}</span> in his youth dependent. He
+      formed a navy of decisive preponderance in the western Mediterranean, and
+      in return for services rendered to Francis in the Neapolitan campaign of
+      1528, he demanded the liberation of his native city. When this was
+      refused, Doria transferred his allegiance to the Spaniard, surprised Genoa
+      and reinstated the republic, magnanimously refusing to secure its tyranny
+      for himself or even to set the ducal cap upon his head. Charles invested
+      him with the principality of Melfi and made him a Grandee of Spain. By
+      this series of events Genoa was prepared to accept the yoke of Spanish
+      influence and customs, which pressed so heavily in the succeeding century
+      on Italy.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Charles had a body of 2000 Spaniards already quartered at Genoa, as well
+      as strong garrisons in the Milanese, and a force of about 7000 troops
+      collected by the Prince of Orange from the <i>d&eacute;bris</i> of the
+      army which had plundered Rome. While he was on his road from Genoa to
+      Bologna, this force was already moving upon Florence. He brought with him
+      as escort some 10,000 men, counting horse and infantry. The total of the
+      troops which obeyed his word in Italy might be computed at about 27,000,
+      including Spanish cavalry and foot-soldiers, German lansknechts and
+      Italian mercenaries. This large army, partly stationed in important posts
+      of defence, partly in movement, was sufficient to make every word of his a
+      law. The French were in no position to interfere with his arrangements.
+      His brother Ferdi<span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA19" id="pageA19"></a>{19}</span>
+      nand, King of Bohemia and Hungary, was engaged in a doubtful contest with
+      Soliman before the gates of Vienna. He was himself the most considerable
+      potentate in Germany, then distracted by the struggles of the Reformation.
+      Italy lay crushed and prostrate, trampled down by armies, exhausted by
+      impost and exactions, terrorized by brutal violence. That Charles had come
+      to speak his will and be obeyed was obvious.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      To greet the king on his arrival at Genoa, Clement deputed two
+      ambassadors, the Cardinals Ercole Gonzaga and Monsignor Gianmatteo
+      Giberti, Bishop of Verona. Gonzaga was destined to play a part of critical
+      importance in the Tridentine Council. Giberti had made himself illustrious
+      in the Church by the administration of his diocese on a system which
+      anticipated the coming ecclesiastical reforms, and was already famous in
+      the world of letters by his generous familiarity with students.<a
+      name="FNanchorA_3_3" id="FNanchorA_3_3"></a><a href="#FootnoteA_3_3"
+      class="fnanchor">[3]</a> Three other men of high distinction and of
+      fateful future waited on their imperial master. Of these the first was
+      Cardinal Alessandro Farnese, who succeeded Clement in the Papacy, opened
+      the Tridentine Council, and added a new reigning family to the Italian
+      princes. The others were the Pope's nephews, Alessandro de'Medici, Duke of
+      Florence designate, and his cousin the Cardinal Ippolito de'Media. Six
+      years later, Ippolito died at Itri, poisoned by his cousin Alessandro, who
+      was himself <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA20" id="pageA20"></a>{20}</span>
+      murdered at Florence in 1537 by another cousin, Lorenzino de'Medici.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      It had been intended that Charles should travel to Bologna from Parma
+      through Mantua, where the Marquis Federigo Gonzaga had made great
+      preparations for his reception. But the route by Reggio and Modena was
+      more direct; and, yielding to the solicitations of Alfonso, Duke of
+      Ferrara, he selected this instead. One of the stipulations of the Treaty
+      of Barcelona, it will be remembered, had been that the Emperor should
+      restore Emilia&mdash;that is to say, the cities and territories of Modena,
+      Reggio, and Rubbiera&mdash;to the Papacy. Clement regarded Alfonso as a
+      contumacious vassal, although his own right to that province only rested
+      on the force of arms by which Julius II. had detached it from the Duchy of
+      Ferrara. It was therefore somewhat difficult for Charles to accept the
+      duke's hospitality. But when he had once done so, Alfonso knew how to
+      ingratiate himself so well with the arbiter of Italy, that on taking leave
+      of his guest upon the confines of Bologna, he had already secured the
+      success of his own cause.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Great preparations, meanwhile, were being made in Bologna. The misery and
+      destitution of the country rendered money scarce, and cast a gloom over
+      the people. It was noticed that when Clement entered the city on October
+      24, none of the common folk responded to the shouts of his attendants, <i>Viva
+      Papa Clemente</i>! The Pope and his Court, too, <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageA21" id="pageA21"></a>{21}</span> were in mourning. They had but
+      recently escaped from the horrors of the Sack of Rome, and were under a
+      vow to wear their beards unshorn in memory of their past sufferings. Yet
+      the municipality and nobles of Bologna exerted their utmost in these bad
+      times to render the reception of the Emperor worthy of the luster which
+      his residence and coronation would confer upon them. Gallant guests began
+      to flock into the city. Among these may be mentioned the brilliant
+      Isabella d'Este, sister of Duke Alfonso, and mother of the reigning
+      Marquis of Mantua. She arrived on November 1 with a glittering train of
+      beautiful women, and took up her residence in the Palazzo Manzoli. Her
+      quarters obtained no good fame in the following months; for the ladies of
+      her suite were liberal of favors. Jousts, masquerades, street-brawls, and
+      duels were of frequent occurrence beneath her windows&mdash;Spaniards and
+      Italians disputing the honor of those light amours. On November 3 came
+      Andrea Doria with his relative, the Cardinal Girolamo of that name. About
+      the same time, Cardinal Lorenzo Campeggi, Bishop of Bologna, returned from
+      his legation to England, where (as students of our history are well aware)
+      he had been engaged upon the question of Henry VIII.'s divorce from
+      Katharine of Aragon. Next day Charles arrived outside the gate, and took
+      up his quarters in the rich convent of Certosa, which now forms the Campo
+      Santo.<span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA22" id="pageA22"></a>{22}</span>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      He was surrounded by a multitude of ambassadors and delegates from the
+      Bolognese magistracy, by Cardinals and ecclesiastics of all ranks, some of
+      whom had attended him from the frontier, while others were drawn up to
+      receive him. November 5 was a Friday, and this day was reckoned lucky by
+      Charles. He therefore passed the night of the 4th at the Certosa, and on
+      the following morning made his solemn entry into the city. A bodyguard of
+      Germans, Burgundians, Spaniards, halberdiers, lansknechts, men at arms,
+      and cannoneers, preceded him. High above these was borne the
+      captain-general of the imperial force in Italy, the fierce and cruel
+      Antonio de Leyva, under whose oppression Milan had been groaning. This
+      ruthless tyrant was a martyr to gout and rheumatism. He could not ride or
+      walk; and though he retained the whole vigor of his intellect and will, it
+      was with difficulty that he moved his hands or head. He advanced in a
+      litter of purple velvet, supported on the shoulders of his slaves. Among
+      the splendid crowd of Spanish grandees who followed the troops, it is
+      enough to mention the Grand Marshal, Don Alvaro Osorio, Marquis of
+      Astorga, who carried a naked sword aloft. He was armed, on horseback; and
+      his mantle of cloth of gold blazed with dolphins worked in pearls and
+      precious stones. Next came Charles, mounted on a bay jennet, armed at all
+      points, and holding in his hand the scepter. Twenty-four pages, chosen
+      from the nobles of Bologna, <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA23"
+      id="pageA23"></a>{23}</span> waited on his bridle and stirrups. The train
+      was brought up by a multitude of secular and ecclesiastical princes too
+      numerous to record in detail. Conspicuous among them for the historian
+      were the Count of Nassau, Albert of Brandenburg, and the Marquis Bonifazio
+      of Montferrat, the scion of the Eastern Paleologi. As this procession
+      defiled through the streets of Bologna, it was remarked that Charles, with
+      true Spanish haughtiness, made no response to the acclamations of the
+      people, except once when, passing beneath a balcony of noble ladies, he
+      acknowledged their salute by lifting the cap from his head.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Clement, surrounded by a troop of prelates, was seated to receive him on a
+      platform raised before the church of San Petronio in the great piazza. The
+      king dismounted opposite the Papal throne, ascended the steps beneath his
+      canopy of gold and crimson, and knelt to kiss the Pontiff's feet. When
+      their eyes first met, it was observed that both turned pale; for the
+      memory of outraged Rome was in the minds of both; and Caesar, while he
+      paid this homage to Christ's Vicar, had the load of those long months of
+      suffering and insult on his conscience. Clement bent down, and with
+      streaming eyes saluted him upon the cheek. Then, when Charles was still
+      upon his knees, they exchanged a few set words referring to the purpose of
+      their meeting and their common desire for the pacification of Christendom.
+      After this the Emperor elect rose, seated himself for a while <span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageA24" id="pageA24"></a>{24}</span> beside the
+      Pope, and next, at his invitation, escorted him to the great portal of the
+      church. On the way, he inquired after Clement's health; to which the Pope
+      replied somewhat significantly that, after leaving Rome, it had steadily
+      improved. He tempered this allusion to his captivity, however, by adding
+      that his eagerness to greet his Majesty had inspired him with more than
+      wonted strength and courage. At the doorway they parted; and the Emperor,
+      having paid his devotions to the Sacrament and kissed the altar, was
+      conducted to the apartments prepared for him in the Palazzo Pubblico.
+      These were adjacent to the Pope's lodgings in the same palace, and were so
+      arranged that the two potentates could confer in private at all times. It
+      is worthy of remark that the negotiations for the settlement of Italy
+      which took place during the next six months in those rooms, were conducted
+      personally by the high contracting parties, and that none of their
+      deliberations transpired until the result of each was made public.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The whole of November 5 had been occupied in these ceremonies. It was late
+      evening when the Emperor gained his lodgings. The few next days were
+      ostensibly occupied in receiving visitors. Among the first of these was
+      the unfortunate ex-queen of Naples, Isabella, widow of Frederick of
+      Aragon, the last king of the bastard dynasty founded by Alfonso. She was
+      living in poverty at Ferrara, under the protection of her relatives, the
+      Este family,<span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA25" id="pageA25"></a>{25}</span>
+      On the 13th came the Prince of Orange and Don Ferrante Gonzaga, from the
+      camp before Florence. The siege had begun, but had not yet been prosecuted
+      with the strictest vigor. During the whole time of Charles's residence at
+      Bologna, it must be borne in mind that the siege of Florence was being
+      pressed. Superfluous troops detached from garrison duty in the Lombard
+      towns were drafted across the hills to Tuscany. Whatever else the Emperor
+      might decide for his Italian subjects, this at least was certain: Florence
+      should be restored to the Medicean tyrants, as compensation to the Pope
+      for Roman sufferings. The Prince of Orange came to explain the state of
+      things at Florence, where government and people seemed prepared to resist
+      to the death. Gonzaga had private business of his own to conduct, touching
+      his engagement to the Pope's ward, Isabella, daughter and heiress of the
+      wealthy Vespasiano Colonna.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Meanwhile, ambassadors from all the States and lordships of Italy flocked
+      to Bologna. Great nobles from the South&mdash;Ascanio Colonna, Grand
+      Constable of Naples; Alfonso d'Avalos, Marquis of Vasto; Giovanni Luigi
+      Caraffa, Prince of Stigliano&mdash;took up their quarters in adjacent
+      houses, or in the upper story of the Public Palace. The Marquis of Vasto
+      arrests our graze for a moment. He was nephew to the Marquis of Pescara
+      (husband of Vittoria Colonna), who had the glory of taking Francis
+      prisoner at Pavia, and afterwards the infamy <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageA26" id="pageA26"></a>{26}</span> of betraying the unfortunate
+      Girolamo Morone and his master the Duke of Milan to the resentment of the
+      Spanish monarch. What part Pescara actually played in that dark passage of
+      plot and counterplot remains obscure. But there is no doubt that he
+      employed treachery, single if not double, for his own advantage. His
+      arrogance and avowed hostility to the Italians caused his very name to be
+      execrated; nor did his nephew, the Marquis of Vasto, differ in these
+      respects from the more famous chief of his house. This man was also
+      destined to obtain an evil reputation when he succeeded in 1532 to the
+      government of Milan. Here too may be noticed the presence at Bologna of
+      Girolamo Morone's son, who had been created Bishop of Modena in 1529. For
+      him a remarkable fate was waiting. Condemned to the dungeons of the
+      Inquisition as a heretic by Paul IV., rescued by Pius IV., and taken into
+      highest favor at that Pontiff's Court, he successfully manipulated the
+      closing of the Tridentine Council to the profit of the Papal See.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Negotiations for the settlement of Italian affairs were proceeding without
+      noise, but with continual progress, through this month. The lodgings of
+      ambassadors and lords were so arranged in the Palazzo Pubblico that they,
+      like their Imperial and Papal masters, could confer at all times and
+      seasons. Every day brought some new illustrious visitor. On the 22nd
+      arrived Federigo Gonzaga, Marquis of Mantua, who took up his quarters in
+      immediate <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA27" id="pageA27"></a>{27}</span>
+      proximity to Charles and Clement. His business required but little
+      management. The house of Gonzaga was already well affected to the Spanish
+      cause, and counted several captains in the imperial army. Charles showed
+      his favor by raising Mantua to the rank of a Duchy. It was different with
+      the Republic of Venice and the Duke of Milan. The Emperor elect had
+      reasons to be strongly prejudiced against them both&mdash;against Venice
+      as the most formidable of the French allies in the last war; against
+      Francesco Maria Sforza, as having been implicated, though obscurely, in
+      Morone's conspiracy to drive the Spaniards from Italy and place the crown
+      of Naples on Pescara's head. Clement took both under his protection. He
+      had sufficient reasons to believe that the Venetians would purchase peace
+      by the cession of their recent acquisitions on the Adriatic coast, and he
+      knew that the pacification of Italy could not be accomplished without
+      their aid. In effect, the Republic agreed to relinquish Cervia and Ravenna
+      to the Pope, and their Apulian ports to Charles, engaging at the same time
+      to pay a sum of 300,000 ducats and stipulating for an amnesty to all their
+      agents and dependents. It is not so clear why Clement warmly espoused the
+      cause of Sforza. That he did so is certain. He obtained a safe-conduct for
+      the duke, and made it a point of personal favor that he should be received
+      into the Emperor's grace. This stipulation appears to have been taken into
+      account when the affairs of Fer<span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA28"
+      id="pageA28"></a>{28}</span> rara were decided at a later date against the
+      Papal interests.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Francesco Maria Sforza appeared in Bologna on the 22nd. This unfortunate
+      bearer of one of the most coveted titles in Europe had lately lived a
+      prisoner in his own Castello, while the city at his doors and the fertile
+      country round it were being subjected to cruelest outrage and oppression
+      from Spanish, French, Swiss, and German mercenaries. He was a man ruined
+      in health as well as fortune. Six years before this date, one of his
+      chamberlains, Bonifazio Visconti, had given him a slight wound in the
+      shoulder with a poisoned dagger. From this wound he never recovered; and
+      it was pitiable to behold the broken man, unable to move or stand without
+      support, dragging himself upon his knees to Caesar's footstool. Charles
+      appears to have discerned that he had nothing to fear and much to gain, if
+      he showed clemency to so powerless a suitor. Franceso was the last of his
+      line. His health rendered it impossible that he should expect heirs; and
+      although he subsequently married a princess of the House of Denmark, he
+      died childless in the autumn of 1535. It was therefore determined, in
+      compliance with the Pope's request, that Sforza should be confirmed in the
+      Duchy of Milan. Pavia, however, was detached and given to the terrible
+      Antonio de Leyva for his lifetime. The garrisons of Milan and Como were
+      left in Spanish hands; and the duke promised to wring 400,000 <span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageA29" id="pageA29"></a>{29}</span> ducats as
+      the price of his investiture, with an additional sum of 500,000 ducats to
+      be paid in ten yearly instalments, from his already blood-sucked people.
+      It will be observed that money figured largely in all these high political
+      transactions. Charles, though lord of many lands, was, even at this early
+      stage of his career, distressed for want of cash. He rarely paid his
+      troops, but commissioned the captains in his service to levy contributions
+      on the provinces they occupied. The funds thus raised did not always reach
+      the pockets of the soldiers, who subsisted as best they could by
+      marauding. Having made these terms, Francesco Maria Sforza was received
+      into the Imperial favor. He returned to Milan, in no sense less a prisoner
+      than he had previously been, and with the heart-rending necessity of
+      extorting money from his subjects at the point of Spanish swords. In
+      exchange for the ducal title, he thus had made himself a tax-collector for
+      his natural enemies. Secluded in the dreary chambers of his castle,
+      assailed by the execrations of the Milanese, he may well have groaned,
+      like Marlowe's Edward&mdash;
+    </p>
+    <div class="poem">
+      <div class="stanza">
+        <span>But what are Kings, when regiment is gone,<br /> </span> <span>But
+        perfect shadows in a sunshine day?<br /> </span> <span>My foemen rule; I
+        bear the name of King;<br /> </span> <span>I wear the crown; but am
+        controlled by them.<br /> </span>
+      </div>
+    </div>
+    <p>
+      When he died he bequeathed his duchy to the crown of Spain. It was
+      detached from the Empire, and became the private property of Charles and
+      of his son, Philip II.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA30" id="pageA30"></a>{30}</span>
+      During the month of December negotiations for the terms of peace in Italy
+      went briskly forward. On the part of Venice, two men of the highest
+      distinction arrived as orators. These were Pietro Bembo and Gasparo
+      Contarini, both of whom received the honors of the Cardinalate from Paul
+      III. on his accession. Of Bembo's place in Italian society, as the
+      dictator of literature at this epoch, I have already sufficiently spoken
+      in another part of my work on the Renaissance. Contarini will more than
+      once arrest our notice in the course of this volume. Of all the Italians
+      of the time, he was perhaps the greatest, wisest, and most sympathetic.
+      Had it been possible to avert the breach between Catholicism and
+      Protestantism, to curb the intolerance of Inquisitors and the ambition of
+      Jesuits, and to guide the reform of the Church by principles of moderation
+      and liberal piety, Contarini was the man who might have restored unity to
+      the Church in Europe. Once, indeed, at Regensburg in 1541, he seemed upon
+      the very point of effecting a reconciliation between the parties that were
+      tearing Christendom asunder. But his failure was even more conspicuous
+      than his momentary semblance of success. It was not in the temper of the
+      times to accept a Concordat founded on however philosophical, however
+      politic, considerations. Contarini will be remembered as a 'beautiful
+      soul,' born out of the due moment, and by no means adequate to cope with
+      the fierce passions that raged round him.<span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageA31" id="pageA31"></a>{31}</span> Among Protestants he was a
+      Catholic, and they regarded his half measures with contempt. Among
+      Catholics he passed for a suspected Lutheran, and his writings were only
+      tolerated after they had been subjected to rigorous castration at the
+      hands of Papal Inquisitors.<a name="FNanchorA_4_4" id="FNanchorA_4_4"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_4_4" class="fnanchor">[4]</a>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      On Christmas eve the ambassadors and representatives of the Italian powers
+      met together in the chambers of Cardinal Gattinara, Grand Chancellor of
+      the Empire, to subscribe the terms of a confederation and perpetual league
+      for the maintenance of peace. From this important document the Florentines
+      were excluded, as open rebels to the will of Charles and Clement. There
+      was no justice in the rigor with which Florence was now treated. Her
+      republican independence had hitherto been recognized, although her own
+      internal discords exposed her to a virtual despotism. But Clement
+      stipulated and Charles conceded, as a <i>sine qua non</i> in the project
+      of pacification, that Florence should be converted into a Medicean duchy.
+      For the Duke of Ferrara, whom the Pope regarded as a contumacious vassal,
+      and whose affairs were still the subject of debate, a place was specially
+      reserved in the treaty. He, as I have already observed, had been taken
+      under the Imperial protection; and a satisfactory settlement of his claims
+      was now a mere question of time. On the evening of the same day, the Pope
+      bestowed on Charles the Sword of the Spirit, which <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageA32" id="pageA32"></a>{32}</span> it was the wont of Rome to
+      confer on the best-beloved of her secular sons at this festival. The peace
+      was publicly proclaimed, amid universal plaudits, on the last day of the
+      year 1529.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The chief affairs to be decided in the new year were the reduction of
+      Florence to submission and the coronation of the Emperor. The month of
+      January was passed in jousts and pastimes; ceremonial privileges were
+      conferred on the University of Bologna; magnificent embassies from the
+      Republic of S. Mark, glowing in senatorial robes of crimson silk, were
+      entertained; and a singular deputation from the African court of Prester
+      John obtained audience of the Roman Pontiff. Amid these festivities there
+      arrived, on January 16, three delegates from Florence, who spent some
+      weeks in fruitless efforts to obtain a hearing from the arbiters of Italy.
+      Clement refused to deal with them, because their commonwealth was still
+      refractory. Charles repelled them, because he wished to gratify the Pope,
+      and knew that Florence remained staunch in her devotion to the French
+      crown. The old proverb, 'Lilies with lilies,' the white lily of Florence
+      united with the golden fleur-de-lys of France, had still political
+      significance in this day of Italian degradation. Meanwhile Francis I.
+      treated his faithful allies with lukewarm tolerance. The smaller fry of
+      Italian potentates, worshipers of the rising sun of Spain, curried favor
+      with their masters by insulting the republic's representatives. On their
+      return to<span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA33" id="pageA33"></a>{33}</span>
+      Florence, the ambassadors had to report a total diplomatic failure. But
+      this, far from breaking the untamable spirit of the Signory and people,
+      prompted them in February to new efforts of resistance and to edicts of
+      outlawry against citizens whom they regarded as traitors to the State.
+      Among the proscribed were Francesco Guicciardini, Roberto Acciaiuoli,
+      Francesco Vettori, and Baccio Valori. Of these men Francesco Guicciardini,
+      Francesco Vettori, and Baccio Valori were attendant at Bologna upon the
+      Pope. They all adhered with fidelity to the Medicean party at this crisis
+      of their country's fate, and all paid dearly for their loyalty. When
+      Cosimo I., by their efforts, was established in the duchy, he made it one
+      of his first cares to rid himself of these too faithful servants. Baccio
+      Valori was beheaded after the battle of Montemurlo in 1537 for practice
+      with the exiles of Filippo Strozzi's party. Francesco Guicciardini,
+      Francesco Vettori, and Roberto Acciaiuoli died in disgrace before the year
+      1543&mdash;their only crime being that they had made themselves the ladder
+      whereby a Medici had climbed into his throne, and which it was his
+      business to upset when firmly seated. For the heroism of Florence at this
+      moment it would be difficult to find fit words of panegyric. The republic
+      stood alone, abandoned by France to the hot rage of Clement and the cold
+      contempt of Charles, deserted by the powers of Italy, betrayed by lying
+      captains, deluged on all sides with the scum of armies pouring <span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageA34" id="pageA34"></a>{34}</span> into
+      Tuscany from the Lombard pandemonium of war. The situation was one of
+      impracticable difficulty. Florence could not but fall. Yet every generous
+      heart will throb with sympathy while reading the story of that final stand
+      for independence, in which a handful of burghers persisted, though
+      congregated princes licked the dust from feet of Emperor and Pontiff.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Charles had come to assume the iron and the golden crowns in Italy. He
+      ought to have journeyed to Monza or to S. Ambrogio at Milan for the first,
+      and to the Lateran in Rome for the second of these investitures. An
+      Emperor of the Swabian House would have been compelled by precedent and
+      superstition to observe this form. It is true that the coronation of a
+      German prince as the successor of Lombard kings and Roman Augusti, had
+      always been a symbolic ceremony rather than a rite which ratified genuine
+      Imperial authority. Still the ceremony connoted many mediaeval
+      aspirations. It was the outward sign of theories that had once exerted an
+      ideal influence. To dissociate the two-fold sacrament from Milan and from
+      Rome was the same as robbing it of its main virtue, the virtue of a
+      mystical conception. It was tantamount to a demonstration that the belief
+      in Universal Monarchy had passed away. By breaking the old rules of his
+      investiture, Charles notified the disappearance of the mediaeval order,
+      and proclaimed new political ideals to the world. When asked whether he
+      would <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA35" id="pageA35"></a>{35}</span>
+      not follow custom and seek the Lombard crown in Monza, he brutally replied
+      that he was not wont to run after crowns, but to have crowns running after
+      him. He trampled no less on that still more venerable <i>religio loci</i>
+      which attached imperial rights to Rome. Together with this ancient piety,
+      he swept the Holy Roman Empire into the dust-heap of archaic curiosities.
+      By declaring his will to be crowned where he chose, he emphasized the
+      modern state motto of <i>L'&eacute;tat, c'est moi</i>, and prepared the
+      way for a Pope's closing of a General Council by the word <i>L'Eglise,
+      c'est moi</i>. Charles had sufficient reasons for acting as he did. The
+      Holy Roman Empire ever since the first event of Charles the Great's
+      coronation, when it justified itself as a diplomatical expedient for
+      unifying Western Christendom, had existed more or less as a shadow.
+      Charles violated the duties which alone gave the semblance of a substance
+      to that shadow. As King of Italy, he had desolated the Lombard realm of
+      which he sought the title. As Emperor elect, he had ravished his bride,
+      the Eternal City. As suitor to the Pope for both of his expected crowns,
+      he stood responsible for the multiplied insults to which Clement had been
+      so recently exposed. No Emperor had been more powerful since Charles the
+      Great than this Charles V., the last who took his crowns in Italy. It was
+      significant that he man in whose name Rome had suffered outrage, and who
+      was about to detach Lombardy from the Empire, was by his own will invested
+      at Bologna.<span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA36" id="pageA36"></a>{36}</span>
+      The citizens of Monza were accordingly bidden to send the iron crown to
+      Bologna. It arrived on February 20, and on the 22nd Charles received it
+      from the hands of Clement in the chapel of the palace. The Cardinal who
+      performed the ceremony of unction was a Fleming, William Hencheneor, who
+      in the Sack of Rome had bought his freedom for the large sum of 40,000
+      crowns. On this auspicious occasion he cut off half the beard which he
+      still wore in sign of mourning!
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The Duke and Duchess of Urbino made their entrance into Bologna on the
+      same day. Francesco Maria della Rovere, Duke of Urbino, Prefect of Rome,
+      and Captain General of the armies of the Church, was one of the most noted
+      warriors of that time. Yet victory had rarely crowned his brows with
+      laurels. Imitating the cautious tactics of Braccio, and emulating the fame
+      of Fabius Cunctator, he reduced the art of war to a system of manoeuvres,
+      and rarely risked his fortune in the field. It was chiefly due to his
+      dilatory movements that the disaster of the Sack of Rome was not averted.
+      He had been expelled by Leo X. from his duchy to make room for Lorenzo
+      de'Medici, and report ran that a secret desire to witness the humiliation
+      of a Medicean Pontiff caused him to withhold his forces from attacking the
+      tumultuary troops of Bourbon. Francesco Maria was a man of violent temper;
+      nineteen years before, he had murdered the Pope's Legate, Cardinal
+      Francesco Alidosi, with his dagger, <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA37"
+      id="pageA37"></a>{37}</span> in the open streets of Bologna. His wife,
+      Eleanora Ippolita Gonzaga, presided with grace over that brilliant and
+      cultivated Court which Castiglione made famous by his <i>Cortegiano</i>.
+      The Duke and Duchess survive to posterity in two masterpieces of
+      portraiture by the hand of Titian which now adorn the Gallery of the
+      Uffizzi.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      February 24, which was the anniversary of Charles's birthday, had been
+      fixed for his coronation as Emperor in San Petronio. This church is one of
+      the largest Gothic buildings in Italy. Its fa&ccedil;ade occupies the
+      southern side of the piazza. The western side, on the left of the church,
+      is taken up by the Palazzo Pubblico. In order to facilitate the passage of
+      the Pope and Emperor with their Courts and train of princes from the
+      palace to the cathedral, a wooden bridge wide enough to take six men
+      abreast was constructed from an opening in the Hall of the Ancients. The
+      bridge descended by a gradual line to the piazza, broadened out into a
+      platform before the front of San Petronio, and then again ascended through
+      the nave to the high altar. It was covered with blue draperies, and so
+      arranged that the vast multitudes assembled in the square and church to
+      see the ceremony had free access to it on all sides. On the morning of the
+      24th, the solemn procession issued from the palace, and defiled in order
+      down the gangway. Clement was borne aloft by Pontifical grooms in their
+      red liveries. He wore the tiara and a cope of state <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageA38" id="pageA38"></a>{38}</span> fastened by Cellini's famous
+      stud, in which blazed the Burgundian diamond of Charles the Bold. Charles
+      walked in royal robes attended by the Count of Nassau and Don Pietro di
+      Toledo, the Viceroy of Naples, who afterwards gave his name to the chief
+      street in that city. Before him went the Marquis of Montferrat, bearing
+      the scepter; Philip, Duke of Bavaria, carrying the golden orb; the Duke of
+      Urbino, with the sword; and the Duke of Savoy, holding the imperial
+      diadem. This Duke of Savoy was uncle to Francis I. and brother-in-law to
+      Charles&mdash;- his wife, Beatrice, being a sister of the Empress, and his
+      sister, Louise, mother of the French king. This double relationship made
+      his position during the late wars a difficult one. Yet his territory had
+      been regarded as neutral, and in the pacification of Italy he judged it
+      wise to adhere without reserve to the victorious King of Spain. It was
+      noticed that Ferrante di Sanseverino, Prince of Salerno, though known to
+      be in Bologna, occupied no post of distinction in the imperial train. He
+      was closely related to the Emperor by his mother, Maria of Aragon, and had
+      done good service in the recent campaigns against Lautrec. The reason for
+      this neglect does not appear. But it may be mentioned that some years
+      later he espoused the French cause, and was deprived of his vast
+      hereditary fiefs. In his ruin the poet Bernardo, father of Torquato Tasso,
+      was involved.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      To enumerate all the nobles of Spain, Italy and<span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageA39" id="pageA39"></a>{39}</span> Germany, with the ambassadors
+      from England, France, Scotland, Hungary, Bohemia and Portugal; who swelled
+      the Imperial <i>cort&egrave;ge</i>; to describe the series of ceremonies
+      by which Charles was first consecrated as a deacon, anointed, dressed and
+      undressed, and finally conducted to the Pope for coronation; to narrate
+      the breaking of the bridge at one point, and the squabbles between the
+      Genoese and Sienese delegates for precedence, would be superfluously
+      tedious. The day was well-nigh over when at length Charles received the
+      Imperial insignia from the Pope's hands. <i>Accipe gladium sanctum, Accipe
+      virgam, Accipe pomum, Accipe signum gloriae</i>! As Clement pronounced
+      these sentences, he gave the sword, the scepter, the globe, and the diadem
+      in succession to the Emperor, who knelt before him. Charles bent and
+      kissed the Papal feet. He then rose and took his throne beside the Pope.
+      It was placed two steps lower than that of Clement. The ceremony of
+      coronation and enthronization being now complete, Charles was proclaimed:
+      <i>Romanorum Imperator semper augustus, mundi totius Dominus, universis
+      Dominis, universis Principibus et Populis semper venerandus</i>. When Mass
+      was over, Pope and Emperor shook hands. At the church-door, Charles held
+      Clement's stirrup, and when the Pope had mounted, he led his palfrey for
+      some paces, in sign of filial submission.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The month of March was distinguished by the arrival of illustrious
+      visitors. The Duchess of<span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA40"
+      id="pageA40"></a>{40}</span> Savoy, with an escort of eighteen lovely
+      maids of honor, made her pompous entry on the 4th, and took up her
+      quarters in the Palazzo Pepoli. On the 6th came the Duke of Ferrara, for
+      whom Charles had procured a safe-conduct from the Pope. During the
+      Emperor's stay at Bologna, Alfonso d'Este had been assiduous in paying him
+      and his Court small attentions, sending excellent provisions for the
+      household and furnishing the royal table with game and every kind of
+      delicacy. The settlement of his dispute with the Holy See was the only
+      important business that remained to be transacted. Charles prevailed upon
+      both Clement and Alfonso to state their cases in writing and to place them
+      in the hands of jurisconsults, to report upon. There is little doubt that
+      his own mind was already made up in favor of the duke; but he did not pass
+      sentence until the following December, nor was the decision published
+      before April in the year 1531. The substance of the final agreement was as
+      follows. Modena, Reggio and Rubbiera were declared fiefs of the Empire,
+      seeing that they had not been included in Pepin's gift of the Exarchate.
+      Charles confirmed their investiture to Alfonso, in return for a
+      considerable payment to the Imperial Chancery. He had previously conferred
+      the town of Carpi, forfeited by Alberto Pio as a French adherent, on the
+      Duke. Ferrara remained a fief of the Church, and Clement consented to
+      acknowledge Alfonso's tenure, upon his disbursement of 100,000 ducats.
+      This decision saved Modena to <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA41"
+      id="pageA41"></a>{41}</span> the bastard line of Este, when Pope Clement
+      VIII. seized Ferrara as a lapsed fief in 1598. In the sixty-seven years
+      which passed between the date of Charles's coronation and the extinction
+      of the duchy, Ferrara enjoyed the fame of the most brilliant Court in
+      Italy, and shone with the luster conferred on it by men like Tasso and
+      Guarini.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The few weeks which now remained before Charles left Bologna were spent
+      for the most part in jousts and tournaments, visits to churches, and
+      social entertainments. Veronica Gambara threw her apartments open to the
+      numerous men of letters who crowded from all parts of Italy to witness the
+      ceremony, of Charles's coronation. This lady was widow to the late lord of
+      Correggio, and one of the two most illustrious women of her time.<a
+      name="FNanchorA_5_5" id="FNanchorA_5_5"></a><a href="#FootnoteA_5_5"
+      class="fnanchor">[5]</a> She dwelt with princely state in a palace of the
+      Marsili; and here might be seen the poets Bembo, Mauro, and Molza in
+      conversation with witty Berni, learned Vida, stately Trissino, and
+      noble-hearted Marcantonio Flaminio. Paolo Giovio and Francesco
+      Guicciardini, the chief historians of their time, were also to be found
+      there, together with a host of literary and diplomatic worthies attached
+      to the Courts of Urbino and Ferrara or attendant on the train of
+      cardinals, who, like Ippolito de'Medici, made a display of culture.
+      Meanwhile the Dowager-Marchioness of Mantua and the Duchess of Savoy
+      entertained Italian and Spanish nobles with masqued <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageA42" id="pageA42"></a>{42}</span> balls and carnival processions
+      in the Manzoli and Pepoli palaces. Frequent quarrels between hot-blooded
+      youths of the rival nations added a spice of chivalrous romance to
+      love-adventures in which the ladies of these Courts played a too
+      conspicuous part. What still remained to Italy of Renaissance splendor,
+      wit, and fashion, after the Sack of Rome and the prostration of her
+      wealthiest cities, was concentrated in this sunset blaze of sumptuous
+      festivity at Bologna. Nor were the arts without illustrious
+      representatives. Francesco Mazzola, surnamed Il Parmigianino, before whose
+      altar-piece in his Roman studio the rough soldiers of Bourbon's army were
+      said to have lately knelt in adoration, commemorated the hero of the day
+      by painting Charles attended by Fame who crowned his forehead, and an
+      infant Hercules who handed him the globe. Titian, too, was there, and
+      received the honor of several sittings from the Emperor. His life-sized
+      portrait of Charles in full armor, seated on a white war-horse, has
+      perished. But it gave such satisfaction at the moment that the fortunate
+      master was created knight and count palatine, and appointed painter to the
+      Emperor with a fixed pension. Titian also painted portraits of Antonio de
+      Leyva and Alfonso d'Avalos, but whether upon this occasion or in 1532,
+      when he was again summoned to the Imperial Court at Bologna, is not
+      certain. From this assemblage of eminent personages we notice the absence
+      of Pietro Aretino. He was at the moment out of <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageA43" id="pageA43"></a>{43}</span> favor with Clement VII. But
+      independently of this obstacle, he may well have thought it imprudent to
+      quit his Venetian retreat and expose himself to the resentment of so many
+      princes whom he had alternately loaded with false praises and bemired with
+      loathsome libels.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      People observed that the Emperor in his excursions through the streets of
+      Bologna usually wore the Spanish habit. He was dressed in black velvet,
+      with black silk stockings, black shoes, and a black velvet cap adorned
+      with black feathers. This somber costume received some relief from jewels
+      used for buttons; and the collar of the Golden Fleece shone upon the
+      monarch's breast. So slight a circumstance would scarcely deserve
+      attention, were it not that in a short space of time it became the fashion
+      throughout Italy to adopt the subdued tone of Spanish clothing. The upper
+      classes consented to exchange the varied and brilliant dresses which gave
+      gayety to the earlier Renaissance for the dismal severity conspicuous in
+      Morone's masterpieces, in the magnificent gloom of the Genoese Brignoli,
+      and in the portraits of Roman inquisitors. It is as though the whole race
+      had put on mourning for its loss of liberty, its servitude to foreign
+      tyrants and ecclesiastical hypocrites. Nor is it fanciful to detect a note
+      of moral sadness and mental depression corresponding to these black
+      garments in the faces of that later generation. How different is Tasso's
+      melancholy grace from Ariosto's gentle joyousness; <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageA44" id="pageA44"></a>{44}</span> the dried-up precision of
+      Baroccio's Francesco Maria della Rovere from the sanguine joviality of
+      Titian's first duke of that name! One of the most acutely critical of
+      contemporary poets felt the change which I have indicated, and ascribed it
+      to the same cause. Campanella wrote as follows:
+    </p>
+    <div class="poem">
+      <div class="stanza">
+        <span>Black robes befit our age. Once they were white;<br /> </span>
+        <span class="i2">Next many-hued; now dark as Afric's Moor,<br /> </span>
+        <span class="i2">Night-black, infernal, traitorous, obscure,<br />
+        </span> <span class="i2">Horrid with ignorance and sick with fright.<br />
+        </span> <span>For very shame we shun all colors bright,<br /> </span>
+        <span class="i2">Who mourn our end&mdash;the tyrants we endure,<br />
+        </span> <span class="i2">The chains, the noose, the lead, the snares,
+        the lure&mdash;<br /> </span> <span class="i2">Our dismal heroes, our
+        souls sunk in night.<br /> </span>
+      </div>
+    </div>
+    <p>
+      In the midst of this mirth-making there arrived on March 20 an embassy
+      from England, announcing Henry VIII.'s resolve to divorce himself at any
+      cost from Katharine of Aragon. This may well have recalled both Pope and
+      Emperor to a sense of the gravity of European affairs. The schism of
+      England was now imminent. Germany was distracted by Protestant revolution.
+      The armies of Caesar were largely composed of mutinous Lutherans. Some of
+      these soldiers had even dared to overthrow a colossal statue of Clement
+      VII. and grind it into powder at Bologna; and this outrage, as it appears,
+      went unpunished. The very troops employed in reducing rebellious Florence
+      were commanded by a Lutheran general; and Clement began to fear that,
+      after Charles's departure, the Prince of Orange might cross the Apennines
+      and expose the Papal person to the insults of another captivity in
+      Bologna. Nor <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA45" id="pageA45"></a>{45}</span>
+      were the gathering forces of revolutionary Protestants alone ominous.
+      Though Soliman had been repulsed before Vienna, the Turks were still
+      advancing on the eastern borders of the Empire. Their fleets swept the
+      Levantine waters, while the pirate dynasties of Tunis and Algiers
+      threatened the whole Mediterranean coast with ruin. Charles, still
+      uncertain what part he should take in the disputes of Germany, left
+      Bologna for the Tyrol on March 23. Clement, on the last day of the month,
+      took his journey by Loreto to Rome.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      It will be useful, at this point, to recapitulate the net results of
+      Charles's administration of Italian affairs in 1530. The kingdom of the
+      Two Sicilies, with the Island of Sardinia and the Duchy of Milan, became
+      Spanish provinces, and were ruled henceforth by viceroys. The House of
+      Este was confirmed in the Duchy of Ferrara, including Modena and Reggio.
+      The Duchies of Savoy and Mantua and the Marquisate of Montferrat, which
+      had espoused the Spanish cause, were undisturbed. Genoa and Siena, both of
+      them avowed allies of Spain, the former under Spanish protection, the
+      latter subject to Spanish coercion, remained with the name and empty
+      privileges of republics. Venice had made her peace with Spain, and though
+      she was still strong enough to pursue an independent policy, she showed as
+      yet no inclination, and had, indeed, no power, to stir up enemies against
+      the Spanish autocrat. The Duchy of Urbino, recog<span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageA46" id="pageA46"></a>{46}</span> nized by Rome and subservient
+      to Spanish influence, was permitted to exist. The Papacy once more assumed
+      a haughty tone, relying on the firm alliance struck with Spain. This
+      league, as years went by, was destined to grow still closer, still more
+      fruitful of results.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Florence alone had been excepted from the articles of peace. It was still
+      enduring the horrors of the memorable siege when Clement left Bologna at
+      the end of May. The last hero of the republic, Francesco Ferrucci, fell
+      fighting at Gavignana on August 2. Their general, Malatesta Baglioni,
+      broke his faith with the citizens. Finally, on August 12, the town
+      capitulated. Alessandro de'Medici, who had received the title of Duke of
+      Florence from Charles at Bologna, took up his residence there in July,
+      1531, and held the State by help of Spanish mercenaries under the command
+      of Alessandro Vitelli. When he was murdered by his cousin in 1537, Cosimo
+      de'Medici, the scion of another branch of the ruling family, was appointed
+      Duke. Charles V. recognized his title, and Cosimo soon showed that he was
+      determined to be master in his own duchy. He crushed the exiled party of
+      Filippo Strozzi, who attempted a revolution of the State, exterminated its
+      leaders, and contrived to rid himself of the powerful adherents who had
+      placed him on the throne. But he remained a subservient though not very
+      willing ally of Spain; and when he expelled Alessandro Vitelli from the
+      fortress that <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA47" id="pageA47"></a>{47}</span>
+      commanded Florence, he admitted a Spaniard, Don Juan de Luna, in his
+      stead. During the petty wars of 1552-56 which Henri II. carried on with
+      Charles V. in Italy, Siena attempted to shake off the yoke of a Spanish
+      garrison established there in 1547 under the command of Don Hurtado de
+      Mendoza. The citizens appealed to France, who sent them the great Marshal,
+      Piero Strozzi, brother of Cosimo's vanquished enemy Filippo. Cosimo
+      through these years supported the Spanish cause with troops and money,
+      hoping to guide events in his own interest. At length, by the aid of Gian
+      Giacomo Medici, sprung from an obscure Milanese family, who had been
+      trained in the Spanish methods of warfare, he succeeded in subduing Siena.
+      He now reaped the fruits of his Spanish policy. In 1557 Philip II.
+      conceded the Sienese territory, reserving only its forts, to the Duke of
+      Florence, who in 1569 obtained the title of Grand Duke of Tuscany from
+      Pope Pius V. This title was confirmed by the Empire in 1575 to his son
+      Francesco.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Thus the republics of Florence and Siena were extinguished. The Grand
+      Duchy of Tuscany was created. It became an Italian power of the first
+      magnitude, devoted to the absolutist principles of Spanish and Papal
+      sovereignty. The further changes which took place in Italy after the year
+      1530, turned equally to the profit of Spain and Rome. These were
+      principally the creation of the Duchy of Parma for the Farnesi
+      (1545-1559), of which I <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA48"
+      id="pageA48"></a>{48}</span> shall have to speak in the next chapter; the
+      resumption of Ferrara by the Papacy in 1597, which reduced the House of
+      Este to the smaller fiefs of Modena and Reggio; the acquisition of
+      Montferrat by Mantua in 1536; the cession of Saluzzo to Savoy in 1598, and
+      the absorption of Urbino into the Papal domains in 1631.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      It was hoped when Charles and Clement proclaimed the pacification of Italy
+      at Bologna on the last day of 1529, that the peninsula would no longer be
+      the theater of wars for supremacy between the French and Spaniards. This
+      expectation proved delusive; for the struggle soon broke out again. The
+      people, however, suffered less extensively than in former years; because
+      the Spanish party, supported by Papal authority, was decidedly
+      predominant. The Italian princes, whether they liked it or not, were
+      compelled to follow in the main a Spanish policy. At length, in 1559, by
+      the Peace of Cateau Cambresis signed between Henri II. and Philip II., the
+      French claims were finally abandoned, and the Spanish hegemony was
+      formally acknowledged. The later treaty of Vervins, in 1598, ceded Saluzzo
+      to the Duchy of Savoy, and shut the gates of Italy to French interference.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Though the people endured far less misery from foreign armies in the
+      period between 1630 and 1600 than they had done in the period from 1494 to
+      1527, yet the state of the country grew ever more and more deplorable.
+      This was due in the first instance <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA49"
+      id="pageA49"></a>{49}</span> to the insane methods of taxation adopted by
+      the Spanish viceroys, who held monopolies of corn and other necessary
+      commodities in their hands and who invented imposts for the meanest
+      articles of consumption. Their example was followed by the Pope and petty
+      princes. Alfonso II. of Ferrara, for instance, levied a tenth on all
+      produce which passed his city gates, and on the capital engaged in every
+      contract. He monopolized the sale of salt, flour, bread; and imposed a
+      heavy tax on oil. Sixtus V. by exactions of a like description and by the
+      sale of numberless offices, accumulated a vast sum of money, much of which
+      bore heavy interest. He was so ignorant of the first principle of
+      political economy as to lock up the accruing treasure in the Castle of S.
+      Angelo. The rising of Masaniello in Naples was simply due to the
+      exasperation of the common folk at having even fruit and vegetables taxed.
+      In addition to such financial blunders, we must take into account the
+      policy pursued by all princes at this epoch, of discouraging commerce and
+      manufactures. Thus Cosimo I. of Tuscany induced the old Florentine
+      families to withdraw their capital from trade, sink it in land, create
+      entails in perpetuity on eldest sons, and array themselves with gimcrack
+      titles which he liberally supplied. Even Venice showed at this epoch a
+      contempt for the commerce which had brought her into a position of
+      unrivaled splendor. This wilful depression of industry was partly the
+      result of<span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA50" id="pageA50"></a>{50}</span>
+      Spanish aristocratic habits, which now invaded Italian society. But it was
+      also deliberately chosen as a means of extinguishing freedom. Finally, if
+      war proved now less burdensome, the exhaustion of Italy and the decay of
+      military spirit rendered the people liable to the scourge of piracy. The
+      whole sea-coast was systematically plundered by the navies of Barbarossa
+      and Dragut. The inhabitants of the ports and inland villages were carried
+      off into slavery, and many of the Italians themselves drove a brisk trade
+      in the sale of their compatriots. Brigandage, following in the wake of
+      agricultural depression and excessive taxation, depopulated the central
+      provinces. All these miseries were exacerbated by frequent recurrences of
+      plagues and famines.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      It is characteristic of the whole tenor of Italian history that, in spite
+      of the virtual hegemony which the Spaniards now exercised in the
+      peninsula, the nation continued to exist in separate parcels, each of
+      which retained a certain individuality. That Italy could not have been
+      treated as a single province by the Spanish autocrat will be manifest,
+      when we consider the European jealousy to which so summary an exhibition
+      of force would have given rise. It is also certain that the Papacy, which
+      had to be respected, would have resisted an openly declared Spanish
+      despotism. But more powerful, I think, than all these considerations
+      together, was the past prestige of the Italian States. Europe was not pre<span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageA51" id="pageA51"></a>{51}</span> pared to
+      regard that brilliant and hitherto respected constellation of
+      commonwealths, from which all intellectual culture, arts of life, methods
+      of commerce, and theories of political existence had been diffused, as a
+      single province of the Spanish monarchy. The Spaniards themselves were
+      scarcely in a position to entertain the thought of reducing the peninsula
+      to bondage <i>vi et armis</i>. And if they had attempted any measure
+      tending to this result, they would undoubtedly have been resisted by an
+      alliance of the European powers. What they sought, and what they gained,
+      was preponderating influence in each of the parcels which they recognized
+      as nominally independent.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The intellectual and social life of the Italians, though much reduced in
+      vigor, was therefore still, as formerly, concentrated in cities marked by
+      distinct local qualities, and boastful of their ancient glories. The
+      Courts of Ferrara and Urbino continued to form centers for literary and
+      artistic coteries. Venice remained the stronghold of mental unrestraint
+      and moral license, where thinkers uttered their thoughts with tolerable
+      freedom, and libertines indulged their tastes unhindered. Rome early
+      assumed novel airs of piety, and external conformity to austere patterns
+      became the fashion here. Yet the Papal capital did not wholly cease to be
+      the resort of students and of artists. The universities maintained
+      themselves in a respectable position&mdash;- far different, indeed, from
+      that which they had held in the last century, yet not <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageA52" id="pageA52"></a>{52}</span> ignoble. Much was being
+      learned on many lines of study divergent from those prescribed by earlier
+      humanists. Padua, in particular, distinguished itself for medical
+      researches. This was the flourishing time, moreover, of Academies, in
+      which, notwithstanding nonsense talked and foolish tastes indulged, some
+      solid work was done for literature and science. The names of the Cimento,
+      Delia Crusca, and Palazzo Vernio at Florence, remind us of not unimportant
+      labors in physics, in the analysis of language, and in the formation of a
+      new dramatic style of music. At the same time the resurgence of popular
+      literature and the creation of popular theatrical types deserve to be
+      particularly noticed. It is as though the Italian nation at this epoch,
+      suffocated by Spanish etiquette, and poisoned by Jesuitical hypocrisy,
+      sought to expand healthy lungs in free spaces of open air, indulging in
+      dialectical niceties and immortalizing street-jokes by the genius of
+      masqued comedy.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      This most ancient and intensely vital race had given Europe the Roman
+      Republic, the Roman Empire, the system of Roman law, the Romance
+      languages, Latin Christianity, the Papacy, and, lastly, all that is
+      included in the art and culture of the Renaissance. It was time, perhaps,
+      that it should go to rest a century or so, and watch uprising nations&mdash;the
+      Spanish, English, French, and so forth&mdash;stir their stalwart limbs in
+      common strife and novel paths of pioneering industry.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      After such fashion let us, then, if we can contrive <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageA53" id="pageA53"></a>{53}</span> to do so, regard the Italians
+      during their subjection to the Church and Austria. Were it not for these
+      consolatory reflections, and for the present reappearance of the nation in
+      a new and previously unapprehended form of unity, the history of the
+      Counter-Reformation period would be almost too painful for investigation.
+      What the Italians actually accomplished during this period in art,
+      learning, science, and literature, was indeed more than enough to have
+      conferred undying luster on such races as the Dutch or Germans at the same
+      epoch. But it would be ridiculous to compare Italians with either Dutchmen
+      or Germans at a time when Italy was still so incalculably superior.
+      Compared with their own standard, compared with what they might have
+      achieved under more favorable conditions of national independence, the
+      products of this age are saddening. The tragic elements of my present
+      theme are summed up in the fact that Italy during the Counter-Reformation
+      was inferior to Italy during the Renaissance, and that this inferiority
+      was due to the interruption of vital and organic processes by reactionary
+      forces.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      It would not be just to condemn Spain and the Papacy because, being
+      reactionary powers, they quenched for three centuries the genial light of
+      Italy. We must rather bear in mind that both Spain and the Papacy were at
+      that time cosmopolitan factors of the first magnitude, with perplexing
+      world-problems confronting them. Charles bore upon his <span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageA54" id="pageA54"></a>{54}</span> shoulders
+      the concerns of the Empire, the burden of the German revolution, and the
+      distracting anxiety of a duel with Islam. When his son bowed to the yoke
+      of government, he had to meet the same perplexities, complicated with
+      Netherlands in revolt, England in antagonism, and France in dubious
+      ferment. A succession of Popes were hampered by painful European
+      questions, which the instinct of self-preservation taught them to regard
+      as paramount. They were fighting for existence; for the Catholic creed;
+      for their own theocratic sovereignty. They held strong cards. But against
+      them were drawn up the battalions of heresy, free thought, political
+      insurgence in the modern world. The <i>Zeitgeist</i> that has made us what
+      we are, had begun to organize stern opposition to the Church. It was
+      natural enough that both the Spanish autocrat and the successor of S.
+      Peter should at this crisis have regarded Italian affairs as subordinate
+      in importance to wider matters which demanded their attention. Yet if we
+      shift our point of view from this high vantage-ground of Imperial and
+      Papal anxieties, and place ourselves in the center of Italy as our post of
+      observation, it will be apparent that nothing more ruinous for the
+      prosperity of the Italian people could have been devised than the joint
+      autocracy accorded at Bologna to two cosmopolitan but non-national forces
+      in their midst. An alien monarchy greedy for gold, a panic-stricken
+      hierarchy in terror for its life, warped the tendencies and throttled the
+      energies of the most artistically <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA55"
+      id="pageA55"></a>{55}</span> sensitive, the most heroically innovating of
+      the existing races. However we may judge the merits of the Spaniards, they
+      were assuredly not those which had brought Italy into the first rank of
+      European nations. The events of a single century proved that, far from
+      being able to govern other peoples, Spain was incapable of self-government
+      on any rational principle. Whatever may have been the policy thrust upon
+      the chief of Latin Christianity in the desperate struggle with militant
+      rationalism, the repressive measures which it felt bound to adopt were
+      eminently pernicious to a race like the Italians, who showed no
+      disposition for religious regeneration, and who were yet submitted to the
+      tyranny of ecclesiastical discipline and intellectual intolerance at every
+      point.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The settlement made by Charles V. in 1530, and the various changes which
+      took place in the duchies between that date and the end of the century,
+      had then the effect of rendering the Papacy and Spain omnipotent in Italy.
+      These kindred autocrats were joined in firm alliance, except during the
+      brief period of Paul IV.'s French policy, which ended in the Pope's
+      complete discomfiture by Alva in 1557. They used their aggregated forces
+      for the riveting of spiritual, political, and social chains upon the
+      modern world. What they only partially effected in Europe at large, by
+      means of S. Bartholomew massacres, exterminations of Jews in Toledo and of
+      Mussulmans in Granada, holocausts of victims in <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageA56" id="pageA56"></a>{56}</span> the Low Countries, wars
+      against French Huguenots and German Lutherans, naval expeditions and plots
+      against the state of England, assassinations of heretic princes, and
+      occasional burning of free thinkers, they achieved with plenary success in
+      Italy. The center of the peninsula, from Ferrara to Terracina, lay at the
+      discretion of the Pope. The Two Sicilies, Sardinia and the Duchy of Milan,
+      were absolute dependencies of the Spanish crown. Tuscany was linked by
+      ties of interest, and by the stronger bonds of terrorism, to Spain. The
+      insignificant principalities of Mantua, Modena, Parma could not do
+      otherwise than submit to the same predominant authority. It is not worth
+      while to take into account the tiny republics of Genoa and Lucca. Their
+      history through this period, though not so uneventful, is scarcely less
+      insignificant than that of San Marino. Venice alone stood independent,
+      still powerful enough to extinguish Bedmar's Spanish conspiracy in
+      silence, still proud enough to resist the encroachments of Paul V. with
+      spirit, yet sensible of her decline and spending her last energies on
+      warfare with the Turk.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      At the close of the century, by the Peace of Vervins in 1598 and two
+      subsequent treaties, Spain and France settled their long dispute. France
+      was finally excluded from Italy by the cession of Saluzzo to Savoy, while
+      Savoy at the same moment, through the loss of its Burgundian provinces,
+      became an Italian power. The old antagonism which, dating <span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageA57" id="pageA57"></a>{57}</span> from the
+      Guelf and Ghibelline contentions of the thirteenth century, had taken a
+      new form after the Papal investiture of Charles of Anjou with the kingdoms
+      of Sicily and Naples, now ceased. That antique antagonism of parties,
+      alien to the home interests of Italy, had been exasperated by the rivalry
+      of Angevine and Aragonese princes; had assumed formidable intensity after
+      the invasion of Charles VIII. in 1494; and had expanded under the reigns
+      of Louis XII. and Francis I. into an open struggle between France and
+      Spain for the supremacy of Italy. It now was finally terminated by the
+      exclusion of the French and the acknowledged overlordship of the Spaniard.
+      But though peace seemed to be secured to a nation tortured by so many
+      desolating wars of foreign armies, the Italians regarded the cession of
+      Saluzzo with despondency. The partisans of national independence and
+      political freedom had become, however illogically, accustomed to consider
+      France as their ally.<a name="FNanchorA_6_6" id="FNanchorA_6_6"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_6_6" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> They now beheld the gates
+      of Italy closed against the French; they saw the extinction of their
+      ancient Guelf policy of calling French arms into Italy. They felt that
+      rest from strife was dearly bought at the price of prostrate servitude
+      beneath Spanish and Austrian Hapsburgs, Spanish Bourbons, and mongrel
+      princelings bred by crossing these stocks with decaying scions of Italian
+      nobility. As a matter of fact, this was the destiny which lay <span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageA58" id="pageA58"></a>{58}</span> before them
+      for nearly two centuries after the signing of the Peace of Vervins.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Yet the cession of Saluzzo was really the first dawn of hope for Italy. It
+      determined the House of Savoy as an Italian dynasty, and brought for the
+      first time into the sphere of purely Italian interests that province from
+      which the future salvation of the nation was to come. From 1598 until 1870
+      the destinies of Italy were bound up with the advance of Savoy from a
+      duchy to a kingdom, with its growth in wealth, military resources and
+      political self-consciousness, and with its ultimate acceptance of the
+      task, accomplished in our days, of freeing Italy from foreign tyranny and
+      forming a single nation out of many component elements. Those component
+      elements by their diversity had conferred luster on the race in the Middle
+      Ages, by their jealousies had wrecked its independence in the Renaissance,
+      and by their weakness had left it at the period of the Counter-Reformation
+      a helpless prey to Papal and Spanish despotism.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The leveling down of the component elements of the Italian race beneath a
+      common despotism, which began in the period I have chosen for this work,
+      was necessary perhaps before Italy could take her place as a united nation
+      gifted with constitutional self-government and independence. Except,
+      therefore, for the sufferings and the humiliations inflicted on her
+      people; except for their servitude beneath the most degrading forms of
+      ecclesiastical <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA59" id="pageA59"></a>{59}</span>
+      and temporal tyranny; except for the annihilation of their beautiful
+      Renaissance culture; except for the depression of arts, learning, science,
+      and literature, together with the enfeeblement of political energy and
+      domestic morality; except for the loathsome domination of hypocrites and
+      persecutors and informers; except for the Jesuitical encouragement of
+      every secret vice and every servile superstition which might emasculate
+      the race and render it subservient to authority;&mdash;except for these
+      appalling evils, we have no right perhaps to deplore the settlement of
+      Italy by Charles V. in 1530, or the course of subsequent events. For it is
+      tolerably certain that some such leveling down as then commenced was
+      needed to bring the constituent States of Italy into accord; and it is
+      indubitable, as I have had occasion to point out, that the political force
+      which eventually introduced Italy into the European system of federated
+      nations, was determined in its character, if not created, then. None the
+      less, the history of this period (1530-1600) in Italy is a prolonged, a
+      solemn, an inexpressibly heart-rending tragedy.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      It is the tragic history of the eldest and most beautiful, the noblest and
+      most venerable, the freest and most gifted of Europe's daughters,
+      delivered over to the devilry that issued from the most incompetent and
+      arrogantly stupid of the European sisterhood, and to the cruelty, inspired
+      by panic, of an impious theocracy. When we use these terms to <span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageA60" id="pageA60"></a>{60}</span> designate
+      the Papacy of the Counter-Reformation, it is not that we forget how many
+      of those Popes were men of blameless private life and serious views for
+      Catholic Christendom. When we use these terms to designate the Spanish
+      race in the sixteenth century, it is not that we are ignorant of Spanish
+      chivalry and colonizing enterprise, of Spanish romance, or of the fact
+      that Spain produced great painters, great dramatists, and one great
+      novelist in the brief period of her glory. We use them deliberately,
+      however, in both cases; because the Papacy at this period committed itself
+      to a policy of immoral, retrograde, and cowardly repression of the most
+      generous of human impulses under the pressure of selfish terror; because
+      the Spaniards abandoned themselves to a dark fiend of religious
+      fanaticism; because they were merciless in their conquests and
+      unintelligent in their administration of subjugated provinces; because
+      they glutted their lusts of avarice and hatred on industrious folk of
+      other creeds within their borders; because they cultivated barren pride
+      and self-conceit in social life; because at the great epoch of Europe's
+      reawakening they chose the wrong side and adhered to it with fatal
+      obstinacy. This obstinacy was disastrous to their neighbors and ruinous to
+      themselves. During the short period of three reigns (between 1598 and
+      1700) they sank from the first to the third grade in Europe, and saw the
+      scepter passing in the New World from their hands to those of more
+      normally <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA61" id="pageA61"></a>{61}</span>
+      constituted races. That the self-abandonment to sterilizing passions and
+      ignoble persecutions which marked Spain out for decay in the second half
+      of the sixteenth century, and rendered her the curse of her dependencies,
+      can in part be ascribed to the enthusiasm aroused in previous generations
+      by the heroic conflict with advancing Islam, is a thesis capable of
+      demonstration. Yet none the less is it true that her action at that period
+      was calamitous to herself and little short of destructive to Italy.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      After the year 1530 seven Spanish devils entered Italy. These were the
+      devil of the Inquisition, with stake and torture-room, and war declared
+      against the will and soul and heart and intellect of man; the devil of
+      Jesuitry, with its sham learning, shameless lying, and casuistical economy
+      of sins; the devil of vice-royal rule, with its life-draining monopolies
+      and gross incapacity for government; the devil of an insolent soldiery,
+      quartered on the people, clamorous for pay, outrageous in their lusts and
+      violences; the devil of fantastical taxation, levying tolls upon the bare
+      necessities of life, and drying up the founts of national well-being at
+      their sources; the devil of petty-princedom, wallowing in sloth and
+      cruelty upon a pinchbeck throne; the devil of effeminate hidalgoism,
+      ruinous in expenditure, mean and grasping, corrupt in private life, in
+      public ostentatious, vain of titles, cringing to its masters, arrogant to
+      its inferiors. In their train these brought with them seven other devils,
+      their pernicious offspring:<span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA62"
+      id="pageA62"></a>{62}</span> idleness, disease, brigandage, destitution,
+      ignorance, superstition, hypocritically sanctioned vice. These fourteen
+      devils were welcomed, entertained, and voluptuously lodged in all the
+      fairest provinces of Italy. The Popes opened wide for them the gates of
+      outraged and depopulated Rome. Dukes and marquises fell down and worshiped
+      the golden image of the Spanish Belial-Moloch&mdash;that hideous idol
+      whose face was blackened with soot from burning human flesh, and whose
+      skirts were dabbled with the blood of thousands slain in wars of
+      persecution. After a tranquil sojourn of some years in Italy, these devils
+      had everywhere spread desolation and corruption. Broad regions, like the
+      Patrimony of S. Peter and Calabria, were given over to marauding bandits;
+      wide tracks of fertile country, like the Sienese Maremma, were abandoned
+      to malaria; wolves prowled through empty villages round Milan; in every
+      city the pestilence swept off its hundreds daily; manufactures, commerce,
+      agriculture, the industries of town and rural district, ceased; the Courts
+      swarmed with petty nobles, who vaunted paltry titles; and resigned their
+      wives to cicisbei and their sons to sloth: art and learning languished;
+      there was not a man who ventured to speak out his thought or write the
+      truth; and over the Dead Sea of social putrefaction floated the sickening
+      oil of Jesuitical hypocrisy.
+    </p>
+    <hr style="width: 65%;" />
+    <h2>
+      <a name="CHAPTER_II" id="CHAPTER_II"></a>CHAPTER II
+    </h2>
+    <p>
+      <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA63" id="pageA63"></a>{63}</span>
+    </p>
+    <h4>
+      THE PAPACY AND THE TRIDENTINE COUNCIL
+    </h4>
+    <div class="blockquot">
+      <p>
+        The Counter-Reformation&mdash;Its Intellectual and Moral Character&mdash;Causes
+        of the Gradual Extinction of Renaissance Energy&mdash;Transition from
+        the Renaissance to the Catholic Revival&mdash;New Religious Spirit in
+        Italy&mdash;Attitude of Italians toward German Reformation&mdash;Oratory
+        of Divine Love&mdash;Gasparo Contarini and the Moderate Reformers&mdash;New
+        Religious Orders&mdash;Paul III.&mdash;His early History and Education&mdash;Political
+        Attitude between France and Spain&mdash;Creation of the Duchy of Parma&mdash;Imminence
+        of a General Council&mdash;Review of previous Councils&mdash;Paul's
+        Uneasiness&mdash;Opens a Council at Trent in 1542&mdash;Protestants
+        virtually excluded, and Catholic Dogmas confirmed in the first Sessions&mdash;Death
+        of Paul in 1549&mdash;Julius III.&mdash;Paul IV.&mdash;Character and
+        Ruling Passions of G.P. Caraffa&mdash;His Futile Opposition to Spain&mdash;Tyranny
+        of his Nephews&mdash;Their Downfall&mdash;Paul Devotes himself to Church
+        Reform and the Inquisition&mdash;Pius IV.&mdash;His Minister Morone&mdash;Diplomatic
+        Temper of this Pope&mdash;His Management of the Council&mdash;Assistance
+        rendered by his nephew Carlo Borromeo&mdash;Alarming State of Northern
+        Europe&mdash;The Council reopened at Trent in 1562&mdash;Subsequent
+        History of the Council&mdash;It closes with a complete Papal Triumph in
+        1563&mdash;Place of Pius IV. in History&mdash;Pius V.&mdash;The
+        Inquisitor Pope&mdash;Population of Rome&mdash;Social Corruption&mdash;Sale
+        of Offices and Justice&mdash;Tridentine Reforms depress Wealth&mdash;Ascetic
+        Purity of Manners becomes fashionable&mdash;- Piety&mdash;The Catholic
+        Reaction generates the Counter-Reformation&mdash;Battle of Lepanto&mdash;Gregory
+        XIII.&mdash;His Relatives&mdash;Policy of Enriching the Church at
+        Expense of the Barons&mdash;Brigandage in States of the Church&mdash;Sixtus
+        V.&mdash;His Stern Justice&mdash;Rigid Economy&mdash;Great Public Works&mdash;Taxation&mdash;The
+        City of Rome assumes its present form&mdash;Nepotism in the
+        Counter-Reformation Period&mdash;Various Estimates of the Wealth
+        accumulated by Papal Nephews&mdash;Rise of Princely Roman Families.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <p>
+      It is not easy to define the intellectual and moral changes which passed
+      over Italy in the period of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA64"
+      id="pageA64"></a>{64}</span> Counter-Reformation<a name="FNanchorA_7_7"
+      id="FNanchorA_7_7"></a><a href="#FootnoteA_7_7" class="fnanchor">[7]</a>;
+      it is still less easy to refer those changes to distinct causes. Yet some
+      analysis tending toward such definition is demanded from a writer who has
+      undertaken to treat of Italian culture and manners between the years 1530
+      and 1600.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      In the last chapter I attempted to describe the depth of servitude to
+      which the States of Italy were severally reduced at the end of the wars
+      between France and Spain. The desolation of the country, the loss of
+      national independence, and the dominance of an alien race, can be counted
+      among the most important of those influences which produced the changes in
+      question. Whatever opinions we may hold regarding the connection between
+      political autonomy and mental vigor in a people, it can hardly be disputed
+      that a sudden and universal extinction of liberty must be injurious to
+      arts and studies that have grown up under free institutions.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      But there were other causes at work. Among these a prominent place should
+      be given to an alteration in the intellectual interests of the Italians
+      themselves. The original impulses of the Renaissance, in scholarship,
+      painting, sculpture, architecture, and vernacular poetry, had been
+      exhausted.<span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA65" id="pageA65"></a>{65}</span>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Humanism, after recovering the classics and forming a new ideal of
+      culture, was sinking into pedantry and academic erudition. Painting and
+      sculpture, having culminated in the great work of Michelangelo, tended
+      toward a kind of empty mannerism. Architecture settled down into the types
+      fixed by Palladio and Barozzi. Poetry seemed to have reached its highest
+      point of development in Ariosto. The main motives supplied to art by
+      mediaeval traditions and humanistic enthusiasm were worked out. Nor was
+      this all. The Renaissance had created a critical spirit which penetrated
+      every branch of art and letters. It was not possible to advance further on
+      the old lines; yet painters, sculptors, architects, and poets of the
+      rising generation had before their eyes the masterpieces of their
+      predecessors, in their minds the precepts of the learned. All alike were
+      rendered awkward and self-conscious by the sense of laboring at a
+      disadvantage, and by the dread of academical censorship.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      In truth, this critical spirit, which was the final product of the
+      Renaissance in Italy, favored the development of new powers in the nation:
+      it hampered workers in the elder spheres of art, literature, and
+      scholarship; but it set thinkers upon the track of those investigations
+      which we call scientific. I shall endeavor, in a future chapter, to show
+      how the Italians were now upon the point of carrying the ardor of the
+      Renaissance into fresh fields of physical discovery and speculation, when
+      their evolution <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA66" id="pageA66"></a>{66}</span>
+      was suspended by the Catholic Reaction. But here it must suffice to
+      observe that formalism had succeeded by the operation of natural
+      influences to the vigor and inventiveness of the national genius in the
+      main departments of literature and fine art.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      If we study the development of other European races, we shall find that
+      each of them in turn, at its due season, passed through similar phases.
+      The mediaeval period ends in the efflorescence of a new delightful energy,
+      which gives a Rabelais, a Shakspere, a Cervantes to the world. The
+      Renaissance riots itself away in Marinism, Gongorism, Euphuism, and the
+      affectations of the H&ocirc;tel Rambouillet. This age is succeeded by a
+      colder, more critical, more formal age of obedience to fixed canons,
+      during which scholarly efforts are made to purify style and impose laws on
+      taste. The ensuing period of sense is also marked by profounder inquiries
+      into nature and more exact analysis of mental operations. The correct
+      school of poets, culminating in Dryden and Pope, holds sway in England;
+      while Newton, Locke, and Bentley extend the sphere of science. In France
+      the age of Rabelais and Montaigne yields place to the age of Racine and
+      Descartes. Germany was so distracted by religious wars, Spain was so
+      down-trodden by the Inquisition, that they do not offer equally luminous
+      examples.<a name="FNanchorA_8_8" id="FNanchorA_8_8"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_8_8" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> It may be added that in all
+      these nations the end of the eighteenth and <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageA67" id="pageA67"></a>{67}</span> the beginning of the
+      nineteenth centuries are marked by a similar revolt against formality and
+      common sense, to which we give the name of the Romantic movement.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Quitting this sphere of speculation, we may next point out that the
+      European system had undergone an incalculable process of transformation.
+      Powerful nationalities were in existence, who, having received their
+      education from Italy, were now beginning to think and express thought with
+      marked originality. The Italians stood no longer in a relation of
+      uncontested intellectual superiority to these peoples, while they met them
+      under decided disadvantages at all points of political efficiency. The
+      Mediterranean had ceased to be the high road of commercial enterprise and
+      naval energy. Charles V.'s famous device of the two columns, with its
+      motto <i>Plus Ultra</i>, indicated that illimitable horizons had been
+      opened, that an age had begun in which Spain, England and Holland should
+      dispute the sovereignty of the Atlantic and Pacific oceans. Italy was
+      left, with diminished forces of resistance, to bear the brunt of Turk and
+      Arab depredations. The point of gravity in the civilized world had
+      shifted. The Occidental nations looked no longer toward the South of
+      Europe.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      While these various causes were in operation, Catholic Christianity showed
+      signs of re-wakening. The Reformation called forth a new and sincere
+      spirit in the Latin Church; new antagonisms were <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageA68" id="pageA68"></a>{68}</span> evoked, and new efforts after
+      self-preservation had to be made by the Papal hierarchy. The center of the
+      world-wide movement which is termed the Counter-Reformation was naturally
+      Rome. Events had brought the Holy See once more into a position of
+      prominence. It was more powerful as an Italian State now, through the
+      support of Spain and the extinction of national independence, than at any
+      previous period of history. In Catholic Christendom its prestige was
+      immensely augmented by the Council of Trent. At the same epoch, the
+      foreigners who dominated Italy, threw themselves with the enthusiasm of
+      fanaticism into this Revival. Spain furnished Rome with the militia of the
+      Jesuits and with the engines of the Inquisition. The Papacy was thus able
+      to secure successes in Italy which were elsewhere only partially achieved.
+      It followed that the moral, social, political and intellectual activities
+      of the Italians at this period were controlled and colored by influences
+      hostile to the earlier Renaissance. Italy underwent a metamorphosis,
+      prescribed by the Papacy and enforced by Spanish rule. In the process of
+      this transformation the people submitted to rigid ecclesiastical
+      discipline, and adopted, without assimilating, the customs of a foreign
+      troop of despots.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      At first sight we may wonder that the race which had shone with such
+      incomparable luster from Dante to Ariosto, and which had done so much to
+      create modern culture for Europe, should <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageA69" id="pageA69"></a>{69}</span> so quietly have accepted a
+      retrogressive revolution. Yet, when we look closer, this is not
+      surprising. The Italians were fatigued with creation, bewildered by the
+      complexity of their discoveries, uncertain as to the immediate course
+      before them. The Renaissance had been mainly the work of a select few. It
+      had transformed society without permeating the masses of the people. Was
+      it strange that the majority should reflect that, after all, the old ways
+      are the best? This led them to approve the Catholic Revival. Was it
+      strange that, after long distracting aimless wars, they should hail peace
+      at any price? This lent popular sanction to the Spanish hegemony, in spite
+      of its obvious drawbacks.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      These may be reckoned the main conditions which gave a peculiar but not
+      easily definable complexion of languor, melancholy, and dwindling vitality
+      to nearly every manifestation of Italian genius in the second half of the
+      sixteenth century, and which well nigh sterilized that genius during the
+      two succeeding centuries. In common with the rest of Europe, and in
+      consequence of an inevitable alteration of their mental bias, they had
+      lost the blithe spontaneity of the Renaissance. But they were at the same
+      time suffering from grievous exhaustion, humiliated by the tyranny of
+      foreign despotism, and terrorized by ecclesiastical intolerance. In their
+      case, therefore, a sort of moral and intellectual atrophy becomes
+      gradually more and more perceptible. The clear artistic sense of rightness
+      and of beauty yields to <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA70"
+      id="pageA70"></a>{70}</span> doubtful taste. The frank audacity of the
+      Renaissance is superseded by cringing timidity, lumbering dulness,
+      somnolent and stagnant acquiescence in accepted formulae. At first the
+      best minds of the nation fret and rebel, and meet with the dungeon or the
+      stake as the reward of contumacy. In the end everybody seems to be
+      indifferent, satisfied with vacuity, enamored of insipidity. The brightest
+      episode in this dreary period is the emergence of modern music with
+      incomparable sweetness and lucidity.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      It must not be supposed that the change which I have adumbrated, passed
+      rapidly over the Italian spirit. When Paul III. succeeded Clement on the
+      Papal throne in 1534, some of the giants of the Renaissance still
+      survived, and much of their great work was yet to be accomplished.
+      Michelangelo had neither painted the Last Judgment nor planned the cupola
+      which crowns S. Peter's. Cellini had not cast his Perseus for the Loggia
+      de'Lanzi, nor had Palladio raised San Giorgio from the sea at Venice.
+      Pietro Aretino still swaggered in lordly insolence; and though Machiavelli
+      was dead, the 'silver histories' of Guicciardini remained to be written.
+      Bandello, Giraldi and Il Lasca had not published their Novelle, nor had
+      Cecchi given the last touch to Florentine comedy. It was chiefly at
+      Venice, which preserved the ancient forms of her oligarchical
+      independence, that the grand style of the Renaissance continued to
+      flourish. Titian was in his <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA71"
+      id="pageA71"></a>{71}</span> prime; the stars of Tintoretto and Veronese
+      had scarcely risen above the horizon. Sansovino was still producing
+      masterpieces of picturesque beauty in architecture.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      In order to understand the transition of Italy from the Renaissance to the
+      Counter-Reformation manner, it will be well to concentrate attention on
+      the history of the Papacy during the eight reigns of Paul III., Julius
+      III., Paul IV., Pius IV., Pius V., Gregory XIII., Sixtus V., and Clement
+      VIII.<a name="FNanchorA_9_9" id="FNanchorA_9_9"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_9_9" class="fnanchor">[9]</a> In the first of these
+      reigns we hardly notice that the Renaissance has passed away. In the last
+      we are aware of a completely altered Italy. And we perceive that this
+      alteration has been chiefly due to the ecclesiastical policy which brought
+      the Council of Trent to a successful issue in the reign of Pius IV.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Before engaging in this review of Papal history, I must give some brief
+      account of the more serious religious spirit which had been developed
+      within the Italian Church; since the determination of this spirit toward
+      rigid Catholicism in the second half of the sixteenth century decided the
+      character of Italian manners and culture. Protestantism in the strict
+      sense of the term took but little hold upon Italian society. It is true
+      that the minds of some philosophical students were deeply stirred by the
+      audacious discussion of theological principles in Germany. Such men had
+      been rendered receptive of new im<span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA72"
+      id="pageA72"></a>{72}</span> pressions by the Platonizing speculations of
+      Ficino and Pico della Mirandola, as well as by the criticism of the Bible
+      in its original languages which formed a subordinate branch of humanistic
+      education. They had, furthermore, been powerfully affected by the
+      tribulations of Rome at the time of Bourbon's occupation, and had grown to
+      regard these as a divine chastisement inflicted on the Church for its
+      corruption and ungodliness. Lutheranism so far influenced their opinions
+      that they became convinced of the necessity of a return to the simpler
+      elements of Christianity in creed and conduct. They considered a
+      thorough-going reform of the hierarchy and of all Catholic institutions to
+      be indispensable. They leant, moreover, with partiality to some of the
+      essential tenets of the Reformation, notably to the doctrines of
+      justification by faith and salvation by the merits of Christ, and also to
+      the principle that Scripture is the sole authority in matters of belief
+      and discipline. Thus both the Cardinals Morone and Contarini, the poet
+      Flaminio, and the nobles of the Colonna family in Naples who imbibed the
+      teaching of Valdes, fell under the suspicion of heterodoxy on these
+      points. But it was characteristic of the members of this school that they
+      had no will to withhold allegiance from the Pope as chief of Christendom.
+      They shrank with horror from the thought of encouraging a schism or of
+      severing themselves from the communion of Catholics. The essential
+      difference between Italian and Teutonic thinkers on <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageA73" id="pageA73"></a>{73}</span> such subjects at this epoch
+      seems to have been this: Italians could not cease to be Catholics without
+      at the same time ceasing to be Christians. They could not accommodate
+      their faith to any of the compromises suggested by the Reformation. Even
+      when they left their country in a spirit of rebellion, they felt ill at
+      ease both with Lutherans and Calvinists. Like Bernardino Ochino and the
+      Anti-Trinitarians of the Socinian sect, they wandered restlessly through
+      Europe, incapable of settling down in communion with any one of the
+      established forms of Protestantism. Calvin at Geneva instituted a real
+      crusade against Italian thinkers, who differed from his views. He drove
+      Valentino Gentile to death on the scaffold; and expelled Gribaldi, Simone,
+      Biandrata, Alciati, Negro. Most of these men found refuge in Poland,
+      Transylvania, even Turkey.<a name="FNanchorA_10_10" id="FNanchorA_10_10"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_10_10" class="fnanchor">[10]</a>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      There were bold speculators in Italy enough, who had practically abandoned
+      the Catholic faith. But the majority of these did not think it worth their
+      while to make an open rupture with the Church. Theological hair-splitting
+      reminded them only of the mediaeval scholasticism from which they had been
+      emancipated by classical culture. They were less interested in questions
+      touching the salvation of the individual or the exact nature of the
+      sacraments, than in metaphysical problems suggested by the study of
+      antique philosophers, or new theories of the material universe.<span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageA74" id="pageA74"></a>{74}</span>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The indifference of these men in religion rendered it easy for them to
+      conform in all external points to custom. Their fundamental axiom was that
+      a scientific thinker could hold one set of opinions as a philosopher, and
+      another set as a Christian. Their motto was the celebrated <i>Foris ut
+      moris, intus ut libet</i>.<a name="FNanchorA_11_11" id="FNanchorA_11_11"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_11_11" class="fnanchor">[11]</a> Nor were ecclesiastical
+      authorities dissatisfied with this attitude during the ascendancy of
+      humanistic culture. It was, indeed, the attitude of Popes like Leo,
+      Cardinals like Bembo. And it only revealed its essential weakness when the
+      tide of general opinion, under the blast of Teutonic revolutionary ideas,
+      turned violently in favor of formal orthodoxy. Then indeed it became
+      dangerous to adopt the position of a Pomponazzo.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The mental attitude of such men is so well illustrated by a letter written
+      by Celio Calcagnini to Peregrino Morato, that I shall not hesitate to
+      transcribe it here. It seems that Morato had sent his correspondent some
+      treatise on the theological questions then in dispute; and Calcagnini
+      replies:
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      'I have read the book relating to the controversies so much agitated at
+      present. I have thought on its contents, and weighed them in the balance
+      of reason. I find in it nothing which may not be approved and defended,
+      but some things which, as mysteries, it is safer to suppress and conceal
+      than to bring before the common people, inasmuch as they pertained to the
+      primitive and infant state of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA75"
+      id="pageA75"></a>{75}</span> Church. Now, when the decrees of the fathers
+      and long usage have introduced other modes, what necessity is there for
+      reviving antiquated practices which have long fallen into desuetude,
+      especially as neither piety nor the salvation of the soul is concerned
+      with them? Let us, then, I pray you, allow these things to rest. Not that
+      I disapprove of their being embraced by scholars and lovers of antiquity;
+      but I would not have them communicated to the common people and those who
+      are fond of innovations, lest they give occasion to strife and sedition.
+      There are unlearned and unqualified persons who having, after long
+      ignorance, read or heard certain new opinions respecting baptism, the
+      marriage of the clergy, ordination, the distinction of days and food, and
+      public penitence, instantly conceive that these things are to be stiffly
+      maintained and observed. Wherefore, in my opinion, the discussion of these
+      points ought to be confined to the initiated, that so the seamless coat of
+      our Lord may not be rent and torn.... Seeing it is dangerous to treat such
+      things before the multitude and in public discourses, I must deem it
+      safest to "speak with the many and think with the few," and to keep in
+      mind the advice of Paul, "Hast thou faith? Have it to thyself before
+      God."'<a name="FNanchorA_12_12" id="FNanchorA_12_12"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_12_12" class="fnanchor">[12]</a>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The new religious spirit which I have attempted to characterize as
+      tinctured by Protestant opinions <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA76"
+      id="pageA76"></a>{76}</span> but disinclined for severance from Rome,
+      manifested itself about the same time in several groups. One of them was
+      at Rome, where a society named the Oratory of Divine Love, including from
+      fifty to sixty members, began to meet as early as the reign of Leo X. in
+      the Trastevere. This pious association included men of very various kinds.
+      Sadoleto, Giberto, and Contarini were here in close intimacy with Gaetano
+      di Thiene, the sainted founder of the Theatines, and with his friend
+      Caraffa, the founder of the Roman Inquisition. Venice was the center of
+      another group, among whom may be mentioned Reginald Pole, Gasparo
+      Contarini, Luigi Priuli, and Antonio Bruccioli, the translator of the
+      Bible from the original tongues into Italian. The poet Marcantonio
+      Flaminio became a member of both societies; and was furthermore the
+      personal friend of the Genoese Cardinals Sauli and Fregoso, whom we have a
+      right to count among thinkers of the same class. Flaminio, though he died
+      in the Catholic communion, was so far suspected of heresy that his works
+      were placed upon the Index of 1559. In Naples Juan Valdes made himself the
+      leader of a similar set of men. His views, embodied in the work of a
+      disciple, and revised by Marcantonio Flaminio, <i>On the Benefits of
+      Christ's Death</i>, revealed strong Lutheran tendencies, which at a later
+      period would certainly have condemned him to perpetual imprisonment or
+      exile. This book had a wide circulation in Italy, and was influential in
+      directing the minds <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA77" id="pageA77"></a>{77}</span>
+      of thoughtful Christians to the problems of Justification. It was ascribed
+      to Aonio Paleario, who suffered martyrdom at Rome for maintaining
+      doctrines similar to those of Valdes.<a name="FNanchorA_13_13"
+      id="FNanchorA_13_13"></a><a href="#FootnoteA_13_13" class="fnanchor">[13]</a>
+      Round him gathered several members of the great Colonna family, notably
+      Vespasiano, Duke of Palliano, and his wife, the star of Italian beauty,
+      Giulia Gonzaga. Vittoria Colonna, Marchioness of Pescara, imbibed the new
+      doctrines in the same circle; and so did Bernardino Ochino. Modena could
+      boast another association, which met in the house of Grillenzone; while
+      Ferrara became the headquarters of a still more pronounced reforming party
+      under the patronage of the Duchess, Ren&eacute;e of France, daughter of
+      Louis XII. These various societies and coteries were bound together by
+      ties of friendship and literary correspondence, and were indirectly
+      connected with less fortunate reforming theologians; with Aonio Paleario,
+      Bernardino Ochino, Antonio dei Pagliaricci, Carnesecchi, and others, whose
+      tragic history will form a part of my chapter on the Inquisition.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      It does not fall within the province of this chapter to write an account
+      of what has, not very appropriately, been called the Reformation in Italy.
+      My purpose in the present book is, not to follow the for<span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageA78" id="pageA78"></a>{78}</span> tunes of
+      Protestantism, but to trace the sequel of the Renaissance, the merging of
+      its impulse in new phases of European development. I shall therefore
+      content myself with pointing out that at the opening of Paul III.'s reign,
+      there was widely diffused throughout the chief Italian cities a novel
+      spirit of religious earnestness and enthusiasm, which as yet had taken no
+      determinate direction. This spirit burned most highly in Gasparo
+      Contarini, who in 1541 was commissioned by the Pope to attend a conference
+      at Rechensburg for the discussion of terms of reconciliation with the
+      Lutherans. He succeeded in drawing up satisfactory articles on the main
+      theological points regarding human nature, original sin, redemption and
+      justification. These were accepted by the Protestant theologians at
+      Rechensburg and might possibly have been ratified in Rome, had not the
+      Congress been broken up by Contarini's total failure to accommodate
+      differences touching the Pope's supremacy and the conciliar principle.<a
+      name="FNanchorA_14_14" id="FNanchorA_14_14"></a><a href="#FootnoteA_14_14"
+      class="fnanchor">[14]</a> He made concessions to the Reformers, which
+      roused the fury of the Roman Curia. At the same time political intrigues
+      were set on foot in France and Germany to avert a reconciliation which
+      would have immeasurably strengthened the Emperor's position. The moderate
+      sections of both parties, Lutheran and Catholic, failed at Rechensburg.
+      Indeed, it was inevi<span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA79" id="pageA79"></a>{79}</span>
+      table that they should fail; for the breach between the Roman Church and
+      the Reformation was not of a nature to be healed over at this date.
+      Principles were involved which could not now be harmonized, and both
+      parties in the dispute were on the point of developing their own forces
+      with fresh internal vigor.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The Italians who desired reform of the Church were now thrown back upon
+      the attempt to secure this object within the bosom of Catholicism. At the
+      request of Paul III. they presented a memorial on ecclesiastical abuses,
+      which was signed by Contarini, Caraffa, Sadoleto, Pole, Fregoso, Giberto,
+      Cortese and Aleander. These Cardinals did not spare plain speech upon the
+      burning problem of Papal misgovernment.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Meanwhile, the new spirit began to manifest itself in the foundation of
+      orders and institutions tending to purification of Church discipline. The
+      most notable of these was the order of Theatines established by Thiene and
+      Caraffa. Its object was to improve the secular priesthood, with a view to
+      which end seminaries were opened for the education of priests, who took
+      monastic vows and devoted themselves to special observance of their
+      clerical duties, as preachers, administrators of the sacraments, visitors
+      of the poor and sick.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      A Venetian, Girolamo Miani, at the same period founded a congregation,
+      called the Somascan, for the education of the destitute and orphaned, and
+      for the reception of the sick and infirm into hospitals.<span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageA80" id="pageA80"></a>{80}</span> The
+      terrible state in which Lombardy had been left by war rendered this
+      institution highly valuable. Of a similar type was the order of the
+      Barnabites, who were first incorporated at Milan, charged with the
+      performance of acts of mercy, education, preaching, and other forms of
+      Christian ministration. It may be finally added that the Camaldolese and
+      Franciscan orders had been in part reformed by a spontaneous movement
+      within their bodies.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      If we compare the spirit indicated by these efforts in the first half of
+      the sixteenth century with that of the earlier Renaissance, it will be
+      evident that the Italians were ready for religious change. They sink,
+      however, into insignificance beside two Spanish institutions which about
+      the same period added their weight and influence to the Catholic revival.
+      I mean, of course, the Inquisition and the Jesuit order. Paul III.
+      empowered Caraffa in 1542 to re-establish the Inquisition in Rome upon a
+      new basis resembling that of the Spanish Holy Office. The same Pope
+      sanctioned and confirmed the Company of Jesus between the years 1540 and
+      1543. The establishment of the Inquisition gave vast disciplinary powers
+      to the Church at the moment when the Council of Trent fixed her dogmas and
+      proclaimed the absolute authority of the Popes. At the same time the
+      Jesuits, devoted by their founder in blind obedience&mdash;<i>perinde ac
+      cadaver</i>&mdash;to the service of the Papacy, penetrated Italy, Spain,
+      France, Germany, and the transatlantic colonies.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA81" id="pageA81"></a>{81}</span> The
+      Pope who succeeded Clement VII. in 1534 was in all ways fitted to
+      represent the transition which I have indicated. Alessandro Farnese sprang
+      from an ancient but decayed family in the neighborhood of Bolsena, several
+      of whose members had played a foremost part in the mediaeval revolutions
+      of Orvieto. While still a young man of twenty-five, he was raised to the
+      Cardinalate by Alexander VI. This advancement he owed to the influence of
+      his sister Giulia, surnamed La Bella, who was then the Borgia's mistress.
+      It is characteristic of an epoch during which the bold traditions of the
+      fifteenth century still lingered, that the undraped statue of this Giulia
+      (representing Vanity) was carved for the basement of Paul III.'s monument
+      in the choir of S. Peter's. The old stock of the Farnesi, once planted in
+      the soil of Papal corruption at its most licentious period, struck firm
+      roots and flourished. Alessandro was born in 1468, and received a
+      humanistic education according to the methods of the earlier Renaissance.
+      He studied literature with Pomponius Laetus in the Roman Academy, and
+      frequented the gardens of Lorenzo de'Medici at Florence. His character and
+      intellect were thus formed under the influences of the classical revival
+      and of the Pontifical Curia, at a time when pagan morality and secular
+      policy had obliterated the ideal of Catholic Christianity. His sister was
+      the Du Barry of the Borgian Court. He was himself the father of several
+      illegitimate children, whom he <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA82"
+      id="pageA82"></a>{82}</span> acknowledged, and on whose advancement by the
+      old system of Papal nepotism he spent the best years of his reign. Both as
+      a patron of the arts and as an elegant scholar in the Latin and Italian
+      languages, Alessandro showed throughout his life the effects of this early
+      training. He piqued himself on choice expression, whenever he was called
+      upon to use the pen in studied documents, or to answer ambassadors in
+      public audiences. To his taste and love of splendor Rome owes the Farnese
+      palace. He employed Cellini, and forced Michelangelo to paint the Last
+      Judgment. On ascending the Papal throne he complained that this mighty
+      genius had been too long occupied for Delia Roveres and Medici. When the
+      fresco was finished, he set the old artist upon his last great task of
+      completing S. Peter's.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      So far there was nothing to distinguish Alessandro Farnese from other
+      ecclesiastics of the Renaissance. As Cardinal he seemed destined, should
+      he ever attain the Papal dignity, to combine the qualities of the Borgian
+      and Medicean Pontiffs. But before his elevation to that supreme height, he
+      lived through the reigns of Julius II., Leo X., Adrian VI., and Clement
+      VII. Herein lies the peculiarity of his position as Paul III. The pupil of
+      Pomponius Laetus, the creature of Roderigo Borgia, the representative of
+      Italian manners and culture before the age of foreign invasion had changed
+      the face of Italy, Paul III. was called at the <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageA83" id="pageA83"></a>{83}</span> age of sixty-six to steer the
+      ship of the Church through troubled waters and in very altered
+      circumstances. He had witnessed the rise and progress of Protestant revolt
+      in Germany. He had observed the stirrings of a new and sincere spirit of
+      religious gravity, an earnest desire for ecclesiastical reform in his own
+      country. He had watched the duel between France and Spain, during the
+      course of which his predecessors Alexander V. and Julius II. restored the
+      secular authority of Rome. He had seen that authority humbled to the dust
+      in 1527, and miraculously rehabilitated at Bologna in 1530. He had learned
+      by the example of the Borgias how difficult it was for any Papal family to
+      found a substantial principality; and the vicissitudes of Florence and
+      Urbino had confirmed this lesson. Finally, he had assisted at the
+      coronation of Charles V.; and when he took the reins of power into his
+      hands, he was well aware with what a formidable force he had to cope in
+      the great Emperor.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Paul III. knew that the old Papal game of pitting France against Spain in
+      the peninsula could not be played on the same grand scale as formerly.
+      This policy had been pursued with results ruinous to Italy but favorable
+      to the Church, by Julius. It had enabled Leo and Clement to advance their
+      families at the hazard of more important interests. But in the reign of
+      the latter Pope it had all but involved the Papacy itself in the general
+      confusion and desolation of the country. Moreover, France <span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageA84" id="pageA84"></a>{84}</span> was no
+      longer an effective match for Spain; and though their struggle was
+      renewed, the issue was hardly doubtful. Spain had got too firm a grip upon
+      the land to be cast off.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Yet Paul was a man of the elder generation. It could not be expected that
+      a Pope of the Renaissance should suddenly abandon the mediaeval policy of
+      Papal hostility to the Empire, especially when the Empire was in the hands
+      of so omnipotent a master as Charles. It could not be expected that he
+      should recognize the wisdom of confining Papal ambition to ecclesiastical
+      interests, and of forming a defensive and offensive alliance with Catholic
+      sovereigns for the maintenance of absolutism. It could not be expected
+      that he should forego the pleasures and apparent profits of creating
+      duchies for his bastards, whereby to dignify his family and strengthen his
+      personal authority as a temporal sovereign. It is true that the experience
+      of the last half century had pointed in the direction of all these
+      changes; and it is certain that the series of events connected with the
+      Council of Trent, which began in Paul III.'s reign, rendered them both
+      natural and necessary. Yet Paul, as a man of the elder generation filling
+      the Papal throne for fifteen years during a period of transition, adhered
+      in the main to the policy of his predecessors. It was fortunate for him
+      and for the Holy See that the basis of his character was caution combined
+      with tough tenacity of purpose, capacity for dilatory action, diplomatic
+      shiftiness and a poli<span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA85" id="pageA85"></a>{85}</span>
+      tical versatility that can best be described by the word trimming. These
+      qualities enabled him to pass with safety through perils that might have
+      ruined a bolder, a hastier, or a franker Pope, and to achieve the object
+      of his heart's desire, where stronger men had failed, in the foundation of
+      a solid duchy for his heirs.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Paul's jealousy of the Spanish ascendancy in Italian affairs caused him to
+      waver between the Papal and Imperial, Guelf and Ghibelline, parties. These
+      names had lost much of their significance; but the habit of distinction
+      into two camps was so rooted in Italian manners, that each city counted
+      its antagonistic factions, maintained by various forms of local
+      organization and headed by the leading families.<a name="FNanchorA_15_15"
+      id="FNanchorA_15_15"></a><a href="#FootnoteA_15_15" class="fnanchor">[15]</a>
+      Burigozzo, under the year 1517, tells how the whole population of Milan
+      was divided between Guelfs and Ghibellines, wearing different costumes;
+      and it is not uncommon to read of petty nobles in the country at this
+      period, who were styled Captains of one or the other party.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The wars between France and Spain revived the almost obsolete dispute,
+      which the despots of the fifteenth century and the diplomatic
+      confederation of the five great powers had tended in large measure to
+      erase. The Guelfs and Ghibellines <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA86"
+      id="pageA86"></a>{86}</span> were now partisans of France and Spain
+      respectively. Thus a true political importance was regained for the
+      time-honored factions; and in the distracted state of Italy they were
+      further intensified by the antagonism between exiles and the ruling
+      families in cities. If Cosimo de'Medici, for example, was a Ghibelline or
+      Spanish partisan, it followed as a matter of course that Filippo Strozzi
+      was a Guelf and stood for France. Paul III. managed to maintain himself by
+      manipulating these factions and holding the balance between them for the
+      advantage of his family and of the Church.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      He thus succeeded in creating the Duchy of Parma and Piacenza for his son,
+      Pier Luigi Farnese, that outrageous representative of the worst vices and
+      worst violences of the Renaissance. It will be remembered that Julius had
+      detached these two cities from the Duchy of Milan, and annexed them to the
+      Papal States, on the plea that they formed part of the old Exarchate of
+      Ravenna. When Charles decided against this plea in the matter of Modena
+      and Reggio, he left the Church in occupation of Parma and Piacenza. Paul
+      created his son Duke of Nepi and Castro in 1537, and afterwards conferred
+      the Duchy of Camerino on his grandson, Ottavio, who was then married to
+      Margaret of Austria, daughter of Charles V., and widow of the murdered
+      Alessandro de'Medici. The usual system of massacre, exile, and
+      confiscation had reduced the signorial family of the Varani at Camerino to
+      extremities. The <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA87" id="pageA87"></a>{87}</span>
+      fief reverted to the Church, and Paul induced the Cardinals to sanction
+      his investiture of Ottavio Farnese with its rights and honors. He
+      subsequently explained to them that it would be more profitable for the
+      Holy See to retain Camerino and to relinquish Parma and Piacenza to the
+      Farnesi in exchange. There was sense in this arrangement; for Camerino
+      formed an integral part of the Papal States, while Parma and Piacenza were
+      held under a more than doubtful title. Pier Luigi did not long survive his
+      elevation to the dukedom of Parma. He was murdered by his exasperated
+      subjects in 1547. His son, Ottavio, with some difficulty, maintained his
+      hold upon this principality, until in 1559 he established himself and his
+      heirs, with the approval of Philip II., in its perpetual enjoyment. The
+      Farnesi repaid Spanish patronage by constant service, Alessandro, Prince
+      of Parma, and son of Ottavio, being illustrious in the annals of the
+      Netherlands. It would not have been worth while to enlarge on this
+      foundation of the Duchy of Parma, had it not furnished an excellent
+      example of my theme. By this act Paul III. proved himself a true and able
+      inheritor of those political traditions by which all Pontiffs from Sixtus
+      IV. to Clement VII. had sought to establish their relatives in secular
+      princedoms. It was the last eminent exhibition of that policy, the last
+      and the most brilliant display of nepotistical ambition in a Pope. A new
+      age had opened, in which such schemes became impossible&mdash;when Popes
+      could no <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA88" id="pageA88"></a>{88}</span>
+      longer dare to acknowledge and legitimize their bastards, and when they
+      had to administer their dominions exclusively for the temporal and
+      ecclesiastical aggrandizement of the tiara.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Nevertheless, Paul was living under the conditions which brought this
+      modern attitude of the Papacy into potent actuality. He was surrounded by
+      intellectual and moral forces of recent growth but of incalculable
+      potency. One of the first acts of his reign was to advance six members of
+      the moderate reforming party&mdash;Sadoleto, Pole, Giberto, Federigo,
+      Fregoso, Gasparo Contarini, and G.M. Caraffa&mdash;to the Cardinalate. By
+      this exercise of power he showed his willingness to recognize new elements
+      of very various qualities in the Catholic hierarchy. Five of these men
+      represented opinions which at the moment of their elevation to the purple
+      had a fair prospect of ultimate success. Imbued with a profound sense of
+      the need for ecclesiastical reform, and tinctured more or less deeply with
+      so-called Protestant opinions, they desired nothing more intensely than a
+      reconstitution of the Catholic Church upon a basis which might render
+      reconciliation with the Lutherans practicable. They had their opportunity
+      during the pontificate of Paul III. It was a splendid one; and, as I have
+      already shown, the Conference of Rechensburg only just failed in securing
+      the end they so profoundly desired. But the Papacy was not prepared to
+      concede so much as they were anxious to grant: the German Reformers proved
+      <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA89" id="pageA89"></a>{89}</span>
+      intractable; they were themselves impeded by their loyalty to antique
+      Catholic traditions, and by their dread of a schism; finally, the militant
+      expansive force of Spanish orthodoxy, expressing itself already in the
+      concentrated energy of the Jesuit order, rendered attempts at fusion
+      impossible. The victory in Rome remained with the faction of <i>intransigeant</i>
+      Catholics; and this was represented, in Paul III.'s first creation of
+      Cardinals, by Caraffa. Caraffa was destined to play a singular part in the
+      transition period of Papal history which I am reviewing. He belonged as
+      essentially to the future as Alessandro Farnese belonged to the past. He
+      embodied the spirit of the Inquisition, and upheld the principles of
+      ecclesiastical reform upon the narrow basis of Papal absolutism. He openly
+      signalized his disapproval of Paul's nepotism; and when his time for
+      ruling came, he displayed a remorseless spirit of justice without mercy in
+      dealing with his own family. Yet he hated the Spanish ascendancy with a
+      hatred far more fierce and bitter than that of Paul III. His ineffectual
+      efforts to shake off the yoke of Philip II. was the last spasm of the
+      older Papal policy of resistance to temporal sovereigns, the last appeal
+      made in pursuance of that policy to France by an Italian Pontiff.<a
+      name="FNanchorA_16_16" id="FNanchorA_16_16"></a><a href="#FootnoteA_16_16"
+      class="fnanchor">[16]</a>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA90" id="pageA90"></a>{90}</span> The
+      object of this excursion into the coming period is to show in how deep a
+      sense Paul III. may be regarded as the beginner of a new era, while he was
+      at the same time the last continuator of the old. The Cardinals whom he
+      promoted on his accession included the chief of those men who strove in
+      vain for a concordat between Rome and Reformation; it also included the
+      man who stamped Rome with the impress of the Counter-Reformation. Yet
+      Caraffa would not have had the fulcrum needed for this decisive exertion
+      of power, had it not been for another act of Paul's reign. This was the
+      convening of a Council at Trent. Paul's attitude toward the Council, which
+      he summoned with reluctance, which he frustrated as far as in him lay, and
+      the final outcome of which he was far from anticipating, illustrates in a
+      most decisive manner his destiny as Pope of the transition.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The very name of a Council was an abomination to the Papacy. This will be
+      apparent if we consider the previous history of the Church during the
+      first half of the fifteenth century, when the conciliar authority was
+      again invoked to regulate the Papal See and to check Papal encroachments
+      on the realms and Churches of the Western nations. The removal of the
+      Papal Court to Avignon, the great schism which resulted from this measure,
+      and the dissent which spread from England to Bohemia at the close of the
+      fourteenth century, rendered it necessary that the representative powers
+      of Chris<span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA91" id="pageA91"></a>{91}</span>
+      tendom should combine for the purpose of restoring order in the Church.
+      Four main points lay before the powers of Europe, thus brought for the
+      first time into deliberative and confederated congress to settle questions
+      that vitally concerned them. The most immediately urgent was the
+      termination of the schism, and the appointment of one Pope, who should
+      represent the mediaeval idea of ecclesiastical face to face with imperial
+      unity. The second was the definition of the indeterminate and
+      ever-widening authority which the Popes asserted over the kingdoms and the
+      Churches of the West. The third was the eradication of heresies which were
+      rending Christendom asunder and threatening to destroy that ideal of unity
+      in creed to which the Middle Ages clung with not unreasonable passion. The
+      fourth was a reform of the Church, considered as a vital element of
+      Western Christendom, in its head and in its members.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The programme, very indistinctly formulated by the most advanced thinkers
+      of the age, and only gradually developed by practice into actuality, was a
+      vast one. It involved the embitterment of national jealousies, the
+      accentuation of national characteristics, and the complication of
+      antagonistic principles regarding secular and ecclesiastical government,
+      which rendered a complete and satisfactory solution well-nigh
+      impracticable. The effort to solve these problems had, however, important
+      influence in creating conditions under which the politico-religious
+      struggles <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA92" id="pageA92"></a>{92}</span>
+      of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries were conducted.<a
+      name="FNanchorA_17_17" id="FNanchorA_17_17"></a><a href="#FootnoteA_17_17"
+      class="fnanchor">[17]</a>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The first Council, opened at Pisa in 1409, was a congress of prelates
+      summoned by Cardinals for the conclusion of the schism. It deposed two
+      Popes, who still continued to assert their titles; it elected a third,
+      Alexander V., who had no real authority. For the rest, it effected no
+      reform, and cannot be said to have done much more than to give effect to
+      those aspirations after Church-government by means of Councils which had
+      been slowly forming during the continuance of the schism.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The second Council, opened at Constance in 1414, was a Council not
+      convened by Cardinals, but by the universal demand of Europe that the
+      advances of the Papacy toward tyranny should be checked, and that the
+      innumerable abuses of the Church and Papal Curia should be reformed. It
+      received a different complexion from that of Pisa, through the presidency
+      of the Emperor and the attendance of representatives from the chief
+      nations. At Constance the Papacy and the Roman Curia stood together,
+      exposed to the hostile criticism of Europe. The authority of a General
+      Council was, after a sharp conflict, decreed superior to that of the
+      Bishop of Rome. Three Popes were forced to abdicate; and a fourth, Martin
+      V., was elected.<span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA93" id="pageA93"></a>{93}</span>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The Council further undertook to deal with heresy and with the reform of
+      the Church. It discharged the first of these offices by condemning Hus and
+      Jerome of Prague to the stake. It left the second practically untouched.
+      Yet the question of reform had been gravely raised, largely discussed, and
+      fundamentally examined. Two methods were posed at Constance for the future
+      consideration of earnest thinkers throughout Europe. One was the way
+      suggested by John Hus; that the Church should be reconstituted, after a
+      searching analysis of the real bases of Christian conduct, an appeal to
+      Scripture as the final authority, and a loyal endeavor to satisfy the
+      spiritual requirements of individual souls and consciences. The second
+      plan was that of inquiry into the existing order of the Church and
+      detailed amendment of its flagrant faults, with preservation of the main
+      system. The Council adopted satisfactory measures of reform on neither of
+      these methods. It contented itself with stipulations and concordats,
+      guaranteeing special privileges to the Churches of the several nations.
+      But in the following century it became manifest that the Teutonic races
+      had declared for the method suggested by Hus; while the Latin races, in
+      the Council of Trent, undertook a purgation of the Church upon the second
+      of the two plans. The Reformation was the visible outcome of the one, the
+      Counter-Reformation of the other method.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The Council of Constance was thus important in <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageA94" id="pageA94"></a>{94}</span> causing the recognition of a
+      single Pope, and in ventilating the divergent theories upon which the
+      question of reform was afterwards to be disputed. But perhaps the most
+      significant fact it brought into relief was the new phase of political
+      existence into which the European races had entered. Nationality, as the
+      main principle of modern history, was now established; and the diplomatic
+      relations of sovereigns as the representatives of peoples were shown to be
+      of overwhelming weight. The visionary mediaeval polity of Emperor and Pope
+      faded away before the vivid actuality of full-formed individual nations,
+      federally connected, controlled by common but reciprocally hostile
+      interests.<a name="FNanchorA_18_18" id="FNanchorA_18_18"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_18_18" class="fnanchor">[18]</a>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The Council of Basel, opened in 1431, was in appearance a continuation of
+      the Council of Constance. But its method of procedure ran counter to the
+      new direction which had been communicated to European federacy by the
+      action of the Constance congress. There the votes had been taken by
+      nations. At Basel they were taken by men, after the questions to be
+      decided had been previously discussed by special congregations and
+      committees deputed for preliminary deliberations. It soon appeared that
+      the fathers of the Basel Council aimed at opposing a lawfully-elected
+      Pope, and sought to assume the, administration of the Church into their
+      own hands.<span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA95" id="pageA95"></a>{95}</span>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Their struggle with Eugenius IV., their election of an antipope, Felix V.,
+      and their manifest tendency to substitute oligarchical for Papal tyranny
+      in the Church, had the effect of bringing the conciliar principle itself
+      into disfavor with the European powers. The first symptom of this
+      repudiation of the Council by Europe was shown in the neutrality
+      proclaimed by Germany. The attitude of other Courts and nations proved
+      that the Western races were for the moment prepared to leave the Papal
+      question open on the basis supplied by the Council of Constance.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The result of this failure of the conciliar principle at Basel was that
+      Nicholas V. inaugurated a new age for the Papacy in Rome. I have already
+      described the chief features of the Papal government from his election to
+      the death of Clement VII. It was a period of unexampled splendor for the
+      Holy See, and of substantial temporal conquests. The second Council of
+      Pisa, which began its sittings, in 1511 under French sanction and support,
+      exercised no disastrous influence over the restored powers and prestige of
+      the Papacy. On the contrary, it gave occasion for a counter-council, held
+      at the Lateran under the auspices of Julius II. and Leo X., in which the
+      Popes established several points of ecclesiastical discipline that were
+      not without value to their successors. But the leaven which had been
+      scattered by Wyclif and Hus, of which the Council of Constance had taken
+      cognizance, but which had not been extirpated, was spreading in<span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageA96" id="pageA96"></a>{96}</span> Germany
+      throughout this period. The Popes themselves were doing all in their power
+      to propagate dissent and discontent. Well aware of the fierce light cast
+      by the new learning they had helped to disseminate, upon the dark places
+      of their own ecclesiastical administration, they still continued to raise
+      money by the sale of pardons and indulgences, to bleed their Christian
+      flocks by monstrous engines of taxation, and to offend the conscience of
+      an intelligent generation by their example of ungodly living. The
+      Reformation ran like wild-fire through the North. It grew daily more
+      obvious that a new Council must be summoned for carrying out measures of
+      internal reform, and for coping with the forces of belligerent
+      Protestantism. When things had reached this point, Charles V. declared his
+      earnest desire that the Pope should summon a General Council. Paul III.
+      now showed in how true a sense he was the man of a transitional epoch. So
+      long as possible he resisted, remembering to what straits his predecessors
+      had been reduced by previous Councils, and being deeply conscious of
+      scandals in his own domestic affairs which might expose him to the fate of
+      a John XXIII. Reviewing the whole series of events which have next to be
+      recorded, we are aware that Paul had no great cause for agitation. The
+      Council he so much dreaded was destined to exalt his office, and to
+      recombine the forces of Catholic Christendom under the absolute supremacy
+      of his successors. The Inquisition and the Company <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageA97" id="pageA97"></a>{97}</span> of Jesus, both of which he
+      sanctioned at this juncture, were to guard, extend, and corroborate that
+      supreme authority. But this was by no means apparent in 1540. It is a
+      character of all transitional periods that in them the cautious men regard
+      past precedents of peril rather than sanguine expectations based on
+      present chances. A hero, in such passes, goes to meet the danger armed
+      with his own cause and courage. A genius divines the future, and
+      interprets it, and through interpretation tries to govern it. Paul was
+      neither a hero nor a man of genius. Yet he did as much as either could
+      have done; and he did it in a temper which perhaps the hero and the genius
+      could not have commanded. He sent Legates to publish the opening of a
+      Council at Trent in the spring of 1545; and he resolved to work this
+      Council on the principles of diplomatical conservatism, reserving for
+      himself the power of watching events and of enlarging or restricting its
+      efficiency as might seem best to him.<a name="FNanchorA_19_19"
+      id="FNanchorA_19_19"></a><a href="#FootnoteA_19_19" class="fnanchor">[19]</a>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA98" id="pageA98"></a>{98}</span> It is
+      singular that the Council thus reluctantly conceded by Paul III. should,
+      during its first sessions and while he yet reigned, have confirmed the
+      dogmatic foundations of modern Catholicism, made reconciliation with the
+      Teutonic Reformers impossible, and committed the secular powers which held
+      with Rome to a policy that rendered the Papal supremacy incontestable.<a
+      name="FNanchorA_20_20" id="FNanchorA_20_20"></a><a href="#FootnoteA_20_20"
+      class="fnanchor">[20]</a> Face to face with the burning question of the
+      Protestant rebellion, the Tridentine fathers hastened to confirm the
+      following articles. First, they declared that divine revelation was
+      continuous in the Church of which the Pope was head; and that the chief
+      written depository of this revelation&mdash;namely, the Scriptures&mdash;had
+      no authority except in the version of the Vulgate.<span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageA99" id="pageA99"></a>{99}</span>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Secondly, they condemned the doctrine of Justification by Faith, adding
+      such theological qualifications and reservations as need not, at this
+      distance of time, and on a point devoid of present actuality, be
+      scrupulously entertained. Thirdly, they confirmed the efficacy and the
+      binding authority of the Seven Sacraments. It is thus clear that, on
+      points of dogma, the Council convened by Pope and Emperor committed Latin
+      Christianity to a definite repudiation of the main articles for which
+      Luther had contended. Each of these points they successively traversed,
+      foreclosing every loophole for escape into accommodation. It was in large
+      measure due to Caraffa's energy and ability that these results were
+      attained.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The method of procedure adopted by the Council, and the temper in which
+      its business was conducted, were no less favorable to the Papacy than the
+      authoritative sanction which it gave to dogmas. From the first, the
+      presidency and right of initiative in its sessions were conceded to the
+      Papal Legates; and it soon became customary to refer decrees, before they
+      were promulgated, to his Holiness in Rome for approval. The decrees
+      themselves were elaborated in three congregations, one appointed for
+      theological questions, the second for reforms, the third for supervision
+      and ratification. They were then proposed for discussion and acceptance in
+      general sessions of the Council. Here each vote told; and as there was a
+      standing majority of Italian prelates, it required but little dexterity to
+      secure the passing of any measure upon which the Court of Rome <span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageA100" id="pageA100"></a>{100}</span>
+      insisted. The most formidable opposition to the Papal prerogatives during
+      these manoeuvres proceeded from the Spanish bishops, who urged the
+      introduction of reforms securing the independence of the episcopacy.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      We find a remarkable demonstration of Paul III.'s difficulties as Pope of
+      the transition, in the fact that while the Council of Trent was waging
+      this uncompromising war against Reformers, his dread of Charles V.
+      compelled him to suspend its sessions, transfer it to Bologna, and declare
+      himself the political ally of German Protestants. This transference took
+      place in 1547. His Legates received orders to invent some decent excuse
+      for a step which would certainly be resisted, since Bologna was a city
+      altogether subject to the Holy See. The Legates, by the connivance of the
+      physicians in Trent, managed to create a panic of contagious epidemic.<a
+      name="FNanchorA_21_21" id="FNanchorA_21_21"></a><a href="#FootnoteA_21_21"
+      class="fnanchor">[21]</a> Charles had won victories which seemed to place
+      Germany at his discretion. His preponderance in Italy was thereby
+      dangerously augmented. Paul, following the precedents of policy in which
+      he had been bred, thought it at this crisis necessary to subordinate
+      ecclesiastical to temporal interests. He interrupted the proceedings of
+      the Council in order to hamper the Emperor in Germany. He encouraged the
+      Northern Protestants in order that he might maintain an open issue in the
+      loins of his Spanish rival. Nothing could more delicately illustrate the
+      compli<span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA101" id="pageA101"></a>{101}</span>
+      cations of European politics than the inverted attitude assumed by the
+      Roman Pontiff in his dealings with a Catholic Emperor at this moment of
+      time.<a name="FNanchorA_22_22" id="FNanchorA_22_22"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_22_22" class="fnanchor">[22]</a>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The opposition of the Farnesi to Paul's scheme for restoring Parma to the
+      Holy See in 1549, broke Paul III.'s health and spirits. He died on
+      November 10, and was succeeded by the Cardinal Giovanni Maria del Monte,
+      of whose reign little need be said. Julius III. removed the Council from
+      Bologna to Trent in 1551, where it made some progress in questions
+      touching the Eucharist and the administration of episcopal sees; but in
+      the next year its sessions were suspended, owing to the disturbed state of
+      Southern Germany and the presence of a Protestant army under Maurice of
+      Saxony in the Tyrol.<a name="FNanchorA_23_23" id="FNanchorA_23_23"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_23_23" class="fnanchor">[23]</a> This Pope passed his
+      time agreeably and innocently enough in the villa which he built near the
+      Porta del Popolo. His relatives were invested with several petty fiefs&mdash;that
+      of their birthplace, Monte Sansovino, by Cosimo de'Medici; that of Novara
+      by the Emperor, and that of Camerino by the Church. The old methods of
+      Papal nepotism were not as yet abandoned. His successor, Marcello<span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageA102" id="pageA102"></a>{102}</span> II.,
+      survived his elevation only three weeks; and in May 1555, Giovanni Pietro
+      Caraffa was elected, with the title of Paul IV. We have already made the
+      acquaintance of this Pope as a member of the Oratory of Divine Love, as a
+      co-founder of the Theatines, as the organizer of the Roman Inquisition,
+      and as a leader in the first sessions of the Tridentine Council. Paul IV.
+      sprang from a high and puissant family of Naples. He was a man of fierce,
+      impulsive and uncompromising temper, animated by two ruling passions&mdash;burning
+      hatred for the Spaniards who were trampling on his native land, and
+      ecclesiastical ambition intensified by rigid Catholic orthodoxy. The first
+      act of his reign was a vain effort to expel the Spaniards from Italy by
+      resorting to the old device of French assistance. The abdication of
+      Charles V. had placed Philip II. on the throne of Spain, and the
+      settlement whereby the Imperial crown passed to his brother Ferdinand had
+      substituted a feeble for a powerful Emperor. But Philip's disengagement
+      from the cares of Germany left him more at liberty to maintain his
+      preponderance in Southern Europe. It was fortunate for Paul IV. that
+      Philip was a bigoted Catholic and a superstitiously obedient son of the
+      Church. These two potentates, who began to reign in the same year, were
+      destined, after the settlement of their early quarrel, to lead and
+      organize the Catholic Counter-Reformation. The Duke of Guise at the Pope's
+      request marched a French army into Italy. Paul <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageA103" id="pageA103"></a>{103}</span> raised a body of
+      mercenaries, who were chiefly German Protestants<a name="FNanchorA_24_24"
+      id="FNanchorA_24_24"></a><a href="#FootnoteA_24_24" class="fnanchor">[24]</a>;
+      and opened negotiations with Soliman, entreating the Turk to make a
+      descent on Sicily by sea. Into such a fantastically false position was the
+      Chief of the Church, the most Catholic of all her Pontiffs, driven by his
+      jealous patriotism. We seem to be transported back into the times of a
+      Sixtus IV. or an Alexander VI. And in truth, Paul's reversion to the
+      antiquated Guelf policy of his predecessors was an anachronism. That
+      policy ceased to be efficient when Francis I. signed the Treaty of
+      Cambray; the Church, too, had gradually assumed such a position that armed
+      interference in the affairs of secular sovereigns was suicidal. This
+      became so manifest that Paul's futile attack on Philip in 1556 may be
+      reckoned the last war raised by a Pope. From it we date the commencement
+      of a new system of Papal co-operation with Catholic powers.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The Duke of Alva put the forces at his disposal in the Two Sicilies into
+      motion, and advanced to meet the Duke of Guise. But while the campaign
+      dragged on, Philip won the decisive battle of S. Quentin. The Guise
+      hurried back to France, and Alva marched unresisted upon Rome. There was
+      no reason why the Eternal City should not have been subjected to another
+      siege and sack. The will was certainly not wanting in Alva to humiliate
+      the Pope, who never spoke of Spaniards but as renegade<span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageA104" id="pageA104"></a>{104}</span> Jews, Marrani, heretics,
+      and personifications of pride. Philip, however, wrote reminding his
+      general that the date of his birth (1527) was that of Rome's calamity, and
+      vowing that he would not signalize the first year of his reign by
+      inflicting fresh miseries upon the capital of Christendom. Alva was
+      ordered to make peace on terms both honorable and advantageous to his
+      Holiness; since the King of Spain preferred to lose the rights of his own
+      crown rather than to impair those of the Holy See in the least particular.
+      Consequently, when Alva entered Rome in peaceful pomp, he did homage for
+      his master to the Pope, who was generously willing to absolve him for his
+      past offences. Paul IV. publicly exulted in the abasement of his
+      conquerors, declaring that it would teach kings in future the obedience
+      they owed to the Chief of the Church. But Alva did not conceal his
+      discontent. It would have been better, he said, to have sent the Pope to
+      sue for peace and pardon at Brussels, than to allow him to obtain the one
+      and grant the other on these terms.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Paul's ambition to expel the Spaniards from Italy exposed him to the worst
+      abuses of that Papal nepotism which he had denounced in others. He judged
+      it necessary to surround himself with trusty and powerful agents of his
+      own kindred.<a name="FNanchorA_25_25" id="FNanchorA_25_25"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_25_25" class="fnanchor">[25]</a><span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageA105" id="pageA105"></a>{105}</span>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      With that view he raised one of his nephews, Carlo, to the Cardinalate,
+      and bestowed on two others the principal fiefs of the Colonna family. The
+      Colonnas were by tradition Ghibelline. This sufficed for depriving them of
+      Palliano and Montebello. Carlo Caraffa, who obtained the scarlet, had
+      lived a disreputable life which notoriously unfitted him for any
+      ecclesiastical dignity. In the days of Sixtus and Alexander this would
+      have been no bar to his promotion. But the Church was rapidly undergoing a
+      change; and Carlo, complying with the hypocritical spirit of his age,
+      found it convenient to affect a thorough reformation, and to make open
+      show of penitence. Rome now presented the singular spectacle of an
+      inquisitorial Pope, unimpeachable in moral conduct and zealous for Church
+      reform, surrounded by nephews who were little better than Borgias. The
+      Caraffas began to dream of principalities and scepters. It was their
+      ambition to lay hold on Florence, where Cosimo de'Medici, as a pronounced
+      ally of Spain, had gained the bitter hatred of their uncle. But their
+      various misdoings, acts of violence and oppression, avarice and
+      sensuality, gradually reached the ears of the Pope. In an assembly of the
+      Inquisition, held in January 1559, he cried aloud, 'Reform! reform!
+      reform!' Cardinal Pacheco, a determined foe of the Caraffeschi, raised his
+      voice, and said, 'Holy Father! reform must first begin with us.'
+      Pallavicini adds the remark that Paul understood well who was meant by <i>us</i>.
+      He <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA106" id="pageA106"></a>{106}</span>
+      immediately retired to his apartments, instituted a searching inquiry into
+      the conduct of his nephews, and, before the month was out, deprived them
+      of all their offices and honors, and banished them from Rome. He would not
+      hear a word in their defence; and when Cardinal Farnese endeavored to
+      procure a mitigation of their sentence, he brutally replied, 'If Paul III.
+      had shown the same justice, your father would not have been murdered and
+      mutilated in the streets of Piacenza.' In open consistory, before the
+      Cardinals and high officials of his realm, with tears streaming from his
+      eyes, he exposed the evil life of his relatives, declared his abhorrence
+      of them, and protested that he had dwelt in perfect ignorance of their
+      crimes until that time. This scene recalls a similar occasion, when
+      Alexander VI. bewailed himself aloud before his Cardinals after the murder
+      of the Duke of Gandia by Cesare. But Alexander's repentance was momentary;
+      his grief was that of a father for Absalom; his indignation gave way to
+      paternal weakness for the fratricide. Paul, though his love for his
+      relatives seems to have been fervent, never relaxed his first severity
+      against them. They were buried in oblivion; no one uttered their names in
+      the Pope's presence. The whole secular administration of the Papal States
+      was changed; not an official kept his place. For the first time Rome was
+      governed by ministers in no way related to the Holy Father.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Paul now turned his attention, with the fiery <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageA107" id="pageA107"></a>{107}</span> passion that distinguished
+      him, to the reformation of ecclesiastical abuses. On his accession he had
+      published a Bull declaring that this would be a principal object of his
+      reign. Nor had he in the midst of other occupations forgotten his
+      engagement. A Congregation specially appointed for examining, classifying,
+      and remedying such abuses had been established. It was divided into three
+      committees, consisting of eight Cardinals, fifteen prelates, and fifty men
+      of learning. At the same time the Inquisition was rigorously maintained.
+      Paul extended its jurisdiction, empowered it to use torture, and was
+      constant in his attendance on its meetings and <i>autos da f&eacute;</i>.<a
+      name="FNanchorA_26_26" id="FNanchorA_26_26"></a><a href="#FootnoteA_26_26"
+      class="fnanchor">[26]</a> But now that his plans for the expulsion of the
+      Spaniards had failed, and his nephews had been hurled from their high
+      station into the dust, there remained no other interest to distract his
+      mind. Every day witnessed the promulgation of some new edict touching
+      monastic discipline, simony, sale of offices, collation to benefices,
+      church ritual, performance of clerical duties, and appointment to
+      ecclesiastical dignities. It was his favorite boast that there would be no
+      need of a Council to restore the Church to purity, since he was doing it.<a
+      name="FNanchorA_27_27" id="FNanchorA_27_27"></a><a href="#FootnoteA_27_27"
+      class="fnanchor">[27]</a> <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA108"
+      id="pageA108"></a>{108}</span> And indeed his measures formed the nucleus
+      of the Tridentine decrees upon this topic in the final sessions of the
+      Council. Under this government Rome assumed an air of exemplary behavior
+      which struck foreigners with mute astonishment. Cardinals were compelled
+      to preach in their basilicas. The Pope himself, who was vain of his
+      eloquence, preached. Gravity of manners, external signs of piety, a
+      composed and contrite face, ostentation of orthodoxy by frequent
+      confession and attendance at the Mass, became fashionable; and the Court
+      adopted for its motto the <i>Si non caste tamen caute</i> of the
+      Counter-Reformation.<a name="FNanchorA_28_28" id="FNanchorA_28_28"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_28_28" class="fnanchor">[28]</a> Aretino, with his usual
+      blackguardly pointedness of expression, has given a hint of what the new
+      <i>r&eacute;gime</i> implied in the following satiric lines:&mdash;
+    </p>
+    <div class="poem">
+      <div class="stanza">
+        <span>Carafla, ipocrita infingardo,<br /> </span> <span class="i2">Che
+        tien per coscienza spirituale<br /> </span> <span class="i2">Quando si
+        mette del pepe in sul cardo.<br /> </span>
+      </div>
+    </div>
+    <p>
+      Paul IV. brought the first period of the transition to an end. There were
+      no attempts at dislodging the Spaniard, no Papal wars, no tyranny of Papal
+      nephews converted into feudal princes, after his days. He stamped Roman
+      society with his own austere and bigoted religion. That he was in any
+      sense a hypocrite is wholly out of the question. But he made Rome
+      hypocritical, and by establishing the Inquisition on a firm basis, he
+      introduced a reign of spiritual terror into Italy.<span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageA109" id="pageA109"></a>{109}</span>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      At his death the people rose in revolt, broke into the dungeons of the
+      Inquisition, released the prisoners, and destroyed the archives. The Holy
+      Office was restored, however; and its higher posts of trust soon came to
+      be regarded as stepping-stones to the Pontifical dignity.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The successor of Paul IV. was a man of very different quality and
+      antecedents. Giovanni Angelo Medici sprang, not from the Florentine house
+      of Medici, but from an obscure Lombard stem. His father acquired some
+      wealth by farming the customs in Milan; and his eldest brother, Gian
+      Giacomo, pushed his way to fame, fortune, and a title by piracy upon the
+      lake of Como.<a name="FNanchorA_29_29" id="FNanchorA_29_29"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_29_29" class="fnanchor">[29]</a> Gian Giacomo established
+      himself so securely in his robber fortress of Musso that he soon became a
+      power to reckon with. He then entered the imperial service, was created
+      Marquis of Marignano by the Duke of Milan, and married a lady of the
+      Orsini house, the sister of the Duchess of Parma. At a subsequent period
+      he succeeded in subduing Siena to the rule of Cosimo de'Medici, who then
+      acknowledged a pretended consanguinity between the two families.<a
+      name="FNanchorA_30_30" id="FNanchorA_30_30"></a><a href="#FootnoteA_30_30"
+      class="fnanchor">[30]</a> The younger brother, Giovanni Angelo, had
+      meanwhile been studying law, practising as a jurist, and following the
+      Court at Rome in the place of prothonotary which, as <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageA110" id="pageA110"></a>{110}</span> the custom then was, he
+      purchased in 1527. Paul III. observed him, took him early into favor, and
+      on the marriage of Gian Giacomo, advanced him to the Cardinalate. This was
+      the man who assumed the title of Pius IV. on his election to the Papacy in
+      1559.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Paul IV. hated Cardinal Medici, and drove him away from Rome. It is
+      probable that this antipathy contributed something to Giovanni Angelo's
+      elevation. Of humble Lombard blood, a jurist and a worldling, pacific in
+      his policy, devoted to Spanish interests, cautious and conciliatory in the
+      conduct of affairs, ignorant of theology and indifferent to niceties of
+      discipline, Pius IV. was at all points the exact opposite of the fiery
+      Neapolitan noble, the Inquisitor and fanatic, the haughty trampler upon
+      kings, the armed antagonist of Alva, the brusque, impulsive autocrat, the
+      purist of orthodoxy, who preceded him upon the Papal throne.<a
+      name="FNanchorA_31_31" id="FNanchorA_31_31"></a><a href="#FootnoteA_31_31"
+      class="fnanchor">[31]</a> His trusted counselor was Cardinal Morone, whom
+      Paul had thrown into the dungeons of the Inquisition on a charge of
+      favoring Lutheran opinions, and who was liberated by the rabble in their
+      fury.<a name="FNanchorA_32_32" id="FNanchorA_32_32"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_32_32" class="fnanchor">[32]</a><span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageA111" id="pageA111"></a>{111}</span>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      This in itself was significant of the new <i>r&eacute;gime</i> which now
+      began in Rome. Morone, like his master, understood that the Church could
+      best be guided by diplomacy and arts of peace. The two together brought
+      the Council of Trent to that conclusion which left an undisputed
+      sovereignty in theological and ecclesiastical affairs to the Papacy. It
+      would have been impossible for a man of Caraffa's stamp to achieve what
+      these sagacious temporizers and adroit managers effected.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Without advancing the same arrogant claims to spiritual supremacy as Paul
+      had made, Pius was by no means a feeble Pontiff. He knew that the temper
+      of the times demanded wise concessions; but he also knew how to win
+      through these concessions the reality of power. It was he who initiated
+      and firmly followed the policy of alliance between the Papacy and the
+      Catholic sovereigns.<a name="FNanchorA_33_33" id="FNanchorA_33_33"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_33_33" class="fnanchor">[33]</a> Instead of asserting the
+      interests of the Church in antagonism <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageA112" id="pageA112"></a>{112}</span> to secular potentates, he
+      undertook to prove that their interests were identical. Militant
+      Protestantism threatened the civil no less than the ecclesiastical order.
+      The episcopacy attempted to liberate itself from monarchical and
+      pontifical authority alike. Pius proposed to the autocrats of Europe a
+      compact for mutual defence, divesting the Holy See of some of its
+      privileges, but requiring in return the recognition of its ecclesiastical
+      absolutism. In all difficult negotiations he was wont to depend upon
+      himself; treating his counselors as agents rather than as peers, and
+      holding the threads of diplomacy in his own hands. Thus he was able to
+      transact business as a sovereign with sovereigns, and came to terms with
+      them by means of personal correspondence. The reconstruction of Catholic
+      Christendom, which took visible shape in the decrees of the Tridentine
+      Council, was actually settled in the Courts of Spain, Austria, France and
+      Rome. The Fathers of the Council were the mouthpieces of royal and Papal
+      cabinets. The Holy Ghost, to quote a profane satire of the time, reached
+      Trent in the despatch-bags of couriers, in the sealed instructions issued
+      to ambassadors and legates.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      We observe throughout the negotiations which crowned the policy of this
+      Pope with success, the operation not only of a pacific and far-seeing
+      character, but also of the temper of a lawyer. Pius drew up the Tridentine
+      decrees as an able con<span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA113"
+      id="pageA113"></a>{113}</span> veyancer draws up a complicated deed,
+      involving many trusts, recognizing conflicting rights, providing for
+      distant contingencies. It was in fact the marriage contract of
+      ecclesiastical and secular absolutism, by which the estates of Catholic
+      Christendom were put in trust and settlement for posterity. In formulating
+      its terms the Pope granted points to which an obstinate or warlike
+      predecessor, a Julius II. or a Paul IV., would never have subscribed his
+      signature. In purely theological matters, such as the concession of the
+      chalice to the laity and the marriage of the clergy, he was even willing
+      to yield more for the sake of peace than his Court and clergy would agree
+      to. But for each point he gave, he demanded a substantial equivalent, and
+      showed such address in bargaining, that Rome gained far more than it
+      relinquished. When the contract had been drafted, he ratified it by a full
+      and ready recognition, and lawyer-like was punctual in executing all the
+      terms to which he pledged himself.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      We must credit Pius IV. with keen insight into the new conditions of
+      Catholic Europe, and recognize him as the real founder of the modern as
+      distinguished from the mediaeval Papacy. That transition which I have been
+      describing in the present chapter remained uncertain in its issue up to
+      his pontificate. Before his death the salvation of Catholicism, the
+      integrity of the Catholic Church, the solidity of the Roman hierarchy, and
+      the possibility of a vigorous Counter-Reformation were placed beyond all
+      doubt.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA114" id="pageA114"></a>{114}</span> It
+      is noticeable that these substantial successes were achieved, not by a
+      religious fanatic, but by a jurist; not by a saint, but by a genial man of
+      the world; not by force of intellect and will, but by adroitness; not by
+      masterful authority, but by pliant diplomacy; not by forcing but by
+      following the current of events. Since Gregory VII., no Pope had done so
+      much as Pius IV. for bracing the ancient fabric of the Church and
+      confirming the Papal prerogative. But what a difference there is between a
+      Hildebrand and a Giovanni Angelo Medici! How Europe had changed, when a
+      man of the latter's stamp was the right instrument of destiny for starting
+      the weather-beaten ship of the Church upon a new and prosperous voyage.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Pius IV. was greatly assisted in his work by circumstances, of which he
+      knew how to avail himself. Had it not been for the renewed spiritual
+      activity of Catholicism to which I have alluded in this chapter, he might
+      not have been able to carry that work through. He took no interest in
+      theology, and felt no sympathy for the Inquisition.<a
+      name="FNanchorA_34_34" id="FNanchorA_34_34"></a><a href="#FootnoteA_34_34"
+      class="fnanchor">[34]</a> But he prudently left that institution alone to
+      pursue its function of policing the ecclesiastical realm. The Jesuits
+      rendered him important assistance by propagating their doctrine of passive
+      obedience to Rome. Spain supported him with the massive strength of a
+      nation Catholic to the core; and when the Spanish prelates gave him
+      trouble, he could rely for aid upon <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageA115" id="pageA115"></a>{115}</span> the Spanish crown. His own
+      independence, as a prudent man of business, uninfluenced by bigoted
+      prejudices or partialities for any sect, enabled him to manipulate all
+      resources at his disposal for the main object of uniting Catholicism and
+      securing Papal supremacy. He was also fortunate in his family relations,
+      having no occasion to complicate his policy by nepotism. One of the first
+      acts of his reign had been to condemn four of the Caraffeschi&mdash;Cardinal
+      Caraffa, the Duke of Palliano, Count Aliffe and Leonardo di Cardine&mdash;to
+      death; and this act of justice ended forever the old forms of domestic
+      ambition which had hampered the Popes of the Renaissance in their
+      ecclesiastical designs. His brother, the Marquis of Marignano, died in
+      1555; and this event opened for him the path to the Papacy, which he would
+      never have attained in the lifetime of so grasping and ambitious a man.<a
+      name="FNanchorA_35_35" id="FNanchorA_35_35"></a><a href="#FootnoteA_35_35"
+      class="fnanchor">[35]</a> With his next brother, Augusto, who succeeded to
+      the marquisate, he felt no sympathy.<a name="FNanchorA_36_36"
+      id="FNanchorA_36_36"></a><a href="#FootnoteA_36_36" class="fnanchor">[36]</a>
+      His nephew Federigo Borromeo died in youth. His other nephew, Carlo
+      Borromeo, the sainted Archbishop of Milan, remained close to his person in
+      Rome.<a name="FNanchorA_37_37" id="FNanchorA_37_37"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_37_37" class="fnanchor">[37]</a> But Carlo Borromeo was a
+      man who personified the new spirit of Catholicism. Sincerely pious,
+      zealous for the faith, immaculate in conduct, unwearied in the discharge
+      of <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA116" id="pageA116"></a>{116}</span>
+      diocesan duties, charitable to the poor, devoted to the sick, he summed up
+      all the virtues of the Counter-Reformation. Nor had he any of the virtues
+      of the Renaissance. A Venetian Ambassador described him as cold of
+      political temperament, little versed in worldly affairs, and perplexed
+      when he attempted to handle matters of grave moment.<a
+      name="FNanchorA_38_38" id="FNanchorA_38_38"></a><a href="#FootnoteA_38_38"
+      class="fnanchor">[38]</a> His presence at the Papal Court, so far from
+      being perilous, as that of an ambitious Cardinal Nipote would have been,
+      or scandalous as that of former Riarios, Borgias, and Caraffas had
+      undoubtedly been, was a source of strength to Pius. It imported into his
+      immediate surroundings just what he himself lacked, and saved him from
+      imputations of worldliness which in the altered temper of the Church might
+      have proved inconvenient.<a name="FNanchorA_39_39" id="FNanchorA_39_39"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_39_39" class="fnanchor">[39]</a> Truly, among all
+      Pontiffs who have occupied St. Peter's Chair, Pius IV. deserved in the
+      close of his life to be called fortunate. He had risen from obscurity, had
+      entered Rome in humble office at the moment of Rome's deepest degradation.
+      He had lived through troubled times, and for some years had felt the whole
+      weight of Catholic concerns upon his shoulders. At the last, he was
+      conscious of having opened a new era for the Church, and of being able to
+      transmit a scepter of undisputed authority to his successors. His
+      death-bed was troubled with no remorse, with no ingratitude of <span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageA117" id="pageA117"></a>{117}</span>
+      relatives, with no political complications produced by family ambition or
+      by the sacrifice of his official duties to personal aggrandizement.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Soon after the election of Pope Pius IV. the state of Europe made the
+      calling of a General Council indispensable. Paul's impolitic pretensions
+      had finally alienated England from the Roman Church. Scotland was upon the
+      point of declaring herself Protestant. The Huguenots were growing stronger
+      every year in France, the Queen Mother, Catherine de'Medici, being at that
+      time inclined to favor them. The Confession of Augsburg had long been
+      recognized in Germany. The whole of Scandinavia, with Denmark, was lost to
+      Catholicism. The Low Countries, in spite of Philip, Alva, and the
+      Inquisition, remained intractable. Bohemia, Hungary, and Poland were
+      alienated, ripe for open schism. The tenets of Zwingli had taken root in
+      German Switzerland. Calvin was gaining ground in the French cantons.
+      Geneva had become a stationary fortress, the stronghold of belligerent
+      reformers, whence heresy sent forth its missionaries and promulgated
+      subversive doctrines through the medium of an ever-active press.
+      Transformed by Calvin from its earlier condition of a pleasure-loving and
+      commercial city, it was now what Deceleia under Spartan discipline had
+      been to Athens in the Peloponnesian war&mdash;a permanent <i>epiteichismos</i>,
+      perpetually garrisoned and on guard to harry the flanks of Catholics.
+      Faithful to the Roman See in a <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA118"
+      id="pageA118"></a>{118}</span> strict sense of the term, there remained
+      only Spain, Portugal, and Italy. As the events of the next century proved,
+      the disaffected nations still offered rallying-points for the Catholic
+      cause, from which the tide of conquest was rolled back upon the
+      Reformation. But in 1559 the outlook for the Church was very gloomy; no
+      one could predict whether a General Council might not increase her
+      difficulties by weakening the Papal power and sowing further seeds of
+      discord among her few faithful adherents. Yet Pius, after an attempt to
+      combine the Catholic nations in a crusade against Geneva, which was
+      frustrated by the jealousy of Spain, the internal weakness of France and
+      the respect inspired by Switzerland,<a name="FNanchorA_40_40"
+      id="FNanchorA_40_40"></a><a href="#FootnoteA_40_40" class="fnanchor">[40]</a>
+      determined to cast his fortunes on the Council. He had several strong
+      points in his favor. The reigning Emperor, Ferdinand, wielded a power
+      insignificant when compared with that of Charles V. The Protestants,
+      though formally invited, were certain not to attend a Council which had
+      already condemned the articles of their Confession. The cardinal dogmas of
+      Catholicism had been confirmed in the sessions of 1545-1552. It was to be
+      hoped that, with skillful management, existing differences of opinion with
+      regard to doctrine, church-management, and reformation of abuses, might be
+      settled to the satisfaction of the Catholic powers.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The Pope accordingly sent four Legates, the Cardinals Gonzaga, Seripando,
+      Simoneta, Hosius, <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA119" id="pageA119"></a>{119}</span>
+      and Puteo, to Trent, who opened the Council on January 15, 1562.<a
+      name="FNanchorA_41_41" id="FNanchorA_41_41"></a><a href="#FootnoteA_41_41"
+      class="fnanchor">[41]</a> As had been anticipated, the Protestants showed
+      strong disinclination to attend. The French prelates were unable to
+      appear, pending negotiations with the Huguenots at Poissy and Pontoise.
+      The German prelates intimated their reluctance to take part in the
+      proceedings. The Court of France demanded that the chalice for the laity
+      and the use of the vulgar tongue in religious services should be conceded.
+      The Emperor also insisted on these points, making a further demand for the
+      marriage of the clergy. Circumstances both in France and Germany seemed to
+      render these conditions imperative, if the rapid spread of Protestant
+      dissent were to be checked and the remnant of the Catholic population to
+      be kept in obedience. Of ecclesiastics, only Spaniards and Italians, the
+      latter in a large majority, appeared at Trent. The Courts of other nations
+      were represented by ambassadors, who took no part in the deliberations of
+      the Council.<a name="FNanchorA_42_42" id="FNanchorA_42_42"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_42_42" class="fnanchor">[42]</a>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      In spite of this inauspicious commencement, Pius declared the Council a
+      General Council, and further decreed that it should be recognized as a
+      continuation <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA120" id="pageA120"></a>{120}</span>
+      of that Council which had begun at Trent in 1545. This rendered
+      co-operation of the Protestants impossible, since they would have been
+      compelled to accept the earlier dogmatic resolutions of the Fathers. It
+      was decided that no proxies should be allowed to absentees; that the
+      questions of doctrine and reform should be prepared for discussion in two
+      separate congregations, and should be taken into consideration in full
+      sessions simultaneously; finally that the Papal Legates should alone have
+      the privilege of proposing resolutions to the fathers. This last point, by
+      which the Court of Rome reserved to itself the control of all proceedings
+      in the Council, was carried by a clever ruse. Until too late the Spanish
+      prelates do not seem to have been aware of the immense power they had
+      conferred on Rome by passing the words <i>Legatis proponentibus</i>.<a
+      name="FNanchorA_43_43" id="FNanchorA_43_43"></a><a href="#FootnoteA_43_43"
+      class="fnanchor">[43]</a> The principle involved in this phrase continued
+      to be hotly disputed all through the sessions of the Council. But Pius
+      knew that so long as he stuck fast to it he always held the ace of trumps,
+      and nothing would induce him to relinquish it.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Fortified in this position of superiority, Pius now proceeded to organize
+      his forces and display his tactics. All through the sessions of the
+      Council they remained the same; and as the method resulted in his final
+      victory, it deserves to be briefly described. At any cost he determined to
+      secure a numerical majority in the Synod. This was effected by drafting<span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageA121" id="pageA121"></a>{121}</span> Italian
+      prelates, as occasion required, to Trent. Many of the poorer sort were
+      subsidized, and placed under the supervision of Cardinal Simoneta, who
+      gave them orders how to vote. A small squadron of witty bishops was told
+      off to throw ridicule on inconvenient speakers by satirical
+      interpolations, or to hamper them by sophistical arguments. Spies were
+      introduced into the opposite camps, who kept the Legates informed of what
+      the French or Spaniards deliberated in their private meetings. The Legates
+      meanwhile established a daily post of couriers, who carried the minutest
+      details of the Council to the Vatican. When the resolutions of the
+      congregations on which decrees were to be framed had been drawn up, they
+      referred them to his Holiness. Without his sanction they did not propose
+      them in a general session. In this fashion, by means of his standing
+      majority, the exclusive right of his Legates to propose resolutions, and
+      the previous reference of these resolutions to himself, Pius was enabled
+      to direct the affairs of the Council. It soon became manifest that while
+      the fathers were talking at Trent their final decisions were arranged in
+      Rome. This not unnaturally caused much discontent. It began to be murmured
+      that the Holy Ghost was sent from Rome to Trent in carpet-bags. A man of
+      more imperious nature than Pius might, by straining his prerogatives, have
+      produced an irreconcilable rupture. But he was aware that the very
+      existence of the Papacy depended on circumspection. He therefore used all
+      <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA122" id="pageA122"></a>{122}</span>
+      his advantages with caution, and resolved to win the day by diplomacy.
+      With this object in view he introduced the further system of negotiating
+      with the Catholic Courts through special agents. Instead of framing the
+      decrees upon the information furnished by his Legates, he in his turn
+      submitted them to Philip, Catherine de'Medici, and Ferdinand, agreed on
+      terms of mutual concession, persuaded the princes that their interests
+      were identical with his own, and then returned such measures to the
+      Council as could be safely passed. In course of time the Holy Ghost was
+      not packed up at Rome for Trent in carpet-bags before he had gone round of
+      Europe and made his bow in all cabinets.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      It must not, however, be thought that matters went smoothly for the Pope
+      at first, or that so novel a method as that which I have described,
+      whereby the faith and discipline of Christendom were settled by
+      negotiations between sovereigns, came suddenly into existence. In its
+      first sessions the Council, to quote the Pope's own words, resembled the
+      Tower of Babel rather than a Synod of Fathers. The Spanish prelates
+      contended fiercely for two principles touching the episcopacy: one was
+      that the residence of bishops in their dioceses had been divinely
+      commanded; the other, that their authority is derived from Christ
+      immediately. The first struck at the Pope's power to dispense from the
+      duty of residence; and if it had been established, it would have ruined
+      <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA123" id="pageA123"></a>{123}</span>
+      his capital. The second would have rendered the episcopacy independent of
+      Rome, and have made the Holy Father one of a numerous oligarchy instead of
+      the absolute chief of a hierarchy. Pius was able to show Philip that the
+      independence of the bishops must inflict deep injuries on the crown of
+      Spain. Philip therefore wrote to forbid insistance on this point. But the
+      Spanish prelates, though coerced, were not silenced, and the storm which
+      they had raised went grumbling on.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Difficulties of a no less serious nature arose when the French and
+      Imperial ambassadors arrived at Trent in the spring. They demanded, as I
+      have already stated, that the chalice should be conceded to the laity; nor
+      is it easy to understand why this point might not have been granted. Pius
+      himself was ready to make the concession; and the only valid argument
+      against it was that it imperiled the uniformity of ritual throughout all
+      Catholic countries. The Germans further stipulated for the marriage of the
+      clergy, which the Pope was also disposed to entertain, until he reflected
+      that celibacy alone retained the clergy faithful to his interests and
+      regardless of those of their own nations. At this juncture of affairs, the
+      Roman Court, which was strongly opposed to both concessions, received
+      material aid from the dissensions of the Council. The Spaniards would hear
+      nothing of the Eucharist under both forms. The marriage of the clergy was
+      opposed by French and Spaniards alike. On the point of epis<span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageA124" id="pageA124"></a>{124}</span> copal
+      independence, the French supported the Spaniards; but Pius used the same
+      arguments in France which he had used in Spain, with similar success. Thus
+      there was no agreement on any of the disputed questions between Spaniards,
+      Frenchmen and Germans; and since the ambassadors could neither propose nor
+      vote, and the Italian prelates were in a permanent majority, Pius was able
+      to defer and temporize at leisure.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Nevertheless, he began to feel the gravity of the situation. He saw that
+      the embassies constituted dangerous centers of intrigue and national
+      organization at Trent. He was not entirely satisfied with his own Legate,
+      the Cardinal Gonzaga, who supported the divine right of the episcopacy,
+      and quarreled with his colleagues. The Spaniards, infuriated at having
+      sacrificed the right of proposing measures, began to talk openly about the
+      reform of the Papacy. Disagreeable messages reached Rome from France, and
+      Spain, and Germany, complaining of the Pope's absolutism in Council, and
+      demanding that the reform of the Church should be taken into serious and
+      instant consideration. His devoted adherent, Lainez, General of the
+      Jesuits, embittered opposition by passionately preaching the doctrine of
+      passive obedience. Two dangers lay before him. One was that the Council
+      should break up in confusion, with discredit to Rome, and anarchy for the
+      Catholic Church. The other was that it should be prolonged in its
+      dissensions by the princes, with a view of de<span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageA125" id="pageA125"></a>{125}</span> pressing and enfeebling the
+      Papal authority. Other perils of an incalculable kind threatened him in
+      the announced approach of the mighty Cardinal of Lorraine, brother to the
+      Duke of Guise, with a retinue of French bishops released from the
+      Conference at Poissy. Though he kept on packing the Council with fresh
+      relays of Italians, it was much to be apprehended that they might be
+      unable to oppose a coalition between French and Spanish prelates, should
+      that be now effected.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Pius, at this crisis, resolved on two important lines of policy, the
+      energetic pursuit of which speedily brought the Council of Trent to a
+      peaceful termination. The first was to meet the demand for a searching
+      reformation of the Church with cheerful acquiescence; but to oppose a
+      counter-demand that the secular States in all their ecclesiastical
+      relations should at the same time be reformed. This implied a threat of
+      alienating patronage and revenue from the princes; it also indicated
+      plainly that the tiara and the crowns had interests in common. The second
+      was to develop the diplomatic system upon which he had already tentatively
+      entered.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The events of the spring, 1563, hastened the adoption of these measures by
+      the Pope. Cardinal Lorraine had arrived with his French bishops<a
+      name="FNanchorA_44_44" id="FNanchorA_44_44"></a><a href="#FootnoteA_44_44"
+      class="fnanchor">[44]</a>; and the Papal Legates found themselves involved
+      at <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA126" id="pageA126"></a>{126}</span>
+      once in intricate disputes on questions touching the Huguenots and the
+      interests of the Gallican Church. The Italians were driven in despair to
+      epigrams: <i>Dalla scabie Spagnuola siamo caduti nel mal Francese</i>.
+      Somewhat later, the Emperor dispatched a bulky and verbose letter,
+      announcing his intention to play the part which Sigismund had assumed at
+      the Council of Constance. He complained roundly of the evils caused by the
+      reference of all resolutions to Rome, by the exclusive rights of the
+      Legates to propose decrees, and by the intrigues of the Italian majority
+      in the Synod. He wound up by declaring that the reformation of the Church
+      must be accomplished in Trent, not left to the judgment of the Papal
+      Curia; and threatened to arrive from Innsbruck by the Brenner. Though
+      Ferdinand was in a position of ecclesiastical and political weakness, such
+      an Imperial rescript could not be altogether contemned; especially as
+      Cardinal Lorraine, soon after his arrival, had made the journey to
+      Innsbruck on purpose to confer with the Emperor. It therefore behoved the
+      Pope to act with decision; and an important event happened in the first
+      days of March, which materially assisted him in doing so. This was the
+      death of Cardinal Gonzaga, whom Pius determined to replace by the moderate
+      and circumspect Morone.<a name="FNanchorA_45_45" id="FNanchorA_45_45"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_45_45" class="fnanchor">[45]</a>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA127" id="pageA127"></a>{127}</span>
+      Through Ippolito d'Este, Cardinal of Ferrara, he opened negotiations with
+      the French Court, showing that the wishes of the prelates in the Council
+      on the question of episcopacy were no less opposed to the crown than to
+      his own interests. Cardinal Simoneta urged the same point on the Marquis
+      of Pescara, who governed Milan for Philip, and was well inclined to the
+      Papal party. Cardinal Morone was sent on a special embassy to the Emperor.<a
+      name="FNanchorA_46_46" id="FNanchorA_46_46"></a><a href="#FootnoteA_46_46"
+      class="fnanchor">[46]</a> By wise concessions, in which the prerogatives
+      of the Imperial ambassadors at Trent were considerably enlarged, and a
+      searching reformation of the Church was promised, Morone succeeded in
+      establishing a good working basis for the future. It came to be understood
+      that while the Pope would allow no further freedom to the bishops, he was
+      well disposed to let his Legates admit the envoys of the Catholic powers
+      into their counsels. From this time forward the Synod may be said to have
+      existed only as a mouthpiece for uttering the terms agreed on by the Pope
+      and potentates. Morone returned to Trent, and the Emperor withdrew from
+      Innsbruck toward the north.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The difficulty with regard to France and Germany consisted in this, that
+      politics forced both<span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA128" id="pageA128"></a>{128}</span>
+      King and Emperor to consider the attitude of their Protestant subjects.
+      Yet both alike were unable to maintain their position as Catholic
+      sovereigns, if they came to open rupture with the Papacy. Ferdinand, as we
+      have just seen, had expressed himself contented with the situation of
+      affairs at Trent. But the French prelates still remained in opposition,
+      and the French Court was undecided. Cardinal Morone, upon his arrival at
+      Trent, began to flatter the Cardinal of Lorraine, affecting to take no
+      measures of importance without consulting him. This conduct, together with
+      timely compliments to several Frenchmen of importance, smoothed the way
+      for future agreement; while the couriers who arrived from France, brought
+      the assurance that Ippolito d'Este's representations had not been
+      fruitless. Pius, meanwhile, was playing the same conciliatory game in
+      Rome, where Don Luigi d'Avila arrived as a special envoy from Philip. The
+      ambassador obtained a lodging in the Vatican, and was seen in daily social
+      intercourse with his Holiness.<a name="FNanchorA_47_47"
+      id="FNanchorA_47_47"></a><a href="#FootnoteA_47_47" class="fnanchor">[47]</a>
+      But the climax of this policy was reached when Lorraine accepted the
+      Pope's invitation, and undertook a journey to Rome. This happened in
+      September. The French Cardinal was pompously received, entertained in the
+      palace, and honored with personal visits in his lodgings by the Pope.
+      Weary of Trent and the tiresome intrigues of the<span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageA129" id="pageA129"></a>{129}</span> Council, this unscrupulous
+      prelate was still further inclined to negotiation after the murder of his
+      brother, Duke of Guise. It must be remembered that the Guises in France
+      were after all but a potent faction of semi-royal adventurers, who had
+      risen to eminence by an alliance with Diane de Poitiers. The murder of the
+      duke shook the foundations of their power; and the Cardinal was naturally
+      anxious to be back again in France. For the moment he basked in the
+      indolent atmosphere of Rome, surrounded by those treasures of antique and
+      Renaissance luxury which still remained after the Sack of 1527. Pius held
+      out flattering visions of succession to the Papacy, and proved
+      convincingly that nothing could sustain the House of Guise or base the
+      Catholic faith in France except alliance with the Papal See. Lorraine, who
+      had probably seen enough of episcopal <i>canaillerie</i> in the Council,
+      and felt his inner self expand in the rich climate of pontifical Rome,
+      allowed his ambition to be caressed, confessed himself convinced, and
+      returned to Trent intoxicated with his visit, the devoted friend of Rome.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Menaces, meanwhile, had been astutely mingled with cajoleries. The French
+      and the Imperial Courts were growing anxious on the subject of reform in
+      secular establishments. Pius had threatened to raise the whole question of
+      national Churches and the monarch's right of interfering in their
+      administration. This was tantamount to flinging a <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageA130" id="pageA130"></a>{130}</span> burning torch into the
+      powder-magazine of Huguenot and Lutheran grievances. In order to save
+      themselves from the disaster of explosion, they urged harmonious action
+      with the Papacy upon their envoys. The Spanish Court, through Pescara, De
+      Luna, and D'Avalos, wrote dispatches of like tenor. It was now debated
+      whether a congress of Crowned heads should not be held to terminate the
+      Council in accordance with the Papal programme. This would have suited
+      Pius. It was the point to which his policy had led. Yet no such measure
+      could be lightly hazarded. A congress while the Council was yet sitting,
+      would have been too palpable and cynical a declaration of the Papal game.
+      As events showed, it was not even necessary. When Lorraine returned to
+      Trent, the French opposition came to an end. The Spanish had been already
+      neutralized by the firm persistent exhibition of Philip's will to work for
+      Roman absolutism.<a name="FNanchorA_48_48" id="FNanchorA_48_48"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_48_48" class="fnanchor">[48]</a> There was nothing left
+      but to settle details, to formulate the terms of ecclesiastical reform,
+      and to close the Council of Trent with a unanimous vote of confidence in
+      his Holiness. The main outlines of dogma and discipline were quickly
+      drawn. Numerous details were referred to the Pope for definition. The
+      Council terminated in December <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA131"
+      id="pageA131"></a>{131}</span> with an act of submission, which placed all
+      its decrees at the pleasure of the Papal sanction. Pius was wise enough to
+      pass and ratify the decrees of the Tridentine fathers by a Bull dated on
+      December 26, 1563, reserving to the Papal sovereign the sole right of
+      interpreting them in doubtful or disputed cases. This he could well afford
+      to do; for not an article had been penned without his concurrence, and not
+      a stipulation had been made without a previous understanding with the
+      Catholic powers. The very terms, moreover, by which his ratification was
+      conveyed, secured his supremacy, and conferred upon his successors and
+      himself the privileges of a court of ultimate appeal. At no previous
+      period in the history of the Church had so wide, so undefined, and so
+      unlimited an authority been accorded to the See of Rome. Thus Pius IV. was
+      triumphant in obtaining conciliar sanction for Pontifical absolutism, and
+      in maintaining the fabric of the Roman hierarchy unimpaired, the cardinal
+      dogmas of Latin Christianity unimpeached and after formal inquisition
+      reasserted in precise definitions. A formidable armory had been placed at
+      the disposal of the Popes, who were fully empowered to use it, and who had
+      two mighty engines for its application ready in the Holy Office and the
+      Company of Jesus.<a name="FNanchorA_49_49" id="FNanchorA_49_49"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_49_49" class="fnanchor">[49]</a><span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageA132" id="pageA132"></a>{132}</span>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      After the termination of the Council there was nothing left for Pius but
+      to die. He stood upon a pinnacle which might well have made him nervous&mdash;lest
+      haply the Solonian maxim, 'Call no man fortunate until his death,' should
+      be verified in his person. During the two years of peace and retirement
+      which he had still to pass, the unsuccessful conspiracy of Benedetto
+      Accolti and Antonio Canossa against his life gave point to this warning.
+      But otherwise, withdrawn from cares of state, which he committed to his
+      nephew, Carlo Borromeo, he enjoyed the tranquillity that follows
+      successful labor, and sank with undiminished prestige into his grave <span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageA133" id="pageA133"></a>{133}</span> at the
+      end of 1565. Those who believe in masterful and potent leaders of humanity
+      may be puzzled to account for the triumph achieved by this common-place
+      arbiter of destiny. Not by strength but by pliancy of character he
+      accomplished the transition from the mediaeval to the modern epoch of
+      Catholicism. He was no Cromwell, Frederick the Great, or Bismarck; only a
+      politic old man, contriving by adroit avoidance to steer the ship of the
+      Church clear through innumerable perils. This scion of the Italian middle
+      class, this moral mediocrity, placed his successors in S. Peter's chair
+      upon a throne of such supremacy that they began immediately to claim
+      jurisdiction over kings and nations. Thirty-eight years before his death,
+      when Clement VII. was shut up in S. Angelo, it seemed as though the Papal
+      power might be abolished. Forty-five years after his death, Sarpi, writing
+      to a friend in 1610, expressed his firm opinion that the one, the burning
+      question for Europe was the Papal power.<a name="FNanchorA_50_50"
+      id="FNanchorA_50_50"></a><a href="#FootnoteA_50_50" class="fnanchor">[50]</a>
+      Through him, poor product as he was of ordinary Italian circumstances,
+      elected to be Pope because of his easy-going mildness by prelates worn to
+      death in fiery Caraffa's reign, it happened that the flood of Catholic
+      reaction was rolled over Europe. In a certain sense we may therefore
+      regard him as a veritable <i>Flagellum Dei</i>, wielded by inscrutable
+      fate. It seems that at momentous epochs of world-history no hero is needed
+      to effect the purpose of the Time-<span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA134"
+      id="pageA134"></a>{134}</span> Spirit. A Gian Angelo Medici, agreeable,
+      diplomatic, benevolent, and pleasure-loving, sufficed to initiate a series
+      of events which kept the Occidental races in perturbation through two
+      centuries.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      A great step had been taken in the pontificate of Pius IV. That reform of
+      the Church, which the success of Protestantism rendered necessary, and
+      which the Catholic powers demanded, had been decreed by the Council of
+      Trent. Pius showed no unwillingness to give effect to the Council's
+      regulations; and the task was facilitated for him by his nephew, Carlo
+      Borromeo, and the Jesuits. It still remained, however, to be seen whether
+      a new Pope might not reverse the policy on which the Counter-Reformation
+      had been founded, and impede the beneficial inner movement which was
+      leading the Roman hierarchy into paths of sobriety. Should this have
+      happened, it would have been impossible for Romanism to assume a warlike
+      attitude of resistance toward the Protestants in Europe, or to have
+      rallied its own spiritual forces. The next election was therefore a matter
+      of grave import.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Nothing is more remarkable in the history of the Papacy at this epoch than
+      the singular contrast offered by each Pontiff in succession to his
+      predecessor. The conclave was practically uncontrolled in its choice by
+      any external force of the first magnitude. Though a Duke of Florence might
+      now, by intrigue, determine the nomination of a Pius IV., no commanding
+      Emperor or King of France, as in <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA135"
+      id="pageA135"></a>{135}</span> the times of Otto the Great or Philip le
+      Bel, could designate his own candidate. There was no strife, so open as in
+      the Renaissance period, between Cardinals subsidized by Spain or Austria
+      or France.<a name="FNanchorA_51_51" id="FNanchorA_51_51"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_51_51" class="fnanchor">[51]</a> The result was that the
+      deliberations of the conclave were determined by motives of petty
+      interests, personal jealousies, and local considerations, to such an
+      extent that the election seemed finally to be the result of chance or
+      inspiration. We find the most unlikely candidates, Caraffa and Peretti,
+      attributing their elevation to the direct influence of the Holy Ghost, in
+      the consciousness that they had slipped into S. Peter's Chair by the
+      maladroitness of conflicting factions. The upshot, however, of these
+      uninfluenced elections generally was to promote a man antagonistic to his
+      predecessor. The clash of parties and the numerical majority of
+      independent Cardinals excluded the creatures of the last reign, and
+      selected for advancement one who owed his position to the favor of an
+      antecedent Pontiff. This result was further secured by the natural desire
+      of all concerned in the election to nominate an old man, since it was for
+      the general advantage that a pontificate should, if possible, not exceed
+      five years.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The personal qualities of Carlo Borromeo were <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageA136" id="pageA136"></a>{136}</span> of grave importance in the
+      election of a successor to his uncle. He had ruled the Church during the
+      last years of Pius IV.; and the newly-appointed Cardinals were his
+      dependents. Had he attempted to exert his power for his own election, he
+      might have met with opposition. He chose to use it for what he considered
+      the deepest Catholic interests. This unselfishness led to the selection of
+      a man, Michele Ghislieri, whose antecedents rendered him formidable to the
+      still corrupt members of the Roman hierarchy, but whose character was
+      precisely of the stamp required for giving solidity to the new phase on
+      which the Church had entered. As Pius IV. had been the exact opposite to
+      Paul IV., so Pius V. was a complete contrast to Pius IV. He had passed the
+      best years of his life as chief of the Inquisition. Devoted to theology
+      and to religious exercises, he lacked the legal and mundane faculties of
+      his predecessor. But these were no longer necessary. They had done their
+      duty in bringing the Council to a favorable close, and in establishing the
+      Catholic concordat. What was now required was a Pope who should, by
+      personal example and rigid discipline, impress Rome with the principles of
+      orthodoxy and reform. Carlo Borromeo, self-conscious, perhaps, of the
+      political incapacity which others noticed in him, and fervently zealous
+      for the Catholic Revival, devolved this duty on Michele Ghislieri, who
+      completed the work of his two predecessors.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Paul IV. had laid a basis for the modern Roman<span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageA137" id="pageA137"></a>{137}</span> Church by strengthening the
+      Inquisition and setting internal reforms on foot. Pius IV., externally, by
+      his settlement of the Tridentine Council, and by the establishment of the
+      Catholic concordat, built upon this basis an edifice which was not as yet
+      massive. Carlo Borromeo and the Jesuits during the last pontificate
+      prepared the way for a Pope who should cement and gird that building, so
+      that it should be capable of resisting the inroads of time and should
+      serve as a fortress of attack on heresy. That Pope was Michele Ghislieri,
+      who assumed the title of Pius V. in 1566.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Before entering on the matter of his reign, it will be necessary to review
+      the state of Rome at this moment in the epoch of transition, when the
+      mediaeval and Renaissance phases were fast merging into the phase of the
+      Counter-Reformation. Old abuses which have once struck a deep root in any
+      institution, die slowly. It is therefore desirable to survey the position
+      in which the Papal Sovereign of the Holy City, as constituted by the
+      Council of Trent, held sway there.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The population of Rome was singularly fluctuating. Being principally
+      composed of ecclesiastics with their households and dependents; foreigners
+      resident in the city as suitors or ambassadors; merchants, tradespeople
+      and artists attracted by the hope of gain; it rose or fell according to
+      the qualities of the reigning Pope, and the greater or less train of life
+      which happened to be fashionable. Noble <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageA138" id="pageA138"></a>{138}</span> families were rather
+      conspicuous by their absence than by their presence; for those of the
+      first rank, Colonna and Orsini, dwelt upon their fiefs, and visited the
+      capital only as occasion served. The minor aristocracy which gave solidity
+      to social relations in towns like Florence and Bologna, never attained the
+      rank of a substantial oligarchy in Rome. Nor was there an established
+      dynasty round which a circle of peers might gather in permanent alliance
+      with the Court. On the other hand, the frequent succession of Pontiffs
+      chosen from various districts encouraged the growth of an ephemeral
+      nobility, who battened for a while upon the favor of their Papal kinsmen,
+      flooded the city with retainers from their province, and disappeared upon
+      the election of a new Pope, to make room for another flying squadron.
+      Instead of a group of ancient Houses, intermarrying and transmitting
+      hereditary rights and honors to their posterity, Rome presented the
+      spectacle of numerous celibate establishments, displaying great pomp, it
+      is true, but dispersing and disappearing upon the decease of the patrons
+      who assembled them. The households of wealthy Cardinals were formed upon
+      the scale of princely Courts. Yet no one, whether he depended on the
+      mightiest or the feeblest prelate, could reckon on the tenure of his place
+      beyond the lifetime of his master. Many reasons, again&mdash;among which
+      may be reckoned the hostility of reigning Pontiffs to the creatures of
+      their predecessors or to their old rivals in the conclave&mdash;caused
+      <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA139" id="pageA139"></a>{139}</span>
+      the residence of the chief ecclesiastics in Rome to be precarious. Thus
+      the upper stratum of society was always in a state of flux, its elements
+      shifting according to laws of chronic uncertainty. Beneath it spread a
+      rabble of inferior and dubious gentlefolk, living in idleness upon the
+      favor of the Court, serving the Cardinals and Bishops in immoral and
+      dishonest offices, selling their wives, their daughters and themselves,
+      all eager to rise by indirect means to places of emolument.<a
+      name="FNanchorA_52_52" id="FNanchorA_52_52"></a><a href="#FootnoteA_52_52"
+      class="fnanchor">[52]</a> Lower down, existed the <i>bourgeoisie</i> of
+      artists, bankers, builders, shopkeepers, and artisans; and at the bottom
+      of the scale came hordes of beggars. Rome, like all Holy Cities,
+      entertained multitudes of eleemosynary paupers. Gregory XIII. is praised
+      for having spent more than 200,000 crowns a year on works of charity, and
+      for having assigned the district of San Sisto (in the neighborhood of
+      Trinit&agrave; del Monte, one of the best quarters of the present city) to
+      the beggars.<a name="FNanchorA_53_53" id="FNanchorA_53_53"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_53_53" class="fnanchor">[53]</a>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Such being the social conditions of Rome, it is not surprising to learn
+      that during the reign of so harsh a Pontiff as Paul IV., the population
+      sank to a number estimated at between 40,000 and 50,000. It rose rapidly
+      to 70,000, and touched 80,000 in the reign of Pius IV. Afterwards it
+      gradually ascended to 90,000, and during the popular pontificate of
+      Gregory XIII. it is said to have reached the high <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageA140" id="pageA140"></a>{140}</span> figure of 140,000. These
+      calculations are based upon the reports of the Venetian ambassadors, and
+      can be considered as impartial, although they may not be statistically
+      exact.<a name="FNanchorA_54_54" id="FNanchorA_54_54"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_54_54" class="fnanchor">[54]</a>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      What rendered Roman society rotten to the core was universal pecuniary
+      corruption. In Rome nothing could be had without payment; but men with
+      money in their purse obtained whatever they desired. The office of the
+      Datatario alone brought from ten to fourteen thousand crowns a month into
+      the Papal treasury in 1560.<a name="FNanchorA_55_55" id="FNanchorA_55_55"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_55_55" class="fnanchor">[55]</a> This large sum accrued
+      from the composition of benefices and the sale of vacant offices. The
+      Camera Apostolica, or Chamber of Justice, was no less venal. A price was
+      set on every crime, for which its punishment could be commuted into
+      cash-payment. Even so severe a Pope as Paul IV. committed to his nephew,
+      by published and printed edict, the privilege of compounding with
+      criminals by fines.<a name="FNanchorA_56_56" id="FNanchorA_56_56"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_56_56" class="fnanchor">[56]</a> One consequence of this
+      vile system, rightly called by the Venetian envoy 'the very strangest that
+      could be witnessed or heard of in such matters,' was that wealthy sinners
+      indulged their appetites at the expense of their families, and that
+      innocent people became the prey of sharpers and informers.<a
+      name="FNanchorA_57_57" id="FNanchorA_57_57"></a><a href="#FootnoteA_57_57"
+      class="fnanchor">[57]</a> Rome had organized a vast system of <i>chantage</i>.
+      <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA141" id="pageA141"></a>{141}</span>
+      Another consequence was that acts of violence were frightfully common. Men
+      could be hired to commit murders at sums varying from ten to four scudi;
+      and on the death of Paul IV., when anarchy prevailed for a short while in
+      Rome, an eye-witness asserts that several hundred assassinations were
+      committed within the walls in a few days.<a name="FNanchorA_58_58"
+      id="FNanchorA_58_58"></a><a href="#FootnoteA_58_58" class="fnanchor">[58]</a>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      It was not to be expected that a population so corrupt, accustomed for
+      generations to fatten upon the venality and vices of the hierarchy, should
+      welcome those radical reforms which were the best fruits of the Tridentine
+      Council. They specially disliked the decrees which enforced the residence
+      of prelates and the limitation of benefices held by a single ecclesiastic.
+      These regulations implied the withdrawal of wealthy patrons from Rome,
+      together with an incalculable reduction in the amount of foreign money
+      spent there. Nor were the measures for abolishing a simoniacal sale of
+      offices, and the growing demand for decency in the administration of
+      justice, less unpopular. The one struck at the root of private speculation
+      in lucrative posts, and deprived the Court of revenues which had to be
+      replaced by taxes. The other destroyed the arts of informers, checked
+      lawlessness and license in the rich, and had the same lamentable effect of
+      impoverishing the Papal treasury. In proportion as the Curia ceased to
+      subsist upon the profits of simony, superstition, and sin, it was forced
+      to main<span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA142" id="pageA142"></a>{142}</span>
+      tain itself by imposts on the people, and by resuming, as Gregory XIII.
+      attempted to do, its obsolete rights over fiefs and lands accorded on easy
+      terms or held by doubtful titles. Meanwhile the retrenchment rendered
+      necessary in all households of the hierarchy, and the introduction of
+      severer manners, threatened many minor branches of industry with
+      extinction.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      These changes began to manifest themselves during the pontificate of Pius
+      IV. The Pope himself was inclined to a liberal and joyous scale of living.
+      But he was not remarkable for generosity; and the new severity of manners
+      made itself felt by the example of his nephew Carlo Borromeo&mdash;a man
+      who, while living in the purple, practiced austerities that were apparent
+      in his emaciated countenance. The Jesuits ruled him; and, through him,
+      their influence was felt in every quarter of the city.<a
+      name="FNanchorA_59_59" id="FNanchorA_59_59"></a><a href="#FootnoteA_59_59"
+      class="fnanchor">[59]</a> 'The Court of Rome,' says the Venetian envoy in
+      the year 1565, 'is no longer what it used to be either in the quality or
+      the numbers of the courtiers. This is principally due to the poverty of
+      the Cardinals and the parsimony of the Popes. In the old days, when they
+      gave away more liberally, men of ability flocked from all quarters. This
+      reduction of the Court dates from the Council; for the bishops and
+      beneficed clergy being now obliged to retire to their residences, the
+      larger portion of the Court has left Rome. To the same cause may be <span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageA143" id="pageA143"></a>{143}</span> ascribed
+      a diminution in the numbers of those who serve the Pontiff, seeing that
+      since only one benefice can now be given, and that involves residence,
+      there are few who care to follow the Court at their own expense and
+      inconvenience without hope of greater reward. The poverty of the Cardinals
+      springs from two causes. The first is that they cannot now obtain
+      benefices of the first class, as was the case when England, Germany, and
+      other provinces were subject to the Holy See, and when moreover they could
+      hold three or four bishoprics apiece together with other places of
+      emolument, whereas they now can only have one apiece. The second cause is
+      that the number of the Cardinals has been increased to seventy-five, and
+      that the foreign powers have ceased to compliment them with large presents
+      and Benefices, as was the wont of Charles V. and the French crown.' In the
+      last of these clauses we find clearly indicated one of the main results of
+      the concordat established between the Papacy and the Catholic sovereigns
+      by the policy of Pius IV. It secured Papal absolutism at the expense of
+      the college. Soranzo proceeds to describe the changes visible in Roman
+      society. 'The train of life at Court is therefore mean, partly through
+      poverty, but also owing to the good example of Cardinal Borromeo, seeing
+      that people are wont to follow the manners of their princes. The Cardinal
+      holds in his hands all the threads of the administration; and living
+      religiously in the retirement I have noticed, <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageA144" id="pageA144"></a>{144}</span> indulging in liberalities
+      to none but persons of his own stamp, there is neither Cardinal nor
+      courtier who can expect any favor from him unless he conform in fact or in
+      appearance to his mode of life. Consequently one observes that they have
+      altogether withdrawn, in public at any rate, from every sort of pleasures.
+      One sees no longer Cardinals in masquerade or on horseback, nor driving
+      with women about Rome for pastime, as the custom was of late; but the
+      utmost they do is to go alone in close coaches. Banquets, diversions,
+      hunting parties, splendid liveries and all the other signs of outward
+      luxury have been abolished; the more so that now there is at Court no
+      layman of high quality, as formerly when the Pope had many of his
+      relatives or dependents around him. The clergy always wear their robes, so
+      that the reform of the Church is manifested in their appearance. This
+      state of things, on the other hand, has been the ruin of the artisans and
+      merchants, since no money circulates. And while all offices and
+      magistracies are in the hands of Milanese, grasping and illiberal persons,
+      very few indeed can be still called satisfied with the present reign.'<a
+      name="FNanchorA_60_60" id="FNanchorA_60_60"></a><a href="#FootnoteA_60_60"
+      class="fnanchor">[60]</a>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      One chief defect of Pius IV., judged by the standard of the new party in
+      the Church, had been his coldness in religious exercises. Paolo Tiepolo
+      remarks that during the last seven months of his life he never once
+      attended service in his chapel.<a name="FNanchorA_61_61"
+      id="FNanchorA_61_61"></a><a href="#FootnoteA_61_61" class="fnanchor">[61]</a><span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageA145" id="pageA145"></a>{145}</span>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      This indifference was combined with lukewarmness in the prosecution of
+      reforms. The Datatario still enriched itself by the composition of
+      benefices, and the Camera by the composition of crimes. Pius V., on the
+      contrary, embodied in himself those ascetic virtues which Carlo Borromeo
+      and the Jesuits were determined to propagate throughout the Catholic
+      world. He never missed a day's attendance on the prescribed services of
+      the Church, said frequent Masses, fasted at regular intervals, and
+      continued to wear the coarse woolen shirt which formed a part of his
+      friar's costume. In his piety there was no hypocrisy. The people saw
+      streams of tears pouring from the eyes of the Pontiff bowed in ecstacy
+      before the Host. A rigid reformation of the churches, monasteries, and
+      clergy was immediately set on foot throughout the Papal States. Monks and
+      nuns complained, not without cause, that austerities were expected from
+      them which were not included in the rules to which they vowed obedience.
+      The severity of the Inquisition was augmented, and the Index Expurgatorius
+      began to exercise a stricter jurisdiction over books. The Pope spent half
+      his time at the Holy Office, inquiring into cases of heresy of ten or
+      twenty years' standing. From Florence he caused Carnesecchi to be dragged
+      to Rome and burned; from Venice the refugee Guido Zanetti of Fano was
+      delivered over to his tender mercies; and the excellent Carranza,
+      Archbishop of Toledo, was sent from Spain to be condemned to death before
+      the Roman <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA146" id="pageA146"></a>{146}</span>
+      tribunal. Criminal justice, meanwhile, was administered with greater
+      purity, and the composition of crimes for money, if not wholly abolished,
+      was moderated. In the collation to bishoprics and other benefices the same
+      spirit of equity appeared; for Pius inquired scrupulously into the
+      character and fitness of aspirants after office.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The zeal manifested by Pius V. for a thorough-going reform of manners may
+      be illustrated by a curious circumstance related by the Venetian
+      ambassador in the first year of the pontificate.<a name="FNanchorA_62_62"
+      id="FNanchorA_62_62"></a><a href="#FootnoteA_62_62" class="fnanchor">[62]</a>
+      On July 26, 1566, an edict was issued, compelling all prostitutes to leave
+      Rome within six days, and to evacuate the States of the Church within
+      twelve days. The exodus began. But it was estimated that about 25,000
+      persons, counting the women themselves with their hangers-on and
+      dependents, would have to quit the city if the edict were enforced.<a
+      name="FNanchorA_63_63" id="FNanchorA_63_63"></a><a href="#FootnoteA_63_63"
+      class="fnanchor">[63]</a> The farmers of the customs calculated that they
+      would lose some 20,000 ducats a year in consequence, and prayed the Pope
+      for compensation. Meanwhile the roads across the Campagna began to be
+      thronged by caravans, which were exposed to the attacks of robbers. The
+      confusion became so great, and the public discontent was so openly
+      expressed, that on August 17 Pius repealed <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageA147" id="pageA147"></a>{147}</span> his edict and permitted the
+      prostitutes to reside in certain quarters of the city.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Pius IV. had wasted the greater part of his later life in bed, neglecting
+      business, entertaining his leisure with buffoons and good companions,
+      eating much and drinking more. Pius V., on the contrary, carried the
+      habits of the convent with him into the Vatican, and bestowed the time he
+      spared from devotion upon the transaction of affairs. He was of choleric
+      complexion, adust, lean, wasted, with sunken eyes and snow-white hair,
+      looking ten years older than he really was.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Such a Pope changed the face of Rome, or rather stereotyped the change
+      which had been instituted by Cardinal Borromeo. 'People, even if they are
+      not really better, seem at least to be so,' says the Venetian envoy, who
+      has supplied me with the details I have condensed.<a name="FNanchorA_64_64"
+      id="FNanchorA_64_64"></a><a href="#FootnoteA_64_64" class="fnanchor">[64]</a>
+      Retrenchments in the Papal establishment were introduced; money was
+      scarce; the Court grew meaner in appearance; and nepotism may be said to
+      have been extinct in the days of Pius V. He did indeed advance one nephew,
+      Michele Bonelli, to the Cardinalate; but he showed no inclination to
+      enrich or favor him beyond due measure. A worn man, without ears, marked
+      by the bastinado, frequented the palace, and stood near the person of the
+      Pope, as Captain of the Guard. This was Paolo Ghislieri, a somewhat
+      distant relative of Pius, who had passed his life in servitude to Bar<span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageA148" id="pageA148"></a>{148}</span> bary
+      corsairs and had been ransomed by a merchant upon the election of his
+      kinsman. No other members of the Papal family were invited to Rome.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Pius V., while living this exemplary monastic life upon the Papal throne,
+      ruled Catholic Christendom more absolutely than any of his predecessors.
+      As the Papacy recognized its dependence on the sovereigns, so the
+      sovereigns in their turn perceived that religious conformity was the best
+      safeguard of their secular authority. Therefore the Catholic States
+      subscribed, one after the other, to the Tridentive Profession of Faith,
+      and adopted one system in matters of Church discipline. A new Breviary and
+      a new Missal were published with the Papal sanction. Seminaries were
+      established for the education of ecclesiastics, and the Jesuits labored in
+      their propaganda. The Inquisition and the Congregation of the Index
+      redoubled their efforts to stamp out heresy by fire and iron, and by the
+      suppression or mutilation of books. A rigid uniformity was impressed on
+      Catholicism. The Pope, to whom such power had been committed by the
+      Council, stood at the head of each section and department of the new
+      organization. To his approval every measure in the Church was referred,
+      and the Jesuits executed his instructions with punctual exactness.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      It is not, therefore, to be wondered that Pius V. should have opened the
+      era of active hostilities against Protestantism. Firmly allied with Philip
+      II., he advocated attacks upon the Huguenots in France, <span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageA149" id="pageA149"></a>{149}</span> the
+      Protestants in Flanders, and the English crown. There is no evidence that
+      he was active in promoting the Massacre of S. Bartholomew, which took
+      place three months after his death; and the expedition of the Invincible
+      Armada against England was not equipped until another period of fifteen
+      years had elapsed. Yet the negotiations in which he was engaged with
+      Spain, involving enterprises to the detriment of the English realm and the
+      French Reformation, leave no doubt that both S. Bartholomew and the Armada
+      would have met with his hearty approval. One glorious victory gave luster
+      to the reign of Pius V. In 1571 the navies of Spain, Venice and Rome
+      inflicted a paralyzing blow upon the Turkish power at Lepanto; and this
+      success was potent in fanning the flame of Catholic enthusiasm.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The pontificates of Paul IV., Pius IV., and Pius V., differing as they did
+      in very important details, had achieved a solid triumph for reformed
+      Catholicism, of which both the diplomatical and the ascetic parties in the
+      Church, Jesuits and Theatines, were eager to take advantage. A new spirit
+      in the Roman polity prevailed, upon the reality of which its future force
+      depended; and the men who embodied this spirit had no mind to relax their
+      hold on its administration. After the death of Pius V. they had to deal
+      with a Pope who resembled his penultimate predecessor, Pius IV., more than
+      the last Pontiff. Ugo Buoncompagno, the scion of a <i>bourgeois</i> family
+      settled in Bologna, began his career as a jurist.<span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageA150" id="pageA150"></a>{150}</span> He took orders in middle
+      life, was promoted to the Cardinalate, and attained the supreme honor of
+      the Holy See in 1572. The man responded to his name. He was a good
+      companion, easy of access, genial in manners, remarkable for the facility
+      with which he cast off care and gave himself to sanguine expectations.<a
+      name="FNanchorA_65_65" id="FNanchorA_65_65"></a><a href="#FootnoteA_65_65"
+      class="fnanchor">[65]</a> In an earlier period of Church history he might
+      have reproduced the Papacy of Paul II. or Innocent VIII. As it was,
+      Gregory XIII. fell at once under the potent influence of Jesuit directors.
+      His confessor, the Spanish Francesco da Toledo, impressed upon him the
+      necessity of following the footsteps of Paul IV. and Pius V. It was made
+      plain that he must conform to the new tendencies of the Catholic Church;
+      and in his neophyte's zeal he determined to outdo his predecessors. The
+      example of Pius V. was not only imitated, but surpassed. Gregory XIII.
+      celebrated three Masses a week, built churches, and enforced parochial
+      obedience throughout his capital. The Jesuits in his reign attained to the
+      maximum of their wealth and influence. Rome, 'abandoning her ancient
+      license, displayed a moderate and Christian mode of living: and in so far
+      as the external observance of religion was concerned, she showed herself
+      not far removed from such perfection as human frailties allow.'<a
+      name="FNanchorA_66_66" id="FNanchorA_66_66"></a><a href="#FootnoteA_66_66"
+      class="fnanchor">[66]</a>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      While he was yet a layman, Gregory became the father of one son, Giacomo.
+      Born out of wedlock, he <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA151"
+      id="pageA151"></a>{151}</span> was yet acknowledged as a member of the
+      Buoncompagno family, and admitted under this name into the Venetian
+      nobility.<a name="FNanchorA_67_67" id="FNanchorA_67_67"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_67_67" class="fnanchor">[67]</a> The Pope manifested
+      paternal weakness in favor of his offspring. He brought the young man to
+      Rome, and made him Governatore di Santa Chiesa with a salary of 10,000
+      ducats. The Jesuits and other spiritual persons scented danger. They
+      persuaded the Holy Father that conscience and honor required the
+      alienation of his bastard from the sacred city. Giacomo was relegated to
+      honorable exile in Ancona. But he suffered so severely from this rebuff,
+      that terms of accommodation were agreed on. Giacomo received a lady of the
+      Sforza family in marriage, and was established at the Papal Court with a
+      revenue amounting to about 25,000 crowns.<a name="FNanchorA_68_68"
+      id="FNanchorA_68_68"></a><a href="#FootnoteA_68_68" class="fnanchor">[68]</a>
+      The ecclesiastical party now predominant in Rome, took care that he should
+      not acquire more than honorary importance in the government. Two of the
+      Pope's nephews were promoted to the Cardinalate with provisions of about
+      10,000 crowns apiece. His old brother abode in retirement at Bologna under
+      strict orders not to seek fortune or to perplex the Papal purity of rule
+      in Rome.<a name="FNanchorA_69_69" id="FNanchorA_69_69"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_69_69" class="fnanchor">[69]</a>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      I have introduced this sketch of Gregory's relations in order to show how
+      a Pope of his previous <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA152"
+      id="pageA152"></a>{152}</span> habits and personal proclivities was now
+      obliged to follow the new order of the Church. It was noticed that the
+      mode of life in Rome during his reign struck a just balance between
+      license and austerity, and that general satisfaction pervaded society.<a
+      name="FNanchorA_70_70" id="FNanchorA_70_70"></a><a href="#FootnoteA_70_70"
+      class="fnanchor">[70]</a> Outside the city this contentment did not
+      prevail. Gregory threw his States into disorder by reviving obsolete
+      rights of the Church over lands mortgaged or granted with obscure titles.
+      The petty barons rose in revolt, armed their peasants, fomented factions
+      in the country towns, and filled the land with brigands. Under the
+      leadership of men like Alfonso Piccolomini and Roberto Malatesta, these
+      marauding bands assumed the proportion of armies. The neighboring Italian
+      States&mdash;Tuscany, Venice, Naples, Parma, all of whom had found the
+      Pope arbitrary and aggressive in his dealings with them&mdash;encouraged
+      the bandits by offering them an asylum and refusing to co-operate with
+      Gregory for their reduction.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      His successor, Sixtus V., found the whole Papal dominion in confusion. It
+      was impossible to collect the taxes. Life and property were nowhere safe.
+      By a series of savage enactments and stern acts of justice, Sixtus swept
+      the brigands from his States. He then applied his powerful will to the
+      collection of money and the improvement of his provinces. In the four
+      years which followed his election he succeeded in accumulating a round sum
+      of four million <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA153" id="pageA153"></a>{153}</span>
+      crowns, which he stored up in the Castle of S. Angelo. The total revenues
+      of the Papacy at this epoch were roughly estimated at 750,000 crowns,
+      which in former reigns had been absorbed in current costs and the
+      pontifical establishment. By rigorous economy and retrenchments of all
+      kinds Sixtus reduced these annual expenses to a sum of 250,000, thus
+      making a clear profit of 500,000 crowns.<a name="FNanchorA_71_71"
+      id="FNanchorA_71_71"></a><a href="#FootnoteA_71_71" class="fnanchor">[71]</a>
+      At the same time he had already spent about a million and a half on works
+      of public utility, including the famous Acqua Felice, which brought
+      excellent water into Rome. Roads and bridges throughout the States of the
+      Church were repaired, The Chiana of Orvieto and the Pontine Marsh were
+      drained. Encouragement was extended, not only to agriculture, but also to
+      industries and manufactures. The country towns obtained wise financial
+      concessions, and the unpopular resumption of lapsed lands and fiefs was
+      discontinued. Rome meanwhile began to assume her present aspect as a city,
+      by the extensive architectural undertakings which Sixtus set on foot. He
+      loved building; but he was no lover of antiquity. For pagan monuments of
+      art he showed a monastic animosity, dispersing or mutilating the statues
+      of the Vatican and Capitol; turning a Minerva into an image of the Faith
+      by putting a cross in her hand; surmounting the columns of Trajan and
+      Antonine with figures of Peter and Paul; destroying the Septizonium of
+      Severus, and wishing to lay sacri<span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA154"
+      id="pageA154"></a>{154}</span> legious hands on Caecilia Metella's tomb.
+      To mediaeval relics he was hardly less indifferent. The old buildings of
+      the Lateran were thrown down to make room for the heavy modern palace.
+      But, to atone in some measure for these acts of vandalism, Sixtus placed
+      the cupola upon S. Peter's and raised the obelisk in the great piazza
+      which was destined to be circled with Bernini's colonnades. This obelisk
+      he tapped with a cross. Christian inscriptions, signalizing the triumph of
+      the Pontiff over infidel emperors, the victory of Calvary over Olympus,
+      the superiority of Rome's saints and martyrs to Rome's old deities and
+      heroes, left no doubt that what remained of the imperial city had been
+      subdued to Christ and purged of paganism. Wandering through Rome at the
+      present time, we feel in every part the spirit of the Catholic Revival,
+      and murmur to ourselves those lines of Clough:
+    </p>
+    <div class="poem">
+      <div class="stanza">
+        <span>O ye mighty and strange, ye ancient divine ones of Hellas!<br />
+        </span> <span>Are ye Christian too? To convert and redeem and renew you,<br />
+        </span> <span>Will the brief form have sufficed, that a Pope has sat up
+        on the apex<br /> </span> <span>Of the Egyptian stone that o'ertops you,
+        the Christian symbol?<br /> </span> <span>And ye, silent, supreme in
+        serene and victorious marble,<br /> </span> <span>Ye that encircle the
+        walls of the stately Vatican chambers,<br /> </span> <span>Are ye also
+        baptized; are ye of the Kingdom of Heaven?<br /> </span> <span>Utter, O
+        some one, the word that shall reconcile Ancient and Modern.<br /> </span>
+      </div>
+    </div>
+    <p>
+      Nothing was more absent from the mind of Sixtus than any attempt to
+      reconcile Ancient and Modern. He was bent on proclaiming the ultimate
+      triumph of Catholicism, not only over antiquity, but also over the
+      Renaissance. His inscriptions, crosses, and images of saints are the
+      enduring badges of serf<span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA155"
+      id="pageA155"></a>{155}</span> dom set upon the monuments of ancient and
+      renascent Italy, bearing which they were permitted by the now absolute
+      Pontiff to remain as testimonies to his power.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Retrenchment alone could not have sufficed for the accumulation of so much
+      idle capital, and for so extensive an expenditure on works of public
+      utility. Sixtus therefore had recourse to new taxation, new loans, and the
+      creation of new offices for sale. The Venetian envoy mentions eighteen
+      imposts levied in his reign; a sum of 600,000 crowns accruing to the
+      Camera by the sale of places; and extensive loans, or Monti, which were
+      principally financed by the Genoese.<a name="FNanchorA_72_72"
+      id="FNanchorA_72_72"></a><a href="#FootnoteA_72_72" class="fnanchor">[72]</a>
+      It was necessary for the Papacy, now that it had relinquished the larger
+      part of its revenues derived from Europe, to live upon the proceeds of the
+      Papal States. The complicated financial expedients on which successive
+      Popes relied for developing their exchequer, have been elaborately
+      explained by Ranke.<a name="FNanchorA_73_73" id="FNanchorA_73_73"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_73_73" class="fnanchor">[73]</a> They were materially
+      assisted in their efforts to support the Papal dignity upon the resources
+      of their realm, by the new system of nepotism which now began to prevail.
+      Since the Council of Trent, it was impossible for a Pope to acknowledge
+      his sons, and few, if any, of the Popes after Pius IV. had sons to
+      acknowledge.<a name="FNanchorA_74_74" id="FNanchorA_74_74"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_74_74" class="fnanchor">[74]</a><span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageA156" id="pageA156"></a>{156}</span>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The tendencies of the Church rendered it also incompatible with the Papal
+      position that near relatives of the Pontiff should be advanced, as
+      formerly, to the dignity of independent princes. The custom was to create
+      one nephew Cardinal, with such wealth derived from office as should enable
+      him to benefit the Papal family at large. Another nephew was usually
+      ennobled, endowed with capital in the public funds for the purchase of
+      lands, and provided with lucrative places in the secular administration.
+      He then married into a Roman family of wealth and founded one of the
+      aristocratic houses of the Roman State. We possess some details respecting
+      the incomes of the Papal nephews at this period, which may be of interest.<a
+      name="FNanchorA_75_75" id="FNanchorA_75_75"></a><a href="#FootnoteA_75_75"
+      class="fnanchor">[75]</a> Carlo Borromeo was reasonably believed to enjoy
+      revenues amounting to 50,000 scudi. Giacomo Buoncompagno's whole estate
+      was estimated at 120,000 scudi; while the two Cardinal nephews of Gregory
+      XIII. had each about 10,000 a year. At the same epoch Paolo Giordano
+      Orsini, Duke of Bracciano, enjoyed an income of some 25,000, his estate
+      being worth 60,000, but being heavily encumbered. These figures are taken
+      from the Reports of the Venetian <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA157"
+      id="pageA157"></a>{157}</span> envoys. If we may trust them as accurate,
+      it will appear by a comparison of them with the details furnished by
+      Ranke, that Gregory's successors treated their relatives with greater
+      generosity.<a name="FNanchorA_76_76" id="FNanchorA_76_76"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_76_76" class="fnanchor">[76]</a> Sixtus V. enriched the
+      Cardinal Montalto with an ecclesiastical income of 100,000 scudi. Clement
+      VIII. bestowed on two nephews&mdash;one Cardinal, the other layman&mdash;revenues
+      of about 60,000 apiece in 1599. He is computed to have hoarded altogether
+      for his family a round sum of 1,000,000 scudi. Paul V. was believed to
+      have given to his Borghese relatives nearly 700,000 scudi in cash, 24,600
+      scudi in funds, and 268,000 in the worth of offices.<a
+      name="FNanchorA_77_77" id="FNanchorA_77_77"></a><a href="#FootnoteA_77_77"
+      class="fnanchor">[77]</a> The Cardinal Ludovico Ludovisi, nephew of
+      Gregory XV., had a reputed income of 200,000 scudi; and the Ludovisi
+      family obtained 800,000 in <i>luoghi di monte</i> or funds. Three nephews
+      of Urban VIII., <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA158" id="pageA158"></a>{158}</span>
+      the brothers Barberini, were said to have enjoyed joint revenues amounting
+      to half a million scudi, and their total gains from the pontificate
+      touched the enormous sum of 105,000,000. These are the families, sprung
+      from obscurity or mediocre station, whose palaces and villas adorn Rome,
+      and who now rank, though of such recent origin, with the aristocracy of
+      Europe.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Sixtus V. died in 1590. To follow the history of his successors would be
+      superfluous for the purpose of this book. The change in the Church which
+      began in the reign of Paul III. was completed in his pontificate. About
+      half a century, embracing seven tenures of the Holy Chair, had sufficed to
+      develop the new phase of the Papacy as an absolute sovereignty,
+      representing the modern European principle of absolutism, both as the
+      acknowledged Head of Catholic Christendom and also as a petty Italian
+      power.<span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA159" id="pageA159"></a>{159}</span>
+    </p>
+    <h2>
+      <a name="CHAPTER_III" id="CHAPTER_III"></a>CHAPTER III
+    </h2>
+    <h4>
+      THE INQUISITION AND THE INDEX
+    </h4>
+    <div class="blockquot">
+      <p>
+        Different Spirit in the Holy Office and the Company of Jesus&mdash;Both
+        needed by the Counter-Reformation&mdash;Heresy in the Early Church&mdash;First
+        Origins of the Inquisition in 1203&mdash;S. Dominic&mdash;The Holy
+        Office becomes a Dominican Institution&mdash;Recognized by the Empire&mdash;Its
+        early Organization&mdash;The Spanish Inquisition&mdash;Founded in 1484&mdash;How
+        it differed from the earlier Apostolical Inquisition&mdash;Jews, Moors,
+        New Christians&mdash;Organization and History of the Holy Office in
+        Spain&mdash;Torquemada and his Successors&mdash;The Spanish Inquisition
+        never introduced into Italy&mdash;How the Roman Inquisition organized by
+        Caraffa differed from it&mdash;<i>Autos da f&eacute;</i> in Rome&mdash;Proscription
+        of suspected Lutherans&mdash;The Calabrian Waldenses&mdash;Protestants
+        at Locarno and Venice&mdash;Digression on the Venetian Holy Office&mdash;Persecution
+        of Free Thought in Literature&mdash;Growth of the Index Librorum
+        Prohibitorum&mdash;Sanction given to it by the Council of Trent&mdash;The
+        Roman Congregation of the Index&mdash;Final Form of the Censorship of
+        Books under Clement VIII.&mdash;Analysis of its Regulations&mdash;Proscription
+        of Heretical Books&mdash;Correction of Texts&mdash;Purgation and
+        Castration&mdash;Inquisitorial and Episcopal Licenses&mdash;Working of
+        the System of this Censorship in Italy&mdash;Its long Delays&mdash;Hostility
+        to Sound Learning&mdash;Ignorance of the Censors&mdash;Interference with
+        Scholars in their Work&mdash;Terrorism of Booksellers&mdash;Vatican
+        Scheme for the Restoration of Christian Erudition&mdash;Frustrated by
+        the Tyranny of the Index&mdash;Dishonesty of the Vatican Scholars&mdash;Biblical
+        Studies rendered nugatory by the Tridentine Decree on the Vulgate&mdash;Decline
+        of Learning in Universities&mdash;Miserable Servitude of Professors&mdash;Greek
+        dies out&mdash;Muretus and Manutius in Rome&mdash;The Index and its
+        Treatment of Political Works&mdash;Machiavelli&mdash;<i>Ratio Status</i>&mdash;Encouragement
+        of Literature on Papal Absolutism&mdash;Sarpi's Attitude&mdash;Comparative
+        Indifference of Rome to Books of Obscene or Immoral Tendency&mdash;Bandello
+        and Boccaccio&mdash;Papal attempts to Control Intercourse of Italians
+        with Heretics.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <p>
+      In pursuing the plan of this book, which aims at showing how the spirit of
+      the Catholic revival pene<span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA160"
+      id="pageA160"></a>{160}</span> trated every sphere of intellectual
+      activity in Italy, it will now be needful to consider the two agents, both
+      of Spanish origin, on whose assistance the Church relied in her crusade
+      against liberties of thought, speech, and action. These were the
+      Inquisition and the Company of Jesus. The one worked by extirpation and
+      forcible repression; the other by mental enfeeblement and moral
+      corruption. The one used fire, torture, imprisonment, confiscation of
+      goods, the proscription of learning, the destruction or emasculation of
+      books. The other employed subtle means to fill the vacuum thus created
+      with spurious erudition, sophistries, casuistical abominations and false
+      doctrines profitable to the Papal absolutism. Opposed in temper and in
+      method, the one fierce and rigid, the other saccharine and pliant, these
+      two bad angels of Rome contributed in almost equal measure to the triumph
+      of Catholicism.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      In the earlier ages of the Church, the definition of heresy had been
+      committed to episcopal authority. But the cognizance of heretics and the
+      determination of their punishment remained in the hands of secular
+      magistrates. At the end of the twelfth century the wide diffusion of the
+      Albigensian heterodoxy through Languedoc and Northern Italy alarmed the
+      chiefs of Christendom, and furnished the Papacy with a good pretext for
+      extending its prerogatives. Innocent III. in 1203 empowered two French
+      Cistercians, Pierre de Castelnau and Raoul, to preach against the heretics
+      of Provence.<span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA161" id="pageA161"></a>{161}</span>
+      In the following year he ratified this commission by a Bull, which
+      censured the negligence and coldness of the bishops, appointed the Abbot
+      of Citeaux Papal delegate in matters of heresy, and gave him authority to
+      judge and punish misbelievers. This was the first germ of the Holy Office
+      as a separate Tribunal. In order to comprehend the facility with which the
+      Pope established so anomalous an institution, we must bear in mind the
+      intense horror which heresy inspired in the Middle Ages. Being a distinct
+      encroachment of the Papacy upon the episcopal jurisdiction and
+      prerogatives, the Inquisition met at first with some opposition from the
+      bishops. The people for whose persecution it was designed, and at whose
+      expense it carried on its work, broke into rebellion; the first years of
+      its annals were rendered illustrious by the murder of one of its founders,
+      Pierre de Castelnau. He was canonized, and became the first Saint of the
+      Inquisition. Two other Peters obtained the like honor through their zeal
+      for the Catholic faith: Peter of Verona, commonly called Peter Martyr, the
+      Italian saint of the Dominican order; and Peter Arbues, the Spanish saint,
+      who sealed with his blood the charter of the Holy Office in Aragon.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      In spite of opposition, the Papal institution took root and flourished.
+      Philip Augustus responded to the appeals of Innocent; and a crusade began
+      against the Albigenses, in which Simon de Montfort won his sinister
+      celebrity. During those bloody <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA162"
+      id="pageA162"></a>{162}</span> wars the Inquisition developed itself as a
+      force of formidable expansive energy. Material assistance to the cause was
+      rendered by a Spanish monk of the Augustine order, who settled in Provence
+      on his way back from Rome in 1206. Domenigo de Guzman, known to universal
+      history as S. Dominic, organized a new militia for the service of the
+      orthodox Church between the years 1215 and 1219. His order, called the
+      Order of the Preachers, was originally designed to repress heresy and
+      confirm the faith by diffusing Catholic doctrine and maintaining the creed
+      in its purity. It consisted of three sections: the Preaching Friars; nuns
+      living in conventual retreat; and laymen, entitled the Third Order of
+      Penitence or the Militia of Christ, who in after years were merged with
+      the congregation of S. Peter Martyr, and corresponded to the familiars of
+      the Inquisition. Since the Dominicans were established in the heat and
+      passion of a crusade against heresy, by a rigid Spaniard who employed his
+      energies in persecuting misbelievers, they assumed at the outset a
+      belligerent and inquisitorial attitude. Yet it is not strictly accurate to
+      represent S. Dominic himself as the first Grand Inquisitor. The Papacy
+      proceeded with caution in its design of forming a tribunal dependent on
+      the Holy See and independent of the bishops. Papal Legates with
+      plenipotentiary authority were sent to Languedoc, and decrees were issued
+      against the heretics, in which the Inquisition was rather implied than
+      <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA163" id="pageA163"></a>{163}</span>
+      directly named; nor can I find that S. Dominic, though he continued to be
+      the soul of the new institution until his death in 1221, obtained the
+      title of Inquisitor.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Notwithstanding this vagueness, the Holy Office may be said to have been
+      founded by S. Dominic; and it soon became apparent that the order he had
+      formed, was destined to monopolize its functions. The Emperor Frederick
+      II. on his coronation, in 1221, declared his willingness to support a
+      separate Apostolical tribunal for the suppression of heresy. He sanctioned
+      the penalty of death by fire for obstinate heretics, and perpetual
+      imprisonment for penitents&mdash;forms of punishment which became
+      stereotyped in the proceedings of the Holy Office.<a name="FNanchorA_78_78"
+      id="FNanchorA_78_78"></a><a href="#FootnoteA_78_78" class="fnanchor">[78]</a>
+      The tribunal, now recognized as a Dominican institution, derived its
+      authority from the Pope. The bishops were suffered to sit with the
+      Inquisitors, but only in such subordinate capacity as left to them a bare
+      title of authority.<a name="FNanchorA_79_79" id="FNanchorA_79_79"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_79_79" class="fnanchor">[79]</a> The secular magistracy
+      was represented by an assessor, who, being nominated by <span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageA164" id="pageA164"></a>{164}</span> the
+      Inquisitor, became his servile instrument. The expenses of the Court in
+      prosecuting, punishing and imprisoning heretics, together with the
+      maintenance of the Inquisitors and their guards, were thrown upon the
+      communes which they visited. Such was the organization which the Popes,
+      aided by S. Dominic, and availing themselves of the fanatical passions
+      aroused in the Proven&ccedil;al wars, succeeded in creating for their own
+      aggrandizement. It is strange to think that its ratification by the
+      supreme secular power was obtained from an Emperor who died in contumacy,
+      excommunicated and persecuted as an arch-heretic by the priests he had
+      supported.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      This Apostolical Inquisition was at once introduced into Lombardy, Romagna
+      and the Marches of Treviso. The extreme rigor of its proceedings, the
+      extortions of monks, and the violent resistance offered by the communes,
+      led to some relaxation of its original constitution. More authority had to
+      be conceded to the bishops; and the right of the Inquisitors to levy taxes
+      on the people was modified. Yet it retained its true form of a Papal
+      organ, superseding the episcopal prerogatives, and overriding the secular
+      magistrates, who were bound to execute its biddings. As such it was
+      admitted into Tuscany, and established in Aragon. Venice received it in
+      1289, with certain reservations that placed its proceedings under the
+      control of Doge and Council. In Languedoc, the country of its birth, it
+      remained rooted at Toulouse and Carcassonne; but the In<span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageA165" id="pageA165"></a>{165}</span>
+      quisition did not extend its authority over central and northern France.<a
+      name="FNanchorA_80_80" id="FNanchorA_80_80"></a><a href="#FootnoteA_80_80"
+      class="fnanchor">[80]</a> In Paris its functions were performed by the
+      Sorbonne. Nor did it obtain a footing in England, although the statute 'De
+      Haeretico Comburendo,' passed in 1401 at the instance of the higher
+      clergy, sanctioned the principles on which it existed.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The wide and ready acceptance of so terrible an engine of oppression
+      enables us to estimate the profound horror which heresy inspired in the
+      Middle Ages.<a name="FNanchorA_81_81" id="FNanchorA_81_81"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_81_81" class="fnanchor">[81]</a> On the whole, the
+      Inquisition performed the work for which it had been instituted. Those
+      spreading sects, known as Waldenses, Albigenses, Cathari and Paterines,
+      whom it was commissioned to extirpate, died away into obscurity during the
+      fourteenth century; and through the period of the Renaissance the
+      Inquisition had little scope for the display of energy in Italy. Though
+      dormant, it was by no means extinct, however; and the spirit which created
+      it, needed only external cause and circumstance to bring it once more into
+      powerful operation. Meanwhile the Popes throughout the Renaissance used
+      the imputation of heresy, which never lost its blighting stigma, in the
+      prosecution of their secular <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA166"
+      id="pageA166"></a>{166}</span> ambition. As Sarpi has pointed out, there
+      were few of the Italian princes with whom they came into political
+      collision, who were not made the subject of such accusation.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The revival of the Holy Office on a new and far more murderous basis, took
+      place in 1484. We have seen that hitherto there had been two types of
+      inquisition into heresy. The first, which remained in force up to the year
+      1203, may be called the episcopal. The second was the Apostolical or
+      Dominican: it transferred this jurisdiction from the bishops to the
+      Papacy, who employed the order of S. Dominic for the special service of
+      the tribunal instituted by the Imperial decrees of Frederick II. The third
+      deserves no other name than Spanish, though, after it had taken shape in
+      Spain, it was transferred to Portugal, applied in all the Spanish and
+      Portuguese colonies, and communicated with some modifications to Italy and
+      the Netherlands.<a name="FNanchorA_82_82" id="FNanchorA_82_82"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_82_82" class="fnanchor">[82]</a> Both the second and
+      third types of Inquisition into heresy were Spanish inventions, patented
+      by the Roman Pontiffs and monopolized by the Dominican order. But the
+      third and final form of the Holy Office <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageA167" id="pageA167"></a>{167}</span> in Spain distinguished
+      itself by emancipation from Papal and Royal control, and by a specific
+      organization which rendered it the most formidable of irresponsible
+      engines in the annals of religious institutions.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The crimes of which the second or Dominican Inquisition had taken
+      cognizance were designated under the generic name of heresy. Heretics were
+      either patent by profession of some heterodox cult or doctrine; or they
+      were suspected. The suspected included witches, sorcerers, and blasphemers
+      who invoked the devil's aid; Catholics abstaining from confession and
+      absolution; harborers of avowed heretics; legal defenders of the cause of
+      heretics; priests who gave Christian burial to heretics; magistrates who
+      showed lukewarmness in pursuit of heretics; the corpses of dead heretics,
+      and books that might be taxed with heretical opinions. All ranks in the
+      social hierarchy, except the Pope, his Legates and Nuncios, and the
+      bishops, were amenable to this Inquisition. The Inquisitors could only be
+      arraigned and judged by their peers. In order to bring the machinery of
+      imprisonment, torture and final sentence into effect, it was needful that
+      the credentials of the Inquisitor should be approved by <span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageA168" id="pageA168"></a>{168}</span> the
+      sovereign, and that his procedure should be recognized by the bishop.
+      These limitations of the Inquisitorial authority safeguarded the crown and
+      the episcopacy in a legal sense. But since both crown and episcopacy
+      concurred in the object for which the Papacy had established the tribunal,
+      the Inquisitor was practically unimpeded in his functions. Furnished with
+      royal or princely letters patent, he traveled from town to town, attended
+      by his guards and notaries, defraying current expenses at the cost of
+      provinces and towns through which he passed. Where he pitched his camp, he
+      summoned the local magistrates, swore them to obedience, and obtained
+      assurance of their willingness to execute such sentences as he might
+      pronounce. Spies and informers gathered round him, pledged to secrecy and
+      guaranteed by promises of State-protection. The Court opened; witnesses
+      were examined; the accused were acquitted or condemned. Then sentence was
+      pronounced, to which the bishop or his delegate, often an Inquisitor, gave
+      a formal sanction. Finally, the heretic was handed over to the secular arm
+      for the execution of justice. The extraordinary expenses of the tribunal
+      were defrayed by confiscation of goods, a certain portion being paid to
+      the district in which the crime had occurred, the rest being reserved for
+      the maintenance of the Holy Office.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Such, roughly speaking, was the method of the Inquisition before 1484; and
+      it did not materially differ in Italy and Spain. Castile had hitherto
+      <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA169" id="pageA169"></a>{169}</span>
+      been free from the pest. But the conditions of that kingdom offered a good
+      occasion for its introduction at the date which I have named. During the
+      Middle Ages the Jews of Castile acquired vast wealth and influence. Few
+      families but felt the burden of their bonds and mortgages. Religious
+      fanaticism, social jealousy, and pecuniary distress exasperated the
+      Christian population; and as early as the year 1391, more than 5000 Jews
+      were massacred in one popular uprising. The Jews, in fear, adopted
+      Christianity. It is said that in the fifteenth century the population
+      counted some million of converts&mdash;called New Christians, or, in
+      contempt, Marranos: a word which may probably be derived from the Hebrew
+      Maranatha. These converted Jews, by their ability and wealth, crept into
+      high offices of state, obtained titles of aristocracy, and founded noble
+      houses. Their daughters were married with large dowers into the best
+      Spanish families; and their younger sons aspired to the honors of the
+      Church. Castilian society was being penetrated with Jews, many of whom had
+      undoubtedly conformed to Christianity in externals only. Meanwhile a large
+      section of the Hebrew race remained faithful to their old traditions; and
+      a mixed posterity grew up, which hardly knew whether it was Christian or
+      Jewish, and had opportunity for joining either party.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      A fertile field was now opened for Inquisitorial energy. The orthodox
+      Dominican saw<span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA170" id="pageA170"></a>{170}</span>
+      Christ's flock contaminated. Not without reason did earnest Catholics
+      dread that the Church in Castile would suffer from this blending of the
+      Jewish with the Spanish breed. But they had a fiery Catholic enthusiasm to
+      rely upon in the main body of the nation. And in the crown they knew that
+      there were passions of fear and cupidity, which might be used with
+      overmastering effect. It sufficed to point out to Ferdinand that a
+      persecution of the New Christians would flood his coffers with gold
+      extorted from suspected misbelievers. No merely fabled El Dorado lay in
+      the broad lands and costly merchandise of these imperfect converts to the
+      faith. It sufficed to insist upon the peril to the State if an element so
+      ill-assimilated to the nation were allowed to increase unchecked. At the
+      same time, the Papacy was nothing loth to help them in their undertaking.
+      Sixtus V., one of the worst of Pontiffs, sat then on S. Peter's chair. He
+      readily discerned that a considerable portion of the booty might be
+      indirectly drawn into his exchequer; and he knew that any establishment of
+      the Inquisition on an energetic basis would strengthen the Papacy in its
+      combat with national and episcopal prerogatives. The Dominicans on their
+      side can scarcely be credited with a pure zeal for the faith. They had
+      personal interests to serve by spiritual aggrandizement, by the elevation
+      of their order, and by the exercise of an illimitable domination.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      It was a Sicilian Inquisitor, Philip Barberis, who <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageA171" id="pageA171"></a>{171}</span> suggested to Ferdinand the
+      Catholic the advantage he might secure by extending the Holy Office to
+      Castile. Ferdinand avowed his willingness; and Sixtus IV. gave the project
+      his approval in 1478. But it met with opposition from the gentler-natured
+      Isabella. She refused at first to sanction the introduction of so sinister
+      an engine into her hereditary dominions. The clergy now contrived to raise
+      a popular agitation against the Jews, reviving old calumnies of impossible
+      crimes, and accusing them of being treasonable subjects. Then Isabella
+      yielded; and in 1481 the Holy Office was founded at Seville. It began its
+      work by publishing a comprehensive edict against all New Christians
+      suspected of Judaizing, which offense was so constructed as to cover the
+      most innocent observance of national customs. Resting from labor on
+      Saturday; performing ablutions at stated times; refusing to eat pork or
+      puddings made of blood; and abstaining from wine, sufficed to color
+      accusations of heresy. Men who had joined the Catholic communion after the
+      habits of a lifetime had been formed, thus found themselves exposed to
+      peril of death by the retention of mere sanitary rules.<a
+      name="FNanchorA_83_83" id="FNanchorA_83_83"></a><a href="#FootnoteA_83_83"
+      class="fnanchor">[83]</a>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Upon the publication of this edict, there was an <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageA172" id="pageA172"></a>{172}</span> exodus of Jews by thousands
+      into the fiefs of independent vassals of the crown&mdash;the Duke of
+      Medina Sidonia, the Marquis of Cadiz, and the Count of Arcos. All
+      emigrants were <i>ipso facto</i> declared heretics by the Holy Office.
+      During the first year after its foundation, Seville beheld 298 persons
+      burned alive, and 79 condemned to perpetual imprisonment. A large square
+      stage of stone, called the Quemadero, was erected for the execution of
+      those multitudes who were destined to suffer death by hanging or by flame.
+      In the same year, 2000 were burned and 17,000 condemned to public
+      penitence, while even a larger number were burned in effigy, in other
+      parts of the kingdom.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      While estimating the importance of these punishments we must remember that
+      they implied confiscation of property. Thus whole families were orphaned
+      and consigned to penury. Penitence in public carried with it social
+      infamy, loss of civil rights and honors, intolerable conditions of
+      ecclesiastical surveillance, and heavy pecuniary fines. Penitents who had
+      been reconciled, returned to society in a far more degraded condition than
+      convicts released on ticket of leave. The stigma attached in perpetuity to
+      the posterity of the con<span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA173"
+      id="pageA173"></a>{173}</span> demned, whose names were conspicuously
+      emblazoned upon church-walls as foemen to Christ and to the State.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      It is not strange that the New Christians, wealthy as they were and allied
+      with some of the best blood in Spain, should have sought to avert the
+      storm descending on them by appeals to Rome. In person or by procurators,
+      they carried their complaints to the Papal Curia, imploring the relief of
+      private reconciliation with the Church, special exemption from the
+      jurisdiction of the Holy Office, rehabilitation after the loss of civil
+      rights and honors, dispensation from humiliating penances, and avvocation
+      of causes tried by the Inquisition, to less prejudiced tribunals. The
+      object of these petitions was to avoid perpetual infamy, to recover social
+      status, and to obtain an impartial hearing in doubtful cases. The Papal
+      Curia had anticipated the profits to be derived from such appeals. Sixtus
+      IV. was liberal in briefs of indulgence, absolution and exemption, to all
+      comers who paid largely. But when his suitors returned to Spain, they
+      found their dearly-purchased parchments of no more value than waste paper.
+      The Holy Office laughed Papal Bulls of Privilege to scorn, and the Pope
+      was too indifferent to exert such authority as he might have possessed.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Meanwhile, the Inquisition rapidly took shape. In 1483 Thomas of
+      Torquemada was nominated Inquisitor General for Castile and Aragon. Under
+      <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA174" id="pageA174"></a>{174}</span>
+      his rule a Supreme Council was established, over which he presided for
+      life. The crown sent three assessors to this board; and the Inquisitors
+      were strengthened in their functions by a council of jurists. Seville,
+      Cordova, Jaen, Toledo, became the four subordinate centers of the Holy
+      Office, each with its own tribunal and its own right of performing <i>autos
+      da f&eacute;</i>. Commission was sent out to all Dominicans, enjoining on
+      them the prosecution of their task in every diocese.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      In 1484 a General Council was held, and the constitution of the
+      inquisition was established by articles. In these articles four main
+      points seem to have been held in view. The first related to the system of
+      confiscation, fines, civil disabilities, losses of office, property,
+      honors, rights, inheritances, which formed a part of the penitentiary
+      procedure, and by which the crown and Holy Office made pecuniary gains.
+      The second secured secrecy in the action of the tribunal, whereby a door
+      was opened to delation, and accused persons were rendered incapable of
+      rational defense. The third elaborated the judicial method, so as to leave
+      no loophole of escape even for those who showed a wish to be converted,
+      empowering the use of torture, precluding the accused from choosing their
+      own counsel, and excluding the bishops from active participation in the
+      sentence. The fourth multiplied the charges under which suspected
+      heretics, even after their death might be treated as impenitent or <span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageA175" id="pageA175"></a>{175}</span>
+      relapsed, so as to increase the number of victims and augment the booty.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The two most formidable features of the Inquisition as thus constituted,
+      were the exclusion of the bishops from its tribunal and the secrecy of its
+      procedure. The accused was delivered over to a court that had no mercy, no
+      common human sympathies, no administrative interest in the population. He
+      knew nothing of his accusers; and when he died or disappeared from view no
+      record of his case survived him.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The Inquisition rested on the double basis of ecclesiastical fanaticism
+      and protected delation. The court was <i>prim&acirc; facie</i> hostile to
+      the accused; and the accused could never hope to confront the detectives
+      upon whose testimony he was arraigned before it. Lives and reputations lay
+      thus at the mercy of professional informers, private enemies, malicious
+      calumniators. The denunciation was sometimes anonymous, sometimes signed,
+      with names of two corroborative witnesses. These witnesses were examined,
+      under a strict seal of secrecy, by the Inquisitors, who drew up a form of
+      accusation, which they submitted to theologians called Qualificators. The
+      qualificators were not informed of the names of the accused, the delator,
+      or the witnesses. It was their business to qualify the case of heresy as
+      light, grave, or violent. Having placed it in one of these categories,
+      they returned it to the Inquisitors, who now arrested the accused and
+      flung him into the <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA176" id="pageA176"></a>{176}</span>
+      secret prisons of the Holy Office. After some lapse of time he was
+      summoned for a preliminary examination. Having first been cautioned to
+      tell the truth, he had to recite the Paternoster, Credo, Ten Commandments,
+      and a kind of catechism. His pedigree was also investigated, in the
+      expectation that some traces of Jewish or Moorish descent might serve to
+      incriminate him. If he failed in repeating the Christian shibboleths, or
+      if he was discovered to have infidel ancestry, there existed already a
+      good case to proceed upon. Finally, he was questioned upon the several
+      heads of accusation condensed from the first delation and the deposition
+      of the witnesses. If needful at this point, he was put to the torture,
+      again and yet again.<a name="FNanchorA_84_84" id="FNanchorA_84_84"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_84_84" class="fnanchor">[84]</a> He never heard the names
+      of his accusers, nor was he furnished with a full bill of the charges
+      against him in writing. At this stage he was usually remanded, and the
+      judicial proceedings were deliberately lengthened out with a view of
+      crushing his spirit and bringing him to abject submission. For his defence
+      he might select one advocate, but only from a list furnished by his
+      judges; and this advocate in no case saw the original documents of the
+      impeachment. It rarely happened, upon this one-sided method of trial, that
+      an accused person was acquitted altogether. If he escaped burning or
+      perpetual incarceration, he was almost <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageA177" id="pageA177"></a>{177}</span> certainly exposed to the
+      public ceremony of penitence, with its attendant infamy, fines, civil
+      disabilities, and future discipline. Sentence was not passed upon
+      condemned persons until they appeared, dressed up in a San Benito, at the
+      place of punishment. This costume was a sort of sack, travestying a monk's
+      frock, made of coarse yellow stuff, and worked over with crosses, flames,
+      and devils, in glaring red. It differed in details according to the
+      destination of the victim: for some ornaments symbolized eternal hell, and
+      others the milder fires of purgatory. If sufficiently versed in the
+      infernal heraldry of the Holy Office, a condemned man might read his doom
+      before he reached the platform of the <i>auto</i>. There he heard whether
+      he was sentenced to relaxation&mdash;in other words, to burning at the
+      hands of the hangman&mdash;or to reconciliation by means of penitence. At
+      the last moment, he might by confession <i>in extremis</i> obtain the
+      commutation of a death sentence into life-imprisonment, or receive the
+      favor of being strangled before he was burned. A relapsed heretic, however&mdash;that
+      is, one who after being reconciled had once again apostatized, was never
+      exempted from the penalty of burning. To make these holocausts of human
+      beings more ghastly, the pageant was enhanced by processions of exhumed
+      corpses and heretics in effigy. Artificial dolls and decomposed bodies,
+      with grinning lips and mouldy foreheads, were hauled to the huge bonfire,
+      side by side with living men, women, and children. All of them <span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageA178" id="pageA178"></a>{178}</span> alike&mdash;<i>fantoccini</i>,
+      skeletons, and quick folk&mdash;were enveloped in the same grotesquely
+      ghastly San Benito, with the same hideous yellow miters on their
+      pasteboard, worm-eaten, or palpitating foreheads. The procession presented
+      an ingeniously picturesque discord of ugly shapes, an artistically
+      loathsome dissonance of red and yellow hues, as it defiled, to the
+      infernal music of growled psalms and screams and moanings, beneath the
+      torrid blaze of Spanish sunlight.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Spaniards&mdash;such is the barbarism of the Latinized Iberian nature&mdash;delighted
+      in these shows, as they did and do in bull-fights. Butcheries of heretics
+      formed the choicest spectacles at royal christenings and bridals.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      At Seville the Quemadero was adorned with four colossal statues of
+      prophets, to which some of the condemned were bound, so that they might
+      burn to death in the flames arising from the human sacrifice between them.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      In the autumn of 1484 the Inquisition was introduced into Aragon; and
+      Saragossa became its headquarters in that State. Though the Aragonese were
+      accustomed to the institution in its earlier and milder form, they
+      regarded the new Holy Office with just horror. The Marranos counted at
+      that epoch the Home Secretary, the Grand Treasurer, a Proto-notary, and a
+      Vice-Chancellor of the realm among their members; and they were allied by
+      marriage with the purest aristocracy. It is not, therefore, <span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageA179" id="pageA179"></a>{179}</span>
+      marvelous that a conspiracy was formed to assassinate the Chief
+      Inquisitor, Peter Arbues. In spite of a coat-of-mail and an iron skullcap
+      worn beneath his monk's dress, Arbues was murdered one evening while at
+      prayer in church. But the revolt, notwithstanding this murder, flashed,
+      like an ill-loaded pistol, in the pan. Jealousies between the old and new
+      Christians prevented any common action; and the Inquisition took a bloody
+      vengeance upon all concerned. It even laid its hand on Don James of
+      Navarre, the Infant of Tudela.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The Spanish Inquisition was now firmly grounded. Directed by Torquemada,
+      it began to encroach upon the crown, to insult the episcopacy, to defy the
+      Papacy, to grind the Commons, and to outrage by its insolence the
+      aristocracy. Ferdinand's avarice had overreached itself by creating an
+      ecclesiastical power dangerous to the best interests of the realm, but
+      which fascinated a fanatically-pious people, and the yoke of which could
+      not be thrown off. The Holy Office grew every year in pride, pretensions,
+      and exactions. It arrogated to its tribunal crimes of usury, bigamy,
+      blasphemous swearing, and unnatural vice, which appertained by right to
+      the secular courts. It depopulated Spain by the extermination and
+      banishment of at least three million industrious subjects during the first
+      139 years of its existence. It attacked princes of the blood,<a
+      name="FNanchorA_85_85" id="FNanchorA_85_85"></a><a href="#FootnoteA_85_85"
+      class="fnanchor">[85]</a> arch<span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA180"
+      id="pageA180"></a>{180}</span> bishops, fathers of the Tridentine Council.
+      It filled every city in the kingdom, the convents of the religious, and
+      the palaces of the nobility, with spies. The Familiars, or lay brethren
+      devoted to its service, lived at charges of the communes, and debauched
+      society by crimes of rapine, lust, and violence.<a name="FNanchorA_86_86"
+      id="FNanchorA_86_86"></a><a href="#FootnoteA_86_86" class="fnanchor">[86]</a>
+      Ignorant and bloodthirsty monks composed its provincial tribunals, who,
+      like the horrible Lucero el Tenebroso at Cordova, paralyzed whole
+      provinces with a veritable reign of terror.<a name="FNanchorA_87_87"
+      id="FNanchorA_87_87"></a><a href="#FootnoteA_87_87" class="fnanchor">[87]</a>
+      Hated and worshiped, its officers swept through the realm in the guise of
+      powerful <i>condottieri</i>. The Grand Inquisitor maintained a bodyguard
+      of fifty mounted Familiars and two hundred infantry; his subordinates were
+      allowed ten horsemen and fifty archers apiece. Where these black guards
+      appeared, city gates were opened; magistrates swore fealty to masters of
+      more puissance than the king; the resources of flourishing districts were
+      placed at their disposal. Their arbitrary acts remained unquestioned,
+      their mysterious sentences irreversible. Shrouded in secrecy, amenable to
+      no jurisdiction but their own, they reveled in the license of
+      irresponsible dominion. Spain gradually fell beneath the charm of their
+      dark fascination. A brave though cruel nation drank delirium from the
+      poison-cup of <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA181" id="pageA181"></a>{181}</span>
+      these vile medicine-men, whose Moloch-worship would have disgusted
+      cannibals.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Torquemada was the genius of evil who created and presided over this foul
+      instrument of human crime and folly. During his eighteen years of
+      administration, reckoning from 1480 to 1498, he sacrificed, according to
+      Llorente's calculation, above 114,000 victims, of whom 10,220 were burned
+      alive, 6,860 burned in effigy, and 97,000 condemned to perpetual
+      imprisonment or public penitence.<a name="FNanchorA_88_88"
+      id="FNanchorA_88_88"></a><a href="#FootnoteA_88_88" class="fnanchor">[88]</a>
+      He, too, it was who in 1492 compelled Ferdinand to drive the Jews from his
+      dominions. They offered 30,000 ducats for the war against Granada, and
+      promised to abide in Spain under heavy social disabilities, if only they
+      might be spared this act of national extermination. Then Torquemada
+      appeared before the king, and, raising his crucifix on high, cried: 'Judas
+      sold Christ for thirty pieces of silver. Look ye to it, if ye do the
+      like!' The edict of expulsion was issued on the last of March. Before the
+      last of July all Jews were sentenced to depart, carrying no gold or silver
+      with them. They disposed of their lands, houses, and goods for next to
+      nothing, and went forth to die by thousands on the shores of Africa and
+      Italy. Twelve who were found concealed at Malaga in August were condemned
+      to be pricked to death by pointed reeds.<a name="FNanchorA_89_89"
+      id="FNanchorA_89_89"></a><a href="#FootnoteA_89_89" class="fnanchor">[89]</a>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The exodus of the Jews was followed in 1502 <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageA182" id="pageA182"></a>{182}</span> by a similar exodus of
+      Moors from Castile, and in 1524 by an exodus of Mauresques from Aragon. To
+      compute the loss of wealth and population inflicted upon Spain by these
+      mad edicts, would be impossible. We may wonder whether the followers of
+      Cortez, when they trod the teocallis of Mexico and gazed with loathing on
+      the gory elf-locks of the Aztec priests, were not reminded of the
+      Torquemada they had left at home. His cruelty became so intolerable that
+      even Alexander VI. was moved to horror. In 1494 the Borgia appointed four
+      assessors, with equal powers, to restrain the blood-thirst of the fanatic.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      After Torquemada, Diego Deza reigned as second Inquisitor General from
+      1498 to 1507. In these years, according to the same calculation, 2,592
+      were burned alive, 896 burned in effigy, 34,952 condemned to prison or
+      public penitence.<a name="FNanchorA_90_90" id="FNanchorA_90_90"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_90_90" class="fnanchor">[90]</a> Cardinal Ximenez de
+      Cisneros followed between 1507 and 1517. The victims of this decade were
+      3,564 burned alive, 1,232 burned in effigy, 48,059 condemned to prison or
+      public penitence.<a name="FNanchorA_91_91" id="FNanchorA_91_91"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_91_91" class="fnanchor">[91]</a> Adrian, Bishop of
+      Tortosa, tutor to Charles V., and afterwards Pope, was Inquisitor General
+      between 1516 and 1525. Castile, Aragon, and Catalonia, at this epoch,
+      simultaneously demanded a reform of the Holy Office from their youthful
+      sovereign. But Charles refused, and the tale of Adrian's administration
+      was 1,620 burned alive, 560 burned in effigy, 21,845 con<span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageA183" id="pageA183"></a>{183}</span> demned
+      to prison or public penitence.<a name="FNanchorA_92_92"
+      id="FNanchorA_92_92"></a><a href="#FootnoteA_92_92" class="fnanchor">[92]</a>
+      The total, during forty-three years, between 1481 and 1525, amounted to
+      234,526, including all descriptions of condemned heretics.<a
+      name="FNanchorA_93_93" id="FNanchorA_93_93"></a><a href="#FootnoteA_93_93"
+      class="fnanchor">[93]</a> These figures are of necessity vague, for the
+      Holy Office left but meager records of its proceedings. The vast numbers
+      of cases brought before the Inquisitors rendered their method of procedure
+      almost as summary as that of Fouquier Thinville, while policy induced them
+      to bury the memory of their victims in oblivion.<a name="FNanchorA_94_94"
+      id="FNanchorA_94_94"></a><a href="#FootnoteA_94_94" class="fnanchor">[94]</a>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Sometimes, while reading the history of the Holy Office in Spain, we are
+      tempted to imagine that the whole is but a grim unwholesome nightmare, or
+      the fable of malignant calumny. That such is not the case, however, is
+      proved by a jubilant inscription on the palace of the Holy Office at
+      Seville, which records the triumphs of Torquemada. Of late <span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageA184" id="pageA184"></a>{184}</span> years,
+      too, the earth herself has disgorged some secrets of the Inquisition. 'A
+      most curious discovery,' writes Lord Malmesbury in his Memoirs,<a
+      name="FNanchorA_95_95" id="FNanchorA_95_95"></a><a href="#FootnoteA_95_95"
+      class="fnanchor">[95]</a> 'has been made at Madrid. Just at the time when
+      the question of religious liberty was being discussed in the Cortes,
+      Serrano had ordered a piece of ground to be leveled, in order to build on
+      it; and the workmen came upon large quantities of human bones, skulls,
+      lumps of blackening flesh, pieces of chains, and braids of hair. It was
+      then recollected that the <i>autos da f&eacute;</i> used to take place at
+      that spot in former days. Crowds of people rushed to the place, and the
+      investigation was continued. They found layer upon layer of human remains,
+      showing that hundreds had been inhumanly sacrificed. The excitement and
+      indignation this produced among the people was tremendous, and the party
+      for religious freedom taking advantage of it, a Bill on the subject was
+      passed by an enormous majority.' Let modern Spain remember that a similar
+      Aceldama lies hidden in the precincts of each of her chief towns!
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      I have enlarged upon the details of the Spanish Inquisition for two
+      reasons. In the first place it strikingly illustrates the character of the
+      people who now had the upper hand in Italy. In the second place, its
+      success induced Paul III., acting upon the advice of Giov. Paolo Caraffa,
+      to remodel the Roman office on a similar type in 1542. It may at once be
+      said that the real Spanish Inquisition was never <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageA185" id="pageA185"></a>{185}</span> introduced into Italy.<a
+      name="FNanchorA_96_96" id="FNanchorA_96_96"></a><a href="#FootnoteA_96_96"
+      class="fnanchor">[96]</a> Such an institution, claiming independent
+      jurisdiction and flaunting its cruelties in the light of day, would not
+      have suited the Papal policy. As temporal and spiritual autocrats, the
+      Popes could not permit a tribunal of which they were not the supreme
+      authority. It was their interest to consult their pecuniary advantage
+      rather than to indulge insane fanaticism; to repress liberty of thought by
+      cautious surveillance rather than by public terrorism and open acts of
+      cruelty. The Italian temperament was, moreover, more humane than the
+      Spanish; nor had the refining culture of the Renaissance left no traces in
+      the nation. Furthermore, the necessity for so Draconian an institution was
+      not felt. Catholicism in Italy had not to contend with Jews and Moors,
+      Marranos and Moriscoes. It was, indeed, alarmed by the spread of Lutheran
+      opinions. Caraffa complained to Paul III. that 'the whole of Italy is
+      infected with the Lutheran heresy, which has been embraced not only by
+      statesmen, but also by many ecclesiastics.'<a name="FNanchorA_97_97"
+      id="FNanchorA_97_97"></a><a href="#FootnoteA_97_97" class="fnanchor">[97]</a>
+      Pius V. was so panic-stricken by the prevalence of heresy in Faenza that
+      he seriously meditated destroying the town and dispersing its inhabitants.<a
+      name="FNanchorA_98_98" id="FNanchorA_98_98"></a><a href="#FootnoteA_98_98"
+      class="fnanchor">[98]</a> Yet, after a few years of active persecution,
+      this peril proved to be unreal. The Reformation had not taken root so deep
+      and wide in Italy that it could not be eradicated.<span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageA186" id="pageA186"></a>{186}</span> When, therefore, the
+      Spanish viceroys sought to establish their national Inquisition in Naples
+      and Milan, the rebellious people received protection and support from the
+      Papacy; and the Holy Office, as remodeled in Rome, became a far less awful
+      engine of oppression than that of Seville.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      It was sufficiently severe, however. 'At Rome,' writes a resident in 1568,
+      'some are daily burned, hanged, or beheaded; the prisons and places of
+      confinement are filled, and they are obliged to build new ones.'<a
+      name="FNanchorA_99_99" id="FNanchorA_99_99"></a><a href="#FootnoteA_99_99"
+      class="fnanchor">[99]</a> This general statement may be checked by
+      extracts from the despatches of Venetian ambassadors in Rome, which,
+      though they are not continuous, and cannot be supposed to give an
+      exhaustive list of the victims of the Inquisition, enable us to judge with
+      some degree of accuracy what the frequency of executions may have been.<a
+      name="FNanchorA_100_100" id="FNanchorA_100_100"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_100_100" class="fnanchor">[100]</a>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      On September 27, 1567, a session of the Holy Office was held at S. Maria
+      sopra Minerva. Seventeen heretics were condemned. Fifteen of these were
+      sentenced to perpetual imprisonment, the galleys for life, fines, or
+      temporary imprisonment, according to the nature of their offenses. Two
+      were reserved for capital punishment&mdash;namely, Carnesecchi and a friar
+      from Cividale di Belluno. They were beheaded and burned upon the bridge of
+      S. Angelo on October 4. On May 28, 1569, there <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageA187" id="pageA187"></a>{187}</span> was an Act of the
+      Inquisition at the Minerva, twenty Cardinals attending. Four impenitent
+      heretics were condemned to the stake. Ten penitents were sentenced to
+      various punishments of less severity. On August 2, 1578, occurred a
+      singular scandal touching some Spaniards and Portuguese of evil manners,
+      all of whom were burned with the exception of those who contrived to
+      escape in time. On August 5, 1581, an English Protestant was burned for
+      grossly insulting the Host. On February 20, 1582, after an Act of the
+      Inquisition in due form, seventeen heretics were sentenced, three to
+      death, and the rest to imprisonment, etc. We must bear in mind that
+      Mutinelli, who published the extracts from the Venetian dispatches which
+      contain these details, does not profess to aim at completeness. Gaps of
+      several years occur between the documents of one envoy and those of his
+      successor. Nor does it appear that the writers themselves took notice of
+      more than solemn and ceremonial proceedings, in which the Acts of the
+      Inquisition were published with Pontifical and Curial pomp.<a
+      name="FNanchorA_101_101" id="FNanchorA_101_101"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_101_101" class="fnanchor">[101]</a> Still, when these
+      considerations have been weighed, it will appear that the victims of the
+      Inquisition, in Rome, could be counted, not by hundreds, but by units.
+      After illustrious examples, like those of Aonio Paleario, Pietro
+      Carnesecchi, Giordano Bruno, who were burned for Protestant or<span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageA188" id="pageA188"></a>{188}</span>
+      Atheistical opinions, the names of distinguished sufferers are few. Wary
+      heretics, a Celio Secundo Curio, a Galeazzo Caracciolo, a Bernardino
+      Ochino, a Pietro Martire Vermigli, a Pietro Paolo Vergerio, a Lelio
+      Socino, escaped betimes to Switzerland, and carried on their warfare with
+      the Church by means of writings.<a name="FNanchorA_102_102"
+      id="FNanchorA_102_102"></a><a href="#FootnoteA_102_102" class="fnanchor">[102]</a>
+      Others, tainted with heresy, like Marco Antonio Flaminio, managed to
+      satisfy the Inquisition by timely concessions. The Protestant Churches,
+      which had sprung up in Venice, Lucca, Modena, Ferrara, Faenza, Vicenza,
+      Bologna, Naples, and Siena, were easily dispersed.<a
+      name="FNanchorA_103_103" id="FNanchorA_103_103"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_103_103" class="fnanchor">[103]</a> Their pastors fled or
+      submitted. The flocks conformed to Catholic orthodoxy. Only in a few cases
+      was extreme rigor displayed. A memorable massacre took place in the year
+      1561 in Calabria within the province of Cosenza.<a name="FNanchorA_104_104"
+      id="FNanchorA_104_104"></a><a href="#FootnoteA_104_104" class="fnanchor">[104]</a>
+      Here at the end of the fourteenth century a colony of Waldensians had
+      settled in some villages upon the coast. They preserved their peculiar
+      beliefs and ritual, and after three centuries numbered about 4000 souls.
+      Nearly <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA189" id="pageA189"></a>{189}</span>
+      the whole of these, it seems, were exterminated by sword, fire, famine,
+      torture, noisome imprisonment, and hurling from the summits of high
+      cliffs. A few of the survivors were sent to work upon the Spanish galleys.
+      Some women and children were sold into slavery. At Locarno, on the Lago
+      Maggiore, a Protestant community of nearly 300 persons was driven into
+      exile in 1555; and at Venice, in 1560-7, a small sect, holding reformed
+      opinions, suffered punishment of a peculiar kind. We read of five persons
+      by name, who, after being condemned by the Holy Office, were taken at
+      night from their dungeons to the Porto del Lido beyond the Due Castelli,
+      and there set upon a plank between two gondolas. The gondolas rowed
+      asunder; and one by one the martyrs fell and perished in the waters.<a
+      name="FNanchorA_105_105" id="FNanchorA_105_105"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_105_105" class="fnanchor">[105]</a><span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageA190" id="pageA190"></a>{190}</span>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The position of the Holy Office in Venice was so far peculiar as to
+      justify a digression upon its special constitution. Always jealous of
+      ecclesiastical interference, the Republic insisted on the Inquisition
+      being made dependent on the State. Three nobles of senatorial rank were
+      chosen to act as Assessors of the Holy Office in the capital; and in the
+      subject cities this function was assigned to the Rectors, or lieutenants
+      of S. Mark. It was the duty of these lay members to see that justice was
+      impartially dealt by the ecclesiastical tribunal, to defend the State
+      against clerical encroachments, and to refer dubious cases to the Doge in
+      Council. They were forbidden to swear oaths of allegiance or of secrecy to
+      the Holy Office, and were bound to be present at all trials, even in the
+      case of ecclesiastical offenders. No causes could be avvocated to Rome,
+      and no crimes except heresy were held to lie within the jurisdiction of
+      the court. The State reserved to it<span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA191"
+      id="pageA191"></a>{191}</span> self witchcraft, profane swearing, bigamy
+      and usury; allowed no interference with Jews, infidels and Greeks; forbade
+      the confiscation of goods in which the heirs of condemned persons had
+      interest; and made separate stipulations with regard to the Index of
+      Prohibited Books. It precluded the Inquisition from extending its
+      authority in any way, direct or indirect, over trades, arts, guilds,
+      magistrates, and communal officials.<a name="FNanchorA_106_106"
+      id="FNanchorA_106_106"></a><a href="#FootnoteA_106_106" class="fnanchor">[106]</a>
+      The tenor of this system was to repress ecclesiastical encroachments on
+      the State prerogatives, and to secure equity in the proceedings of the
+      Holy Office. Had practice answered to theory in the Venetian Inquisition,
+      by far the worst abuses of the institution would have been avoided. But as
+      a matter of fact, causes were not unfrequently transferred to Rome;
+      confiscations were permitted; and the lists of the condemned include
+      Mussulmans, witches, conjurors, men of scandalous life, etc., showing that
+      the jurisdiction of the Holy Office extended beyond heresy in Venice.<a
+      name="FNanchorA_107_107" id="FNanchorA_107_107"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_107_107" class="fnanchor">[107]</a>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The truth is that the Venetians, though they were willing to risk an open
+      rupture with Rome, remained at heart sound Churchmen devoted to the
+      principles of the Catholic Reaction. The Republic conceded the fact of
+      Inquisitorial authority, while it reserved the letter of
+      State-supervision. Venetian decadence was marked by this hypocrisy of
+      pride; <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA192" id="pageA192"></a>{192}</span>
+      and so long as appearances were saved, the Holy Office exercised its
+      functions freely. The nobles who acted as assessors had no sympathy with
+      religious toleration, being themselves under the influence of confessors
+      and directors.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      How little the subjects of S. Mark at this epoch trusted the good faith of
+      laws securing liberty of thought in Venice, may be gathered from what
+      happened immediately after the publication of the Index Expurgatorius in
+      1596. From an official report upon the decline of the printing trade in
+      Venice, it appears that within the space of a few months the number of
+      presses fell from 125 to 40.<a name="FNanchorA_108_108"
+      id="FNanchorA_108_108"></a><a href="#FootnoteA_108_108" class="fnanchor">[108]</a>
+      Printers were afraid to undertake either old or new works, and the trade
+      languished for lack of books to publish. Yet an edict had been issued
+      announcing that by the terms of the Concordat with Clement VIII., the
+      Venetian press would only be subject to State control and not to the Roman
+      tribunals.<a name="FNanchorA_109_109" id="FNanchorA_109_109"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_109_109" class="fnanchor">[109]</a> The truth is that, in
+      regard both to the Holy Office and to the Index, Venice was never strong
+      enough to maintain the independence which she boasted. By cunning use of
+      the confessional, and by unscrupulous control of opinion, the Church
+      succeeded in doing there much the same as in any other Italian city.
+      Successive Popes made, indeed, a show of respecting the liberties of the
+      Republic. On material <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA193"
+      id="pageA193"></a>{193}</span> points, touching revenue and
+      State-administration, they felt it wise to concede even more than
+      complimentary privileges; and when Paul V. encroached upon these
+      privileges, the Venetians were ready to resist him. Yet the quarrels
+      between the Vatican and San Marco were, after all, but family disputes.
+      The Venetians at the close of the sixteenth century proved themselves no
+      better friends to spiritual freedom than were the Grand Dukes of Tuscany.
+      Their political jealousies, commercial anxieties, and feints of
+      maintaining a power that was rapidly decaying, denoted no partiality for
+      the opponents of Rome&mdash;unless, like Sarpi, these wore the livery of
+      the State, and defended with the pen its secular prerogatives. Therefore,
+      when the Signory published Clement VIII.'s Index, when copies of that
+      Index were sown broadcast, while only an edition of sixty was granted to
+      the Concordat, authors and publishers felt, and felt rightly, that their
+      day had passed. The art of printing sank at once to less than a third of
+      its productivity. The city where it had flourished so long, and where it
+      had effected so much of enduring value for European culture, was gagged in
+      scarcely a less degree than Rome. We have full right to insist upon these
+      facts, and to draw from them a stringent corollary. If Venice allowed the
+      trade in books, which had brought her so much profit and such honor in the
+      past, to be paralyzed by Clement's Index, what must have happened in other
+      Italian towns? The blow which maimed<span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageA194" id="pageA194"></a>{194}</span> Venetian literature, was
+      mortal elsewhere; and the finest works of genius in the first half of the
+      seventeenth century had to find their publishers in Paris.<a
+      name="FNanchorA_110_110" id="FNanchorA_110_110"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_110_110" class="fnanchor">[110]</a> But these reflections
+      have led me to anticipate the proper development of the subject of this
+      chapter.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      In Italy at large, the forces of the Inquisition were directed, not as in
+      Spain against heretics in masses, but against the leaders of heretical
+      opinion; and less against personalities than against ideas. Italy during
+      the Renaissance had been the workshop of ideas for Europe. It was the
+      business of the Counter-Reformation to check the industry of that <i>officina
+      scientiarum</i>, to numb the nervous centers which had previously emitted
+      thought of pregnant import for the modern world, and to prevent the reflux
+      of ideas, elaborated by the northern races in fresh forms, upon the
+      intelligence which had evolved them. To do so now was comparatively easy.
+      It only needed to put the engine of the Index Librorum Prohibitorum into
+      working order in concert with the Inquisition.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Throughout the Middle Ages it had been customary to burn heretical
+      writings. The bishops, the universities, and the Dominican Inquisitors
+      exercised this privilege; and by their means, in the age of manuscripts,
+      the life of a book was soon extinguished. Whole libraries were sometimes
+      sacrificed <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA195" id="pageA195"></a>{195}</span>
+      at one fell swoop, as in the case of the 6000 volumes destroyed at
+      Salamanca in 1490 by Torquemada, on a charge of sorcery.<a
+      name="FNanchorA_111_111" id="FNanchorA_111_111"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_111_111" class="fnanchor">[111]</a> After the invention
+      of printing it became more difficult to carry on this warfare against
+      literature, while the rapid diffusion of Protestant opinions through the
+      press rendered the need for their extermination urgent. Sixtus IV. laid a
+      basis for the Index by prohibiting the publication of any books which had
+      not previously been licensed by ecclesiastical authority. Alexander VI. by
+      a brief of 15O1 confirmed this measure, and placed books under the
+      censorship of the episcopacy and the Inquisition. Finally, the Lateran
+      Council, in its tenth session, held under the auspices of Leo X., gave
+      solemn ecumenical sanction to these regulations.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The censorship having been thus established, the next step was to form a
+      list of books prohibited by the Inquisitors appointed for that purpose.
+      The Sorbonne in Paris drew one up for their own use, and even presented a
+      petition to Francis I. that publication through the press should be
+      forbidden altogether.<a name="FNanchorA_112_112" id="FNanchorA_112_112"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_112_112" class="fnanchor">[112]</a> A royal edict to this
+      effect was actually promulgated in 1535. Charles V. commissioned the
+      University of Louvain in 1539 to furnish a similar catalogue, proclaiming
+      at the same time the penalty of death for all who read or owned the works
+      of Luther in his realms.<a name="FNanchorA_113_113" id="FNanchorA_113_113"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_113_113" class="fnanchor">[113]</a> The University
+      printed their catalogue with Papal approval in 1549.<span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageA196" id="pageA196"></a>{196}</span>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      These lists of the Sorbonne and Louvain formed the nucleus of the
+      Apostolic Index, which, after the close of the Council of Trent, became
+      binding upon Catholics. When the Inquisition had been established in Rome,
+      Caraffa, who was then at its head, obtained the sanction of Paul III. for
+      submitting all books, old or new, printed or in manuscript, to the
+      supervision of the Holy Office. He also contrived to place booksellers,
+      public and private libraries, colporteurs and officers of customs, under
+      the same authority; so that from 1543 forward it was a penal offence to
+      print, sell, own, convey or import any literature, of which the
+      Inquisition had not first been informed, and for the diffusion or
+      possession of which it had not given its permission. Giovanni della Casa,
+      who was sent in 1546 to Venice with commission to prosecute P. Paolo
+      Vergerio for heresy, drew up a list of about seventy prohibited volumes,
+      which was printed in that city.<a name="FNanchorA_114_114"
+      id="FNanchorA_114_114"></a><a href="#FootnoteA_114_114" class="fnanchor">[114]</a>
+      Other lists appeared, at Florence in 1552, and at Milan in 1554. Philip
+      II. at last, in 1558, issued a royal edict commanding the publication of
+      one catalogue which should form the standard for such Indices throughout
+      his States.<a name="FNanchorA_115_115" id="FNanchorA_115_115"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_115_115" class="fnanchor">[115]</a> These lists, revised,
+      collated, and confirmed by Papal authority, were reprinted, in the form
+      which ever afterwards obtained, at Rome, by command of Paul IV. in 1559.<span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageA197" id="pageA197"></a>{197}</span>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The Tridentine Council ratified the regulations of the Inquisition and the
+      Index concerning prohibited books, and referred the execution of them in
+      detail to the Papacy. A congregation was appointed at Rome, which, though
+      technically independent of the Holy Office, worked in concert with it.
+      This Congregation of the Index brought the Tridentine decrees into harmony
+      with the practice that had been developed by Caraffa as Inquisitor and
+      Pope. Their list was published in 1564 with the authority of Pius IV.
+      Finally, in 1595 the decrees embodying the statutes of the Church upon
+      this topic were issued in print, together with a largely augmented
+      catalogue of interdicted books. This document will form the basis of what
+      I have to say with regard to the Catholic crusade against literature.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Not without reason did Aonio Paleario call this engine of the Index 'a
+      dagger drawn from the scabbard to assassinate letters'&mdash;<i>sica
+      districta in omnes scriptores</i>.<a name="FNanchorA_116_116"
+      id="FNanchorA_116_116"></a><a href="#FootnoteA_116_116" class="fnanchor">[116]</a>
+      Not without reason did Sarpi describe it as 'the finest secret which has
+      ever been discovered for applying religion to the purpose of making men
+      idiotic.'<a name="FNanchorA_117_117" id="FNanchorA_117_117"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_117_117" class="fnanchor">[117]</a><span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageA198" id="pageA198"></a>{198}</span>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Index Expurgatorius sixty-one printing firms by name, all of whose
+      publications were without exception prohibited, adding a similar
+      prohibition for the books edited by any printer who had published the
+      writings of any heretic; so that in fine, as Sarpi says, 'there was not a
+      book left to read.' Truly he might well exclaim in another passage that
+      the Church was doing its best to extinguish sound learning altogether.<a
+      name="FNanchorA_118_118" id="FNanchorA_118_118"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_118_118" class="fnanchor">[118]</a>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      In order to gain a clear conception of the warfare carried on by Rome
+      against free literature, it will be well to consider first the rules for
+      the Index of Prohibited Books, sketched out by the fathers delegated by
+      the Tridentine Council, published by Pius IV., augmented by Sixtus V., and
+      reduced to their final form by Clement VIII. in 1595.<a
+      name="FNanchorA_119_119" id="FNanchorA_119_119"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_119_119" class="fnanchor">[119]</a> Afterwards I shall
+      proceed to explain the operation of the system, and to illustrate by
+      details the injury inflicted upon learning and enlightenment.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The preambles to this document recite the circumstances under which the
+      necessity for digesting an Index or Catalogue of Prohibited Books arose.
+      These were the diffusion of heretical opinions at the epoch of the
+      Lutheran schism, and their propagation through the press. The Council of
+      Trent decreed that a list of writings 'heretical, or suspected of
+      heretical pravity, or injurious to manners and piety,'<span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageA199" id="pageA199"></a>{199}</span> should be drawn up. This
+      charge they committed to prelates chosen from all nations, who, when the
+      catalogue had been completed, referred it for sanction and approval to the
+      Pope. He nominated a congregation of eminent ecclesiastics, by whose care
+      the catalogue was perfected, and rules were framed, defining the use that
+      should be made of it in future. It issued officially, as I have already
+      stated, in 1564, the fifth year of the pontificate of Pius IV., with
+      warning to all universities and civil and ecclesiastical authorities that
+      any person of what grade or condition soever, whether clerk or layman, who
+      should read or possess one or more of the proscribed volumes, would be
+      accounted <i>ipso jure</i> excommunicate, and liable to prosecution by the
+      Inquisition on a charge of heresy.<a name="FNanchorA_120_120"
+      id="FNanchorA_120_120"></a><a href="#FootnoteA_120_120" class="fnanchor">[120]</a>
+      Booksellers, printers, merchants, and custom-house officials received
+      admonition that the threat of excommunication and prosecution concerned
+      them specially.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The first rules deal with the acknowledged writings of Protestant
+      heresiarchs. Those of Luther, Zwingli, and Calvin, whether in their
+      original languages or translated, are condemned absolutely and without
+      exception. Next follow regulations for securing the monopoly of the
+      Vulgate, considered as the sole authorized version of the Holy Scriptures.
+      Translations of portions of the Bible made by learned men in Latin may be
+      used by scholars with permission of a bishop, provided it be understood
+      that <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA200" id="pageA200"></a>{200}</span>
+      they are never appealed to as the inspired text. Translations into any
+      vernacular idiom are strictly excluded from public use and circulation,
+      but may, under exceptional circumstances, be allowed to students who have
+      received license from a bishop or Inquisitor at the recommendation of
+      their parish priest or confessor. Compilations made by heretics, in the
+      form of dictionaries, concordances, etc., are to be prohibited until they
+      have been purged and revised by censors of the press. The same regulation
+      extends to polemical and controversial works touching on matters of
+      doctrine in dispute between Catholics and Protestants. Next follow
+      regulations concerning books containing lascivious or obscene matter,
+      which are to be rigidly suppressed. Exception is made in favor of the
+      classics, on account of their style; with the proviso that they are on no
+      account to be given to boys to read. Treatises dealing professedly with
+      occult arts, magic, sorcery, predictions of future events, incantation of
+      spirits, and so forth, are to be proscribed; due reservation being made in
+      favor of scientific observations touching navigation, agriculture, and the
+      healing art, in which prognostics may be useful to mankind. Having thus
+      broadly defined the literature which has to be suppressed or subjected to
+      supervision, rules are laid down for the exercise of censure. Books,
+      whereof the general tendency is good, but which contain passages savoring
+      of heresy, superstition or divination, shall be reserved for the
+      consideration <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA201" id="pageA201"></a>{201}</span>
+      of Catholic theologians appointed by the Inquisition; and this shall hold
+      good also of prefaces, summaries, or annotations. All writings printed in
+      Rome must be submitted to the judgment of the Vicar of the Pope, the
+      Master of the Sacred Palace, or a person nominated by the Pontiff. In
+      other cities the bishop, or his delegate, and the Inquisitor of the
+      district, shall be responsible for examining printed or manuscript works
+      previous to publication; and without their license it shall be illegal to
+      circulate them. Inquisitorial visits shall from time to time be made,
+      under the authority of the bishop and the Holy Office, in bookshops or
+      printing houses, for the removal and destruction of prohibited works.
+      Colporteurs of books across the frontiers, heirs and executors who have
+      become depositaries of books, collectors of private libraries, as well as
+      editors and booksellers, shall be liable to the same jurisdiction, bound
+      to declare their property by catalogue, and to show license for the use,
+      transmission, sale, or possession of the same.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      With regard to the correction of books, it is provided that this duty
+      shall fall conjointly on bishops and Inquisitors, who must appoint three
+      men distinguished for learning and piety to examine the text and make the
+      necessary changes in it. Upon the report of these censors, the bishops and
+      Inquisitors shall give license of publication, provided they are satisfied
+      that the work of emendation has been duly performed. The censor must
+      submit <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA202" id="pageA202"></a>{202}</span>
+      not only the body of a book, to scrupulous analysis; but he must also
+      investigate the notes, summaries, marginal remarks, indexes, prefaces, and
+      dedicatory epistles, lest haply pestilent opinions lurk there in ambush.
+      He must keep a sharp lookout for heretical propositions, and arguments
+      savoring of heresy; insinuations against the established order of the
+      sacraments, ceremonies, usages and ritual of the Roman Church; new turns
+      of phrase insidiously employed by heretics, with dubious and ambiguous
+      expressions that may mislead the unwary; plausible citations of Scripture,
+      or passages of holy writ extracted from heretical translations; quotations
+      from the authorized text, which have been adduced in an unorthodox sense;
+      epithets in honor of heretics, and anything that may redound to the praise
+      of such persons; opinions savoring of sorcery and superstition; theories
+      that involve the subjection of the human will to fate, fortune, and
+      fallacious portents, or that imply paganism; aspersions upon ecclesiastics
+      and princes; impugnments of the liberties, immunities, and jurisdiction of
+      the Church; political doctrines in favor of antique virtues, despotic
+      government, and the so-called Reason of State, which are in opposition to
+      the evangelical and Christian law; satires on ecclesiastical rites,
+      religious orders, and the state, dignity, and persons of the clergy;
+      ribaldries or stories offensive and prejudicial to the fame and estimation
+      of one's neighbors, together with lubricities, lascivious re<span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageA203" id="pageA203"></a>{203}</span> marks,
+      lewd pictures, and capital letters adorned with obscene images. All such
+      peccant passages are to be expunged, obliterated, removed or radically
+      altered, before the license for publication be accorded by the ordinary.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      No book shall be printed without the author's name in full, together with
+      his nationality, upon the title-page. If there be sufficient reason for
+      giving an anonymous work to the world, the censor's name shall stand for
+      that of the author. Compilations of words, sentences, excerpts, etc.,
+      shall pass under the name of the compiler. Publishers and booksellers are
+      to take care that the printed work agrees with the MS. copy as licensed,
+      and to see that all rules with regard to the author's name and his
+      authority to publish have been observed. They are, moreover, to take an
+      oath before the Master of the Sacred Palace in Rome, or before the bishop
+      and Inquisitor in other places, that they will scrupulously follow the
+      regulations of the Index. The bishops and Inquisitors are held responsible
+      for selecting as censors, men of approved piety and learning, whose good
+      faith and integrity they shall guarantee, and who shall be such as will
+      obey no promptings of private hatred or of favor, but will do all for the
+      glory of God and the advantage of the faithful. The approbation of such
+      censors, together with the license of the bishop and Inquisitor, shall be
+      printed at the opening of every published book. Finally, if any work
+      composed by a condemned author shall be <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageA204" id="pageA204"></a>{204}</span> licensed after due
+      purgation and castration, it shall bear his name upon the title-page,
+      together with the note of condemnation, to the end that, though the book
+      itself be accepted, the author be understood to be rejected. Thus, for
+      example, the title shall run as follows: 'The Library, by Conrad Gesner, a
+      writer condemned for his opinions, which work was formerly published and
+      proscribed, but is now expurgated and licensed by superior authority.'
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The Holy Office was made virtually responsible for the censorship of
+      books. But, as I have already stated, there existed a Congregation of
+      prelates in Rome to whom the final verdict upon this matter Was reserved.
+      If an author in some provincial town composed a volume, he was bound in
+      the first instance to submit the MS. to the censor appointed by the bishop
+      and Inquisitor of his district. This man took time to weigh the general
+      matter of the work before him, to scrutinize its propositions, verify
+      quotations, and deliberate upon its tendency. When the license of the
+      ordinary had been obtained, it was referred to the Roman Congregation of
+      the Index, who might withhold or grant their sanction. So complicated was
+      the machinery, and so vast the pressure upon the officials who were held
+      responsible for the expurgation of every book imprinted or reprinted in
+      all the Catholic presses, that even writers of conspicuous orthodoxy had
+      to suffer grievous delays. An archbishop writes to Cardinal Sirleto about
+      a book which had been examined <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA205"
+      id="pageA205"></a>{205}</span> thrice, at Rome, at Venice and again at
+      Rome, and had obtained the Pope's approval, and yet the license for
+      reprinting it is never issued.<a name="FNanchorA_121_121"
+      id="FNanchorA_121_121"></a><a href="#FootnoteA_121_121" class="fnanchor">[121]</a>
+      The censors were not paid; and in addition to being overworked and
+      over-burdened with responsibility, they were rarely men of adequate
+      learning. In a letter from Bartolommeo de Valverde, chaplain to Philip
+      II., under date 1584, we read plain-spoken complaints against these
+      subordinates.<a name="FNanchorA_122_122" id="FNanchorA_122_122"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_122_122" class="fnanchor">[122]</a> 'Unacquainted with
+      literature, they discharge the function of condemning books they cannot
+      understand. Without knowledge of Greek or Hebrew, and animated by a
+      prejudiced hostility against authors, they take the easy course of
+      proscribing what they feel incapable of judging. In this way the works of
+      many sainted writers and the useful commentaries made by Jews have been
+      suppressed.' A memorial to Sirleto, presented by Cardinal Gabriele
+      Paleotti, points out the negligence of the Index-makers and their
+      superficial discharge of onerous duties, praying that in future men of
+      learning and honesty should be employed, and that they should receive
+      payment for their labors.<a name="FNanchorA_123_123" id="FNanchorA_123_123"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_123_123" class="fnanchor">[123]</a> These are the
+      expostulations addressed by faithful Catholics, engaged in literary work
+      demanded by the Vatican, to a Cardinal who was the soul and mover of the
+      Congregation. They do not question the salutary nature of the Index, but
+      only call attention to the incapacity and ignorance of its unpaid
+      officials.<span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA206" id="pageA206"></a>{206}</span>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Meanwhile, it was no easy matter to appoint responsible and learned
+      scholars to the post. The inefficient censors proceeded with their work of
+      destruction and suppression. A commentator on a Greek Father, or the
+      Psalms, was corrected by an ignoramus who knew neither Greek nor Hebrew,
+      anxious to discover petty collisions with the Vulgate, and eager to create
+      annoyances for the author. Latino Latini, one of the students employed by
+      the Vatican, refused his name to an edition of Cyprian which he had
+      carefully prepared with far more than the average erudition, because it
+      had been changed throughout by the substitution of bad readings for good,
+      in defiance of MS. authority, with a view of preserving a literal
+      agreement with the Vulgate.<a name="FNanchorA_124_124"
+      id="FNanchorA_124_124"></a><a href="#FootnoteA_124_124" class="fnanchor">[124]</a>
+      Sigonius, another of the Vatican students, was instructed to prepare
+      certain text-books by Cardinal Paleotti. These were an Ecclesiastical
+      History, a treatise on the Hebrew Commonwealth, and an edition of
+      Sulpicius Severus. The MSS. were returned to him, accused of unsound
+      doctrine, and scrawled over with such remarks as 'false,' 'absurd.'<a
+      name="FNanchorA_125_125" id="FNanchorA_125_125"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_125_125" class="fnanchor">[125]</a>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      In addition to the intolerable delays of the Censure, and the arrogant
+      inadequacy of its officials, learned men suffered from the pettiest
+      persecution at the hands of informers. The Inquisitors themselves were
+      often spies and persons of base origin. 'The Roman Court,' says Sarpi,
+      'being anxious that the office of the Inquisition should not suffer
+      through <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA207" id="pageA207"></a>{207}</span>
+      negligence in its ministers, has confided these affairs to individuals
+      without occupation, and whose mean estate renders them proud of their
+      official position.'<a name="FNanchorA_126_126" id="FNanchorA_126_126"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_126_126" class="fnanchor">[126]</a> It was not to be
+      expected that such people should discharge their duties with intelligence
+      and scrupulous equity. Pius V., himself an incorruptible Inquisitor, had
+      to condemn one of his lieutenants for corruption or extortion of money by
+      menaces.<a name="FNanchorA_127_127" id="FNanchorA_127_127"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_127_127" class="fnanchor">[127]</a> There was still
+      another source of peril and annoyance to which scholars were exposed.
+      Their comrades, engaged in similar pursuits, not unfrequently wreaked
+      private spite by denouncing them to the Congregation.<a
+      name="FNanchorA_128_128" id="FNanchorA_128_128"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_128_128" class="fnanchor">[128]</a> Van Linden indicated
+      heresies in Osorius, Giovius, Albertus Pighius. The Jesuit Francesco
+      Torres accused Ma&euml;s, and threatened Latini. Sigonius obtained a
+      license for his <i>History of Bologna</i>, but could not print it, owing
+      to the delation of secret enemies. Baronius, when he had finished his
+      Martyrology, found that a cabal had raised insuperable obstacles in the
+      way of its publication. I have been careful to select only examples of
+      notoriously Catholic authors, men who were in the pay and under the
+      special protection of the Vatican. How it fared with less favored
+      scholars, may be left to the imagination. We are not astonished to find a
+      man like Latini writing thus from Rome to Ma&euml;s during the pontificate
+      of Paul IV.<a name="FNanchorA_129_129" id="FNanchorA_129_129"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_129_129" class="fnanchor">[129]</a><span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageA208" id="pageA208"></a>{208}</span>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      'Have you not heard of the peril which threatens the very existence of
+      books? What are you dreaming of, when now that almost every published book
+      is interdicted, you still think of making new ones? Here, as I imagine,
+      there is no one who for many years to come will dare to write except on
+      business or to distant friends. An Index has been issued of the works
+      which none may possess under pain of excommunication; and the number of
+      them is so great that very few indeed are left to us, especially of those
+      which have been published in Germany. This shipwreck, this holocaust of
+      books will stop the production of them in your country also, if I do not
+      err, and will teach editors to be upon their guard. As you love me and
+      yourself, sit and look at your bookcases without opening their doors, and
+      beware lest the very cracks let emanations come to you from those
+      forbidden fruits of learning.' This letter was written in 1559, when Paul
+      proscribed sixty-one presses, and prohibited the perusal of any work that
+      issued from them. He afterwards withdrew this interdict. But the Index did
+      not stop its work of extirpation.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Another embarrassment which afflicted men of learning, was the danger of
+      possessing books by heretics and the difficulty of procuring them.<a
+      name="FNanchorA_130_130" id="FNanchorA_130_130"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_130_130" class="fnanchor">[130]</a> Yet they could not
+      carry on their Biblical studies with<span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageA209" id="pageA209"></a>{209}</span> out reference to such
+      authors as, for example, Erasmus or Reuchlin. The universities loudly
+      demanded that books of sound erudition by heretics should at least be
+      expurgated and republished. Yet the process of disfiguring their
+      arguments, effacing the names of authors, expunging the praises of
+      heretics, altering quotations and retouching them all over, involved so
+      much labor that the demand was never satisfied. The strict search
+      instituted at the frontiers stopped the importation of books,<a
+      name="FNanchorA_131_131" id="FNanchorA_131_131"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_131_131" class="fnanchor">[131]</a> and carriers refused
+      to transmit them. In their dread of the Inquisition, these folk found it
+      safer to abstain from book traffic altogether. Public libraries were
+      exposed to intermittent raids, nor were private collections safe from such
+      inspection. The not uncommon occurrence of old books in which precious and
+      interesting passages have been erased with printer's ink, or pasted over
+      with slips of opaque paper, testifies to the frequency of these
+      inquisitorial visitations.<a name="FNanchorA_132_132"
+      id="FNanchorA_132_132"></a><a href="#FootnoteA_132_132" class="fnanchor">[132]</a>
+      Any casual acquaintance, on leaving a man's house, might denounce him as
+      the possessor <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA210" id="pageA210"></a>{210}</span>
+      of a proscribed volume; and everybody who owned a book-case was bound to
+      furnish the Inquisitors with a copy of his catalogue. Book-stalls lay open
+      to the malevolence of informers. We possess an insolent letter of Antonio
+      Possevino to Cardinal Sirleto, telling him that he had noticed a forbidden
+      book by Filiarchi on a binder's counter, and bidding him to do his duty by
+      suppressing it.<a name="FNanchorA_133_133" id="FNanchorA_133_133"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_133_133" class="fnanchor">[133]</a> When this Cardinal's
+      library was exposed for sale after his death, the curious observed that it
+      contained 1872 MSS. in Greek and Latin, 530 volumes of printed Greek
+      books, and 3939 volumes of Latin, among which 39 were on the Index. But
+      charity suggested that the Cardinal had retained these last for censure.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      During the period of the Counter-Reformation it was the cherished object
+      of the Popes to restore ecclesiastical and theological learning. They
+      gathered men of erudition round them in the Vatican, and established a
+      press for the purpose of printing the Fathers and diffusing Catholic
+      literature. But they were met in the pursuance of this project by very
+      serious difficulties. Their own policy tended to stifle knowledge and
+      suppress criticism. The scholars whom they chose as champions of the faith
+      worked with tied hands. Baronio knew no Greek; Latini knew hardly any;
+      Bellarmino is thought to have known but little. And yet these were the
+      apostles of Catholic enlightenment, the defenders of the infallible Church
+      against students of the caliber <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA211"
+      id="pageA211"></a>{211}</span> of Erasmus, Casaubon, Sarpi! An insuperable
+      obstacle to sacred studies of a permanently useful kind was the Tridentine
+      decree which had declared the Vulgate inviolable. No codex of age or
+      authority which displayed a reading at variance with the inspired Latin
+      version might be cited. Sirleto, custodian of the Vatican Library, refused
+      lections from its MSS. to learned men, on the ground that they might seem
+      to impugn the Vulgate.<a name="FNanchorA_134_134" id="FNanchorA_134_134"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_134_134" class="fnanchor">[134]</a> For the same reason,
+      the critical labors of all previous students, from Valla to Erasmus, on
+      the text of the Bible were suppressed, and the best MSS. of the Fathers
+      were ruthlessly garbled, in order to bring their quotations into
+      accordance with Jerome's translation. Galesini takes credit to himself in
+      a letter to Sirleto for having withheld a clearly right reading in his
+      edition of the Psalms, because it explained a mistake in the Vulgate.<a
+      name="FNanchorA_135_135" id="FNanchorA_135_135"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_135_135" class="fnanchor">[135]</a> We have seen how
+      Latini's Cyprian suffered from the censure; and there is a lamentable
+      history of the Vatican edition of Ambrose, which was so mutilated that the
+      Index had to protect it from confrontation with the original codices.<a
+      name="FNanchorA_136_136" id="FNanchorA_136_136"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_136_136" class="fnanchor">[136]</a> This dishonest
+      dealing not only discouraged students and paralyzed the energy of critical
+      investigation; but it also involved the closing of public libraries to
+      scholars. The Vatican could not afford to let the light of science in upon
+      its workshop of forgeries and sophistications.<span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageA212" id="pageA212"></a>{212}</span>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      A voice of reasonable remonstrance was sometimes raised by even the most
+      incorruptible children of the Church. Thus Bellarmino writes to Cardinal
+      Sirleto, suggesting a doubt whether it is obligatory to adhere to the
+      letter of the Tridentine decree upon the Vulgate.<a
+      name="FNanchorA_137_137" id="FNanchorA_137_137"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_137_137" class="fnanchor">[137]</a> Is it rational, he
+      asks, to maintain that every sentence in the Latin text is impeccable?
+      Must we reject those readings in the Hebrew and the Greek, which elucidate
+      the meaning of the Scriptures, in cases where Jerome has followed a
+      different and possibly a corrupt authority? Would it not be more sensible
+      to regard the Vulgate as the sole authorized version for use in
+      universities, pulpits, and divine service, while admitting that it is not
+      an infallible rendering of the inspired original? He also touches, in a
+      similar strain of scholar-like liberality, upon the Septuagint, pointing
+      out that this version cannot have been the work of seventy men in unity,
+      since the translator of Job seems to have been better acquainted with
+      Greek than Hebrew, while the reverse is true of the translator of Solomon.
+      Such remonstrances were not, however, destined to make themselves
+      effectively heard. Instead of relaxing its severity after the pontificate
+      of Pius IV., the Congregation of the Index grew, as we have seen, more
+      rigid, until, in the rules digested by Clement VIII., it enforced the
+      strictest letter of the law regarding the Vulgate, and ratified all the
+      hypocrisies and subterfuges which that implied.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA213" id="pageA213"></a>{213}</span>
+      Under the conditions which I have attempted to describe, it was impossible
+      that Italy should hold her place among the nations which encouraged
+      liberal studies. Rome had one object in view&mdash;to gag the
+      revolutionary free voice of the Renaissance, to protect conservative
+      principles, to establish her own supremacy, and to secure the triumph of
+      the Counter-Reformation. In pursuance of this policy, she had to react
+      against the learning and the culture of the classical revival; and her
+      views were seconded not only by the overwhelming political force of Spain
+      in the Peninsula, but also by the petty princes who felt that their
+      existence was imperiled.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Independence of judgment was rigorously proscribed in all academies and
+      seats of erudition. New methods of education and new text-books were
+      forbidden. Professors found themselves hampered in their choice of antique
+      authors. Only those classics which were sanctioned by the Congregation of
+      the Index could be used in lecture-rooms. On the one hand, the great
+      republican advocates of independence had incurred suspicion. On the other
+      hand, the poets were prohibited as redolent of paganism. To mingle
+      philosophy with rhetoric was counted a crime. Thomas Aquinas had set up
+      Pillars of Hercules beyond which the reason might not seek to travel.
+      Roman law had to be treated from the orthodox scholastic standpoint. Woe
+      to the audacious jurist who made the Pandects serve for disquisitions on
+      the rights of men and nations! Scholars <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageA214" id="pageA214"></a>{214}</span> like Sigonius found
+      themselves tied down in their class-rooms to a weariful routine of Cicero
+      and Aristotle. Aonio Paleario complained that a professor was no better
+      than a donkey working in a mill; nothing remained for him but to dole out
+      commonplaces, avoiding every point of contact between the authors he
+      interpreted and the burning questions of modern life. Muretus, who brought
+      with him to Italy from France a ruined moral reputation with a fervid zeal
+      for literature, who sold his soul to praise the Massacre of S. Bartholomew
+      and purge by fulsome panegyrics of great public crimes the taint of heresy
+      that clung around him, found his efforts to extend the course of studies
+      in Rome thwarted.<a name="FNanchorA_138_138" id="FNanchorA_138_138"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_138_138" class="fnanchor">[138]</a> He was forbidden to
+      lecture on Plato, forbidden to touch jurisprudence, forbidden to consult a
+      copy of Eunapius in the Vatican Library. It cost him days and weeks of
+      pleading to obtain permission to read Tacitus to his classes. Greek, the
+      literature of high thoughts, noble enthusiasms, and virile sciences, was
+      viewed with suspicion. As the monks of the middle ages had written on the
+      margins of their MSS.: <i>Graeca sunt, ergo non legenda</i>, so these new
+      obscurantists exclaimed: <i>Graeca sunt, periculosa sunt, ergo non legenda</i>.
+      'I am forced,' he cries in this extremity, 'to occupy myself with Latin
+      and to abstain entirely from Greek.' And yet he knew that 'if the men of
+      our age advance one step further in their neglect of Greek, doom and
+      destruction are <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA215" id="pageA215"></a>{215}</span>
+      impending over all sound arts and sciences.' 'It is my misery,' he groans,
+      'to behold the gradual extinction and total decay of Greek letters, in
+      whose train I see the whole body of refined learning on the point of
+      vanishing away.<a name="FNanchorA_139_139" id="FNanchorA_139_139"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_139_139" class="fnanchor">[139]</a>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      A vigorous passage from one of Sarpi's letters directly bearing on these
+      points may here be cited (vol. i. p. 170): 'The revival of polite learning
+      undermined the foundations of Papal monarchy. Nor was this to be wondered
+      at. This monarchy began and grew in barbarism; the cessation of barbarism
+      naturally curtailed and threatened it with extinction. This we already see
+      in Germany and France; but Spain and Italy are still subject to barbarism.
+      Legal studies sink daily from bad to worse. The Roman Curia opposes every
+      branch of learning which savors of polite literature, while it defends its
+      barbarism with tooth and nail. How can it do otherwise? Abolish those
+      books on Papal Supremacy, and where shall they find that the Pope is
+      another God, that he is almighty, that all rights and laws are closed
+      within the cabinet of his breast, that he can shut up folk in hell, in a
+      word that he has power to square the circle? Destroy that false
+      jurisprudence, and this tyranny will vanish; but the two are reciprocally
+      supporting, and we shall not do away with the former until the latter
+      falls, which will only happen at God's good pleasure.'
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The jealousy with which liberal studies were <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageA216" id="pageA216"></a>{216}</span> regarded by the Church bred
+      a contempt for them in the minds of students. Benci, a professor of humane
+      letters at Rome, says that his pupils walked about the class-room during
+      his lectures. With grim humor he adds that he does not object to their
+      sleeping, so long as they abstain from snoring.<a name="FNanchorA_140_140"
+      id="FNanchorA_140_140"></a><a href="#FootnoteA_140_140" class="fnanchor">[140]</a>
+      But it is impossible, he goes on to complain, that I should any longer
+      look upon the place in which I do my daily work as an academy of learning;
+      I go to it rather as to a mill in which I must grind out my tale of
+      worthless grain. Muretus, when he had labored twenty years in the chair of
+      rhetoric at Rome, begged for dismissal. His memorial to the authorities
+      presents a lamentable picture of the insubordination and indifference from
+      which he had suffered.<a name="FNanchorA_141_141" id="FNanchorA_141_141"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_141_141" class="fnanchor">[141]</a> 'I have borne
+      immeasurable indignities from the continued insolence of these students,
+      who interrupt me with cries, whistlings, hisses, insults, and such
+      opprobrious remarks that I sometimes scarcely know whether I am standing
+      on my head or heels.' 'They come to the lecture-room armed with poignards,
+      and when I reprove them for their indecencies, they threaten over and over
+      again to cut my face open if I do not hold my tongue.' The walls, he adds,
+      are scrawled over with obscene emblems and disgusting epigrams, so that
+      this haunt of learning presents the aspect of the lowest brothel; and
+      <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA217" id="pageA217"></a>{217}</span>
+      the professor's chair has become a more intolerable seat than the pillory,
+      owing to the missiles flung at him and the ribaldry with which he is
+      assailed. The manners and conversation of the students must have been
+      disgusting beyond measure, to judge by a letter of complaint from a father
+      detailing the contamination to which his son was exposed in the Roman
+      class-rooms, and the immunity with which the lewdest songs were publicly
+      recited there.<a name="FNanchorA_142_142" id="FNanchorA_142_142"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_142_142" class="fnanchor">[142]</a> But the total
+      degradation of learning at this epoch in Rome is best described in one
+      paragraph of Vittorio de'Rossi, setting forth the neglect endured by Aldo
+      Manuzio, the younger. This scion of an illustrious family succeeded to the
+      professorship of Muretus in 1588. 'Then,' says Rossi, 'might one marvel at
+      or rather mourn over, the abject and down-trodden state of the liberal
+      arts. Then might one perceive with tears how those treasures of humane
+      letters, which our fathers exalted to the heavens, were degraded in the
+      estimation of youth. In the good old days men crossed the seas, undertook
+      long journeys, <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA218" id="pageA218"></a>{218}</span>
+      traversed the cities of Greece and Asia, in order to obtain the palm of
+      eloquence and salute the masters of languages and learning, at whose feet
+      they sat entranced by noble words. But now these fellows poured scorn upon
+      an unrivaled teacher of both Greek and Latin eloquence, whose services
+      were theirs for the asking, theirs without the fatigue of travel, without
+      expense, without exertion. Though he freely offered them his abundance of
+      erudition in both learned literatures, they shut their ears against him.
+      At the hours when his lecture-room should have been thronged with
+      multitudes of eager pupils you might see him, abandoned by the crowd,
+      pacing the pavement before the door of the academy with one, or may be
+      two, for his companions.'<a name="FNanchorA_143_143" id="FNanchorA_143_143"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_143_143" class="fnanchor">[143]</a>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      To accuse the Church solely and wholly for this decay of humanistic
+      learning in Italy would be uncritical and unjust. We must remember that
+      after a period of feverish energy there comes a time of languor in all
+      epochs of great intellectual excitement. Nor was it to be expected that
+      the enthusiasm of the fifteenth century for classical studies should have
+      been prolonged into the second half of the sixteenth century. But we are
+      justified in blaming the ecclesiastical and civil authorities of the
+      Counter-Reformation for their determined opposition to the new direction
+      which that old enthusiasm for the classics was now manifesting. They
+      strove to <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA219" id="pageA219"></a>{219}</span>
+      force the stream of learning backward into scholastic and linguistic
+      channels, when it was already plowing for itself a fresh course in the
+      fields of philosophical and scientific discovery. They made study odious,
+      because they attempted to restrain it to the out-worn husks of pedantry
+      and rhetoric. These, they thought, were innocuous. But what the
+      intellectual appetite then craved, the pabulum that it required to satisfy
+      its yearning, was rigidly denied it. Speculations concerning the nature of
+      man and of the world, metaphysical explorations into the regions of dimly
+      apprehended mysteries, physics, political problems, religious questions
+      touching the great matters in dispute through Europe, all the storm and
+      stress of modern life, the ferment of the modern mind and will and
+      conscience, were excluded from the schools, because they were antagonistic
+      to the Counter-Reformation. Italy was starved and demoralized in order to
+      avert a revolution; and learning was asphyxiated by confinement to a
+      narrow chamber filled with vitiated and exhausted air.<a
+      name="FNanchorA_144_144" id="FNanchorA_144_144"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_144_144" class="fnanchor">[144]</a>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Similar deductions may be drawn from the life of Paolo Manuzio in Rome. He
+      left Venice in 1561 at the invitation of Pius IV., who proposed to
+      establish a press 'for the publication of books printed with the finest
+      type and the utmost accuracy, and <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA220"
+      id="pageA220"></a>{220}</span> more especially of works bearing upon
+      sacred and ecclesiastical literature.'<a name="FNanchorA_145_145"
+      id="FNanchorA_145_145"></a><a href="#FootnoteA_145_145" class="fnanchor">[145]</a>
+      Paolo's engagement was for twelve years; his appointments were fixed at
+      300 ducats for traveling expenses, 500 ducats of yearly salary, a press
+      maintained at the Pontifical expense, and a pension secured upon his son's
+      life. The scheme was a noble one. Paolo was to print all the Greek and
+      Latin Fathers, and to furnish the Catholic world with an arsenal of
+      orthodox learning. Yet, during his residence in Rome, no Greek book issued
+      from his press.<a name="FNanchorA_146_146" id="FNanchorA_146_146"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_146_146" class="fnanchor">[146]</a> Of the Latin Fathers
+      he gave the Epistles of Jerome, Salvian, and Cyprian to the world. For the
+      rest, he published the Decrees of the Tridentine Council ten times, the
+      Tridentine Catechism eight times, the <i>Breviarium Romanum</i> four
+      times, and spent the greater part of his leisure in editing minor
+      translations, commentaries, and polemical or educational treatises. The
+      result was miserable, and the man was ruined.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      It remains to notice the action of the Index with regard to secular books
+      in the modern languages. I will first repeat a significant passage in its
+      statutes touching upon political philosophy and the so-called <i>Ratio
+      Status</i>: 'Item, let all propositions, drawn from the digests, manners,
+      and examples of the Gentiles, which foster a tyrannical polity and
+      encourage what they falsely call the reason of state, in <span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageA221" id="pageA221"></a>{221}</span>
+      opposition to the law of Christ and of the Gospel, be expunged.' This,
+      says Sarpi in his Discourse on Printing, is aimed in general against any
+      doctrine which impugns ecclesiastical jurisdiction over the civil sphere
+      of princes and magistrates, and the economy of the family.<a
+      name="FNanchorA_147_147" id="FNanchorA_147_147"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_147_147" class="fnanchor">[147]</a> Theories drawn from
+      whatever source to combat Papal and ecclesiastical encroachments, and to
+      defend the rights of the sovereign in his monarchy or of the father in
+      his, household, are denominated and denounced as <i>Ratio Status</i>. The
+      impugner of Papal absolutism in civil, as well as ecclesiastical affairs,
+      is accounted <i>ipso facto</i> a heretic.<a name="FNanchorA_148_148"
+      id="FNanchorA_148_148"></a><a href="#FootnoteA_148_148" class="fnanchor">[148]</a>
+      It would appear at first sight as though the clause in question had been
+      specially framed to condemn Machiavelli and his school. The works of
+      Machiavelli were placed upon the Index in 1559, and a certain Cesare of
+      Pisa who had them in his library was put to the torture on this account in
+      1610. It was afterwards proposed to correct and edit them without his
+      name; but his heirs very properly refused to sanction this proceeding,
+      knowing that he would be made to utter the very reverse of what he meant
+      in all that touched upon the Roman Church.<span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageA222" id="pageA222"></a>{222}</span>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      This paragraph in the statutes of the Index had, however, a further and
+      far more ambitious purpose than the suppression of Machiavelli,
+      Guicciardini, and Sarpi. By assuming to condemn all political writings of
+      which she disapproved, and by forbidding the secular authorities to
+      proscribe any works which had received her sanction, the Church obtained a
+      monopoly of popular instruction in theories of government. She interdicted
+      every treatise that exposed her own ambitious interference in civil
+      affairs or which maintained the rights of temporal rulers.<a
+      name="FNanchorA_149_149" id="FNanchorA_149_149"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_149_149" class="fnanchor">[149]</a> She protected and
+      propagated the works of her servile ministers, who proclaimed that the
+      ecclesiastical was superior in all points to the civil power; that nations
+      owed their first allegiance to the Pope, who was divinely appointed to
+      rule over them, and their second only to the Prince, who was a delegate
+      from their own body; and that tyrannicide itself was justifiable when
+      employed against a contumacious or heretical sovereign. Such were the
+      theories of the Jesuits&mdash;of Allen and Parsons in England, Bellarmino
+      in Italy, Suarez and Mariana in Spain, Boucher in France.<span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageA223" id="pageA223"></a>{223}</span>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      In his critique of this monstrous unfairness Sarpi says: 'There are not
+      wanting men in Italy, pious and of sound learning, who hold the truth upon
+      such topics; but these can neither write nor send their writings to the
+      press.'<a name="FNanchorA_150_150" id="FNanchorA_150_150"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_150_150" class="fnanchor">[150]</a> The best years and
+      the best energies of Sarpi's life were spent, as is well known, in
+      combating the arrogance of Rome, and in founding the relations of State to
+      Church upon a basis of sound common sense and equity. More than once he
+      narrowly escaped martyrdom as the reward of his temerity; and when the
+      poignard of an assassin struck him, his legend relates that he uttered the
+      celebrated epigram: <i>Agnosco stilum Curiae Romanae</i>.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Sarpi protested, not without good reason, that Rome was doing her best to
+      extinguish sound learning in Italy. But how did she deal with that rank
+      growth of licentious literature which had sprung up during the Renaissance
+      period? This is the question which should next engage us. We have seen
+      that the Council of Trent provided amply for the extirpation of lewd and
+      obscene publications. Accordingly, as though to satisfy the sense of
+      decency, some of the most flagrantly immoral books, including the <i>Decameron</i>,
+      the <i>Priapeia</i>, the collected works of Aretino, and certain mediaeval
+      romances, were placed upon the Index. Berni was proscribed in 1559; but
+      the interdict lasted only a short time, probably <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageA224" id="pageA224"></a>{224}</span> because it was discovered
+      that his poems, though licentious, were free from the heresies which Pier
+      Paolo Vergerio had sought to fix upon him. Meanwhile no notice was taken
+      of the <i>Orlando Furioso</i>, and a multitude of novelists, of
+      Beccadelli's and Pontano's verses, of Molza and Firenzuola, of the whole
+      mass of mundane writers in short, who had done so much to reveal the
+      corruption of Italian manners. It seemed as though the Church cared less
+      to ban obscenity than to burke those authors who had spoken freely of her
+      vices. When we come to examine the expurgated editions of notorious
+      authors, we shall see that this was literally the case. A castrated
+      version of Bandello, revised by Ascanio Centorio degli Ortensi, was
+      published in 1560.<a name="FNanchorA_151_151" id="FNanchorA_151_151"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_151_151" class="fnanchor">[151]</a> It omitted the
+      dedications and preambles, suppressed some disquisitions which palliated
+      vicious conduct, expunged the novels that brought monks or priests into
+      ridicule, but left the impurities of the rest untouched. A reformed
+      version of Folengo's <i>Baldus</i> appeared in 1561. The satires on
+      religious orders had been erased. Zambellus was cuckolded by a layman
+      instead of a priest. Otherwise the filth of the original received no
+      cleansing treatment. When Cosimo de'Medici requested that a revised
+      edition of the <i>Decameron</i> might be licensed, Pius V. entrusted the
+      affair to Thomas Manrique, Master of the Sacred Palace. It was published
+      by the Giunti in 1573 under the auspices of Gregory XIII., with the ap<span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageA225" id="pageA225"></a>{225}</span> proval
+      of the Holy Office and the Florentine Inquisition, fortified by privileges
+      from Spanish and French kings, dukes of Tuscany, Ferrara, and so forth.
+      The changes which Boccaccio's masterpiece had undergone were these:
+      passages savoring of doubtful dogma, sarcasms on monks and clergy, the
+      names of saints, allusions to the devil and hell, had disappeared.
+      Ecclesiastical sinners were transformed into students and professors, nuns
+      and abbesses into citizens' wives. Immorality in short was secularized.
+      But the book still offered the same allurements to a prurient mind. Sixtus
+      V. expressed his disapproval of this recension, and new editions were
+      licensed in 1582 and 1588 under the revision of Lionardo Salviati and
+      Luigi Groto. Both preserved the obscenities of the <i>Decameron</i>, while
+      they displayed more rigor with regard to satires on ecclesiastical
+      corruption. It may be added, in justice to the Roman Church, that the <i>Decameron</i>
+      stands still upon the Index with the annotation <i>donec expurgetur</i>.<a
+      name="FNanchorA_152_152" id="FNanchorA_152_152"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_152_152" class="fnanchor">[152]</a> Therefore we must
+      presume that the work of purification is not yet accomplished, though the
+      Jesuits have used parts of it as a text-book in their schools, while
+      Panigarola quoted it in his lectures on sacred eloquence.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      It would weary the reader to enlarge upon this process of stupid or
+      hypocritical purgation, whereby the writings of men like Doni and
+      Straparola were stripped of their reflections on the clergy, while their
+      <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA226" id="pageA226"></a>{226}</span>
+      indecencies remained untouched; or to show how Ariosto's Comedies were
+      sanctioned, when his Satires, owing to their free speech upon the Papal
+      Court, received the stigma.<a name="FNanchorA_153_153"
+      id="FNanchorA_153_153"></a><a href="#FootnoteA_153_153" class="fnanchor">[153]</a>
+      But I may refer to the grotesque attempts which were made in this age to
+      cast the mantle of spirituality over profane literature. Thus Hieronimo
+      Malipieri rewrote the <i>Canzoniere</i> of Petrarch, giving it a pious
+      turn throughout; and the <i>Orlando Furioso</i> was converted by several
+      hands into a religious allegory.<a name="FNanchorA_154_154"
+      id="FNanchorA_154_154"></a><a href="#FootnoteA_154_154" class="fnanchor">[154]</a>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The action of Rome under the influence of the Counter-Reformation was
+      clearly guided by two objects: to preserve Catholic dogma in its
+      integrity, and to maintain the supremacy of the Church. She was eager to
+      extinguish learning and to paralyze intellectual energy. But she showed no
+      unwillingness to tolerate those pleasant vices which enervate a nation.
+      Compared with unsound doctrine and audacious speculation, immorality
+      appeared in her eyes a venial weakness. It was true that she made serious
+      efforts to reform the manners of her ministers, and was fully alive to the
+      necessity of enforcing decency and decorum. Yet a radical purification of
+      society seemed of less importance to her than the conservation of Catholic
+      orthodoxy and the inculca<span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA227"
+      id="pageA227"></a>{227}</span> tion of obedience to ecclesiastical
+      authority. When we analyze the Jesuits' system of education, and their
+      method of conducting the care of souls, we shall see to what extent the
+      deeply seated hypocrisy of the Counter-Reformation had penetrated the most
+      vital parts of the Catholic system. It will suffice, at the close of this
+      chapter, to touch upon one other repressive measure adopted by the Church
+      in its panic. Magistrates received strict injunctions to impede the
+      journeys of Italian subjects into foreign countries where heresies were
+      known to be rife, or where the rites of the Roman Church were not
+      regularly administered.<a name="FNanchorA_155_155" id="FNanchorA_155_155"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_155_155" class="fnanchor">[155]</a> In 1595 Clement VIII.
+      reduced these admonitions to Pontifical law in a Bull, whereby he forbade
+      Italians to travel without permission from the Holy Office, or to reside
+      abroad without annually remitting a certificate of confession and
+      communion to the Inquisitors. To ensure obedience to this statute would
+      have been impossible without the co-operation of the Jesuits. They were,
+      however, diffused throughout the nations of North, East, South, and West.
+      When an Italian arrived, the Jesuit Fathers paid him a visit, and unless
+      they received satisfactory answers with regard to his license of travel
+      and his willingness to accept <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA228"
+      id="pageA228"></a>{228}</span> their spiritual direction, these serfs of
+      Rome sent a delation to the central Holy Office, upon the ground of which
+      the Inquisitors of his province instituted an action against him in his
+      absence. Merchants, who neglected these rules, found themselves exposed to
+      serious impediments in their trading operations, and to the peril of
+      prosecution involving confiscation of property at home. Sarpi, who
+      composed a vigorous critique of this abuse, points out what injury was
+      done to commerce by the system.<a name="FNanchorA_156_156"
+      id="FNanchorA_156_156"></a><a href="#FootnoteA_156_156" class="fnanchor">[156]</a>
+      We may still further censure it as an intolerable interference with the
+      liberty of the individual; as an odious exercise of spiritual tyranny on
+      the part of an ambitious ecclesiastical power which aimed at nothing less
+      than universal domination.
+    </p>
+    <hr style="width: 65%;" />
+    <h2>
+      <a name="CHAPTER_IV" id="CHAPTER_IV"></a> CHAPTER IV
+    </h2>
+    <p>
+      <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA229" id="pageA229"></a>{229}</span>
+    </p>
+    <h4>
+      THE COMPANY OF JESUS
+    </h4>
+    <div class="blockquot">
+      <p>
+        Vast Importance of the Jesuits in the Counter-Reformation&mdash;Ignatius
+        Loyola&mdash;His Youth&mdash;Retreat at Manresa&mdash;Journey to
+        Jerusalem&mdash;Studies in Spain and Paris&mdash;First Formation of his
+        Order at Sainte Barbe&mdash;Sojourn at Venice&mdash;Settlement at Rome&mdash;Papal
+        Recognition of the Order&mdash;Its Military Character&mdash;Absolutism
+        of the General&mdash;Devotion to the Roman Church&mdash;Choice of
+        Members&mdash;Practical and Positive Aims of the Founder&mdash;Exclusion
+        of the Ascetic, Acceptance of the Worldly Spirit&mdash;Review of the
+        Order's Rapid Extension over Europe&mdash;Loyola's Dealings with his
+        Chief Lieutenants&mdash;Propaganda&mdash;The Virtue of Obedience&mdash;The
+        <i>Exercitia Spiritualia</i>&mdash;Materialistic Imagination&mdash;Intensity
+        and Superficiality of Religious Training&mdash;The Status of the Novice&mdash;Temporal
+        Coadjutors&mdash;Scholastics&mdash;Professed of the Three Vows&mdash;Professed
+        of the Four Vows&mdash;The General&mdash;Control exercised over him by
+        his Assistants&mdash;His relation to the General Congregation&mdash;Espionage
+        a part of the Jesuit System&mdash;Advantageous Position of a Contented
+        Jesuit&mdash;The Vow of Poverty&mdash;Houses of the Professed and
+        Colleges&mdash;The Constitutions and Declarations&mdash;Problem of the
+        <i>Monita Secreta</i>&mdash;Reciprocal Relations of Rome and the Company&mdash;Characteristics
+        of Jesuit Education&mdash;Direction of Consciences&mdash;Moral Laxity&mdash;Sarpi's
+        Critique&mdash;Casuistry&mdash;Interference in affairs of State&mdash;Instigation
+        to Regicide and Political Conspiracy&mdash;Theories of Church Supremacy&mdash;Insurgence
+        of the European Nations against the Company.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <p>
+      We have seen in the preceding chapters how Spain became dominant in Italy,
+      superseding the rivalry of confederate states by the monotony of
+      servitude, and lending its weight to Papal Rome. The internal changes
+      effected in the Church by the Tridentine Council, and the external power
+      conferred <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA230" id="pageA230"></a>{230}</span>
+      on it, were due in no small measure to Spanish influence or sanction. A
+      Spanish institution, the Inquisition, modified to suit Italian
+      requirements, lent revived Catholicism weapons of repression and attack.
+      We have now to learn by what means a partial vigor was communicated to the
+      failing body of Catholic beliefs, how the Tridentine creed was propagated,
+      the spiritual realm of the Roman Pontiff policed, and his secular
+      authority augmented. A Spanish Order rose at the right moment to supply
+      that intellectual and moral element of vitality without which the Catholic
+      Revival might have remained as inert as a stillborn child. The devotion of
+      the Jesuits to the Papacy, was in reality the masterful Spanish spirit of
+      that epoch, masking its world-grasping ambition under the guise of
+      obedience to Rome. This does not mean that the founders and first
+      organizers of the Company of Jesus consciously pursued one object while
+      they pretended to have another in view. The impulse which moved Loyola was
+      spontaneous and romantic. The world has seen few examples of disinterested
+      self-devotion equal to that of Xavier. Yet the fact remains that Jesuitry,
+      taking its germ and root in the Spanish character, persisting as an
+      organism within the Church, but separate from the ecclesiastical
+      hierarchy, devised the doctrine of Papal absolutism, and became the prime
+      agent of that Catholic policy in Europe which passed for Papal during the
+      Counter-Reformation. The indissoluble connection between Rome,<span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageA231" id="pageA231"></a>{231}</span> Spain,
+      and the Jesuits, was apparent to all unprejudiced observers. For this
+      triad of reactionary and belligerent forces Sarpi invented the name of the
+      Diacatholicon, alluding, under the metaphor of a drug, to the virus which
+      was being instilled in his days into all the States of Europe.<a
+      name="FNanchorA_157_157" id="FNanchorA_157_157"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_157_157" class="fnanchor">[157]</a>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The founder of the Jesuit order was the thirteenth child of a Spanish
+      noble, born in 1491 at his father's castle of Loyola in the Basque
+      province of Guipuzcoa.<a name="FNanchorA_158_158" id="FNanchorA_158_158"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_158_158" class="fnanchor">[158]</a> His full name was I&ntilde;igo
+      Lopez de Recalde; but he is better known to history as Saint Ignatius
+      Loyola. Ignatius spent his boyhood as page in the service of King
+      Ferdinand the Catholic, whence he passed into that of the Duke of Najara,
+      who was the hereditary friend and patron of his family. At this time he
+      thought of nothing but feats of arms, military glory, and romantic
+      adventures.<span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA232" id="pageA232"></a>{232}</span>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      He could boast but little education; and his favorite reading was in <i>Amadis
+      of Gaul</i>. That romance appeared during the boy's earliest childhood,
+      and Spain was now devouring its high-flown rhapsodies with rapture. The
+      peculiar admixture of mystical piety, Catholic enthusiasm, and chivalrous
+      passion, which distinguishes <i>Amadis</i>, exactly corresponded to the
+      spirit of the Spaniards at an epoch when they had terminated their
+      age-long struggle with the Moors, and were combining propagandist zeal
+      with martial fervor in the conquest of the New World. Its pages inflamed
+      the imagination of Ignatius. He began to compose a romance in honor of S.
+      Peter, and chose a princess of blood royal for his Oriana. Thus, in the
+      first days of youth, while his heart was still set on love and warfare, he
+      revealed the three leading features of his character&mdash;soaring
+      ambition, the piety of a devotee, and the tendency to view religion from
+      the point of fiction.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Ignatius was barely twenty when the events happened which determined the
+      future of his life and so powerfully affected the destinies of Catholic
+      Christendom. The French were invading Navarre; and he was engaged in the
+      defense of its capital, Pampeluna. On May 20, 1521, a bullet shattered his
+      right leg, while his left foot was injured by a fragment of stone detached
+      from a breach in the bastion. Transported to his father's castle, he
+      suffered protracted anguish under the hands of unskilled medical
+      attendants. The badly set bone <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA233"
+      id="pageA233"></a>{233}</span> in his right leg had twice to be broken;
+      and when at last it joined, the young knight found himself a cripple. This
+      limb was shorter than the other; the surgeons endeavored to elongate it by
+      machines of iron, which put him to exquisite pain. After months of
+      torture, he remained lame for life.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      During his illness Ignatius read such books as the castle of Loyola
+      contained. These were a 'Life of Christ' and the 'Flowers of the Saints'
+      in Spanish. His mind, prepared by chivalrous romance, and strongly
+      inclined to devotion, felt a special fascination in the tales of Dominic
+      and Francis. Their heroism suggested new paths which the aspirant after
+      fame might tread with honor. Military glory and the love of women had to
+      be renounced; for so ambitious a man could not content himself with the
+      successes of a cripple in these spheres of action. But the legends of
+      saints and martyrs pointed out careers no less noble, no less useful, and
+      even more enticing to the fancy. He would become the spiritual Knight of
+      Christ and Our Lady. To S. Peter, his chosen protector, he prayed
+      fervently; and when at length he rose from the bed of sickness, he firmly
+      believed that his life had been saved by the intercession of this patron,
+      and that it must be henceforth consecrated to the service of the faith.
+      The world should be abandoned. Instead of warring with the enemies of
+      Christ on earth, he would carry on a crusade against the powers of
+      darkness. They were first to be met and fought in his own <span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageA234" id="pageA234"></a>{234}</span> heart.
+      Afterwards, he would form and lead a militia of like-hearted champions
+      against the strongholds of evil in human nature.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      It must not be thought that the scheme of founding a Society had so early
+      entered into the mind of Ignatius. What we have at the present stage to
+      notice is that he owed his adoption of the religious life to romantic
+      fancy and fervid ambition, combined with a devotion to Peter, the saint of
+      orthodoxy and the Church. Animated by this new enthusiasm, he managed to
+      escape from home in the spring of 1522. His friends opposed themselves to
+      his vocation; but he gave them the slip, took vows of chastity and
+      abstinence, and began a pilgrimage to our Lady of Montserrat near
+      Barcelona. On the road he scourged himself daily. When he reached the
+      shrine he hung his arms up as a votive offering, and performed the vigil
+      which chivalrous custom exacted from a squire before the morning of his
+      being dubbed a knight. This ceremony was observed point by point,
+      according to the ritual he had read in <i>Amadis of Gaul</i>. Next day he
+      gave his raiment to a beggar, and assumed the garb of a mendicant pilgrim.
+      By self-dedication he had now made himself the Knight of Holy Church.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      His first intention was to set sail for Palestine, with the object of
+      preaching to the infidels. But the plague prevented him from leaving port;
+      and he retired to a Dominican convent at Manresa, a little town of
+      Catalonia, north-west of Barcelona. Here <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageA235" id="pageA235"></a>{235}</span> he abandoned himself to the
+      crudest self-discipline. Feeding upon bread and water, kneeling for seven
+      hours together rapt in prayer, scourging his flesh thrice daily, and
+      reducing sleep to the barest minimum, Ignatius sought by austerity to
+      snatch that crown of sainthood which he felt to be his due. Outraged
+      nature soon warned him that he was upon a path which led to failure.
+      Despair took possession of his soul, sometimes prompting him to end his
+      life by suicide, sometimes plaguing him with hideous visions. At last he
+      fell dangerously ill. Enlightened by the expectation of early death, he
+      then became convinced that his fanatical asceticism was a folly. The
+      despair, the dreadful phantoms which had haunted him, were ascribed
+      immediately to the devil. In those rarer visitings of brighter visions,
+      which sometimes brought consolation, bidding him repose upon God's mercy,
+      he recognized angels sent to lead him on the pathway of salvation. God's
+      hand appeared in these dealings; and he resolved to dedicate his body as
+      well as his soul to God's service, respecting both as instruments of the
+      divine will, and entertaining both in efficiency for the work required of
+      them.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The experiences of Manresa proved eminently fruitful for the future method
+      of Ignatius. It was here that he began to regard self-discipline and
+      self-examination as the needful prelude to a consecrated life. It was here
+      that he learned to condemn the ascetism of anchorites as pernicious or
+      unprofitable to a militant Christian. It was here that, while studying
+      <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA236" id="pageA236"></a>{236}</span>
+      the manual of devotion written by Garcia de Cisneros, he laid foundations
+      for those famous <i>Exercitia</i>, which became his instrument for rapidly
+      passing neophytes through spiritual training similar to his own. It was
+      here that he first distinguished two kinds of visions, infernal and
+      celestial. Here also he grew familiar with the uses of concrete
+      imagination;, and understood how the faculty of sensuous realization might
+      be made a powerful engine for presenting the past of sacred history or the
+      dogmas of orthodox theology under shapes of fancy to the mind. Finally, in
+      all the experiences of Manresa, he tried the temper of his own character,
+      which was really not that of a poet or a mystic, but of a sagacious man of
+      action, preparing a system calculated to subjugate the intelligence and
+      will of millions. Tested by self-imposed sufferings and by diseased
+      hallucinations, his sound sense, the sense of one destined to control men,
+      gathered energy, and grew in, solid strength: yet enough remained of his
+      fanaticism to operate as a motive force in the scheme which he afterwards
+      developed; enough survived from the ascetic phase he had surmounted, to
+      make him comprehend that some such agony as he had suffered should form
+      the vestibule to a devoted life. We may compare the throes of Ignatius at
+      Manresa with the contemporary struggles of Luther at Wittenberg and in the
+      Wartzburg. Our imagination will dwell upon the different issues to which
+      two heroes distinguished by practical ability were led <span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageA237" id="pageA237"></a>{237}</span> through
+      their contention with the powers of spiritual evil. Protagonists
+      respectively of Reformation and Counter-Reformation, they arrived at
+      opposite conclusions; the one championing the cause of spiritual freedom
+      in the modern world, the other consecrating his genius to the maintenance
+      of Catholic orthodoxy by spiritual despotism. Yet each alike fulfilled his
+      mission by having conquered mysticism at the outset of his
+      world-historical career.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Ignatius remained for the space of ten months at Manresa. He then found
+      means to realize his cherished journey to the Holy Land. In Palestine he
+      was treated with coldness as an ignorant enthusiast, capable of subverting
+      the existing order of things, but too feeble to be counted on for
+      permanent support. His motive ideas were still visionary; he could not
+      cope with conservatism and frigidity established in comfortable places of
+      emolument. It was necessary that he should learn the wisdom of compromise.
+      Accordingly he returned to Spain, and put himself to school. Two years
+      spent in preparatory studies at Barcelona, another period at Alcala, and
+      another at Salamanca, introduced him to languages, grammar, philosophy,
+      and theology. This man of noble blood and vast ambition, past the age of
+      thirty, sat with boys upon the common benches. This self-consecrated saint
+      imbibed the commonplaces of scholastic logic. It was a further stage in
+      the evolution of his iron character from romance and mysticism, into
+      political and practical sagacity. It <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageA238" id="pageA238"></a>{238}</span> was a further education of
+      his stubborn will to pliant temper. But he could not divest himself of his
+      mission as a founder and apostle. He taught disciples, preached, and
+      formed a sect of devotees. Then the Holy Office attacked him. He was
+      imprisoned, once at Alcala for forty-two days, once at Salamanca for three
+      weeks, upon charges of heresy. Ignatius proved his innocence. The
+      Inquisitors released him with certificates of acquittal; but they
+      sentenced him to four years' study of theology before he should presume to
+      preach. These years he resolved to spend at Paris. Accordingly he
+      performed the journey on foot, and arrived in the capital of France upon
+      February 2, 1528. He was then thirty-seven years old, and sixteen years
+      had elapsed since he received his wounds at Pampeluna.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      At Paris he had to go to school again from the beginning. The alms of
+      well-wishers, chiefly devout women at Barcelona, amply provided him with
+      funds. These he employed not only in advancing his own studies, but also
+      in securing the attachment of adherents to his cause. At this epoch he
+      visited the towns of Belgium and London during his vacations. But the main
+      outcome of his residence at Paris was the formation of the Company of
+      Jesus. Those long years of his novitiate and wandering were not without
+      their uses now. They had taught him, while clinging stubbornly to the main
+      projects of his life, prudence in the choice of means, temperance in
+      expectation, sagacity in the manipulation of fellow-<span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageA239" id="pageA239"></a>{239}</span> workers selected for the
+      still romantic ends he had in view. His first two disciples were a
+      Savoyard, Peter Faber or Le F&egrave;vre, and Francis Xavier of Pampeluna.
+      Faber was a poor student, whom Ignatius helped with money. Xavier sprang
+      from a noble stock, famous in arms through generations, for which he was
+      eager to win the additional honors of science and the Church. Ignatius
+      assisted him by bringing students to his lectures. Under the personal
+      influence of their friend and benefactor, both of these men determined to
+      leave all and follow the new light. Visionary as the object yet was, the
+      firm will, fervent confidence, and saintly life of Loyola inspired them
+      with absolute trust. That the Christian faith, as they understood it,
+      remained exposed to grievous dangers from without and form within, that
+      millions of souls were perishing through ignorance, that tens of thousands
+      were falling away through incredulity and heresy, was certain. The realm
+      of Christ on earth needed champions, soldiers devoted to a crusade against
+      Satan and his hosts. And here was a leader, a man among men, a man whose
+      words were as a fire, and whose method of spiritual discipline was
+      salutary and illuminative; and this man bade them join him in the Holy
+      War. He gained them in a hundred ways, by kindness, by precept, by
+      patience, by persuasion, by attention to their physical and spiritual
+      needs, by words of warmth and wisdom, by the direction of their
+      conscience, by profound and intense sympathy with <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageA240" id="pageA240"></a>{240}</span> souls struggling after the
+      higher life. The means he had employed to gain Faber and Xavier were used
+      with equal success in the case of seven other disciples. The names of
+      these men deserve to be recorded; for some of them played a part of
+      importance in European history, while all of them contributed to the
+      foundation of the Jesuits. They were James Lainez, Alfonzo Salmeron, and
+      Nicholas Bobadilla, three Spaniards; Simon Rodriguez d'Azevedo, a
+      Portuguese; two Frenchmen, Jean Codure and Brouet; and Claude le Jay, a
+      Savoyard. All these neophytes were subjected by Ignatius to rigid
+      discipline, based upon his <i>Exercitia</i>. They met together for prayer,
+      meditation, and discussion, in his chamber at the College of S. Barbe.
+      Here he unfolded to them his own plans, and poured out on them his spirit.
+      At length, upon August 15, 1534, the ten together took the vows of
+      chastity and poverty in the church of S. Mary at Montmartre, and bound
+      themselves to conduct a missionary crusade in Palestine, or, if this
+      should prove impracticable, to place themselves as devoted instruments,
+      without conditions and without remuneration, in the hands of the Sovereign
+      Pontiff.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The society was thus established, although its purpose remained
+      indecisive. The founder's romantic dream of a crusade in Holy Land, though
+      never realized, gave an object of immediate interest to the associated
+      friends. Meanwhile two main features of its historical manifestation, the
+      propaganda of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA241" id="pageA241"></a>{241}</span>
+      Catholic faith and unqualified devotion to the cause of the Roman See, had
+      been clearly indicated. Nothing proves the mastery which Ignatius had now
+      acquired over his own enthusiasm, or the insight he had gained into the
+      right method of dealing with men, more than the use he made of his
+      authority in this first instance. The society was bound to grow and to
+      expand; and it was fated to receive the lasting impress of his genius.
+      But, as though inspired by some prophetic vision of its future greatness,
+      he refrained from circumscribing the still tender embryo within definite
+      limits which might have been pernicious to its development.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The associates completed their studies at Paris, and in 1535 they
+      separated, after agreeing to meet at Venice in the first months of 1537.
+      Ignatius meanwhile traveled to Spain, where he settled his affairs by
+      bestowing such property as he possessed on charitable institutions. He
+      also resumed preaching, with a zeal that aroused enthusiasm and extended
+      his personal influence. At the appointed time the ten came together at
+      Venice, ostensibly bent on carrying out their project of visiting
+      Palestine. But war was now declared between the Turks and the Republic of
+      S. Mark. Ignatius found himself once more accused of heresy, and had some
+      trouble in clearing himself before the Inquisition. It was resolved in
+      these circumstances to abandon the mission to Holy Land as impracticable
+      for the moment, and to remain in Venice waiting for more <span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageA242" id="pageA242"></a>{242}</span>
+      favorable opportunities. We may believe that the romance of a crusade
+      among the infidels of Syria had already begun to fade from the imagination
+      of the founder, in whose career nothing is more striking than his gradual
+      abandonment of visionary for tangible ends, and his progressive
+      substitution of real for shadowy objects of ambition.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Loyola's first contact with Italian society during this residence in
+      Venice exercised decisive influence over his plans. He seems to have
+      perceived with the acute scent of an eagle that here lay the quarry he had
+      sought so long. Italy, the fountain-head of intellectual enlightenment for
+      Europe, was the realm which he must win. Italy alone offered the fulcrum
+      needed by his firm and limitless desire of domination over souls. It was
+      with Caraffa and the Theatines that Ignatius obtained a home. They were
+      now established in the States of S. Mark through the beneficence of a rich
+      Venetian noble, Girolamo Miani, who had opened religious houses and placed
+      these at their disposition. Under the direction of their founder, they
+      carried on their designed function of training a higher class of clergy
+      for the duties of preaching and the priesthood, and for the repression of
+      heresy by educational means. Caraffa's scheme was too limited to suit
+      Ignatius: and the characters of both men were ill adapted for
+      co-operation. One zeal for the faith inspired both. Here they agreed. But
+      Ignatius was a Spaniard; and the second passion in Caraffa's <span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageA243" id="pageA243"></a>{243}</span> breast
+      was a Neapolitan's hatred for that nation. Ignatius, moreover,
+      contemplated a vastly more expansive and elastic machinery for his workers
+      in the vineyard of the faith, than the future Pope's coercive temper could
+      have tolerated. These two leaders of the Counter-Reformation, equally
+      ambitious, equally intolerant of opposition, equally bent upon a vast
+      dominion, had to separate. The one was destined to organize the
+      Inquisition and the Index. The other evolved what is historically known as
+      Jesuitry. Nevertheless we know that Ignatius learned much from Caraffa.
+      The subsequent organization of his Order showed that the Theatines
+      suggested many practical points in the method he eventually adopted for
+      effecting his designs.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Some of his companions, meanwhile, journeyed to Rome. There they obtained
+      from Paul III. permission to visit Palestine upon a missionary enterprise,
+      together with special privileges for their entrance into sacerdotal
+      orders. Those of the ten friends who were not yet priests, were ordained
+      at Venice in June 1537. They then began to preach in public, roaming the
+      streets with faces emaciated by abstinence, clad in ragged clothes, and
+      using a language strangely compounded of Italian and Spanish. Their
+      obvious enthusiasm, and the holy lives they were known to lead, brought
+      them rapidly into high reputation of sanctity. Both the secular and the
+      religious clergy of Italy could <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA244"
+      id="pageA244"></a>{244}</span> show but few men at that epoch equal to
+      these brethren. It was settled in the autumn that they should all revisit
+      Rome, traveling by different routes, and meditating on the form which the
+      Order should assume. Palestine had now been definitely, if tacitly,
+      abandoned. As might have been expected, it was Loyola who baptized his
+      Order, and impressed a character upon the infant institution. He
+      determined to call it the Company of Jesus, with direct reference to those
+      Companies of Adventure which had given irregular organization to restless
+      military spirits in the past. The new Company was to be a 'cohort, or
+      century, combined for combat against spiritual foes; men-at-arms, devoted,
+      body and soul, to our Lord Jesus Christ and to his true and lawful Vicar
+      upon earth.'<a name="FNanchorA_159_159" id="FNanchorA_159_159"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_159_159" class="fnanchor">[159]</a> An Englishman of the
+      present day may pause to meditate upon the grotesque parallel between the
+      nascent Order of the Jesuits and the Salvation Army, and can draw such
+      conclusions from it as may seem profitable.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Loyola's withdrawal from all participation in the nominal honor of his
+      institution, his enrollment of the militia he had levied under the name of
+      Jesus, and the combative functions which he ascribed to it, were very
+      decided marks of originality. It stamped the body with impersonality from
+      the outset, and indicated the belligerent attitude it was destined to
+      assume. There was nothing exactly similar to its dominant conception in
+      any of the previous religious <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA245"
+      id="pageA245"></a>{245}</span> orders. These had usually received their
+      title from the founder, had aimed at a life retired from the world, had
+      studied the sanctification of their individual members, and had only
+      contemplated an indirect operation upon society. Ignatius, on the
+      contrary, placed his community under the protection of Christ, and defined
+      it at the outset as a militant and movable legion of auxiliaries,
+      dedicated, not to retirement or to the pursuit of salvation, but to freely
+      avowed and active combat in defense of their Master's vicegerent upon
+      earth. It was as though he had divined the deficiencies of Catholicism at
+      that epoch, and had determined to supplement them by the creation of a
+      novel and a special weapon of attack. Some institutions of mediaeval
+      chivalry, the Knights of the Temple, and S. John, for instance, furnished
+      the closest analogy to his foundation. Their spirit he transferred from
+      the sphere of physical combat with visible forces, infidel and Mussulman,
+      to the sphere of intellectual warfare against heresy, unbelief,
+      insubordination in the Church. He had refined upon the crude enthusiasm of
+      romance which inspired him at Montserrat. Without losing its intensity,
+      this had become a motive force of actual and political gravity.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The Company of Jesus was far from obtaining the immediate approval of the
+      Church. Paul III. indeed, perceived its utility, and showed marked favor
+      to the associates when they arrived in Rome about the end of 1537. The
+      people, too, welcomed <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA246"
+      id="pageA246"></a>{246}</span> their ministration gladly, and recognized
+      the zeal which they displayed in acts of charity and their exemplary
+      behavior. But the Curia and higher clergy organized an opposition against
+      them. They were accused of heresy, and attempts to seduce the common folk.
+      Ignatius demanded full and public inquiry, which was at first refused him.
+      He then addressed the Pope in person, who ordered a trial, out of which
+      the brethren came with full acquittal. After this success, they obtained a
+      hold upon religious instruction in many schools of Rome. Adherents flocked
+      around them; and they saw that it was time to give the society a defined
+      organization, and to demand its official recognition as an Order. It was
+      resolved to add the vow of obedience to their former vows of chastity and
+      poverty. Obedience had always been a prime virtue in monastic
+      institutions; but Ignatius conceived of it in a new and military spirit.
+      The obedience of the Jesuits was to be absolute, extending even to the
+      duty of committing sins at a superior's orders. The General, instead of
+      holding office for a term of years, was to be elected for life, with
+      unlimited command over the whole Order in its several degrees. He was to
+      be regarded as Christ present and personified. This autocracy of the
+      General might have seemed to menace the overlordship of the Holy See, but
+      for a fourth vow which the Company determined to adopt. It ran as follows:
+      'That the members will consecrate their lives to the continual service of
+      Christ and of the Popes, will fight under the banner of the<span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageA247" id="pageA247"></a>{247}</span> Cross,
+      and will serve the Lord and the Roman Pontiff as God's vicar upon earth,
+      in such wise that they shall be bound to execute immediately and without
+      hesitation or excuse all that the reigning Pope or his successors may
+      enjoin upon them for the profit of souls or for the propagation of the
+      faith, and shall do so in all provinces whithersoever he may send them,
+      among Turks or any other infidels, to furthest Ind, as well as in the
+      region of heretics, schismatics, or believers of any kind.'
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Loyola himself drew up these constitutions in five chapters, and had them
+      introduced to Paul III., with the petition that they might be confirmed.
+      This was in September 1539, and it is singular that the man selected to
+      bring them under the Pope's notice should have been Cardinal Contarini.
+      Paul had no difficulty in recognizing the support which this new Order
+      would bring to the Papacy in its conflict with Reformers, and its
+      diplomatic embarrassments with Charles V. He is even reported to have
+      said, 'The finger of God is there!' Yet he could not confirm the
+      constitutions without the previous approval of three Cardinals appointed
+      to report on them. This committee condemned Loyola's scheme; and nearly a
+      year passed in negotiations with foreign princes and powerful prelates,
+      before a reluctant consent was yielded to the Pope's avowed inclination.
+      At length the Bull of Sept. 27, 1540, <i>Regimini militantis Ecclesiae</i>,
+      launched the Society of Jesus on the world. Ignatius became the first<span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageA248" id="pageA248"></a>{248}</span> General
+      of the Order; and the rest of his life, a period of sixteen years, was
+      spent in perfecting the machinery and extending the growth of this
+      institution, which in all essentials was the emanation of his own mind.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      It may be well at this point to sketch the organization of the Jesuits,
+      and to describe the progress of the Society during its founder's lifetime,
+      in order that a correct conception may be gained of Loyola's share in its
+      creation. Many historians of eminence, and among them so acute an observer
+      as Paolo Sarpi, have been of the opinion that Jesuitry in its later
+      developments was a deflection from the spirit and intention of Ignatius.
+      It is affirmed that Lainez and Salmeron, rather than Loyola, gave that
+      complexion to the Order which has rendered it a mark for the hatred and
+      disgust of Europe. Aquaviva, the fifth General, has been credited with its
+      policy of interference in affairs of states and nations. Yet I think it
+      can be shown that the Society, as it appeared in the seventeenth century,
+      was a logical and necessary development of the Society as Ignatius framed
+      it in the sixteenth.<a name="FNanchorA_160_160" id="FNanchorA_160_160"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_160_160" class="fnanchor">[160]</a>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Lainez, who succeeded the founder as General, digested the constitutions
+      and supplied them <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA249" id="pageA249"></a>{249}</span>
+      with a commentary or Directorium. He defined, formulated, and stereotyped
+      the system; but the essential qualities of Jesuitry, its concentration
+      upon political objects, its unscrupulousness in choice of means to ends,
+      the worldliness which lurked beneath the famous motto <i>Ad Majorem Dei
+      Gloriam</i>, were implicit in Loyola's express words, and in his actual
+      administration. The framework of the Order, as he fixed it, was so firmly
+      traced, and so cunningly devised for practical efficiency, that it
+      admitted of no alteration except in the direction of more rigid
+      definition. Lainez may, indeed, have emphasized its tendency to become a
+      political machine, and may have weakened its religious tone, by his rules
+      for the interpretation of the constitutions; but we have seen that the
+      development of Loyola's own ideas ran in this direction. The real
+      strength, as well as the worst vices of Jesuitry, were inherent in the
+      system from the first; and in it we have perhaps the most remarkable
+      instance on record, of the evolution of a cosmopolitan and world-important
+      organism from the embryo of one man's conception.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The Bull <i>Regimini militantis Ecclesiae</i> restricted the number of the
+      Jesuits to sixty. If Ignatius did not himself propose this limit, the
+      restriction may perhaps have suggested his policy of reserving the full
+      privileges of the Society for a small band of selected members&mdash;the
+      very essence of the body, extracted by processes which will be afterwards
+      <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA250" id="pageA250"></a>{250}</span>
+      described. Anyhow, it is certain that though the Papal limitation was
+      removed in 1543, and though candidates flowed on the tide of fashion
+      toward the Order, yet the representative and responsible Fathers remained
+      few in numbers. These were distributed as the General thought fit. He
+      stayed in Rome; for Rome was the chosen headquarters of the Society, the
+      nucleus of their growth, and the fulcrum of their energy. From Rome, as
+      from a center, Ignatius moved his men about the field of Europe. We might
+      compare him under one metaphor to a chess-player directing his pieces upon
+      the squares of the political and ecclesiastical chessboard; under another,
+      to a spider spinning his web so as to net the greatest number of
+      profitable partisans. The fathers were kept in perpetual motion. To shift
+      them from place to place, to exclude them from their native soil, to
+      render them cosmopolitan and pliant was the first care of the founder. He
+      forbade the follies of ascetic piety, inculcated the study of languages
+      and exact knowledge, and above all things recommended the acquisition of
+      those social arts which find favor with princes and folk of high
+      condition. 'Prudence of an exquisite quality,' he said, 'combined with
+      average sanctity, is more valuable than eminent sanctity and less of
+      prudence.' Also he bade them keep their eyes open for neophytes 'less
+      marked by pure goodness than by firmness of character and ability in
+      conduct of affairs, since men who are not apt for public business do not
+      suit the requirements <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA251"
+      id="pageA251"></a>{251}</span> of the Company.' Orlandino tells us that
+      though Ignatius felt drawn to men who showed eminent gifts for erudition,
+      he preferred, in the difficulties of the Church, to choose such as knew
+      the world well and were distinguished by their social station. The fathers
+      were to seek out youths 'of good natural parts, adapted to the acquisition
+      of knowledge and to practical works of utility.' Their pupils were, if
+      possible, to have physical advantages and manners that should render them
+      agreeable. These points had more of practical value than a bare vocation
+      for piety. In their dealings with tender consciences, they were to act
+      like 'good fishers of souls, passing over many things in silence as though
+      these had not been observed, until the time came when the will was gained,
+      and the character could be directed as they thought best.'<a
+      name="FNanchorA_161_161" id="FNanchorA_161_161"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_161_161" class="fnanchor">[161]</a> Loyola's dislike for
+      the common forms of monasticism appears in his choice of the ordinary
+      secular priest's cassock for their dress, and in his emancipation of the
+      members from devotional exercises and attendance in the choir. The
+      aversion he felt for ascetic discipline is evinced in a letter he
+      addressed to Francis Borgia in 1548. It is better, he writes, to
+      strengthen your stomach and other faculties, than to impair the body and
+      enfeeble the intellect by fasting. God needs both our physical and mental
+      powers for his service; and every drop of blood you shed in flagellation
+      is a loss.<span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA252" id="pageA252"></a>{252}</span>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The end in view was to serve the Church by penetrating European society,
+      taking possession of its leaders in rank and hereditary influence,
+      directing education, assuming the control of the confessional, and
+      preaching the faith in forms adapted to the foibles and the fancies of the
+      age. The interests of the Church were paramount: 'If she teaches that what
+      seems to us white is black, we must declare it to be black upon the spot.'
+      There were other precepts added. These, for instance, seem worth
+      commemoration: 'The workers in the Lord's vineyard should have but one
+      foot on earth, the other should be raised to travel forward.' 'The
+      abnegation of our own will is of more value than if one should bring the
+      dead to life again.' 'No storm is so pernicious as a calm, and no enemy is
+      so dangerous as having none.' It will be seen that what is known as
+      Jesuitry, in its mundane force and in its personal devotion to a cause,
+      emerges from the precepts of Ignatius. We may wonder how the romances of
+      the mountain-keep of Loyola, the mysticism of Montserrat, and the
+      struggles of Manresa should have brought the founder of the Jesuits to
+      these results. Yet, if we analyze the problem, it will yield a probable
+      solution. What survived from that first period was the spirit of
+      enthusiastic service to the Church, the vast ambition of a man who felt
+      himself a destined instrument for shoring up the crumbling walls of
+      Catholicity, the martial instinct of a warrior fighting at fearful odds
+      with nations running toward infidelity.<span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageA253" id="pageA253"></a>{253}</span>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      He had no doubt where the right lay. He was a Spaniard, a servant of S.
+      Peter; and for him the creed enounced by Rome was all in all. But his
+      commerce with the world, his astute Basque nature, and his judgment of the
+      European situation, taught him that he must use other means than those
+      which Francis and Dominic had employed. He had to make his Company, that
+      forlorn hope of Catholicism, the exponent of a decadent and rotten faith.
+      He had to adapt it to the necessities of Christendom in dissolution, to
+      constitute it by a guileful and sagacious method. He had to render it wise
+      in the wisdom of the world, in order that he might catch the powers of
+      this world by their interests and vices for the Church. He was like
+      Machiavelli, endeavoring to save a corrupt state by utilizing corruption
+      for ends acknowledged sound. And, like Machiavelli, he was mistaken,
+      because it will not profit man to trust in craft or the manipulation of
+      evil. Luther was stronger in his weakness than the creator of the Jesuit
+      machinery, wiser in his simplicity than the deviser of that subtle engine.
+      But Luther had the onward forces of humanity upon his side. Ignatius could
+      but retard them by his ingenuity. We may be therefore excused if we admire
+      Ignatius for the virile effort which he made in a failing cause, and for
+      the splendid gifts of organizing prudence which he devoted to a misplaced
+      object.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Under his direction, the members of the Society <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageA254" id="pageA254"></a>{254}</span> spread themselves over
+      Europe, and always with similar results. Wherever they went, hundreds of
+      adherents joined the Order. Paul III. and Julius III. heaped privileges
+      upon it, seeing what a power it had become in warfare with heresy.
+      Ignatius spared no pains to secure his position in Rome, paying court to
+      Cardinals and prelates, visiting ambassadors and princes, soliciting their
+      favors and offering the service of his brethren in return. Profitable
+      negotiations were opened with the King of Spain and the Duke of Bavaria,
+      which, under cover of reforming convents, led to a partition of
+      ecclesiastical property between the Jesuits and the State. Good reasons
+      seemed to justify such acts of spoliation; for the old orders were sunk in
+      sloth and immorality beyond redemption, while the Company kept alive all
+      that was sound in Catholic discipline, preaching, and instruction. In
+      Italy the Jesuits made rapid progress from the first. Lainez occupied the
+      Venetian territory, opposing Protestant opinions in Venice itself, at
+      Brescia, and among the mountains of the Valtelline. Le Jay combated the
+      forces of Calvin and Ren&eacute;e of France at Ferrara. Salmeron took
+      possession of Naples and Sicily. Piacenza, Modena, Faenza, Bologna, and
+      Montepulciano received the fathers with open arms. The Farnesi welcomed
+      them in Parma. Wherever they went, they secured the good will of noble
+      women, and gained some hold on universities. Colleges were founded in the
+      chief cities of the peninsula, where <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageA255" id="pageA255"></a>{255}</span> they not only taught
+      gratis, but used methods superior to those previously in vogue. Rome,
+      however, remained the stronghold of the Company. Here Ignatius founded its
+      first house in 1550. This was the Collegium Romanum; and in 1555, some
+      hundred pupils, who had followed a course of studies in Greek, Latin,
+      Hebrew, and theology, issued from its walls. In 1557 he purchased the
+      palace Salviati, on the site of which now stands the vast establishment of
+      the Ges&ugrave;. In 1552 he started a separate institution, Collegium
+      Germanicum, for the special training of young Germans. There was also a
+      subordinate institution for the education of the sons of nobles. These
+      colleges afforded models for similar schools throughout Europe; some of
+      them intended to supply the society with members, and some to impress the
+      laity with Catholic principles. Uniformity was an object which the Jesuits
+      always held in view.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      They did not meet at first with like success in all Catholic countries. In
+      Spain, Charles V. treated them with suspicion as the sworn men of the
+      Papacy; and the Dominican order, so powerful through its hold upon the
+      Inquisition, regarded them justly as rivals. Though working for the same
+      end, the means employed by Jesuits and Dominicans were too diverse for
+      these champions of orthodoxy to work harmoniously together. The Jesuits
+      belonged to the future, to the party of accommodation and control by
+      subterfuge. The Dominicans were rooted in the past; their dogmatism
+      admitted of no <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA256" id="pageA256"></a>{256}</span>
+      compromise; they strove to rule by force. There was therefore, at the
+      outset, war between the kennels of the elder and the younger dogs of God
+      in Spain. Yet Jesuitism gained ground. It had the advantage of being a
+      native, and a recent product. It was powerful by its appeals to the
+      sensuous imagination and carnal superstitions of that Iberian-Latin
+      people. It was seductive by its mitigation of oppressive orthodoxy and
+      inflexible prescriptive law. Where the Dominican was steel, the Jesuit was
+      reed; where the Dominican breathed fire and fagots, the Jesuit suggested
+      casuistical distinctions; where the Dominican raised difficulties, the
+      Jesuit solved scruples; where the Dominican presented theological
+      abstractions, the Jesuit offered stimulative or agreeable images; where
+      the Dominican preached dogma, the Jesuit retailed romance. It only needed
+      one illustrious convert to plant the Jesuits in Spain. Him they found in
+      Francis Borgia, Duke of Gandia, Viceroy of Catalonia, and subsequently the
+      third General of the Order and a saint. This man placed the university,
+      which he had founded, in their hands; and about the same time they gained
+      a footing in the university of Salamanca. Still they continued to retain
+      their strongest hold upon the people, who regarded them as saviours from
+      the tyranny and ennui of the established Dominican hierarchy.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Portugal was won at a blow. Xavier and Rodriguez planted the Company there
+      under the affectionate protection of King John III. When<span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageA257" id="pageA257"></a>{257}</span> Xavier
+      started on his mission to the Indies in 1541, Rodriguez took the affairs
+      of the realm into his hands, controlled the cabinet, and formed the
+      heir-apparent to their will.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      With France they had more trouble. Both the University and the Parliament
+      of Paris opposed their settlement. The Sorbonne even declared them
+      'dangerous in matters of the faith, fit to disturb the peace of the
+      Church, and to reverse the order of monastic life; more adapted to destroy
+      than to build.' The Gallican Church scented danger in these bondsmen of
+      the Papacy; and it was only when they helped to organize the League that
+      the influence of the Guises gave them a foothold in the kingdom. Even then
+      their seminaries at Reims, Douai, and S. Omer must be rather regarded as
+      outposts <i>epiteichismoi</i> against England and Flanders, than, as
+      nationally French establishments. In France they long remained a seditious
+      and belligerent faction.<a name="FNanchorA_162_162" id="FNanchorA_162_162"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_162_162" class="fnanchor">[162]</a>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      They had the same partial and clandestine success in the Low Countries,
+      where their position was at first equivocal, though they early gained some
+      practical hold upon the University of Louvain. We are perhaps justified in
+      attributing the evil fame of Reims, Douai, S. Omer, and Louvain to the
+      incomplete sympathy which existed between the Jesuits and the countries
+      where they made these settlements. Not perfectly at home, surrounded by
+      discontent <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA258" id="pageA258"></a>{258}</span>
+      and jealousy, upon the borderlands of the heresies they were bound to
+      combat, their system assumed its darkest colors in those hotbeds of
+      intrigue and feverish fanaticism. In time, however, the Jesuits fixed
+      their talons firmly upon the Netherlands, through the favor of Anne of
+      Austria; and the year 1562 saw them comfortably ensconced at Antwerp,
+      Louvain, Brussels, and Lille, in spite of the previous antipathy of the
+      population. Here, as elsewhere, they pushed their way by gaining women and
+      people of birth to their cause, and by showily meritorious services to
+      education. Faber achieved ephemeral success as lecturer at Louvain.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      To take firm hold on Germany had been the cherished wish of Ignatius; 'for
+      there,' to use his own words, 'the pest of heresy exposed men to graver
+      dangers than elsewhere.' The Society had scarcely been founded when Faber,
+      Le Jay, and Bobadilla were sent north. Faber made small progress, and was
+      removed to Spain. But Bobadilla secured the confidence of William, Duke of
+      Bavaria; while Le Jay won that of Ferdinand of Austria. In both provinces
+      they avowed their intention of working at the reformation of the clergy
+      and the improvement of popular education&mdash;ends, which in the
+      disorganized condition of Germany, seemed of highest importance to those
+      princes. Through the influence of Bavaria, Bobadilla succeeded in
+      rendering the Interim proclaimed by Charles V. nugatory; while Le Jay
+      founded the college of the Order at<span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA259"
+      id="pageA259"></a>{259}</span> Vienna. In this important post he was soon
+      succeeded by Canisius, Ferdinand's confessor, through whose co-operation
+      Cardinal Morone afterwards brought this Emperor into harmony with the
+      Papal plan for winding up the Council of Trent. It should be added that
+      Ingolstadt, in Bavaria, became the second headquarters of the Jesuit
+      propaganda in Germany.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The methods adopted by Ignatius in dealing with his three lieutenants,
+      Bobadilla, Le Jay, and Canisius, are so characteristic of Jesuit policy
+      that they demand particular attention. Checkmated by Bobadilla in the
+      matter of the Interim, Charles V. manifested his resentment. He was
+      already ill-affected toward the Society, and its founder felt the need of
+      humoring him. The highest grade of the Order was therefore ostentatiously
+      refused to Bobadilla, until such time as the Emperor's attention was
+      distracted from the cause of his disappointment. With Le Jay and Canisius
+      the case stood differently. Ferdinand wished to make the former Bishop of
+      Triest and the latter Archbishop of Vienna. Ignatius opposed both
+      projects, alleging that the Company of Jesus could not afford to part with
+      its best servants, and that their vows of obedience and poverty were
+      inconsistent with high office in the Church. He discerned the necessity of
+      reducing each member of the Society to absolute dependence on the General,
+      which would have been impracticable if any one of them attained to the
+      position of a pre<span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA260" id="pageA260"></a>{260}</span>
+      late. A law was therefore passed declaring it mortal sin for Jesuits to
+      accept bishoprics or other posts of honor in the Church. Instead of
+      assuming the miter, Canisius was permitted to administer the See of Vienna
+      without usufruct of its revenues. To the world this manifested the
+      disinterested zeal of the Jesuits in a seductive light; while the
+      integrity of the Society, as an independent self-sufficing body, exacting
+      the servitude of absolute devotion from its members, was secured. Another
+      instance of the same adroitness may be mentioned. The Emperor in 1552
+      offered a Cardinal's hat to Francis Borgia, who was by birth the most
+      illustrious of living Jesuits. Ignatius refrained from rebuffing the
+      Emperor and insulting the Duke of Gandia by an open prohibition; but he
+      told the former to expect the Duke's refusal, while he wrote to the latter
+      expressing his own earnest hope that he would renounce an honor injurious
+      to the Society. This diplomacy elicited a grateful but firm answer of <i>Nolo
+      Episcopari</i> from the Duke, who thus took the responsibility of
+      offending Charles V. upon himself. Meanwhile the missionary objects of the
+      Company were not neglected. Xavier left Portugal in 1541 for that famous
+      journey through India and China, the facts of which may be compared for
+      their romantic interest with Cortes' or Pizarro's exploits. Brazil, the
+      transatlantic Portugal, was abandoned to the Jesuits, and they began to
+      feel their way in Mexico. In the year of Loyola's death, 1561, thirty-two
+      <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA261" id="pageA261"></a>{261}</span>
+      members of the Society were resident in South America; one hundred in
+      India, China, and Japan; and a mission was established in Ethiopia. Even
+      Ireland had been explored by a couple of fathers, who returned without
+      success, after undergoing terrible hardships. At this epoch the Society
+      counted in round numbers one thousand men. It was divided in Europe into
+      thirteen provinces: seven of these were Portuguese and Spanish; three were
+      Italian, namely, Rome, Upper Italy, and Sicily; one was French; two were
+      German. Castile contained ten colleges of the Order; Aragon, five;
+      Andalusia, five. Portugal was penetrated through and through with Jesuits.
+      Rome displayed the central Roman and Teutonic colleges. Upper Italy had
+      ten colleges. France could show only one college. In Upper Germany the
+      Company held firm hold on Vienna, Prag, Munich, and Ingolstadt. The
+      province of Lower Germany, including the Netherlands, was still
+      undetermined. This expansion of the Order during the first sixteen years
+      of its existence, enables us to form some conception of the intellectual
+      vigor and commanding will of Ignatius. He lived, as no founder of an
+      order, as few founders of religions, ever lived, to see his work
+      accomplished, and the impress of his genius stereotyped exactly in the
+      forms he had designed, upon the most formidable social and political
+      organization of modern Europe.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      In his administration of the Order, Ignatius was absolute and autocratic.
+      We have seen how he <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA262" id="pageA262"></a>{262}</span>
+      dealt with aspirants after ecclesiastical honors, and how he shifted his
+      subordinates, as he thought best, from point to point upon the surface of
+      the globe. The least attempt at independence on the part of his most
+      trusted lieutenants was summarily checked by him. Simon Rodriguez, one of
+      the earliest disciples of the College of S. Barbe at Paris, ruled the
+      kingdom of Portugal through the ascendency which he had gained over John
+      III. Elated by the vastness of his victory, Rodriguez arrogated to himself
+      the right of private judgment, and introduced that ascetic discipline into
+      the houses of his province which Ignatius had forbidden as inexpedient.
+      Without loss of time, the General superseded him in his command; and,
+      after a sharp struggle, Rodriguez was compelled to spend the rest of his
+      days under strict surveillance at Rome. Lainez, in like manner, while
+      acting as Provincial of Upper Italy, thought fit to complain that his best
+      coadjutors were drawn from the colleges under his control, to Rome.
+      Ignatius wrote to this old friend, the man who best understood the spirit
+      of its institution, and who was destined to succeed him in his headship, a
+      cold and terrible epistle. 'Reflect upon your conduct. Let me know whether
+      you acknowledge your sin, and tell me at the same time what punishment you
+      are ready to undergo for this dereliction of duty.' Lainez expressed
+      immediate submission in the most abject terms; he was ready to resign his
+      post, abstain from preaching, confine his studies to the Breviary, walk
+      <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA263" id="pageA263"></a>{263}</span> as
+      a beggar to Rome, and there teach grammar to children, or perform menial
+      offices. This was all Ignatius wanted. If he were the Christ of the
+      Society, he well knew that Lainez was its S. Paul. He could not prevent
+      him from being his successor, and he probably was well aware that Lainez
+      would complete and supplement what he must leave unfinished in his
+      life-work. The groveling apology of such an eminent apostle, dictated as
+      it was by hypocrisy and cunning, sufficed to procure his pardon, and
+      remained among the archives of the Jesuits as a model for the spirit in
+      which obedience should be manifested by them.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Obedience was, in fact, the cardinal and dominant quality of the Jesuit
+      Order. To call it a virtue, in the sense in which Ignatius understood it,
+      is impossible. The <i>Exercitia</i>, the Constitutions, and the Letter to
+      the Portuguese Jesuits, all of which undoubtedly explain Loyola's views,
+      reveal to us the essence of historical Jesuitry, the <i>fons et origo</i>
+      of that long-continued evil which impested modern society. Let us examine
+      some of his precepts on this topic. 'I ought to desire to be ruled by a
+      superior who endeavors to subjugate my judgment and subdue my
+      understanding.'&mdash;'When it seems to me that I am commanded by my
+      superior to do a thing against which my conscience revolts as sinful, and
+      my superior judges otherwise, it is my duty to yield my doubts to him,
+      unless I am constrained by evident reasons.'&mdash;'I ought not to be my
+      own, but His who created <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA264"
+      id="pageA264"></a>{264}</span> me, and his too through whom God governs
+      me.'&mdash;'I ought to be like a corpse, which has neither will nor
+      understanding; like a crucifix, that is turned about by him that holds it;
+      like a staff in the hands of an old man, who uses it at will for his
+      assistance or pleasure.'&mdash;'In our Company the person who commands
+      must never be regarded in his own capacity, but as Jesus Christ in him.'&mdash;'I
+      desire that you strive and exercise yourselves to recognize Christ our
+      Lord in every Superior.'&mdash;'He who wishes to offer himself wholly up
+      to God, must make the sacrifice not only of his will but of his
+      intelligence.'&mdash;'In order to secure the faithful and successful
+      execution of a Superior's orders, all private judgment must be yielded
+      up.'&mdash;'A sin, whether venial or mortal, must be committed, if it is
+      commanded by the Superior in the name of our Lord Jesus Christ, or in
+      virtue of obedience.' Of such nature was the virtue of obedience within
+      the Order.<a name="FNanchorA_163_163" id="FNanchorA_163_163"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_163_163" class="fnanchor">[163]</a> It rendered every
+      member a tool in the hands of his immediate Superior, and the whole body
+      one instrument in the hand of the General. The General's responsibility
+      for the oblique acts and evasions of moral law, committed in the name of
+      this virtue, was covered by the sounding phrase, 'Unto the greater glory
+      of God.'<span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA265" id="pageA265"></a>{265}</span>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      He had also his own duty of obedience, which was to Holy Church. 'In
+      making the sacrifice of our own judgment, the mind must keep itself ever
+      whole and ready for obedience to the spouse of Christ, our Holy Mother,
+      the Church orthodox, apostolical and hierarchical.'<a
+      name="FNanchorA_164_164" id="FNanchorA_164_164"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_164_164" class="fnanchor">[164]</a> Not a portion of the
+      Catholic creed, of Catholic habits, of Catholic institutions, of Catholic
+      superstitions, but must be valiantly defended.&mdash;'It is our duty
+      loudly to uphold reliques, the cult of saints, stations, pilgrimages
+      indulgences, jubilees, the candles which are lighted before altars.' To
+      criticise the clergy, even though notoriously corrupt, is a sin. The
+      philosophy of the Church, as expressed by S. Thomas Aquinas, S.
+      Bonaventura, and others, must be recognized as equal in authority with
+      Holy Writ. It follows that just as a subordinate was enjoined to sin, if
+      sin were ordered by his Superior, so the whole Company were bound to lie,
+      and do the things they disapproved, and preach the mummeries in which they
+      disbelieved, in virtue of obedience to the Church. They may not even trust
+      their senses; for 'If the Church pronounces a thing which seems to us
+      white to be black, we must immediately say that it is black.'<a
+      name="FNanchorA_165_165" id="FNanchorA_165_165"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_165_165" class="fnanchor">[165]</a><span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageA266" id="pageA266"></a>{266}</span>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The Jesuits were enrolled as an army, in an hour of grave peril for the
+      Church, to undertake her defense. They pledged themselves, by this vow of
+      obedience, to perform that duty with their eyes shut. It was not their
+      mission to reform or purify or revivify Catholicism, but to maintain it
+      intact with all its intellectual anachronisms. How well they succeeded may
+      be judged from the issue of the Council of Trent, in which Lainez and
+      Salmeron played so prominent a part. That rigid enforcement of every jot
+      and tittle in the Catholic hierarchical organization, in Catholic ritual,
+      in the Catholic cult of saints and images, in the Catholic interpretation
+      of Sacraments, in Catholic tradition as of equal value with the Bible, and
+      lastly in the theory of Papal Supremacy, which was the astounding result
+      of a Council convened to alter and reform the Church, can be attributed in
+      no small measure to Jesuit persistency.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Ignatius attained his object. Obedience, blind, servile, unquestioning,
+      unscrupulous, became the distinguishing feature of the Jesuits. But he
+      condemned his Order to mediocrity. No really great man in any department
+      of human knowledge or activity has arisen in the Company of Jesus. In
+      course of time it became obvious to any one of independent character and
+      original intellect that their ranks were not the place for him. And if
+      youths of real eminence entered it before they perceived this truth, their
+      spirit was crushed. The machine was powerful enough for good and evil; but
+      it remained an aggregate of individual inferiorities. Its merit and <span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageA267" id="pageA267"></a>{267}</span> its
+      perfection lay in this, that so complex an instrument could be moved by a
+      single finger of the General in Rome. He consistently employed its
+      delicate system of wheels and pulleys for the aggrandizement of the Order
+      in the first place, in the second place for the control of the Catholic
+      Church, and always for the subjugation and cretinization of the mind of
+      Europe.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The training of a Jesuit began with study of the <i>Exercitia Spiritualia</i>.<a
+      name="FNanchorA_166_166" id="FNanchorA_166_166"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_166_166" class="fnanchor">[166]</a> This manual had been
+      composed by Loyola himself at intervals between 1522 and 1548, when it
+      received the imprimatur of Pope Paul III. He based it on his own
+      experiences at Manresa, and meant it to serve as a perpetual introduction
+      to the mysteries of the religious life. It was used under the direction of
+      a father, who prescribed a portion of its text for each day's meditation,
+      employing various means to concentrate attention and enforce effect. The
+      whole course of this spiritual drill extended over four weeks, during
+      which the pupil remained in solitude. Light and sound and all distractions
+      of the outer world were carefully excluded from his chamber. He was bidden
+      to direct his soul inward upon itself and God, and was led by graduated
+      stages to realize in the most vivid way the torments of the damned and the
+      scheme of man's, salvation. The first week was occupied in an examination
+      of the conscience; the second in contempla<span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageA268" id="pageA268"></a>{268}</span> tion of Christ's Kingdom
+      upon earth; the third in meditation on the Passion; the fourth in an
+      ascent to the glory of the risen Lord. Materialism of the crudest type
+      mingled with the indulgence of a reverie in this long spiritual journey.
+      At every step the neophyte employed his five senses in the effort of
+      intellectual realization. Prostrate upon the ground, gazing with closed
+      eyelids in the twilight of his cell upon the mirror of imagination, he had
+      to <i>see</i> the boundless flames of hell and souls encased in burning
+      bodies, to <i>hear</i> the shrieks and blasphemies, to <i>smell</i> their
+      sulphur and intolerable stench, to <i>taste</i> the bitterness of tears
+      and <i>feel</i> the stings of ineffectual remorse.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      He had to localize each object in the camera obscura of the brain. If the
+      Garden of Gethsemane, for instance, were the subject of his meditation, he
+      was bound to place Christ here and the sleeping apostles there, and to
+      form an accurate image of the angel and the cup. He gazed and gazed, until
+      he was able to handle the raiment of the Saviour, to watch the drops of
+      bloody sweat beading his forehead and trickling down his cheeks, to grasp
+      the chalice with the fingers of the soul. As each carefully chosen and
+      sagaciously suggested scene was presented, he had to identify his very
+      being, soul, will, intellect, and senses, with the mental vision. He lived
+      again, so far as this was possible through fancy, the facts of sacred
+      history. If the director judged it advisable, symbolic objects were placed
+      before him in the cell; at one time skulls and bones, at another fresh
+      sweet<span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA269" id="pageA269"></a>{269}</span>
+      smelling flowers. Fasting and flagellation, peculiar postures of the body,
+      groanings and weepings, were prescribed as mechanical aids in cases where
+      the soul seemed sluggish. The sphere traversed in these exercises was a
+      narrow one. The drill aimed at intensity of discipline, at a concentrated
+      and concrete impression, not at width of education or at intellectual
+      enlightenment. Speculation upon the fundamental principles of religion was
+      excluded. God's dealings with mankind revealed in the Old Testament found
+      no place in this theory of salvation. Attention was riveted upon a very
+      few points in the life of Christ and Mary, such as every Catholic child
+      might be supposed to be familiar with. But it was fixed in such a way as
+      to bring the terrors and raptures of the mystics, of a S. Catharine or a
+      S. Teresa, within the reach of all; to place spiritual experience <i>&agrave;
+      la port&eacute;e de tout le monde</i>. The vulgarity is only equaled by
+      the ingenuity and psychological adroitness of the method. The soul
+      inspired with carnal dread of the doom impending over it, passed into
+      almost physical contact with the incarnate Saviour. The designed effect
+      was to induce a vivid and varied hypnotic dream of thirty days, from the
+      influence of which a man should never wholly free himself. The end at
+      which he arrived upon this path of self-scrutiny and materialistic
+      realization, was the conclusion that his highest hope, his most imperative
+      duty, lay in the resignation of his intellect and will to spiritual
+      guidance, and in blind obedience to the Church. Thou<span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageA270" id="pageA270"></a>{270}</span> sands and thousands of
+      souls in the modern world have passed through this discipline; and those
+      who responded to it best, have ever been selected, when this was possible,
+      as novices of the Order. The director had ample opportunity of observing
+      at each turn in the process whether his neophyte displayed a likely
+      disposition.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      When the <i>Exercitia</i> had been performed, there was an end of
+      asceticism. Ignatius, as we have seen, dreaded nothing more than the
+      intrusion of that dark spirit into his Company; he aimed at nothing more
+      earnestly than at securing agreeable manners, a cheerful temper, and
+      ability for worldly business in its members.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The novice, when first received into one of the Jesuit houses, was
+      separated, so far as possible, for two years from his family, and placed
+      under the control of a master, who inspected his correspondence and
+      undertook the full surveillance of his life. He received cautiously
+      restricted information on the constitutions of the Society, and was
+      recommended, instead of renouncing his worldly possessions, to reserve his
+      legal rights and make oblation of them when he took the vows. It was not
+      then made clear to him that what he gave would never under any
+      circumstances be restored, although the Society might send him forth at
+      will a penniless wanderer into the world. Yet this was the hard condition
+      of a Jesuit's existence. After entering the order, he owned nothing, and
+      he had no power to depart if he repented. But <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageA271" id="pageA271"></a>{271}</span> the General could cashier
+      him by a stroke of the pen, condemning him to destitution in every land
+      where Jesuits held sway, and to suspicion in every land where Jesuits were
+      loathed. Before the end of two years, the novice generally signed an
+      obligation to assume the vows. He was then drafted into the secular or
+      spiritual service. Some novices became what is called Temporal Coadjutors;
+      their duty was to administer the property of the Society, to superintend
+      its houses, to distribute alms, to work in hospitals, to cook, garden,
+      wash, and act as porters. They took the three vows of poverty, chastity,
+      and obedience. Those, on the other hand, who showed some aptitude for
+      learning, were classified as Scholastics, and were distributed among the
+      colleges of the order. They studied languages, sciences, and theology, for
+      a period of five years; after which they taught in schools for another
+      period of five or six years; and when they reached the age of about
+      thirty, they might be ordained priests with the title of Spiritual
+      Coadjutors. From this body the Society drew the rectors and professors of
+      its colleges, its preachers, confessors, and teachers in schools for the
+      laity. They were not yet full members, though they had taken the three
+      vows, and were irrevocably devoted to the service of the order. The final
+      stage of initiation was reached toward the age of forty-five, after long
+      and various trials. Then the Jesuit received the title of Professed. He
+      was either a professed of the three vows, or a professed of the four vows;
+      having in <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA272" id="pageA272"></a>{272}</span>
+      the latter case dedicated his life to the special service of the Papacy,
+      in missions or in any other cause. The professed of four vows constituted
+      the veritable Company of Jesus, the kernel of the organization. They were
+      never numerous. At Loyola's death they numbered thirty-five out of a
+      thousand; and it has been calculated that their average proportion to the
+      whole body is as two to a hundred.<a name="FNanchorA_167_167"
+      id="FNanchorA_167_167"></a><a href="#FootnoteA_167_167" class="fnanchor">[167]</a>
+      Even these had no indefeasible tenure of their place in the Society. They
+      might be dismissed by the General without indemnification.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The General was chosen for life from the professed of four vows by the
+      General Congregation, which consisted of the provincials and two members
+      of each province. He held the whole Society at his discretion; for he
+      could deal at pleasure with each part of its machinery. The constitutions,
+      strict as they appeared, imposed no barriers upon his will; for almost
+      unlimited power was surrendered to him of dispensing with formalities,
+      freeing from obligations, shortening or lengthening the periods of
+      initiation, retarding or advancing a member in his career. Ideal fixity of
+      type, qualified by the utmost elasticity in practice, formed the essence
+      of the system. And we shall see that this principle pervaded the Jesuit
+      treatment of morality. The General resided at Rome, consecrated solely to
+      the government of the Society, holding the threads of all its complicated
+      affairs in his hands, studying the per<span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageA273" id="pageA273"></a>{273}</span> sonal history of each of
+      its members in the minute reports which he constantly received from every
+      province, and acting precisely as he chose with the highest as well as the
+      lowest of his subordinates. Contrary to all precedents of previous
+      religious orders, Ignatius framed the Company of Jesus upon the lines of a
+      close aristocracy with autocratic authority confided to an elected chief.
+      Yet the General of the Jesuits, like the Doge of Venice, had his hands
+      tied by subtly powerful though almost invisible fetters. He was subjected
+      at every hour of the day and night to the surveillance of five sworn
+      spies, especially appointed to prevent him from altering the type or
+      neglecting the concerns of the Order. The first of these functionaries,
+      named the Administrator, who was frequently also the confessor of the
+      General, exhorted him to obedience, and reminded him that he must do all
+      things for the glory of God. Obedience and the glory of God, in Jesuit
+      phraseology, meant the maintenance of the Company. The other four were
+      styled Assistants. They had under their charge the affairs of the chief
+      provinces; one overseeing the Indies, another Portugal and Spain, a third
+      France and Germany, a fourth Italy and Sicily. Together with the
+      Administrator, the Assistants were nominated by the General Congregation
+      and could not be removed or replaced without its sanction. It was their
+      duty to regulate the daily life of the General, to control his private
+      expenditure on the scale which they determined, to <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageA274" id="pageA274"></a>{274}</span> prescribe what he should
+      eat and drink, and to appoint his hours for sleep, and religious
+      exercises, and the transaction of public business. If they saw grave
+      reasons for his deposition, they were bound to convene the General
+      Congregation for that purpose. And since the Founder knew that guardians
+      need to be guarded, he provided that the Provincials might convene this
+      assembly to call in question the acts of the Assistants. The General
+      himself had no power to oppose its convocation.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The Company of Jesus was thus based upon a system of mutual and pervasive
+      espionage. The novice on first entering had all his acts, habits, and
+      personal qualities registered. As he advanced in his career, he was
+      surrounded by jealous brethren, who felt it their duty to report his
+      slightest weakness to a superior. The superiors were watched by one
+      another and by their inferiors. Masses of secret intelligence poured into
+      the central cabinet of the General; and the General himself ate, slept,
+      prayed, worked, and moved about the world beneath the fixed gaze of ten
+      vigilant eyes. Men accustomed to domesticity and freedom may wonder that
+      life should have been tolerable upon these terms. Yet we must remember
+      that from the moment when a youth had undergone the <i>Exercitia</i> and
+      taken the vows, he became no less in fact than in spirit <i>perinde ac
+      cadaver</i> in the hands of his superior. The Company replaced for him
+      both family and state; and in spite of the fourth vow, it is very evident
+      <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA275" id="pageA275"></a>{275}</span>
+      that the Black Pope, as the General came to be nicknamed, owned more of
+      his allegiance than the White Pope, who filled the chair of S. Peter. He
+      could, indeed, at any moment be expelled and ruined. But if he served the
+      Order well, he belonged to a vast incalculably-potent organism, of which
+      he might naturally, after such training as he had received, be proud. The
+      sacrifice of his personal volition and intelligence made him part of an
+      indestructible corporation, which seemed capable of breaking all
+      resistance by its continuity of will and effecting all purposes by its
+      condensed sagacity. Nor was he in the hands of rigid disciplinarians. His
+      peccadilloes were condoned, unless the credit of the order came in
+      question. His natural abilities obtained free scope for their employment;
+      for it suited the interest of the Company to make the most of each
+      member's special gifts. He had no tedious duties of the regular monastic
+      routine to follow. He was encouraged to become a man of the world, and to
+      mix freely with society. And thus, while he resigned himself, he lived the
+      large life of a complex microcosm. Nor were men of resolute ambition
+      without the prospect of eventually swaying an authority beyond that
+      possessed by princes; for any one of the professed might rise to the
+      supreme power in the order.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Something must be said about Loyola's interpretation of the vow of
+      poverty. During his lifetime the Company acquired considerable wealth;
+      <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA276" id="pageA276"></a>{276}</span>
+      and after his death it became a large owner of estates in Europe. How was
+      this consistent with the observance of that vow, so strictly inculcated by
+      the founder on his first disciples, and so pompously proclaimed in their
+      constitutions? The professed and all their houses, as well as their
+      churches, were bound to subsist on alms; they preached, administered the
+      sacraments of the Church, and educated gratis. They could inherit nothing,
+      and were not allowed to receive money for their journeys. But here
+      appeared the wisdom of restricting the numbers of the professed to a small
+      percentage of the whole Society. The same rigid prohibition with regard to
+      property was not imposed upon the houses of novices, colleges, and other
+      educational establishments of the Jesuits; while the secular coadjutors
+      were specially appointed for the administration of wealth which the
+      professed might use but could not own.<a name="FNanchorA_168_168"
+      id="FNanchorA_168_168"></a><a href="#FootnoteA_168_168" class="fnanchor">[168]</a>
+      In like manner, as they lived on alms, there was no objection to a priest
+      of the order receiving valuable gifts in cash or kind from grateful
+      recipients of his spiritual bounty. A separate article of the
+      constitutions furthermore reserved for the General the right of accepting
+      any donation whatsoever, made in favor of the whole Company, and of
+      assigning capital or revenue as he judged wisest.<span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageA277" id="pageA277"></a>{277}</span>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Scholastics, even after they had taken the vow of poverty, were not
+      obliged to relinquish their private possessions. Sooner or later, it was
+      hoped that these would become the property of the order. In a word, the
+      principle of this solemn obligation was so manipulated as to facilitate
+      the acquisition and accumulation of wealth by the Jesuit like any other
+      corporation. Only no individual Jesuit owned anything. He was rich or
+      poor, he wore the clothes of princes or the rags of a mendicant, he lived
+      sumptuously or begged in the street, he traveled with a following of
+      servants or he walked on foot, according as it seemed good to his
+      superiors. The vow of poverty, thus interpreted in practice, meant a total
+      disengagement from temporalities on the part of every member, an absolute
+      dependence of each subordinate upon his superior in the hierarchy.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Having thus far treated the organization of the Jesuits as implicit in
+      Loyola's own conception and administration, I ought to add that it
+      received definite form from his successor, Lainez. The founder pronounced
+      the Constitutions in 1553. But they were thoroughly revised after his
+      death in 1558, at which date they first issued from the press. Lainez,
+      again, supplemented these laws with a perpetual commentary, which is
+      styled the Declarations. These contain the bulk of those easements and
+      indulgent interpretations, whereby the strictness of the original rules
+      was explained away, and an almost unbounded elasticity was communicated to
+      the system.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      It would be rash to pronounce a decided opinion <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageA278" id="pageA278"></a>{278}</span> upon the much disputed
+      question, whether, in addition to their Constitutions and Declarations,
+      the Jesuits were provided with an esoteric code of rules known as <i>Monita
+      Secreta</i>.<a name="FNanchorA_169_169" id="FNanchorA_169_169"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_169_169" class="fnanchor">[169]</a> The existence of such
+      a manual, which was supposed to contain the very pith of Jesuitical
+      policy, has been confidently asserted and no less confidently denied. In
+      the absence of direct evidence, it may be worth quoting two passages from
+      Sarpi's Letters, which prove that this keen-sighted observer believed the
+      Society to be governed in its practice by statutes inaccessible to all but
+      its most trusted members. 'I have always admired the policy of the
+      Jesuits,' he writes in 1608, 'and their method of maintaining secrecy.
+      Their Constitutions are in print, and yet one cannot set eyes upon a copy.
+      I do not mean their Rules, which are published at Lyons, for those are
+      mere puerilities; but the digest of laws which guide their conduct of the
+      order, and which they keep concealed. Every day many members leave, or are
+      expelled from the Company; and yet their artifices are not exposed to
+      view.'<a name="FNanchorA_170_170" id="FNanchorA_170_170"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_170_170" class="fnanchor">[170]</a> In another letter, of
+      the date 1610, Sarpi returns to the same point. 'The Jesuits before this
+      Aquaviva was elected General were saints in comparison with what they
+      afterwards became. Formerly they had not mixed in affairs of state or
+      thought of governing cities. Since then, they have indulged a hope of
+      controlling the whole world.<span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA279"
+      id="pageA279"></a>{279}</span>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      And I am sure that the least part of their Cabala is in the Ordinances and
+      Constitutions of 1570. All the same, I am very glad to possess even these.
+      Their true Cabala they never communicate to any but men who have been well
+      tested, and proved by every species of trial; nor is it possible for those
+      who have been initiated into it, to think of retiring from the order,
+      since the congregation, through their excellent management of its
+      machinery, know how to procure the immediate death of any such initiated
+      member who may wish to leave their ranks.'<a name="FNanchorA_171_171"
+      id="FNanchorA_171_171"></a><a href="#FootnoteA_171_171" class="fnanchor">[171]</a>
+      Probably the mistake which Sarpi and the world made, was in supposing that
+      the Jesuits needed a written code for their most vital action. Being a
+      potent and life-penetrated organism, the secret of their policy was not
+      such as could be reduced to rule. It was not such as, if reduced to rule,
+      could have been plastic in the affairs of public importance which the
+      Company sought to control. Better than rule or statute, it was biological
+      function. The supreme deliberative bodies of the order created,
+      transmitted, and continuously modified its tradition of policy. This
+      tradition some member, partially initiated into their counsels, may have
+      reduced to precepts in the published <i>Monita Secreta</i> of 1612. But
+      the quintessential flame which breathed a breath of life into the fabric
+      of the Jesuits through two centuries of organic activity, was far too
+      vivid and too spiritual to be condensed in any charter. A friar and a
+      <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA280" id="pageA280"></a>{280}</span>
+      jurist, like Sarpi, expected to discover some controlling code. The
+      public, grossly ignorant of evolutionary laws in the formation of social
+      organisms, could not comprehend the non-existence of this code.
+      Adventurers supplied the demand from their knowledge of the ruling policy.
+      But like the <i>Liber Trium Impostorum</i> we may regard the <i>Monita
+      Secreta</i> of the Jesuits as an <i>ex post facto</i> fabrication.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      There is no need to trace the further history of the Jesuits. Their part
+      in the Counter-Reformation has rather been exaggerated than insufficiently
+      recognized. Though it was incontestably considerable, we cannot now
+      concede, as Macaulay in his random way conceded to this Company, the <i>spolia
+      opima</i> of down-beaten Protestantism. Without the ecclesiastical reform
+      which originated in the Tridentine Council; without the gold and sword of
+      Spain; without the stakes and prisons of the Inquisition; without the
+      warfare against thought conducted by the Congregation of the Index; the
+      Jesuits alone could not have masterfully governed the Catholic revival.
+      That revival was a movement of world-historical importance, in which they
+      participated. It was their fortune to find forces in the world which they
+      partially understood; it was their merit to know how to manipulate those
+      forces; it was their misfortune and their demerit that they proved
+      themselves incapable of diverting those forces to any wholesome end. In
+      Italy a succession of worldly Popes, Paul III., Julius III., Pius IV., and
+      Gregory XIII., <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA281" id="pageA281"></a>{281}</span>
+      heaped favors and showered wealth upon the order. The Jesuits incarnated
+      the political spirit of the Papacy at this epoch; they lent it a potency
+      for good and evil which the decrepit but still vigorous institution
+      arrogated to itself. They adapted its anachronisms with singular
+      adroitness to the needs of modern society. They transfused their throbbing
+      blood into its flaccid veins, until it became doubtful whether the Papacy
+      had been absorbed into the Jesuits, or whether the Jesuits had remodeled
+      the Papacy for contemporary uses. But this tendency in the aspiring order
+      to identify itself with Rome, this ambition to command the prestige of
+      Rome as leverage for carrying out its own designs, stirred the resentment
+      of haughty and <i>intransigeant</i> Pontiffs. The Jesuits were not beloved
+      by Paul IV., Pius V., and Sixtus V.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      It remains, however, to inquire in what the originality, the effective
+      operation, and the modifying influence of the Jesuit Society consisted
+      during the period with which we are concerned. It was their object to gain
+      control over Europe by preaching, education, the direction of souls, and
+      the management of public affairs. In each of these departments their
+      immediate success was startling; for they labored with zeal, and they
+      adapted their methods to the requirements of the age. Yet, in the long
+      run, art, science, literature, religion, morality and politics, all
+      suffered from their interference. By preferring artifice to reality,
+      affectation to sincerity, <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA282"
+      id="pageA282"></a>{282}</span> shams and subterfuges to plain principle
+      and candor, they confused the conscience and enfeebled the intellect of
+      Catholic Europe. When we speak of the Jesuit style in architecture,
+      rhetoric and poetry, of Jesuit learning and scholarship, of Jesuit
+      casuistry and of Jesuit diplomacy, it is either with languid contempt for
+      bad taste and insipidity, or with the burning indignation which systematic
+      falsehood and corruption inspire in honorable minds.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      In education, the Jesuits, if they did not precisely innovate, improved
+      upon the methods of the grammarians which had persisted from the Middle
+      Ages through the Renaissance. They spared no pains in training a large and
+      competent body of professors, men of extensive culture, formed upon one
+      uniform pattern, and exercised in the art of popularizing knowledge. These
+      teachers were distributed over the Jesuit colleges; and in every country
+      their system was the same. New catechisms, grammars, primers, manuals of
+      history, enabled their pupils to learn with facility in a few months what
+      it had cost years of painful labor to acquire under pompous pedants of the
+      old <i>r&eacute;gime</i>. The mental and physical aptitudes of youths
+      committed to their charge were carefully observed; and classes were
+      adapted to various ages and degrees of capacity. Hours of recreation
+      alternated with hours of study, so that the effort of learning should be
+      neither irksome nor injurious to health. Nor was religious education
+      neglected. Attendance upon daily Mass, monthly <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageA283" id="pageA283"></a>{283}</span> confession, and instruction
+      in the articles of the faith, formed an indispensable part of the system.
+      When we remember that these advantages were offered gratuitously to the
+      public, it is not surprising that people of all ranks and conditions
+      should have sent their boys to the Jesuit colleges. Even Protestants
+      availed themselves of what appeared so excellent a method; and the Jesuits
+      obtained the reputation of being the best instructors of youth.<a
+      name="FNanchorA_172_172" id="FNanchorA_172_172"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_172_172" class="fnanchor">[172]</a> It soon became the
+      mark of a good Catholic to have frequented Jesuit schools; and in after
+      life a pupil who had studied creditably in their colleges, found himself
+      everywhere at home. Yet the Society took but little interest in elementary
+      or popular education. Their object was to gain possession of the nobility,
+      gentry, and upper middle class. The proletariat might remain ignorant; it
+      was the destiny of such folk to be passive instruments in the hands of
+      spiritual and temporal rulers. Nor were they always scrupulous in the
+      means employed for taking hold on young men of distinction. One instance
+      of the animosity they aroused, even in Italy, at an early period of their
+      activity, will suffice. Tuscany was thrown into commotion by the discovery
+      of their designs upon the boys they undertook to teach.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA284" id="pageA284"></a>{284}</span>
+      'They were so madly bent,' says Galluzzi, 'upon filling the ranks of their
+      Company with individuals of wealth and birth, that in 1584, in the single
+      city of Siena, under the pretense of devotion, they seduced thirty youths
+      of the noblest and richest houses, not without great injury to their
+      families and grief to their parents. The most notorious of these cases Was
+      that of two sons of Pandolfo Petrucci, whose name indicates his high
+      position in the aristocracy of Siena. These young men they got into their
+      power by inducing them to commit a theft, and then compelled them to
+      pledge fealty to the Society. Escaping by night in the direction of Rome,
+      the lads were arrested by the city guards, and confessed that they had
+      agreed to meet two Jesuits, who were waiting to conduct them on their
+      journey.'<a name="FNanchorA_173_173" id="FNanchorA_173_173"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_173_173" class="fnanchor">[173]</a>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      It was, indeed, not the propagation of sound principles or liberal
+      learning, but the aggrandizement of the order and the enforcement of
+      Catholic usages, at which the Jesuits aimed in their scheme of education.
+      This was noticeable in their attitude toward literature and science.
+      Michelet has described their method in a brilliant and exact metaphor, as
+      the attempt to counteract the poison of free thought and stimulative
+      studies by means of vaccination. They taught the classics in expurgated
+      editions, history in drugged epitomes, science in popular lectures.
+      Instead of banning what M. Renan is wont to style <i>&eacute;tudes fortes</i>,
+      they undertook to emasculate these and render them <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageA285" id="pageA285"></a>{285}</span> innocuous. While Bruno was
+      burned by the Inquisition for proclaiming what the Copernican discovery
+      involved for faith and metaphysics, Father Koster at Cologne vulgarized it
+      into something pretty and agreeable. While Scaliger and Casaubon used the
+      humanities as a propaedeutic of the virile reason, the Jesuits contrived
+      to sterilize and mechanize their influences by insipid rhetoric.
+      Everywhere through Europe, by the side of stalwart thinkers, crept
+      plausible Jesuit professors, following the light of learning like its
+      shadow, mimicking the accent of the gods like parrots, and mocking their
+      gestures like apes. Their adroit admixture of falsehood with truth in all
+      departments of knowledge, their substitution of veneer for solid timber,
+      and of pinchbeck for sterling metal, was more profitable to the end they
+      had in view than the torture-chamber of the Inquisition or the quarantine
+      of the Index. Mediocrities and respectabilities of every description&mdash;that
+      is to say, the majority of the influential classes&mdash;were delighted
+      with their method. What could be better than to see sons growing up, good
+      Catholics in all external observances, devoted to the order of society and
+      Mother Church, and at the same time showy Latinists, furnished with a
+      cyclopaedia of current knowledge, glib at speechifying, ingenious in the
+      construction of an epigram or compliment? If some of the more sensible
+      sort grumbled that Jesuit learning was shallow, and Jesuit morality of
+      base alloy, the reply, like that of an Italian draper selling <span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageA286" id="pageA286"></a>{286}</span> palpable
+      shoddy for broadcloth, came easily and cynically to the surface: <i>Imita
+      bene</i>! The stuff is a good match enough! What more do you want? To
+      produce plausible imitations, to save appearances, to amuse the mind with
+      tricks, was the last resort of Catholicism in its warfare against
+      rationalism. And such is the banality of human nature as a whole, that the
+      Jesuits, those monopolists of Brummagem manufactures, achieved eminent
+      success. Their hideous churches, daubed with plaster painted to resemble
+      costly marbles, encrusted with stucco polished to deceive the eye, loaded
+      with gewgaws and tinsel and superfluous ornament and frescoes, turning
+      flat surfaces into cupolas and arcades, passed for masterpieces of
+      architectonic beauty. The conceits of their pulpit oratory, its artificial
+      cadences and flowery verbiage, its theatrical appeals to gross sensations,
+      wrought miracles and converted thousands. Their sickly Ciceronian style,
+      their sentimental books of piety, 'the worse for being warm,' the
+      execrable taste of their poetry, their flimsy philosophy and disingenuous
+      history, infected the taste of Catholic Europe like a slow seductive
+      poison, flattering and accelerating the diseases of mental decadence.
+      Sound learning died down beneath the tyranny of the Inquisition, the
+      Index, the Council of Trent, Spain and the Papacy. A rank growth of
+      unwholesome culture arose and flourished on its tomb under the
+      forcing-frames of Jesuitry. But if we peruse the records of literature and
+      science during the last three <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA287"
+      id="pageA287"></a>{287}</span> centuries, few indeed are the eminences
+      even of a second order which can be claimed by the Company of Jesus.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The same critique applies to Jesuit morality. It was the Company's aim to
+      control the conscience by direction and confession, and especially the
+      conscience of princes, women, youths in high position. To do so by plain
+      speaking and honest dealing was clearly dangerous. The world had had
+      enough of Dominican austerity and dogmatism. To do so by open toleration
+      and avowed cynicism did not suit the temper of the time. A reform of the
+      monastic orders and the regular clergy had been undertaken by the Church.
+      Pardoners, palmers, indulgence-mongers, jolly Franciscan confessors, and
+      such-like folk were out of date. But the Jesuits were equal to the
+      exigencies of the moment. We have seen how Ignatius recommended fishers of
+      souls to humor queasy consciences. His successors expanded and applied the
+      hint.&mdash;You must not begin by talking about spiritual things to people
+      immersed in worldly interests. That is as simple as trying to fish without
+      bait. On the contrary, you must insinuate yourself into their confidence
+      by studying their habits, and spying out their propensities. You must
+      appear to notice little at the first, and show yourself a good companion.
+      When you become acquainted with the bosom sins and pleasant vices of folk
+      in high position, you can lead them on the path of virtue at your
+      pleasure. You must certainly <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA288"
+      id="pageA288"></a>{288}</span> tell them then that indulgence in
+      sensuality, falsehood, fraud, violence, covetousness, and tyrannical
+      oppression, is unconditionally wrong. Make no show of compromise with evil
+      in the gross; but refine away the evil by distinctions, reservations,
+      hypothetical conditions, until it disappears. Explain how hard it is to
+      know whether a sin be venial or mortal, and how many chances there are
+      against its being in any strict sense a sin at all. Do not leave folk to
+      their own blunt sense of right and wrong, but let them admire the finer
+      edge of your scalpel, while you shred up evil into morsels they can hardly
+      see. A ready way may thus be opened for the satisfaction of every human
+      desire without falling into theological faults. The advantages are
+      manifest. You will be able to absolve with a clear conscience. Your
+      penitent will abound in gratitude and open out his heart to you. You will
+      fulfill your function as confessor and counselor. He will be secured for
+      the sacred ends of our Society, and will contribute to the greater glory
+      of God.&mdash;It was thus that the Jesuit labyrinth of casuistry, with its
+      windings, turnings, secret chambers, whispering galleries, blind alleys,
+      issues of evasion, came into existence; the whole vicious and monstrous
+      edifice being crowned with the saving virtue of obedience, and the theory
+      of ends justifying means. After the irony of Pascal, the condensed rage of
+      La Chalotais, and the grave verdict of the Parlement of Paris (1762), it
+      is not necessary now to refute the errors <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageA289" id="pageA289"></a>{289}</span> or to expose the
+      abominations of this casuistry in detail.<a name="FNanchorA_174_174"
+      id="FNanchorA_174_174"></a><a href="#FootnoteA_174_174" class="fnanchor">[174]</a>
+      Yet it cannot be wholly passed in silence here; for its application
+      materially favored the influence of Jesuits in modern Europe.<span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageA290" id="pageA290"></a>{290}</span>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The working of the Company, as we have seen, depended upon a skillful
+      manipulation of apparently hard-and-fast principles. The Declarations
+      explained away the Constitutions; and an infinite number of minute
+      exceptions and distinctions volatilized vows and obligations into ether.
+      Transferring the same method to the sphere of ethics, they so wrought upon
+      the precepts of the moral law, whether expressed in holy writ, in the
+      ecclesiastical <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA291" id="pageA291"></a>{291}</span>
+      decrees, or in civil jurisprudence, as to deprive them of their binding
+      force. The subtlest elasticity had been gained for the machinery of the
+      order by casuistical interpretation. A like elasticity was secured for the
+      control and government of souls by an identical process. It was no wonder
+      that the Jesuits became rapidly fashionable as confessors. The plainest
+      prohibitions were as wax in their hands. The Decalogue laid down as rules
+      for conduct: 'Thou shalt not steal;' 'Thou shalt not kill;' 'Thou shalt
+      not commit adultery.' Christ spiritualized these rules into their essence:
+      'Thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself;' 'Whosoever looketh on a woman
+      to lust after her, hath committed adultery already with her in his heart.'
+      It is manifest that both the old and the new covenant upon which modern
+      Christianity is supposed to <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA292"
+      id="pageA292"></a>{292}</span> rest, suffered no transactions in matters
+      so clear to the human conscience. Jesus himself refined upon the legality
+      of the Mosaic code by defining sin as egotism or concupiscence. But the
+      Company of Jesus took pains in their casuistry to provide attenuating
+      circumstances for every sin in detail. By their doctrines of the
+      invincible erroneous conscience, of occult compensation, of equivocation,
+      of mental reservation, of probabilism, and of philosophical sin, they
+      afforded loopholes for the gratification of every passion, and for the
+      commission of every crime. Instead of maintaining that any injury done to
+      a neighbor is wrong, they multiplied instances in which a neighbor may be
+      injured. Instead of holding firm to Christ's verdict that sexual vice is
+      implicit in licentious desire, they analyzed the sensual modes of crude
+      voluptuousness, taxed each in turn at arbitrary values, and provided
+      plausible excuses for indulgence. Instead of laying it down as a broad
+      principle that men must keep their word, they taught them how to lie with
+      spiritual impunity and with credit to their reputation as sons of the
+      Church. Thus the inventive genius of the casuist, bent on dissecting
+      immorality and reducing it to classes; the interrogative ingenuity of the
+      confessor, pruriently inquisitive into private experience; the apologetic
+      subtlety of the director, eager to supply his penitent with salves and
+      anodynes; were all alike and all together applied to anti-social con<span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageA293" id="pageA293"></a>{293}</span>
+      tamination in matters of lubricity, and to anti-social corruption in
+      matters of dishonesty, fraud, falsehood, illegality and violence. The
+      single doctrine of probabilism, as Pascal abundantly proved, facilitates
+      the commission of crime; for there is no perverse act which some casuist
+      of note has not plausibly excused.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      It may be urged that confession and direction, as adopted by the Catholic
+      Church, bring the abominations of casuistry logically in their train.
+      Priests who have to absolve sinners must be familiar with sin in all its
+      branches. In the confessional they will be forced to listen to recitals,
+      the exact bearings of which they cannot understand unless they are
+      previously instructed. Therefore the writings of Sanchez, Diana, Liguori,
+      Burchard, Billuard, Rousselot, Gordon, Gaisson, are put into their hands
+      at an early age&mdash;works which reveal more secrets of impudicity than
+      Aretino has described, or Commodus can have practiced&mdash;works which
+      recommend more craft and treachery and fraud and falsehood than
+      Machiavelli accorded to his misbegotten Saviour of Society. In these
+      writings men vowed to celibacy probe the foulest labyrinths of sexual
+      impurity; men claiming to stand outside the civil order and the state,
+      imbibe false theories upon property and probity and public duty.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The root of the matter is wrong indubitably. It is contrary to good
+      government that a sacerdotal class, by means of confession and direction,
+      should be placed in a position of deciding upon conduct. It <span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageA294" id="pageA294"></a>{294}</span> is
+      revolting to human dignity that this same class, without national
+      allegiance, and without domestic ties, should have the opportunity of
+      infecting young minds by unhealthy questionings and dishonorable
+      suggestions. But this wrong, which is inherent in the modern Catholic
+      system, becomes an atrocity when it is employed, as the Jesuits employed
+      it, as an instrument for moulding and controlling society in their own
+      interest.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      While the Jesuits rendered themselves obnoxious to criticism by their
+      treatment of the individual in his private and social capacity, they
+      speedily became what Hallam cautiously styles 'rather dangerous supporters
+      of the See of Rome' in public and political affairs. The ultimate failure
+      of their diplomacy and intrigue over the whole field of modern statecraft
+      inclines historians of the present epoch to underrate their mechanics of
+      obstruction, and to underestimate the many occasions on which they did
+      successfully retard the progress of civil government and intellectual
+      freedom. It were wiser to regard them in the same light as fanatics laying
+      stones upon a railway, or of dynamiters blowing up an emperor or a corner
+      of Westminster Hall. The final end of the nefarious traffic may not be
+      attained. But credit can be claimed by those who took their part in it,
+      for the wreck of express trains, the perturbation of cities, and the
+      mourning of peaceable families. And thus it was with the Jesuits. Though
+      the results of their political intrigues had not corresponded to <span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageA295" id="pageA295"></a>{295}</span> their
+      hopes, they yet worked appreciable mischief by the organization of the
+      League in France, and the Thirty Years' War in Germany, and by their
+      revolutionary theories which infected Europe with conspiracy and murder.
+      Their method was not original. Machiavelli had expounded the doctrines
+      they put in practice. He taught that in a desperate state of the nation,
+      men may have recourse to treachery and violence. The nation of the Jesuits
+      was a hybrid between their order and Catholicism. The peril to the Church
+      was imminent; its decadence demanded desperate remedies. They invoked
+      regicide, revolt, and treason, to effect an impossible cure.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The political theory of the Jesuits was deduced from their fundamental
+      principle of obedience to the Church. They maintained that the
+      ecclesiastical is <i>jure divino</i> superior to the secular power. The
+      Pope through God's commission and appointment sways the Church; the Church
+      takes rank above the State, as the soul above the body. Consequently, the
+      first allegiance of a Christian nation, together with its secular rulers,
+      belongs of right to the Supreme Pontiff. The people is the real sovereign;
+      and kings are delegates from the people, with authority which they can
+      only justly exercise so long as they remain in obedience to Rome. It
+      follows from these positions that every nation must refuse fealty to an
+      irreligious or contumacious ruler. In the last resort they may lawfully
+      remove him by murder; and they <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA296"
+      id="pageA296"></a>{296}</span> are <i>ipso facto</i> in a state of mortal
+      sin if they elect or recognize a heretic as sovereign. This theory sprang
+      from the writings of the English Jesuits, Allen and Parsons. It was
+      elaborated in Rome by Cardinal Bellarmino, applied in Spain by Suarez and
+      Mariana, and openly preached in France by Jean Boucher. The best energies
+      of Paolo Sarpi were devoted to combating the main position of
+      ecclesiastical supremacy. His works had a salutary effect by delimiting
+      the relations of the Church to the State, and by demonstrating even to
+      Catholics the pernicious results of acknowledging a Papal overlordship in
+      temporal affairs. At the same time the boldly democratic principle of the
+      sovereignty of the people, which the Jesuits advanced in order to
+      establish their doctrine of ecclesiastical superiority, provoked
+      opposition. It led to the contrary hypothesis of the Divine Right of
+      sovereigns, which found favor in Protestant kingdoms, and especially in
+      England under the Stuart dynasty. When the French Catholics resolved to
+      terminate the discords of their country by the recognition of Henri IV.,
+      they had recourse to this argument for justifying their obedience to a
+      heretic. It was felt by all sound thinkers and by every patriot in Europe,
+      that the Papal prerogatives claimed by the Jesuits were too inconsistent
+      with national liberties to be tolerated. The zeal of the Society had
+      clearly outrun its discretion; and the free discussion of the theory of
+      government which their insolent assumptions <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageA297" id="pageA297"></a>{297}</span> stimulated, weakened the
+      cause they sought to strengthen. Their ingenuity overreached itself.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      This, however, was as nothing compared with the hostility evoked by their
+      unscrupulous application of these principles in practice. There was hardly
+      a plot against established rule in Protestant countries with which they
+      were not known or believed to be connected. The invasion of Ireland in
+      1579, the murder of the Regent Morton in Scotland, and Babington's
+      conspiracy against Elizabeth, emanated from their councils. They were held
+      responsible for the attempted murder of the Prince of Orange in 1580, and
+      for his actual murder in 1584. They loudly applauded Jacques Cl&eacute;ment,
+      the assassin of Henri III. in 1589, as 'the eternal glory of France.'<a
+      name="FNanchorA_175_175" id="FNanchorA_175_175"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_175_175" class="fnanchor">[175]</a> Numerous unsuccessful
+      attacks upon the life of Henri IV., culminating in that of Jean Chastel in
+      1594, caused their expulsion from France. When they returned in 1603, they
+      set to work again;<a name="FNanchorA_176_176" id="FNanchorA_176_176"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_176_176" class="fnanchor">[176]</a> and the assassin
+      Ravaillac, who succeeded in removing the obnoxious champion of European
+      independence in 1610, was probably inspired by their doctrine.<a
+      name="FNanchorA_177_177" id="FNanchorA_177_177"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_177_177" class="fnanchor">[177]</a> They had a hand in
+      the Gunpowder Plot of 1605, and were thought by some to have instigated
+      the Massa<span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA298" id="pageA298"></a>{298}</span>
+      ere of S. Bartholomew. They fomented the League of the Guises, which had
+      for its object a change in the French dynasty. They organized the Thirty
+      Years' War, and they procured the revocation of the Edict of Nantes. If it
+      is not possible to connect them immediately with all and each of the
+      criminal acts laid to their charge, the fact that a Jesuit in every case
+      was lurking in the background, counts by the force of cumulative evidence
+      heavily against them, and explains the universal suspicion with which they
+      came to be regarded as factious intermeddlers in the concerns of nations.
+      Moreover, their written words accused them; for the tyrannicide of
+      heretics was plainly advocated in their treatises on government. So
+      profound was the conviction of their guilt, that the death of Sixtus V. in
+      1590, predicted by Bellarmino, the sudden death of Urban VII. in the same
+      year, and the death of Clement VIII. in 1805, also predicted by Bellarmino&mdash;these
+      three Popes being ill-affected toward the order&mdash;were popularly
+      ascribed to their agency. But of their practical intervention there is no
+      proof. Old age and fever must be credited, in these as in other cases,
+      with the decease of Roman Pontiffs supposed to have been poisoned.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      It is not, however, to be wondered that sooner, or later the Jesuits made
+      themselves insupportable <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA299"
+      id="pageA299"></a>{299}</span> by their intrigues in all the countries
+      where they were established.<a name="FNanchorA_178_178"
+      id="FNanchorA_178_178"></a><a href="#FootnoteA_178_178" class="fnanchor">[178]</a>
+      Even to the Papacy itself they proved too irksome to be borne. The Company
+      showed plainly that what they meant by obedience to Rome was obedience to
+      a Rome controlled and fashioned by themselves. It was their ambition to
+      stand in the same relation to the Pope as the Shog&ucirc;n to the Mikado
+      of Japan. Nor does the analysis of their opinions fail to justify the
+      condemnation passed upon them by the Parlement of Paris in 1762. 'These
+      doctrines tend to destroy the natural law, that rule of manners which God
+      Himself has imprinted on the hearts of men, and in consequence to sever
+      all the bonds of civil society, by the authorization of theft, falsehood,
+      perjury, the most culpable impurity, and in a word each passion and each
+      crime of human weakness; to obliterate all sentiments of humanity by
+      favoring homicide and parricide; and to annihilate the authority of
+      sovereigns in the State.'
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Great psychological and pathological interest, attaches to the study of
+      the Jesuit order. To withhold our admiration from the zeal, energy,
+      self-devotion and constructive ability of its founders, would be
+      impossible. Equally futile would it be to affect indifference before the
+      sinister spectacle of so world-<span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA300"
+      id="pageA300"></a>{300}</span> embracing an organism, persistently
+      maintained in action for an anti-social end. There is something Roman in
+      the colossal proportions of Loyola's idea, something Roman in the
+      durability of the structure which perpetuates it. Yet the philosopher
+      cannot but agree with the vulgar in his final judgment on the odiousness
+      of these sacerdotal despots, these unflinching foes not merely to the
+      heroes of the human intellect, and to the champions of right conduct, but
+      also to the very angels of Christianity. That the Jesuits should claim to
+      have been founded by Him who preached the Sermon on the Mount, that they
+      should flaunt their motto, A.M.D.G., in the sight of Him who spake from
+      Sinai, is one of those practical paradoxes in which the history of
+      decrepit religions abounds.
+    </p>
+    <hr style="width: 65%;" />
+    <h2>
+      <a name="CHAPTER_V" id="CHAPTER_V"></a>CHAPTER V
+    </h2>
+    <p>
+      <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA301" id="pageA301"></a>{301}</span>
+    </p>
+    <h4>
+      SOCIAL AND DOMESTIC MORALS: PART I
+    </h4>
+    <div class="blockquot">
+      <p>
+        How did the Catholic Revival affect Italian Society?&mdash;Difficulty of
+        Answering this Question&mdash;Frequency of Private Crimes of Violence&mdash;Homicides
+        and Bandits&mdash;Savage Criminal Justice&mdash;Paid Assassins&mdash;Toleration
+        of Outlaws&mdash;Honorable Murder&mdash;Example of the Lucchese Army&mdash;State
+        of the Convents&mdash;The History of Virginia de Leyva&mdash;Lucrezia
+        Buonvisi&mdash;The True Tale of the Cenci&mdash;The Brothers of the
+        House of Massimo&mdash;Vittoria Accoramboni&mdash;The Duchess of
+        Palliano&mdash;Wife-Murders&mdash;The Family of Medici.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <p>
+      We are naturally led to inquire what discernible effect the Catholic
+      Revival and the Counter-Reformation had upon the manners and morals of the
+      Italians as a nation. Much has been said about the contrast between
+      intellectual refinement and almost savage license which marked the
+      Renaissance. Yet it can with justice be maintained that, while ferocity
+      and brutal sensuality survived from the Middle Ages, humanism, by means of
+      the new ideal it introduced, tended to civilize and educate the race. Now,
+      however, the Church was stifling culture and attempting to restore that
+      ecclesiastical conception of human life which the Renaissance had
+      superseded. Did then her resuscitated Catholicism succeed in permeating
+      the Italians with the spirit of Christ and of the Gospel? Were the nobles
+      more quiet in their demeanor, less quarrelsome and haughty, more law-<span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageA302" id="pageA302"></a>{302}</span> abiding
+      and less given to acts of violence, than they had been in the previous
+      period? Were the people more contented and less torn by factions, happier
+      in their homes, less abandoned to the insanities of baleful superstitions?
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      It is obviously difficult to answer these questions with either
+      completeness or accuracy. In the first place, we have no right to expect
+      that the religious revival, signalized by the Tridentine Council, should
+      have made itself immediately felt in the sphere of national conduct. In
+      the second place, it was not, like the German Reformation, a renewal of
+      Christianity at its sources, but a resuscitation of mediaeval Catholicity,
+      in direct antagonism to the intellectual tendencies of the age. The new
+      learning among northern races disintegrated that system of ideas upon
+      which mediaeval society rested; but it also introduced religious and moral
+      conceptions more vital than those ideas in their decadence. In Italy the
+      disintegrating process had been no less thorough, nay far more subtle and
+      pervasive. Yet the new learning had not led the nation to attempt a
+      reconstruction of primitive Christianity. The Catholic Revival gave
+      nothing vital or enthusiastic to the conscience of the race. It brought
+      the old creeds, old cult, old superstitions, old abuses back, with
+      stricter discipline and under a <i>r&eacute;gime</i> of terror. Meanwhile,
+      it resolutely ranged its forces in opposition to what had been salutary
+      and life-giving in the mental movement of the Renaissance. It compelled
+      people who had <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA303" id="pageA303"></a>{303}</span>
+      watched the dawning of a new light, to shut their eyes upon that
+      dayspring. It extinguished the studies of the Classical Revival; bade
+      philosophers return to Thomas of Aquino; threatened thinkers with the
+      dungeon or the stake who should presume to pass the Pillars of Hercules,
+      when a whole Atlantic of knowledge had been opened to their curiosity.
+      Under these circumstances it was impossible that a revolution, so
+      retrograde in its nature, checking the tide of national energy in full
+      flow, should have exercised a healthy influence over the Italian
+      temperament at large. We have a right to expect, what in fact we find, the
+      advent of hypocrisy and ceremonial observances, but little actual
+      amendment in manners. In the third place, the question is still further
+      complicated by the Catholic Revival having been effected concurrently with
+      the establishment of the Spanish Hegemony. At the end of the first chapter
+      of this volume I pointed out the evils brought on Italy by her servitude
+      to a foreign and unsympathetic despot: the decline of commercial activity,
+      the multiplication of slothful lordlings, the depression of industry, the
+      diminution of wealth, and the suffering of the lower classes from pirates,
+      bandits and tax-gatherers. These conditions were sufficient to demoralize
+      a people. And mediaeval Catholicism, restored by edict, enforced by the
+      Inquisition, propagated by Jesuits, was not of the fine enthusiastic
+      quality to counteract them. Servile in its conception, it sufficed to
+      bridle and <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA304" id="pageA304"></a>{304}</span>
+      benumb a race of serfs, but not to soften or to purify their brutal
+      instincts.<a name="FNanchorA_179_179" id="FNanchorA_179_179"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_179_179" class="fnanchor">[179]</a>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      In this chapter I shall not attempt a general survey of Italian society.<a
+      name="FNanchorA_180_180" id="FNanchorA_180_180"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_180_180" class="fnanchor">[180]</a> I shall content
+      myself with supplying materials for the formation of a judgment by
+      narrating some of the most remarkable domestic tragedies of the second
+      half of the sixteenth century, choosing those only which rest upon
+      well-sifted documentary evidence, and which bring the social conditions of
+      the country into strong relief. Before engaging in these historical
+      romances, it will be well to preface them with a few general remarks upon
+      the state of manners they will illustrate.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The first thing which strikes a student of Italy between 1530 and 1600 is
+      that crimes of violence, committed by private individuals for personal
+      ends, continued steadily upon the increase.<a name="FNanchorA_181_181"
+      id="FNanchorA_181_181"></a><a href="#FootnoteA_181_181" class="fnanchor">[181]</a><span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageA305" id="pageA305"></a>{305}</span>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Compared with the later Middle Ages, compared with the Renaissance, this
+      period is distinguished by extraordinary ferocity of temper and by an
+      almost unparalleled facility of bloodshed.<a name="FNanchorA_182_182"
+      id="FNanchorA_182_182"></a><a href="#FootnoteA_182_182" class="fnanchor">[182]</a>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The broad political and religious contests which had torn the country in
+      the first years of the sixteenth century, were pacified. Foreign armies
+      had ceased to dispute the provinces of Italy. The victorious powers of
+      Spain, the Church, and the protected principalities, seemed secure in the
+      possession of their gains. But those international quarrels which kept the
+      nation in unrest through a long period of municipal wars, ending in the
+      horrors of successive invasions, were now succeeded by an almost universal
+      discord between families and persons. Each province, each city, each
+      village became the theater of private feuds and assassinations. Each
+      household was the scene of homicide and empoisonment. Italy presented the
+      spectacle of a nation armed against itself, not to decide the issue of
+      antagonistic political principles by civil strife, but to gratify lawless
+      passions&mdash;cupidity, revenge, resentment&mdash;by deeds of personal
+      high-handedness. Among the common people of the country and the towns,
+      crimes of brutality and bloodshed were of daily occurrence; every man bore
+      weapons for self-defence, and for attack upon <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageA306" id="pageA306"></a>{306}</span> his neighbor. The
+      aristocracy and the upper classes of the <i>bourgeoisie</i> lived in a
+      perpetual state of mutual mistrust, ready upon the slightest occasion of
+      fancied affront to blaze forth into murder. Much of this savagery was due
+      to the false ideas of honor and punctilio which the Spaniards introduced.
+      Quarrels arose concerning a salute, a title, a question of precedence, a
+      seat in church, a place in the prince's ante-chamber, a meeting in the
+      public streets. Noblemen were ushered on their way by servants, who
+      measured distances, and took the height of da&iuml;s or of bench, before
+      their master committed his dignity by advancing a step beyond the minimum
+      that was due. Love-affairs and the code of honor with regard to women
+      opened endless sources of implacable jealousies, irreconcilable hatreds,
+      and offenses that could only be wiped out with blood. On each and all of
+      these occasions, the sword was ready to the right hand; and where this
+      generous weapon would not reach, the harquebuss and knife of paid
+      assassins were employed without compunction.<a name="FNanchorA_183_183"
+      id="FNanchorA_183_183"></a><a href="#FootnoteA_183_183" class="fnanchor">[183]</a>
+      We must not, however, ascribe this condition of society wholly or chiefly
+      to Spanish influences.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      It was in fact a survival of mediaeval habits under altered circumstances.
+      During the municipal wars of the thirteenth <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageA307" id="pageA307"></a>{307}</span> century, and afterwards
+      during the struggle of the despots for ascendency, the nation had become
+      accustomed to internecine contests which set party against party,
+      household against household, man against man. These humors in the cities,
+      as Italian historians were wont to call them, had been partially
+      suppressed by the confederation of the five great Powers at the close of
+      the fifteenth century, and also by a prevalent urbanity of manners. At
+      that epoch, moreover, they were systematized and controlled by the methods
+      of <i>condottiere</i> warfare, which offered a legitimate outlet to the
+      passions of turbulent young men. But when Italy sank into the sloth of
+      pacification after the settlement of Charles V. at Bologna in 1530, when
+      there were no longer <i>condottieri</i> to levy troops in rival armies,
+      when political parties ceased in the cities, the old humors broke out
+      again under the aspect of private and personal feuds. Though the names of
+      Guelf and Ghibelline had lost their meaning, these factions reappeared,
+      and divided Milan, the towns of Romagna, the villages of the Campagna. In
+      the place of <i>condottieri</i> arose brigand chiefs, who, like
+      Piccolomini and Sciarra, placed themselves at the head of regiments, and
+      swept the country on marauding expeditions. Instead of exiles, driven by
+      victorious parties in the state to seek precarious living on a foreign
+      soil, bandits, proscribed for acts of violence, abounded. Thus the habits
+      which had been created through centuries of political ferment, subsisted
+      when <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA308" id="pageA308"></a>{308}</span>
+      the nation was at rest in servitude, assuming baser and more selfish forms
+      of ferocity. The end of the sixteenth century witnessed the final
+      degeneration and corruption of a mediaeval state of warfare, which the
+      Renaissance had checked, but which the miseries of foreign invasions had
+      resuscitated by brutalizing the population, and which now threatened to
+      disintegrate society in aimless anarchy and private lawlessness.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      It must not be imagined that governments and magistracies were slack in
+      their pursuit of criminals. Repressive statutes, proclamations of
+      outlawry, and elaborate prosecutions succeeded one another with unwearied
+      conscientiousness. The revenues of states were taxed to furnish
+      blood-money and to support spies. Large sums were invariably offered for
+      the capture or assassination of escaped delinquents; and woe to the
+      wretches who became involved in criminal proceedings! Witnesses were
+      tortured with infernal cruelty. Convicted culprits suffered horrible
+      agonies before their death, or were condemned to languish out a miserable
+      life in pestilential dungeons. But the very inhumanity of this judicial
+      method, without mercy for the innocent, from whom evidence could be
+      extorted, and frequently inequitable in the punishments assigned to
+      criminals of varying degrees of guilt, taught the people to defy justice,
+      and encouraged them in brutality. They found it more tolerable to join the
+      bands of brigands who preyed upon their fields <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageA309" id="pageA309"></a>{309}</span> and villages, than to
+      assist rulers who governed so unequally and cruelly. We know, for
+      instance, that a robber chief, Marianazzo, refused the Pope's pardon,
+      alleging that the profession of brigandage was more lucrative and offered
+      greater security of life than any trade within the walls of Rome. Thus the
+      bandits of that generation occupied the specious attitude of opposition to
+      oppressive governments. There were, moreover, many favorable chances for a
+      homicide. The Church was jealous of her rights of sanctuary. Whatever may
+      have been her zeal for orthodoxy, she showed herself an indulgent mother
+      to culprits who demanded an asylum. Feudal nobles prided themselves on
+      protecting refugees within their fiefs and castles. There were innumerable
+      petty domains left, which carried privileges of signorial courts and local
+      justice. Cardinals, ambassadors, and powerful princes claimed immunity
+      from common jurisdiction in their palaces, the courts and basements of
+      which soon became the resort of escaped criminals. No extradition treaties
+      subsisted between the several and numerous states into which Italy was
+      then divided, so that it was only necessary to cross a frontier in order
+      to gain safety from the law. The position of an outlaw in that case was
+      tolerably secure, except against private vengeance or the cupidity of
+      professional cut-throats, who gained an honest livelihood by murdering
+      bandits with a good price on their heads. Condemned for the most part in
+      their absence, these homicides <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA310"
+      id="pageA310"></a>{310}</span> entered a recognized and not dishonorable
+      class. They were tolerated, received, and even favored by neighboring
+      princes, who generally had some grudge against the state from which the
+      outlaws fled. After obtaining letters of safe-conduct and protection, they
+      enrolled themselves in the militia of their adopted country, while the
+      worst of them became spies or secret agents of police. No government seems
+      to have regarded crimes of violence with severity, provided these had been
+      committed on a foreign soil. Murders for the sake of robbery or rape were
+      indeed esteemed ignoble. But a man who had killed an avowed enemy, or had
+      shed blood in the heat of a quarrel, or had avenged his honor by the
+      assassination of a sister convicted of light love, only established a
+      reputation for bravery, which stood him in good stead. He was likely to
+      make a stout soldier, and he had done nothing socially discreditable. On
+      the contrary, if he had been useful in ridding the world of an outlaw some
+      prince wished to kill, this murder made him a hero. In addition to the
+      blood-money, he not unfrequently received lucrative office, or a pension
+      for life.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      A very curious state of things resulted from these customs. States
+      depended, in large measure, for the execution of their judicial sentences
+      in cases of manslaughter and treason, upon foreign murderers and traitors.
+      Towns were full of outlaws, each with a price upon his head, mutually
+      suspicious, individually <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA311"
+      id="pageA311"></a>{311}</span> desirous of killing some fellow-criminal
+      and thereby enriching his own treasury. If he were successful, he received
+      a fair sum of money, with privileges and immunities from the state which
+      had advertised the outlaw; and not unfrequently he obtained the further
+      right of releasing one or more bandits from penalties of death or prison.
+      It may be imagined at what cross-purposes the outlaws dwelt together, with
+      crimes in many states accumulated on their shoulders; and what peril might
+      ensue to society should they combine together, as indeed they tried to do
+      in Bedmar's conspiracy against Venice. Meanwhile, the states kept this
+      floating population of criminals in check by various political and social
+      contrivances, which grew up from the exigencies and the habits of the
+      moment. Instead of recruiting soldiers from the stationary population, it
+      became usual, when a war was imminent, to enroll outlaws. Thus, when Lucca
+      had to make an inroad into Garfagnana in 1613, the Republic issued a
+      proclamation promising pardon and pay to those of its own bandits who
+      should join its standard. Men to the number of 591 answered this call, and
+      the little war which followed was conducted with more than customary
+      fierceness.<a name="FNanchorA_184_184" id="FNanchorA_184_184"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_184_184" class="fnanchor">[184]</a>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Even the ordinary police and guards of cities were composed of fugitives
+      from other states, care being taken to select by preference those who came
+      stained only with honorable bloodshed. In 1593 the guard of the palace of
+      Lucca was reinforced by the addition of <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageA312" id="pageA312"></a>{312}</span> forty-three men, among whom
+      four were bandits for wounds inflicted upon enemies in open fight; twelve
+      for homicide in duel, sword to sword; five for the murder of more than one
+      person in similar encounters; one for the murder of a sister, and the
+      wounding of her seducer; two for mutilating an enemy in the face; one for
+      unlawful recruiting; one for wounding; one for countenancing bandits; and
+      sixteen simple refugees.<a name="FNanchorA_185_185" id="FNanchorA_185_185"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_185_185" class="fnanchor">[185]</a> The phrases employed
+      to describe these men in the official report are sufficiently illustrative
+      of contemporary moral standards. Thus we read 'Banditi per omicidi
+      semplici <i>da buono a buono</i>, a sangue caldo, da spada a spada, <i>o
+      di nemici</i>.' 'Per omicidio d'una sorella <i>per causa d'onore</i>.' To
+      murder an enemy, or a sister who had misbehaved herself, was accounted
+      excusable.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The prevalence of lawlessness encouraged a domestic custom which soon grew
+      into a system. This was the maintenance of so-called <i>bravi</i> by
+      nobles and folk rich enough to afford so expensive a luxury. The outlaws
+      found their advantage in the bargain which they drew with their employers;
+      for besides being lodged, fed, clothed and armed, they obtained a certain
+      protection from the spies and professional murderers who were always on
+      the watch to kill them. Their masters used them to defend their persons
+      when a feud was being carried on, or directed them against private enemies
+      whom they wished to injure.<span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA313"
+      id="pageA313"></a>{313}</span>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      It is not uncommon in the annals of these times to read: 'Messer
+      So-and-so, having received an affront from the Count of V., employed the
+      services of three <i>bravi</i>, valiant fellows up to any mischief, with
+      whom he retired to his country house.' Or again: 'The Marquis, perceiving
+      that his neighbor had a grudge against him on account of the Signora
+      Lucrezia, thought it prudent to increase his bodyguard, and therefore
+      added Pepi and Lo Scarabone, bandits from Tuscany for murders of a priest
+      and a citizen, to his household.' Or again: 'During the vacation of the
+      Holy See the Baron X had, as usual, engaged men-at-arms for the protection
+      of his palace.'
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      In course of time it became the mark of birth and wealth to lodge a rabble
+      of such rascals. They lived on terms of familiarity with their employer,
+      shared his secrets, served him in his amours, and executed any devil's job
+      he chose to command. Apartments in the basement of the palace were
+      assigned to them, so that a nobleman's house continued to resemble the
+      castle of a mediaeval baron. But the <i>bravi</i>, unlike soldiery, were
+      rarely employed in honorable business. They formed a permanent element of
+      treachery and violence within the social organism. Not a little singular
+      were the relations thus established. The community of crime, involving
+      common interests and common perils, established a peculiar bond between
+      the noble and his <i>bravo</i>. This was complexioned by a certain sense
+      of 'honor rooted in dishonor,' and by a faint reflection from elder
+      retainership. The compact <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA314"
+      id="pageA314"></a>{314}</span> struck between landowner and bandit
+      parodied that which drew feudal lord and wandering squire together. There
+      was something ignobly noble in it, corresponding to the confused
+      conscience and perilous conditions of the epoch.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      While studying this organized and half-tolerated system of social
+      violence, we are surprised to observe how largely it was countenanced and
+      how frequently it was set in motion by the Church. In a previous chapter
+      on the Jesuits, I have adverted to their encouragement of assassination
+      for ends which they considered sacred. In a coming chapter upon Sarpi, I
+      shall show to what extent the Roman prelacy was implicated in more than
+      one attempt to take away his life. The chiefs of the Church, then, instead
+      of protesting against this vice of corrupt civilization in Italy, lent the
+      weight of their encouragement to what strikes us now, not only as
+      eminently unchristian, but also as pernicious to healthy national
+      conditions of existence. We may draw two conclusions from these
+      observations: first, that religions, except in the first fervor of their
+      growth and forward progress, recognize the moral conventions of the
+      society which they pretend to regulate: secondly, that it is well-nigh
+      impossible for men of one century to sympathize with the ethics of a past
+      and different epoch. We cannot comprehend the regicidal theories of the
+      Jesuits, or the murderous intrigues of a Borghese Pontiff's Court, without
+      admitting that priests, specially dedicated to the service of Christ and
+      to the <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA315" id="pageA315"></a>{315}</span>
+      propagation of his gospel, felt themselves justified in employing the
+      immoral and unchristian means which social custom placed at their disposal
+      for ridding themselves of inconvenient enemies. This is at the same time
+      their defense as human beings in the sixteenth century, and their
+      indictment as self-styled and professed successors of the Founder who
+      rebuked Peter in the Garden of Gethsemane.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      To make general remarks upon the state of sexual morality at this epoch,
+      is hardly needful. Yet there are some peculiar circumstances which deserve
+      to be noticed, in order to render the typical stories which I mean to
+      relate intelligible. We have already seen that society condoned the murder
+      of a sister by a brother, if she brought dishonor on her family; and the
+      same privilege was extended to a husband in the case of a notoriously
+      faithless wife. Such homicides did not escape judicial sentence, but they
+      shared in the conventional toleration which was extended to murders in hot
+      blood or in the prosecution of a feud. The state of the Italian convents
+      at this period gave occasion to crimes in which women played a prominent
+      part. After the Council of Trent reforms were instituted in religious
+      houses. But they could not be immediately carried out; and, meanwhile, the
+      economical changes which were taking place in the commercial aristocracy,
+      filled nunneries with girls who had no vocation for a secluded life. Less
+      money was yearly made in trade; merchants became nobles, investing their
+      <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA316" id="pageA316"></a>{316}</span>
+      capital in land, and securing their estates on their eldest sons by
+      entails. It followed that they could not afford to marry all their
+      daughters with dowries befitting the station they aspired to assume. A
+      large percentage of well-born women, accustomed to luxury, and vitiated by
+      bad examples in their homes, were thus thrown on a monastic life. Signor
+      Bonghi reckons that at the end of the sixteenth century, more than five
+      hundred girls, who had become superfluous in noble families, crowded the
+      convents in the single little town of Lucca. At a later epoch there would
+      have been no special peril in this circumstance. But at the time with
+      which we are now occupied, an objectionable license still survived from
+      earlier ages. The nunneries obtained evil notoriety as houses of
+      licentious pleasure, to which soldiers and youths of dissolute habits
+      resorted by preference.<a name="FNanchorA_186_186" id="FNanchorA_186_186"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_186_186" class="fnanchor">[186]</a> There appears to have
+      been a specific profligate fanaticism, a well-marked morbid partiality for
+      these amours with cloistered virgins. The young men who prosecuted them,
+      obtained a <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA317" id="pageA317"></a>{317}</span>
+      nickname indicative of their absorbing passion.<a name="FNanchorA_187_187"
+      id="FNanchorA_187_187"></a><a href="#FootnoteA_187_187" class="fnanchor">[187]</a>
+      The attraction of mystery and danger had something, no doubt, to do with
+      this infatuation; and the fascination that sacrilege has for depraved
+      natures, may also be reckoned into the account. To enjoy a lawless amour
+      was not enough; but to possess a woman who alternated between transports
+      of passion and torments of remorse, added zest to guilty pleasure. For men
+      who habitually tampered with magic arts and believed firmly in the devil,
+      this raised romance to rapture. It was a common thing for debauchees to
+      seek what they called <i>peripetezie di nuova idea</i>, or novel and
+      exciting adventures stimulative of a jaded appetite, in consecrated
+      places. At any rate, as will appear in the sequel of this chapter, convent
+      intrigues occupied a large space in the criminal annals of the day.
+    </p>
+    <h4>
+      <i>The Lady of Monza</i>
+    </h4>
+    <p>
+      Virginia Maria de Leyva was a descendant of Charles V.'s general, Antonio
+      de Leyva, who through many years administered the Duchy of Milan, and died
+      loaded with wealth and honors.<a name="FNanchorA_188_188"
+      id="FNanchorA_188_188"></a><a href="#FootnoteA_188_188" class="fnanchor">[188]</a><span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageA318" id="pageA318"></a>{318}</span>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      For his military service he was rewarded with the principality of Ascoli,
+      the federal lordship of the town of Monza, and the life-tenure of the city
+      of Pavia. Virginia's father was named Martino, and upon his death her
+      cousin succeeded to the titles of the house. She, for family reasons,
+      entered the convent of S. Margherita at Monza, about the year 1595. Here
+      she occupied a place of considerable importance, being the daughter of the
+      Lord of Monza, of princely blood, wealthy, and allied to the great houses
+      of the Milanese. S. Margherita was a convent of the Umiliate, dedicated to
+      the education of noble girls, in which, therefore, considerable laxity of
+      discipline prevailed.<a name="FNanchorA_189_189" id="FNanchorA_189_189"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_189_189" class="fnanchor">[189]</a>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Sister Virginia dwelt at ease within its walls, holding a kind of little
+      court, and exercising an undefined authority in petty affairs which was
+      conceded to her rank. Among her favorite companions at the time of the
+      events I am about to narrate, were numbered the Sisters Ottavia Ricci,
+      Benedetta Homata, Candida Brancolina, and Silvia Casata; she was waited on
+      by a converse sister, Caterina da Meda. Adjoining the convent stood the
+      house and garden of a certain Gianpaolo Osio, who plays the principal part
+      in Virginia's tragedy. He must have been a young man of distinguished
+      appearance; for when Virginia <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA319"
+      id="pageA319"></a>{319}</span> first set eyes upon him from a window
+      overlooking his grounds, she exclaimed: 'Is it possible that one could
+      ever gaze on anything more beautiful?' He attracted her notice as early as
+      the year 1599 or 1600, under circumstances not very favorable to the plan
+      he had in view. His hands were red with the blood of Virginia's bailiff,
+      Giuseppe Molteno, whom he had murdered for some cause unknown to us.
+      During their first interview (Virginia leaning from the window of her
+      friend Candida's cell, and Osio standing on his garden-plot beneath), the
+      young man courteously excused himself for this act of violence, adding
+      that he would serve her even more devotedly than the dead Molteno, and
+      begging to be allowed to write her a letter. When the letter came, it was
+      couched in terms expressive of a lawless passion. Virginia's noble blood
+      rebelled against the insult, and she sent an answer back, rebuffing her
+      audacious suitor. The go-betweens in the correspondence which ensued were
+      the two nuns, Ottavia and Benedetta, and a certain Giuseppe Pesen, who
+      served as letter-carrier. Osio did not allow himself to be discouraged by
+      a first refusal, but took the hazardous step of opening his mind to the
+      confessor of the convent, Paolo Arrigone, a priest of San Maurizio in
+      Milan. Arrigone at once lent himself to the intrigue, and taught Osio what
+      kind of letters he should write Virginia. They were to be courteous,
+      respectful, blending pious rhetoric with mystical suggestions of romantic
+      pas<span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA320" id="pageA320"></a>{320}</span>
+      sion. It seems that the confessor composed these documents himself, and
+      advised his fair penitent that there was no sin in perusing them. From
+      correspondence, Osio next passed to interviews. By the aid of Arrigone he
+      gained access to the parlor of the convent, where he conversed with
+      Virginia through the bars. In their earlier meetings the lover did not
+      venture beyond compliments and modest protestations of devotion. But as
+      time went on, he advanced to kisses and caresses, and once he made
+      Virginia take a little jewel into her mouth. This was a white loadstone,
+      blessed by Arrigone, and intended to operate like a love-charm. The girl,
+      in fact, began to feel the influence of her seducer. In the final
+      confession which she made, she relates how she fought against temptation.
+      'Some diabolical force compelled me to go to the window overlooking his
+      garden; and one day when Sister Ottavia told me that Osio was standing
+      there, I fainted from the effort to restrain myself. This happened several
+      times. At one moment I flew into a rage, and prayed to God to help me; at
+      another I felt lifted from the ground, and forced to go and gaze on him.
+      Sometimes when the fit was on me, I tore my hair; I even thought of
+      killing myself.' Virginia was surrounded by persons who had an interest in
+      helping Osio. Not only the confessor, who was a man of infamous character,
+      but her friends among the nuns, themselves accustomed to intrigue of a
+      like nature, led her down the <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA321"
+      id="pageA321"></a>{321}</span> path to ruin. False keys were made, and one
+      or other of the faithless sisters introduced the young man into the
+      convent at night. When Virginia resisted, and enlarged upon the sacrilege
+      of breaking cloister, Arrigone supplied her with a printed book of
+      casuistry, in which it was written that though it might be sinful for a
+      nun to leave her convent, there was no sin in a man entering it. At last
+      she fell; and for seven years she lived in close intimacy with her lover,
+      passing the nights with him, either in his own house or in one of the
+      cells of S. Margherita. On one occasion, when he had to fly from justice,
+      the girls concealed him in their rooms for fifteen days. The first fruit
+      of this amour was a stillborn child; after giving birth to which, Virginia
+      sold all the silver she possessed, and sent a votive tablet to Our Lady of
+      Loreto, on which she had portrayed a nun and baby, kneeling and weeping.
+      'Twice again I sent the same memorial to our Lady, imploring the grace of
+      liberation from this passion. But the sorceries with which I was
+      surrounded, prevailed. In my bed were found the bones of the dead, hooks
+      of iron, and many other things, of which the nuns were well informed. Nay,
+      I would fain have given up my life to save my soul; and so great were my
+      afflictions, that in despair I went to throw myself into the well, but was
+      restrained by the image of the Virgin at the bottom of the garden, for
+      which I had a special devotion.' In course of time she gave birth to a
+      little girl, <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA322" id="pageA322"></a>{322}</span>
+      named Francesca, who frequented the convent, and whom Osio legitimated as
+      his child.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      It was impossible that a connection of long standing, known to several
+      accomplices, and corroborated by the presence of the child Francesca,
+      should remain hidden from the world. People began to speak about the fact
+      in Monza. A druggist, named Reinaro Soncini, gossiped somewhat too openly.
+      Osio had him shot one night by a servant in his pay.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      And now the lovers were engaged in a career of crime, which brought them
+      finally to justice. Virginia's waiting-woman Caterina fell into disgrace
+      with her mistress, and was shut up in a kind of prison by her orders. The
+      girl declared that she would bring the whole bad affair before the
+      superior authorities, and would do so immediately, seeing that Monsignor
+      Barca, the Visitor of S. Margherita, was about to make one of his official
+      tours of inspection.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      This threat cost Caterina her life. About midnight, while a thunder-storm
+      was raging, Virginia, accompanied by her usual associates, Ottavia,
+      Benedetta, Silvia, and Candida, entered the room where the girl was
+      confined. They were followed by Osio, holding in his hand a heavy
+      instrument of wood and iron, called <i>piede di bicocca</i>, which he had
+      snatched up in the convent outhouse. He found Caterina lying face downward
+      on the bed, and smashed her skull with a single blow. The body <span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageA323" id="pageA323"></a>{323}</span> was
+      conveyed by him and the nuns into the fowl-house of the sisters, whence he
+      removed it on the following night by the aid of Benedetta into his own
+      dwelling. From evidence which afterwards transpired, Osio decapitated the
+      corpse, concealed the body in a sort of cellar, and flung the head into an
+      empty well at Velate.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The disappearance of Caterina just before the visitation of Monsignor
+      Barca, roused suspicion; and, though a murder was not immediately
+      apprehended, the guilty associates felt that the cord of fate was being
+      drawn around them. In the autumn of 1607 the tempest broke upon their
+      heads. Virginia was removed from Monza to the convent called Del Bocchetto
+      at Milan; and on November 27 the depositions of the abbess, prioress, and
+      other members of S. Margherita were taken regarding Osio's intrigues, the
+      assassination of Soncini, and the disappearance of Caterina.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Among the nuns who had abetted Osio, the two most criminally implicated
+      were Ottavia and Benedetta. Their evidence, if closely scrutinized, must
+      reveal each secret of the past. It was much to Osio's interest, therefore,
+      that they should not fall into the hands of justice; nor had he any
+      difficulty in persuading them to rely on his assistance for contriving
+      their escape to some convent in the Bergamasque territory. We may wonder,
+      by the way, what sort of discipline was then maintained in nunneries, if
+      two so guilty sisters counted upon safe <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageA324" id="pageA324"></a>{324}</span> entrance into an asylum,
+      provided only they could leave the diocese of Milan for another.<a
+      name="FNanchorA_190_190" id="FNanchorA_190_190"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_190_190" class="fnanchor">[190]</a> On the night of
+      Thursday, November 30, 1607, Osio came to the wall of the convent garden,
+      and began to break a hole in it, through which Ottavia and Benedetta
+      crept. The three then prowled along the city wall of Monza, till they
+      found a breach wide enough for exit. Afterwards they took a path beside
+      the river Lambro, and stopped for awhile at the church of the Madonna
+      delle Grazie. Here the sisters prayed for assistance from our Lady in
+      their journey, and recited the <i>Salve Regina</i> seven times. Then they
+      resumed their walk along the Lambro, and at a certain point Ottavia fell
+      into the river. In her dying depositions she accused Osio of having pushed
+      her in; and there seems little doubt that he did so; for while she was
+      struggling in the water, he disengaged his harquebuss from his mantle and
+      struck her several blows upon the head and hands.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      She pretended to be dead, and was carried down the stream to a place where
+      she contrived to crawl to land. Some peasants came by, whose assistance
+      she implored. But they, observing that she was a nun of S. Margherita by
+      her dress, refused to house her for the rest of the night. They gave her a
+      staff to lean on, and <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA325"
+      id="pageA325"></a>{325}</span> after a painful journey she regained the
+      church of the Grazie at early dawn. Ottavia's wounds upon the head, face,
+      and right hand, inflicted by the stock of Osio's gun, were so serious that
+      after making a clean breast to her judges, she died of them upon December
+      26, 1607.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      When Osio had pushed Ottavia into the Lambro, and had tried to smash her
+      brains out with his harquebuss, he resumed his midnight journey with
+      Sister Benedetta. They reached an uninhabited house in the country about
+      five or six miles distant from Monza. Here Osio shut Benedetta up in an
+      empty room with a stone bench running along the wall. She remained there
+      all Friday, visited once by her dreaded companion, who brought her bread,
+      cheese, and wine. She abstained from touching any of this food, in fear of
+      poison. About nine in the evening he returned, and bade her prepare to
+      march. They set out again, together, in the dark; and after walking about
+      three miles they came to a well, down which Osio threw her. The well was
+      deep, and had no water in it. Benedetta injured her left side in the fall;
+      and when she had reached the bottom, her would-be murderer flung a big
+      stone on her which broke her right leg. She contrived to protect her head
+      by gathering stones around it, and lay without moaning or moving, in the
+      fear that Osio would attempt fresh violence unless he thought her dead.
+      From the middle of Friday night, until Sunday morning, she remained thus,
+      exploring with <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA326" id="pageA326"></a>{326}</span>
+      her eyes the surface of her dungeon. It was dry and strewn with bones. In
+      one corner lay a round black object which bore the aspect of a human
+      skull. As it eventually turned out, this was the head of Caterina, whom
+      Benedetta herself had helped to murder, and which Osio had thrown there.
+      On Sunday, during Mass, the men of the village of Velate were in church,
+      when they heard a voice from outside calling out, 'Help, help! I am at the
+      bottom of this well!' The well, as it happened, was distant some dozen
+      paces from the church door, and Benedetta had timed her call for
+      assistance at a lucky moment. The villagers ran to the spot, and drew her
+      out by means of a man who went down with a rope. She was then taken to the
+      house of a gentleman, Signor Alberico degli Alberici, who, when no one
+      else was charitable enough to receive her, opened his doors to the
+      exhausted victim of that murderous outrage. It may be remarked that the
+      same surgeon who had been employed to report on Ottavia's wounds, now
+      appeared to examine Benedetta. His name was Ambrogio Vimercati. Benedetta
+      was taken to the convent of S. Orsola, where her friend Ottavia lay dying;
+      and after making a full confession, she eventually recovered her health,
+      and suffered life-long incarceration in her old convent.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Osio was still at large. On December 20, he addressed a long letter to the
+      Cardinal Federigo Borromeo, in which he vainly attempted to defend <span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageA327" id="pageA327"></a>{327}</span> himself,
+      and throw the blame on his associates. It is a loathsome document,
+      blending fulsome protestations and fawning phrases, with brutal
+      denouncements of his victims, and treacherous insinuations. One passage
+      deserves notice. 'Who was it,' he says, 'who suggested my correspondence
+      with Virginia? The priest Paolo Arrigone, that ruin of the monastery! The
+      Canon Pisnato, who is now confessor to the nuns of Meda; in his house you
+      will find what will never be discovered in mine, presents from nuns,
+      incitements to amours, and other such things. The priest Giacomo Bertola,
+      confessor of the nuns of S. Margherita; who was his devotee? Sacha!&mdash;and
+      he stayed there all the day through. These men, being priests, are not
+      prosecuted; they are protected by their cloth, forsooth! It is only of
+      poor Osio that folk talk. Only he is persecuted, only he is a malefactor,
+      only he is the traitor!' Arrigone, as a matter of fact, was tried, and
+      condemned to two years' labor at the galleys, after the expiration of
+      which term he was not to return to Monza or its territory. This seems a
+      slight sentence; for the judges found him guilty, not only of promoting
+      Osio's intrigue with Virginia, by conducting the correspondence, and
+      watching the door during their interviews in the parlor, but also of
+      pursuing the Signora himself with infamous proposals.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      In his absence Osio was condemned to death on the gibbet. His goods were
+      confiscated to the<span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA328" id="pageA328"></a>{328}</span>
+      State. His house in Monza was destroyed, and a pillar of infamy recording
+      his crimes, was erected on its site. A proclamation of outlawry was issued
+      on April 5, 1608, under the seal of Don Pietro de Acevedo, Count of
+      Fuentes, and governor of the State of Milan, which offered 'to any person
+      not himself an outlaw, or to any commune, that shall consign Gianpaolo
+      Osio to the hands of justice, the reward of a thousand scudi from the
+      royal ducal treasury, together with the right to free four bandits
+      condemned for similar or less offenses; and in case of his being delivered
+      dead, even though he shall be slain in foreign parts, then the half of the
+      aforesaid sum of money, and the freedom of two bandits as above. And if
+      the person who shall consign him alive be himself an outlaw for similar or
+      less offenses, he shall receive, beside the freedom of himself and two
+      other bandits, the half of the aforesaid sum of money; and in the case of
+      his consignment after death, the freedom of himself and of two other
+      bandits as aforesaid.' I have recited this <i>Bando</i>, because it is a
+      good instance of the procedure in use under like conditions. Justice
+      preferred to obtain the culprit alive, and desired to receive him at
+      honest hands. But there was an expectation of getting hold of him through
+      less reputable agents. Therefore they offered free pardon to a bandit and
+      a couple of accomplices, who might undertake the capture or the murder of
+      the proscribed outlaw in concert, and in the event of his being produced
+      alive, <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA329" id="pageA329"></a>{329}</span>
+      a sum of money down. Osio, apparently, spent some years in exile, changing
+      place, and name, and dress, living as he could from hand to mouth, until
+      the rumor spread abroad that he was dead. He then returned to his country,
+      and begged for sanctuary from an old friend. That friend betrayed him, had
+      his throat cut in a cellar, and exposed his head upon the public market
+      place.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Virginia was sentenced to perpetual incarceration in the convent of S.
+      Valeria at Milan. She was to be 'inclosed within a little dungeon, the
+      door of which shall be walled up with stones and mortar, so that the said
+      Virginia Maria shall abide there for the term of her natural life, immured
+      both day and night, never to issue thence, but shall receive food and
+      other necessaries through a small hole in the wall of the said chamber,
+      and light and air through an aperture or other opening.' This sentence was
+      carried into effect. But at the expiration of many years, her behavior
+      justified some mitigation of the penalty. She was set at large, and
+      allowed to occupy a more wholesome apartment, where the charity of
+      Cardinal Borromeo supplied her with comforts befitting her station, and
+      the reputation she acquired for sanctity. Her own family cherished
+      implacable sentiments of resentment against the woman who had brought
+      disgrace upon them. Ripamonte, the historian of Milan, says that in his
+      own time she was still alive: 'a bent old woman, tall of stature, dried
+      and fleshless, but venerable in her aspect, whom no <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageA330" id="pageA330"></a>{330}</span> one could believe to have
+      been once a charming and immodest beauty.' Her associates in guilt, the
+      nuns of S. Margherita, were consigned to punishments resembling hers.
+      Sisters Benedetta, Silvia and Candida suffered the same close
+      incarceration.
+    </p>
+    <h4>
+      <i>Lucrezia Buonvisi</i>
+    </h4>
+    <p>
+      The tale of Lucrezia Buonvisi presents some points of similarity to that
+      of the Signora di Monza.<a name="FNanchorA_191_191" id="FNanchorA_191_191"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_191_191" class="fnanchor">[191]</a>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Her father was a Lucchese gentleman, named Vincenzo Malpigli, who passed
+      the better portion of his life at Ferrara, as treasurer to Duke Afonsono
+      II. He had four children; one son, Giovan Lorenzo, and three daughters, of
+      whom Lucrezia, born at Lucca in 1572, was probably the youngest.
+      Vincenzo's wife sprang from the noble Lucchese family of Buonvisi, at that
+      time by their wealth and alliances the most powerful house of the
+      Republic. Lucrezia spent some years of her girlhood at Ferrara, where she
+      formed a romantic friendship for a nobleman of Lucca named Massimiliano
+      Arnolfini. This early attachment was not countenanced by her parents. They
+      destined her to be the wife of one of Paolo Buonvisi's numerous sons, her
+      relatives upon the mother's side. In consequence of this determination,
+      she was first affianced to an heir of that house, who died; again to
+      another, who also died; and in the <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA331"
+      id="pageA331"></a>{331}</span> third place to their brother, called Lelio,
+      whom she eventually married in the year 1591. Lelio was then twenty-five
+      years of age, and Lucrezia nineteen. Her beauty was so distinguished, that
+      in poems written on the ladies of Lucca it received this celebration in a
+      madrigal:&mdash;
+    </p>
+    <div class="poem">
+      <div class="stanza">
+        <span>Like the young maiden rose<br /> </span> <span class="i2">Which at
+        the opening of the dawn,<br /> </span> <span class="i4">Still sprinkled
+        with heaven's gracious dew,<br /> </span> <span class="i2">Her beauty and
+        her bosom on the lawn<br /> </span> <span>Doth charmingly disclose,<br />
+        </span> <span class="i4">For nymphs and amorous swains with love to
+        view;<br /> </span> <span>So delicate, so fair, Lucrezia yields<br />
+        </span> <span>New pearls, new purple to our homely fields,<br /> </span>
+        <span class="i4">While Cupid plays and Flora laughs in her fresh hue.<br />
+        </span>
+      </div>
+    </div>
+    <p>
+      Less than a year after her marriage with Lelia Buonvisi, Lucrezia resumed
+      her former intimacy with Massimiliano Arnolfini. He was scarcely two yeara
+      her elder, and they had already exchanged vows of fidelity in Ferrara.
+      Massimiliano's temper inclined him to extreme courses; he was quick and
+      fervent in all the disputes of his age, ready to back his quarrels with
+      the sword, and impatient of delay in any matter he had undertaken. Owing
+      to a feud which then subsisted between the families of Arnolfini and
+      Boccella, he kept certain <i>bravi</i> in his service, upon whose devotion
+      he relied. This young man soon found means to open a correspondence with
+      Lucrezia, and arranged meetings with her in the house of some poor weavers
+      who lived opposite the palace of the Buonvisi. Nothing passed between them
+      that exceeded the limits of respectful court<span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageA332" id="pageA332"></a>{332}</span> ship. But the situation
+      became irksome to a lover so hot of blood as Massimiliano was. On the
+      evening of June 5, in 1593, his men attacked Lelio Buonvisi, while
+      returning with Lucrezia from prayers in an adjacent church. Lelio fell,
+      stabbed with nineteen thrusts of the poignard, and was carried lifeless to
+      his house. Lucrezia made her way back alone; and when her husband's corpse
+      was brought into the palace, she requested that it should be laid out in
+      the basement. A solitary witness of this act of violence, Vincenzo di
+      Coreglia, deposed to having raised the dying man from the ground, put
+      earth into his mouth by way of Sacrament, and urged him to forgive his
+      enemies before he breathed his last. The weather had been very bad that
+      day, and at nightfall it was thundering incessantly.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Inquisition was made immediately into the causes of Lelio's death.
+      According to Lucrezia's account, her husband had reproved some men upon
+      the road for singing obscene songs, whereupon they turned and murdered
+      him. The corpse was exposed in the Church of the Servi, where multitudes
+      of people gathered round it; and there an ancient dame of the Buonvisi
+      house, flinging herself upon her nephew's body, vowed vengeance, after the
+      old custom of the <i>Vocero</i>, against his murderers. Other members of
+      the family indicated Massimiliano as the probable assassin; but he
+      meantime had escaped, with three of his retainers, to a villa of his
+      mother's at S. Pancrazio, whence he managed to take the open <span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageA333" id="pageA333"></a>{333}</span> country
+      and place himself in temporary safety. During this while, the judicial
+      authorities of Lucca were not idle. The Podest&agrave; issued a
+      proclamation inviting evidence, under the menace of decapitation and
+      confiscation of goods for whomsoever should be found to have withheld
+      information. To this call a certain Orazio Carli, most imprudently,
+      responded. He confessed to having been aware that Massimiliano was
+      plotting the assassination of somebody&mdash;not Lelio; and said that he
+      had himself facilitated the flight of the assassins by preparing a ladder,
+      which he placed in the hands of a <i>bravo</i> called Ottavio da Trapani.
+      This revelation delivered him over, bound hand and foot, to the judicial
+      authorities, who at the same time imprisoned Vincenzo da Coreglia, the
+      soldier present at the murder.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Massimiliano and his men meanwhile had made their way across the frontier
+      to Garfagnana. Their flight, and the suspicions which attached to them,
+      rendered it tolerably certain that they were the authors of the crime. But
+      justice demanded more circumstantial information, and the Podest&agrave;
+      decided to work upon the two men already in his clutches. On June 4, Carli
+      was submitted to the torture. The rack elicited nothing new from him, but
+      had the result of dislocating his arms. He was then placed upon an
+      instrument called the 'she-goat,' a sharp wooden trestle, to which the man
+      was bound with weights attached to his feet, and where he sat for nearly
+      four hours. In the course of this painful <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageA334" id="pageA334"></a>{334}</span> exercise, he deposed that
+      Massimiliano and Lucrezia had been in the habit of meeting in the house of
+      Vincenzo del Zoppo and Pollonia his wife, where the <i>bravi</i> also
+      congregated and kept their arms. Grave suspicion was thus cast on
+      Lucrezia. Had she perchance connived at her husband's murder? Was she an
+      accomplice in the tragedy?
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Lucrezia's peril now became imminent. Her brother, Giovan Lorenzo
+      Malpigli, who remained her friend throughout, thought it best for her to
+      retire as secretly as possible into a convent. The house chosen was that
+      of S. Chiara in the town of Lucca. On June 5, she assumed the habit of S.
+      Francis, cut her hair, changed her name from Lucrezia to Umilia, and
+      offered two thousand crowns of dower to this monastery. Only four days had
+      elapsed since her husband's assassination. But she, at all events, was
+      safe from immediate peril; for the Church must now be dealt with; and the
+      Church neither relinquished its suppliants, nor disgorged the wealth they
+      poured into its coffers. The Podest&agrave;, when news of this occurrence
+      reached him, sent at once to make inquiries. His messenger, Ser Vincenzo
+      Petrucci, was informed by the Abbess that Lucrezia had just arrived and
+      was having her hair shorn. At his request, the novice herself appeared&mdash;'a
+      young woman, tall and pale, dressed in a nun's habit, with a crown upon
+      her head.' She declared herself to be 'Madonna Lucretiina Malpigli, widow
+      of Lelio Buonvisi.' The priest who had conducted <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageA335" id="pageA335"></a>{335}</span> her reception, affirmed
+      that 'the gentle lady, immediately upon her husband's death, conceived
+      this good prompting of the spirit, and obeyed it on the spot.'
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      For the moment, Lucrezia, whom in future we must call Sister Umilia, had
+      to be left unmolested. The judges returned to the interrogation of their
+      prisoners. Vincenzo del Zoppo and his wife Pollonia, in whose house the
+      lovers used to meet, were tortured; but nothing that implied a criminal
+      correspondence transpired from their evidence. Then the unlucky Carli was
+      once more put to the strappado. He fell into a deep swoon, and was with
+      difficulty brought to life again. Next his son, a youth of sixteen years,
+      was racked with similar results. On June 7, they resolved to have another
+      try at Vincenzo da Coreglia. This soldier had been kept on low diet in his
+      prison during the last week, and was therefore ripe, according to the
+      judicial theories of those times, for salutary torments. Having been
+      strung up by his hands, he was jerked and shaken in the customary fashion,
+      until he declared his willingness to make a full confession. He had been
+      informed, he said, that Massimiliano intended to assassinate Lelio by
+      means of his three bravi, Pietro da Castelnuovo, Ottavio da Trapani, and
+      Niccolo da Pariana. He engaged to stand by and cover the retreat of these
+      men. It was Carli, and not Massimiliano, who had made overtures to him. On
+      being once more tortured, he only confirmed this confession. Carli was
+      <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA336" id="pageA336"></a>{336}</span>
+      again summoned, and set upon the 'she-goat,' with heavy weights attached
+      to his feet. The poor wretch sat for two hours on this infernal machine,
+      the sharp edges and spikes of which were so contrived as to press slowly
+      and deeply upon the tenderest portions of his body.<a
+      name="FNanchorA_192_192" id="FNanchorA_192_192"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_192_192" class="fnanchor">[192]</a> But he endured this
+      agony without uttering a word, until the judges perceived that he was at
+      the point of death. Next day, the 8th of June, Coreglia was again summoned
+      to the justice-chamber. Terrified by the prospect of future torments, and
+      wearied out with importunities, he at last made a clean breast of all he
+      knew. It was not Carli, but Massimiliano himself, who had engaged him; and
+      he had assisted at the murder of Lelio, which was accomplished by two of
+      the bravi, Ottavio and Pietro. Coreglia said nothing to implicate Sister
+      Umilia. On the contrary he asserted that she seemed to lose her senses
+      when she saw her husband fall.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The General Council, to whom the results of these proceedings were
+      communicated, published an edict of outlawry against Massimiliano and his
+      three <i>bravi</i>. A price of 500 crowns was put upon the head of each,
+      wherever he should be killed; and 1,000 crowns were offered to any one who
+      should kill<span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA337" id="pageA337"></a>{337}</span>
+      Massimiliano within the city or state of Lucca. At the same time they sent
+      an envoy to Rome requesting the Pope's permission to arrest Umilia, on the
+      ground that she was gravely suspected of being privy to the murder, and of
+      entering the convent to escape justice. A few days afterwards, the
+      miserable witnesses, Carli and Coreglia, were beheaded in their prison.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The Chancellor, Vincenzo Petrucci, left Lucca on June 12, and reached Rome
+      on the 14th. He obtained an audience from Clement VIII. upon the 15th.
+      When the Pope had read the letter of the Republic, he struck his palm down
+      on his chair, and cried: 'Jesus! This is a grave case! It seems hardly
+      possible that a woman of her birth should have been induced to take share
+      in the murder of her husband.' After some conversation with the envoy, he
+      added: 'It is certainly an ugly business. But what can we do now that she
+      has taken the veil?' Then he promised to deliberate upon the matter, and
+      return an answer later. Petrucci soon perceived that the Church did not
+      mean to relinquish its privileges, and that Umilia was supported by
+      powerful friends at court. Cardinal Castrucci remarked in casual
+      conversation: 'She is surely punished enough for her sins by the life of
+      the cloister.' A second interview with Clement on June 21 confirmed him in
+      the opinion that the Republic would not obtain the dispensation they
+      requested. Meanwhile the Signory of Lucca prepared a schedule of the
+      suspicions against Umilia, grounded upon her <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageA338" id="pageA338"></a>{338}</span> confused evidence, her
+      correspondence with Massimiliano, the fact that she had done nothing to
+      rescue Lelio by calling out, and her sudden resort to the convent. This
+      paper reached the Pope, who, on July 8, expressed his view that the
+      Republic ought to be content with leaving Umilia immured in her monastery;
+      and again, upon the 23rd, he pronounced his final decision that 'the lady,
+      being a nun, and tonsured and prepared for the perfect life, is not within
+      the jurisdiction of your Signory. It is further clear that, finding
+      herself exposed to the calumnies of those two witnesses, and injured in
+      her reputation, she took the veil to screen her honor.' On August 13,
+      Petrucci returned to Lucca.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Clement conceded one point. He gave commission to the Bishop of Lucca to
+      inquire into Umilia's conduct within the precincts of the monastery. But
+      the council refused this intervention, for they were on bad terms with the
+      Bishop, and resented ecclesiastical interference in secular causes.
+      Moreover, they judged that such an inquisition without torture used, and
+      in a place of safety, would prove worse than useless. Thus the affair
+      dropped.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Meanwhile we may relate what happened to Massimiliano and his <i>bravi</i>.
+      They escaped, through Garfagnana and Massa, into the territory of Alfonso
+      Malaspina, Marquis of Villafranca and Tresana. This nobleman, who
+      delighted in protecting outlaws, placed the four men in security in his
+      stronghold of Tresana. Pietro da Castelnuovo was an outlaw <span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageA339" id="pageA339"></a>{339}</span> from
+      Tuscany for the murder of a Carmelite friar, which he had committed at
+      Pietrasanta a few days before the assassination of Lelio. Seventeen years
+      after these events he was still alive, and wanted for grave crimes
+      committed in the Duchy of Modena. History knows no more about him, except
+      that he had a wife and family. Of Niccolo da Pariana nothing has to be
+      related. Ottavio da Trapani was caught at Milan, brought back to Lucca,
+      and hanged there on June 13, 1604, after being torn with pincers.
+      Massimiliano is said to have made his way to Flanders, where the Lucchese
+      enjoyed many privileges, and where his family had probably hereditary
+      connections.<a name="FNanchorA_193_193" id="FNanchorA_193_193"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_193_193" class="fnanchor">[193]</a> Like all outlaws he
+      lived in perpetual peril of assassination. Remorse and shame invaded him,
+      especially when news arrived that the mistress, for whom he had risked
+      all, was turning to a dissolute life (as we shall shortly read) in her
+      monastery. His reason gave way; and, after twenty-two years of wandering,
+      he returned to Lucca and was caught. Instead of executing the capital
+      sentence which had been pronounced upon him, the Signory consigned him to
+      perpetual prison in the tower of Viareggio, which was then an insalubrious
+      and fever-stricken village on the coast. Here, walled up in a little room,
+      alone, deprived of light and air and physical decency, he remained
+      forgotten for ten years from 1615 to 1625. At the latter date <span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageA340" id="pageA340"></a>{340}</span> report
+      was made that he had refused food for three days and was suffering from a
+      dangerous hemorrhage. When the authorities proposed to break the wall of
+      his dungeon and send a priest and surgeon to relieve him, he declared that
+      he would kill himself if they intruded on his misery. Nothing more was
+      heard of him until 1629, when he was again reported to be at the point of
+      death. This time he requested the assistance of a priest; and it is
+      probable that he then died at the age of sixty-nine, having survived the
+      other actors in this tragedy, and expiated the passion of his youth by
+      life-long sufferings.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      When we return to Sister Umilia, and inquire how the years had worn with
+      her, a new chapter in the story opens. In 1606 she was still cloistered in
+      S. Chiara, which indeed remained her home until her death. She had now
+      reached the age of thirty-four. Suspicion meanwhile fell upon the conduct
+      of the nuns of S. Chiara; and on January 9, in that year, a rope-ladder
+      was discovered hanging from the garden wall of the convent. Upon inquiry,
+      it appeared that certain men were in the habit of entering the house and
+      holding secret correspondence with the sisters. Among these the most
+      notorious were Piero Passari, a painter, infamous for vulgar profligacy,
+      and a young nobleman of Lucca, Tommaso Samminiati. Both of them contrived
+      to evade justice, and were proclaimed, as usual, outlaws. In the further
+      course of investigation the strongest proofs were brought to light, from
+      which it appeared <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA341" id="pageA341"></a>{341}</span>
+      that the chief promoter of these scandals was a man of high position in
+      the state, advanced in years, married to a second wife, and holding office
+      of trust as Protector of the Nunnery of S. Chiara. He was named
+      Giovanbattista Dati, and represented an ancient Lucchese family mentioned
+      by Dante. While Dati carried on his own intrigue with Sister Cherubina
+      Mei, he did his best to encourage the painter in promiscuous debauchery,
+      and to foster the passion which Samminiati entertained for Sister Umilia
+      Malpigli. Dati was taken prisoner and banished for life to the island of
+      Sardinia; but his papers fell into the hands of the Signory, who extracted
+      from them the evidence which follows, touching Umilia and Samminiati. This
+      young man was ten years her junior; yet the quiet life of the cloister had
+      preserved Umilia's beauty, and she was still capable of inspiring
+      enthusiastic adoration. This transpires in the letters which Samminiati
+      addressed to her through Dati from his asylum in Venice. They reveal, says
+      Signor Bonghi, a strange confusion of madness, crime, and love.<a
+      name="FNanchorA_194_194" id="FNanchorA_194_194"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_194_194" class="fnanchor">[194]</a>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Their style is that of a delirious rhetorician. One might fancy they had
+      been composed as exercises, except for certain traits which mark the
+      frenzy of genuine exaltation. Threats, imprecations, and blasphemies
+      alternate with prayers, vows of fidelity and reminiscences of past
+      delights in love. Samminiati bends <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA342"
+      id="pageA342"></a>{342}</span> before 'his lady' in an attitude of
+      respectful homage, offering upon his knees the service of awe-struck
+      devotion. At one time he calls her 'his most beauteous angel,' at another
+      'his most lovely and adored enchantress.' He does not conceal his firm
+      belief that she has laid him under some spell of sorcery; but entreats her
+      to have mercy and to liberate him, reminding her how a certain Florentine
+      lady restored Giovan Lorenzo Malpigli to health after keeping him in magic
+      bondage till his life was in danger.<a name="FNanchorA_195_195"
+      id="FNanchorA_195_195"></a><a href="#FootnoteA_195_195" class="fnanchor">[195]</a>
+      Then he swears unalterable fealty; heaven and fortune shall not change his
+      love. It is untrue that at Florence, or at Venice, he has cast one glance
+      on any other woman. Let lightning strike him, if he deserts Umilia. But
+      she has caused him jealousy by stooping to a base amour. To this point he
+      returns with some persistence. Then he entreats her to send him her
+      portrait, painted in the character of S. Ursula. At another time he
+      gossips about the nuns, forwarding messages, alluding to their several
+      love-affairs, and condoling with them on the loss of a compliant
+      confessor. This was a priest, who, when the indescribable corruptions of
+      S. Chiara had been clearly proved, calmly remarked that there was no
+      reason to make such a fuss&mdash;they were only affairs of gentlefolk, <i>cose
+      di gentilhuomini</i>. The rival of whom Samminiati was jealous seems to
+      have <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA343" id="pageA343"></a>{343}</span>
+      been the painter Pietro, who held the key to all the scandals of the
+      convent in his hand. Umilia, Dati, and Samminiati at last agreed 'to rid
+      their neighborhood of that pest.' The man had escaped to Rovigo, whither
+      Samminiati repaired from Venice, 'attended by two good fellows thoroughly
+      acquainted with the district.'
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      But Pietro got away to Ferrara, his enemy following and again missing him.
+      Samminiati writes that he is resolved to hunt 'that rascal' out, and make
+      an end of him. Meanwhile Umilia is commissioned to do for Calidonia
+      Burlamacchi, a nun who had withdrawn from the company of her guilty
+      sisters, and knew too many of their secrets. Samminiati sends a white
+      powder, and a little phial containing a liquid, both of which, he informs
+      Umilia, are potent poisons, with instructions how to use them and how to
+      get Calidonia to swallow the ingredients. Then 'if the devil does not help
+      her, she will pass from this life in half a night's time, and without the
+      slightest sign of violence.'
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      It may be imagined what disturbance was caused in the General Council by
+      the reading of this correspondence. Nearly all the noble families of Lucca
+      were connected by ties of blood or marriage with one or other of the
+      culprits; and when the relatives of the accused had been excluded from the
+      session, only sixty members were left to debate on further measures. I
+      will briefly relate what happened to the three outlaws. Venice refused to
+      <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA344" id="pageA344"></a>{344}</span>
+      give up Samminiati at the request of the Lucchese, saying that 'the
+      Republic of S. Mark would not initiate a course of action prejudicial to
+      the hospitality which every sort of person was wont to enjoy there.' But
+      the young man was banished to Candia, whither he obediently retired.
+      Pietro, the painter, was eventually permitted to return to the territory
+      but not the town of Lucca. Dati surrounded himself with armed men, as was
+      the custom of rich criminals on whose head a price was set. After
+      wandering some time, he submitted, and took up his abode in Sardinia,
+      whence he afterwards removed, by permission of the Signory, to France.
+      There he died. With regard to the nuns, it seemed at first that the ends
+      of justice would be defeated through the jealousies which divided the
+      civil and ecclesiastical authorities in Lucca. The Bishop was absent, and
+      his Vicar refused to institute a criminal process. Umilia remained at
+      large in the convent, and even began a new intrigue with one Simo
+      Menocchi. At last, in 1609, the Vicar prepared his indictment against the
+      guilty nuns, and forwarded it to Rome. Their sentence was as follows:
+      Sister Orizia condemned to incarceration for life, and loss of all her
+      privileges; Sister Umilia, to the same penalties for a term of seven
+      years; Sisters Paola, Cherubina, and Dionea, received a lighter
+      punishment. Orizia, it may be mentioned, had written a letter with her own
+      blood to some lover; but nothing leads us to suppose that she was equally
+      guilty with Umilia, <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA345" id="pageA345"></a>{345}</span>
+      who had entered into the plot to poison Sister Calidonia.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Umilia was duly immured, and bore her punishment until the year 1616, at
+      which time the sentence expired. But she was not released for another two
+      years; for she persistently refused to humble herself, or to request that
+      liberation as a grace which was her due in justice. Nor would she submit
+      to the shame of being seen about the convent without her monastic habit.
+      Finally, in 1618, she obtained freedom and restoration to her privileges
+      as a nun of S. Chiara. It may be added, as a last remark, that, when the
+      convent was being set to rights, Umilia's portrait in the character of S.
+      Ursula was ordered to be destroyed, or rendered fit for devout uses by
+      alterations. Any nun who kept it in her cell incurred the penalty of
+      excommunication. In what year Umilia died remains unknown.
+    </p>
+    <hr style="width: 45%;" />
+    <h4>
+      <i>The Cenci</i>
+    </h4>
+    <p>
+      Shifting the scene to Rome, we light upon a group of notable misdeeds
+      enacted in the last half of the sixteenth century, each of which is well
+      calculated to illustrate the conditions of society and manners at that
+      epoch. It may be well to begin with the Cenci tragedy. In Shelley's
+      powerful drama, in Guerrazzi's tedious novel, and Scolari's digest, the
+      legend of Beatrice Cenci has long appealed to modern sympathy. The real
+      facts, extracted from legal documents and public registers, reduce its
+      poetry of <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA346" id="pageA346"></a>{346}</span>
+      horror to comparatively squalid prose.<a name="FNanchorA_196_196"
+      id="FNanchorA_196_196"></a><a href="#FootnoteA_196_196" class="fnanchor">[196]</a>
+      Yet, shorn of romantic glamour, the bare history speaks significantly to a
+      student of Italian customs. Monsignore Cristoforo Cenci, who died about
+      the year 1562, was in holy orders, yet not a priest. One of the clerks of
+      the Apostolic Camera, a Canon of S. Peter's, the titular incumbent of a
+      Roman parish, and an occupant of minor offices about the Papal Court and
+      Curia, he represented an epicene species, neither churchman nor layman,
+      which the circumstances of ecclesiastical sovereignty rendered
+      indispensable. Cristoforo belonged to a good family among that secondary
+      Roman aristocracy which ranked beneath the princely feudatories and the
+      Papal bastards. He accumulated large sums of money by maladministration of
+      his official trusts, inherited the estates of two uncles, and bequeathed a
+      colossal fortune to his son Francesco. This youth was the offspring of an
+      illicit connection carried on between Monsignore Cenci and Beatrice Amias
+      during the lifetime of that lady's husband. Upon the death of the husband
+      the Monsignore obtained dispensation from his orders, married Beatrice,
+      and legitimated his son, the inheritor of so much wealth. Francesco was
+      born in 1549, and had therefore reached the age of thirteen when his
+      father died. His mother, Beatrice, soon contracted a third matrimonial
+      union; but during her guardianship of the boy she appeared before the
+      <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA347" id="pageA347"></a>{347}</span>
+      courts, accused of having stolen clothing from his tutor's wardrobe.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Francesco Cenci disbursed a sum of 33,000 crowns to various public
+      offices, in order to be allowed to enter unmolested into the enjoyment of
+      his father's gains: 3,800 crowns of this sum went to the Chapter of S.
+      Peter's.<a name="FNanchorA_197_197" id="FNanchorA_197_197"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_197_197" class="fnanchor">[197]</a> He showed a certain
+      precocity; for at the age of fourteen he owned an illegitimate child, and
+      was accused of violence to domestics. In 1563 his family married him to
+      Ersilia, a daughter of the noble Santa Croce house, who brought him a fair
+      dowry. Francesco lived for twenty-one years with this lady, by whom he had
+      twelve children. Upon her death he remained a widower for nine years, and
+      in 1593 he married Lucrezia Petroni, widow of a Roman called Velli.
+      Francesco's conduct during his first marriage was not without blame.
+      Twice, at least, he had to pay fines for acts of brutality to servants;
+      and once he was prosecuted for an attempt to murder a cousin, also named
+      Francesco Cenci. On another occasion we find him outlawed from the States
+      of the Church. Yet these offences were but peccadilloes in a wealthy Roman
+      baron; and Francesco used to boast that, with money in his purse, he had
+      no dread of justice. After the death of his wife Ersilia, his behavior
+      grew more irregular. Three times between 1591 and 1594 he was sued for
+      violent attacks on servants; and in <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageA348" id="pageA348"></a>{348}</span> February of the latter year
+      he remained six months in prison on multiplied charges of unnatural vice.
+      There was nothing even here to single Francesco Cenci out from other
+      nobles of his age.<a name="FNanchorA_198_198" id="FNanchorA_198_198"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_198_198" class="fnanchor">[198]</a> Scarcely a week
+      passed in Rome without some affair of the sort involving outrage, being
+      brought before the judges. Cardinals, prelates, princes, professional men
+      and people of the lowest rank were alike implicated. The only difference
+      between the culprits was that the rich bought themselves off, while the
+      destitute were burned. Eleven poor Spaniards and Portuguese were sent to
+      the stake in 1578 for an offence which Francesco Cenci compounded in 1594
+      by the payment of 100,000 crowns. After this warning and the loss of so
+      much money, he grew more circumspect, married his second wife Lucrezia,
+      and settled down to rule his family. His sons caused him considerable
+      anxiety. Giacomo, the eldest, married against his father's will, and
+      supported <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA349" id="pageA349"></a>{349}</span>
+      himself by forging obligations and raising money. Francesco's displeasure
+      showed itself in several lawsuits, one of which accused Giacomo of having
+      plotted against his life. The second son, Cristoforo, was assassinated by
+      Paolo Bruno, a Corsican, in the prosecution of a love affair with the wife
+      of a Trasteverine fisherman. The third son, Rocco, spent his time in
+      street adventures, and on one occasion laid his hands on all the plate and
+      portable property that he could carry off from his father's house. This
+      young ruffian, less than twenty years of age, found a devoted friend in
+      Monsignore Querro, a cousin of the family well placed at court, who
+      assisted him in the burglary of the Cenci palace. Rocco was killed by
+      Amilcare Orsini, a bastard of the Count of Pitigliano, in a brawl at
+      night. The young men met, Cenci attended by three armed servants, Orsini
+      by two. A single pass of rapiers, in which Rocco was pierced through the
+      right eye, ended the affair.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      In addition to his vindictive persecution of his worthless eldest son,
+      Francesco Cenci behaved with undue strictness to the younger, allowing
+      them less money than befitted their station and treating them with a
+      severity which contrasted comically with his own loose habits. The legend
+      which represents him as an exceptionally wicked man, cruel for cruelty's
+      sake and devoid of natural affection, receives some color from the facts.
+      Yet these alone are not sufficient to justify its darker hues, while they
+      amply <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA350" id="pageA350"></a>{350}</span>
+      prove that Francesco's children gave him grievous provocation. The
+      discontents of this ill-governed family matured into rebellion; and in
+      1598 it was decided on removing the old Cenci by murder. His second wife
+      Lucrezia, his eldest son Giacomo, his daughter Beatrice, and the youngest
+      son Bernardo, were implicated in the crime. It was successfully carried
+      out at the Rocca di Petrella in the Abruzzi on the night of September 9.
+      Two hired <i>bravi</i>, Olimpio Calvetti and Marzio Catalani, entered the
+      old man's bedroom, drove a nail into his head, and flung the corpse out
+      from a gallery, whence it was alleged that he had fallen by accident. Six
+      days after this assassination Giacomo and his brothers took out letters
+      both at Rome and in the realm of Naples for the administration of their
+      father's property; nor does suspicion seem for some time to have fallen
+      upon them. It awoke at Petrella in November, the feudatory of which fief,
+      Marzio Colonna, informed the government of Naples that proceedings ought
+      to be taken against the Cenci and their cut-throats. Accordingly, on
+      December 10, a ban was published against Olimpio and Marzio. Olimpio met
+      his death at an inn door in a little village called Cantalice. Three
+      desperate fellows, at the instigation of Giacomo de'Cenci and Monsignore
+      Querro, surprised him there. But Marzio fell into the hands of justice,
+      and his evidence caused the immediate arrest of the Cenci. It appears that
+      they were tortured and that none of <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageA351" id="pageA351"></a>{351}</span> them denied the accusation;
+      so that their advocates could only plead extenuating circumstances. To
+      this fact may possibly be due the legend of Beatrice. In order to mitigate
+      the guilt of parricide, Prospero Farinacci, who conducted her defense,
+      established a theory of enormous cruelty and unspeakable outrages
+      committed on her person by her father. With the same object in view, he
+      tried to make out that Bernardo was half-witted. There is quite sufficient
+      extant evidence to show that Bernardo was a young man of average
+      intelligence; and with regard to Beatrice, nothing now remains to
+      corroborate Farinaccio's hypothesis of incest. She was not a girl of
+      sixteen, as the legend runs, but a woman of twenty-two;<a
+      name="FNanchorA_199_199" id="FNanchorA_199_199"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_199_199" class="fnanchor">[199]</a> and the codicils to
+      her will render it nearly certain that she had given birth to an
+      illegitimate son, for whose maintenance she made elaborate and secret
+      provisions. That the picture ascribed to Guido Reni in the Barberini
+      palace is not a portrait of Beatrice in prison, appears sufficiently
+      proved. Guido did not come to Rome until 1608, nine years after her death;
+      and catalogues of the Barberini gallery, compiled in 1604 and 1623,
+      contain no mention either of a painting by Guido or of Beatrice's
+      portrait. The Cenci were lodged successively in the prisons of Torre di
+      Nona, Savelli, and S. Angelo. They occupied wholesome apartments and were
+      allowed the attendance of their own <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageA352" id="pageA352"></a>{352}</span> domestics. That their food
+      was no scanty dungeon fare appears from the <i>menus</i> of dinners and
+      suppers supplied to them, which include fish, flesh, fruit salad, and snow
+      to cool the water. In spite of powerful influence at court, Clement VIII.
+      at last resolved to exercise strict justice on the Cenci. He was brought
+      to this decision by a matricide perpetrated in cold blood at Subiaco, on
+      September 5, 1599. Paolo di S. Croce, a relative of the Cenci, murdered
+      his mother Costanza in her bed, with the view of obtaining property over
+      which she had control. The sentence issued a few days after this event.
+      Giacomo was condemned to be torn to pieces by red hot pincers, and
+      finished with a <i>coup de gr&acirc;ce</i> from the hangman's hammer.
+      Lucrezia and Beatrice received the slighter sentence of decapitation;
+      while Bernardo, in consideration of his youth, was let off with the
+      penalty of being present at the execution of his kinsfolk, after which he
+      was to be imprisoned for a year and then sent to the galleys for life.
+      Their property was confiscated to the Camera Apostolica. These punishments
+      were carried out.<a name="FNanchorA_200_200" id="FNanchorA_200_200"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_200_200" class="fnanchor">[200]</a> But Bernardo, after
+      working at Civit&agrave; Vecchia until 1606, obtained release and lived in
+      banishment till his death in 1627. Monsignor Querro, for his connivance in
+      the whole affair, was banished to the island of Malta, whence he returned
+      at some date before the year 1633 to Rome, having expiated his <span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageA353" id="pageA353"></a>{353}</span> guilt by
+      long and painful exile. In this abstract of the Cenci tragedy, I have
+      followed the documents published by Signor Bertolotti. They are at many
+      points in startling contradiction to the legend, which is founded on MS.
+      accounts compiled at no distant period after the events. One of these was
+      translated by Shelley; another, differing in some particulars, was
+      translated by De Stendhal. Both agree in painting that lurid portrait of
+      Francesco Cenci which Shelley has animated with the force of a great
+      dramatist.<a name="FNanchorA_201_201" id="FNanchorA_201_201"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_201_201" class="fnanchor">[201]</a> Unluckily, no copy of
+      the legal instructions upon which the trial was conducted is now extant.
+      In the absence of this all-important source of information, it would be
+      unsafe to adopt Bertolotti's argument, that the legend calumniates
+      Francesco in order to exculpate Beatrice, without some reservation. There
+      is room for the belief that facts adduced in evidence may have partly
+      justified the prevalent opinion of Beatrice's infamous persecution by her
+      father.
+    </p>
+    <hr style="width: 65%;" />
+    <h4>
+      <i>The Massimi</i>
+    </h4>
+    <p>
+      The tragedy of the Cenci, about which so much has been written in
+      consequence of the supposed part taken in it by Beatrice, seems to me
+      common-place compared with that of the Massimi.<a name="FNanchorA_202_202"
+      id="FNanchorA_202_202"></a><a href="#FootnoteA_202_202" class="fnanchor">[202]</a><span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageA354" id="pageA354"></a>{354}</span>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Whether this family really descended from the Roman Fabii matters but
+      little. In the sixteenth century they ranked, as they still rank, among
+      the proudest nobles of the Eternal City. Lelio, the head of the house, had
+      six stalwart sons by his first wife, Girolama Savelli. They were
+      conspicuous for their gigantic stature and herculean strength. After their
+      mother's death in 1571, their father became enamoured of a woman inferior
+      at all points, in birth, breeding, and antecedents, to a person of his
+      quality. She was a certain Eufrosina, who had been married to a man called
+      Corberio. The great Marc Antonio Colonna murdered this husband, and
+      brought the wife to Rome as his own mistress. Lelio Massimo committed the
+      grand error of so loving her, after she had served Colonna's purpose, that
+      he married her. This was an insult to the honor of the house, which his
+      sons could not or would not bear. On the night of her wedding, in 1585,
+      they refused to pay her their respects; and on the next morning, five of
+      them entered her apartments and shot her dead. Only one of the six sons,
+      Pompeo Massimo, bore no share in this assassination. Him, the father,
+      Lelio, blessed; but he solemnly cursed the other five. After the lapse of
+      a few weeks, he followed his wife to the grave with a broken heart,
+      leaving this imprecation unrecalled. Pompeo grew up to continue the great
+      line of Massimo. But disaster fell on each of his five brothers, the
+      flower of Roman youth, exulting in their blood, and insolence, and vigor.&mdash;The
+      <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA355" id="pageA355"></a>{355}</span>
+      first of them, Ottavio, was killed by a cannon-ball at sea in honorable
+      combat with the Turk. Another, Girolamo, who sought refuge in France, was
+      shot down in an ambuscade while pursuing his amours with a gentle lady. A
+      third, Alessandro, died under arms before Paris in the troops of General
+      Farnese. A fourth, Luca, was imprisoned at Rome for his share of the
+      step-mother's murder, but was released on the plea that he had avenged the
+      wounded honor of his race. He died, however, poisoned by his own brother,
+      Marcantonio, in 1599.<a name="FNanchorA_203_203" id="FNanchorA_203_203"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_203_203" class="fnanchor">[203]</a> Marcantonio was
+      arrested on suspicion and imprisoned in Torre di Nona, where he confessed
+      his guilt. He was shortly afterwards beheaded on the little square before
+      the bridge of S. Angelo.
+    </p>
+    <h4>
+      <i>Vittoria Accoramboni</i>
+    </h4>
+    <p>
+      Next in order, I shall take the story of Vittoria Accoramboni. It has been
+      often told already,<a name="FNanchorA_204_204" id="FNanchorA_204_204"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_204_204" class="fnanchor">[204]</a> yet it combines so
+      many points of interest bearing upon the social life of the Italians in my
+      period, that to omit it would be to sacrifice the most important document
+      bearing on the matter of this chapter. As the Signora di Monza and
+      Lucrezia Buonvisi <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA356" id="pageA356"></a>{356}</span>
+      help us to understand the secret history of families and convents, so
+      Vittoria Accoramboni introduces us to that of courts.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      It will be noticed how the same machinery of lawless nobles and profligate
+      <i>bravi</i>, acting in concert with bold women, is brought into play
+      throughout the tragedies which form the substance of our present inquiry.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Vittoria was born in 1557, of a noble but impoverished family, at Gubbio
+      among the hills of Umbria. Her biographers are rapturous in their praises
+      of her beauty, grace, and exceeding charm of manner. Not only was her
+      person most lovely, but her mind shone at first with all the amiable
+      luster of a modest, innocent, and winning youth. Her father, Claudio
+      Accoramboni, removed to Rome, where his numerous children were brought up
+      under the care of their mother, Tarquinia, an ambitious woman, bent on
+      rehabilitating the decayed honors of her house. Here Vittoria in early
+      girlhood soon became the fashion. She exercised an irresistible influence
+      over all who saw her, and many were the offers of marriage she refused. At
+      length a suitor appeared whose condition and connection with the Roman
+      ecclesiastical nobility rendered him acceptable in the eyes of the
+      Accoramboni. Francesco Peretti was welcomed as the successful candidate
+      for Vittoria's hand. His mother, Camilla, was sister to Felice, Cardinal
+      of Montalto; and her son, Francesco Mignucci, had changed both of his
+      names <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA357" id="pageA357"></a>{357}</span>
+      to Felice Peretti in compliment to this illustrious relative.<a
+      name="FNanchorA_205_205" id="FNanchorA_205_205"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_205_205" class="fnanchor">[205]</a>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      It was the nephew, then, of the future Sixtus V., that Vittoria
+      Accoramboni married on June 28, 1573. For a short while the young couple
+      lived happily together. According to some accounts of their married life,
+      the bride secured the favor of her powerful uncle-in-law, who indulged her
+      costly fancies to the full. It is, however, more probable that the
+      Cardinal Montalto treated her follies with a grudging parsimony; for we
+      soon find the Peretti household hopelessly involved in debt. Discord, too,
+      arose between Vittoria and her husband on the score of levity in her
+      behavior; and it was rumored that even during the brief space of their
+      union she had proved a faithless wife. Yet she contrived to keep
+      Francesco's confidence, and it is certain that her family profited by
+      their connection with the Peretti. Of her six brothers, Mario, the eldest,
+      was a favorite courtier of the great Cardinal d'Este. Ottavio was in
+      orders, and through Montalto's influence obtained the See of Fossombrone.
+      The same eminent protector placed Scipione in the service of the Cardinal
+      Sforza. Camillo, famous for his beauty and his courage, followed the
+      fortunes of Filibert of Savoy, and died in France. Flaminio was still a
+      boy, dependent, as the sequel of this story shows, upon his sister's
+      destiny.<span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA358" id="pageA358"></a>{358}</span>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Of Marcello, the second in age and most important in the action of this
+      tragedy, it is needful to speak with more particularity. He was young,
+      and, like the rest of his breed, singularly handsome&mdash;so handsome,
+      indeed, that he is said to have gained an infamous ascendency over the
+      great Duke of Bracciano, whose privy chamberlain he had become. Marcello
+      was an outlaw for the murder of Matteo Pallavicino, the brother of the
+      Cardinal of that name. This did not, however, prevent the chief of the
+      Orsini house from making him his favorite and confidential friend.
+      Marcello, who seems to have realized in actual life the worst vices of
+      those Roman courtiers described for us by Aretino, very soon conceived the
+      plan of exalting his own fortunes by trading on his sister's beauty. He
+      worked upon the Duke of Bracciano's mind so cleverly that he brought this
+      haughty prince to the point of an insane passion for Peretti's young wife;
+      and meanwhile he so contrived to inflame the ambition of Vittoria and her
+      mother, Tarquinia, that both were prepared to dare the worst of crimes in
+      expectation of a dukedom. The game was a difficult one to play. Not only
+      had Francesco Peretti first to be murdered, but the inequality of birth
+      and wealth and station between Vittoria and the Duke of Bracciano rendered
+      a marriage almost impossible. It was also an affair of delicacy to
+      stimulate without satisfying the Duke s passion. Yet Marcello did not
+      despair. The stakes were high enough to justify great risks; and all he
+      <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA359" id="pageA359"></a>{359}</span>
+      put in peril was his sister's honor, the fame of the Accoramboni, and the
+      favor of Montalto. Vittoria, for her part, trusted in her power to ensnare
+      and secure the noble prey both had in view.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Paolo Giordano Orsini, born about the year 1637, was reigning Duke of
+      Bracciano. Among Italian princes he ranked almost upon a par with the
+      Dukes of Urbino; and his family, by its alliances, was more illustrious
+      than any of that time in Italy. He was a man of gigantic stature,
+      prodigious corpulence, and marked personal daring; agreeable in manners,
+      but subject to uncontrollable fits of passion, and incapable of
+      self-restraint when crossed in any whim or fancy. Upon the habit of his
+      body it is needful to insist, in order that the part he played in this
+      tragedy of intrigue, crime, and passion may be well defined. He found it
+      difficult to procure a charger equal to his weight, and he was so fat that
+      a special dispensation relieved him from the duty of genuflexion in the
+      Papal presence. Though lord of a large territory, yielding princely
+      revenues, he labored under heavy debts; for no great noble of the period
+      lived more splendidly, with less regard for his finances. In the politics
+      of that age and country, Paolo Giordano leaned towards France. Yet he was
+      a grandee of Spain, and had played a distinguished part in the battle of
+      Lepanto. Now, the Duke of Bracciano was a widower. He had been married in
+      1553 to Isabella de'Medici, daughter of the Grand, Duke Cosimo, sister of
+      Francesco,<span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA360" id="pageA360"></a>{360}</span>
+      Bianca Capello's lover, and of the Cardinal Ferdinando. Suspicion of
+      adultery with Troilo Orsini had fallen on Isabella; and her husband, with
+      the full concurrence of her brothers, removed her in 1576 from this world
+      by poison.<a name="FNanchorA_206_206" id="FNanchorA_206_206"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_206_206" class="fnanchor">[206]</a> No one thought the
+      worse of Bracciano for this murder of his wife. In those days of abandoned
+      vice and intricate villany, certain points of honor were maintained with
+      scrupulous fidelity. A wife's adultery was enough to justify the most
+      savage and licentious husband in an act of semi-judicial vengeance; and
+      the shame she brought upon his head was shared by the members of her own
+      house, so that they stood by, consenting to her death. Isabella, it may be
+      said, left one son, Virginio, who became, in due time, Duke of Bracciano.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      It appears that in the year 1581, four years after Vittoria's marriage,
+      the Duke of Bracciano satisfied Marcello of his intention to make her his
+      wife, and of his willingness to countenance Francesco Peretti's murder.
+      Marcello, feeling sure of his game, now introduced the Duke in private to
+      his sister, and induced her to overcome any natural repugnance she may
+      have felt for the unwieldy and gross lover. Having reached this point, it
+      was imperative to push matters quickly on toward matrimony.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      But how should the unfortunate Francesco be <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageA361" id="pageA361"></a>{361}</span> entrapped? They caught him
+      in a snare of peculiar atrocity, by working on the kindly feelings which
+      his love for Vittoria had caused him to extend to all the Accoramboni.
+      Marcello, the outlaw, was her favorite brother, and Marcello at that time
+      lay in hiding, under the suspicion of more than ordinary crime, beyond the
+      walls of Rome. Late in the evening of April 18, while the Peretti family
+      were retiring to bed, a messenger from Marcello arrived, entreating
+      Francesco to repair at once to Monte Cavallo. Marcello had affairs of the
+      utmost importance to communicate, and begged his brother-in-law not to
+      fail him at a grievous pinch. The letter containing this request was borne
+      by one Dominico d'Aquaviva, <i>alias</i> Il Mancino, a confederate of
+      Vittoria's waiting-maid. This fellow, like Marcello, was an outlaw; but
+      when he ventured into Rome he frequented Peretti's house, and he had made
+      himself familiar with its master as a trusty bravo. Neither in the
+      message, therefore, nor in the messenger was there much to rouse
+      suspicion. The time, indeed, was oddly chosen, and Marcello had never made
+      a similar appeal on any previous occasion. Yet his necessities might
+      surely have obliged him to demand some more than ordinary favor from a
+      brother. Francesco immediately made himself ready to start out, armed only
+      with his sword and attended by a single servant. It was in vain that his
+      wife and his mother reminded him of the dangers of the night, the
+      loneliness of Monte<span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA362" id="pageA362"></a>{362}</span>
+      Cavallo, its ruinous palaces and robber-haunted caves. He was resolved to
+      undertake the adventure, and went forth, never to return. As he ascended
+      the hill, he fell to earth, shot with three harquebusses. His body was
+      afterwards found on Monte Cavallo, stabbed through and through, without a
+      trace that could identify the murderers. Only, in the course of subsequent
+      investigations, Il Mancino (February 24, 1582) made the following
+      statements:&mdash;That Vittoria's mother, assisted by the waiting woman,
+      had planned the trap; that Marchionne of Gubbio and Paolo Barca of
+      Bracciano, two of the Duke's men, had despatched the victim. Marcello
+      himself, it seems, had come from Bracciano to conduct the whole affair.
+      Suspicion fell immediately upon Vittoria and her kindred, together with
+      the Duke of Bracciano; nor was this diminished when the Accoramboni,
+      fearing the pursuit of justice, took refuge in a villa of the Duke's at
+      Magnanapoli a few days after the murder.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      A cardinal's nephew, even in those troublous times, was not killed without
+      some noise being made about the matter. Accordingly, Pope Gregory XIII.
+      began to take measures for discovering the authors of the crime. Strange
+      to say, however, the Cardinal Montalto, notwithstanding the great love he
+      was known to bear his nephew, begged that the investigation might be
+      dropped. The coolness with which he first received the news of Francesco
+      Peretti's <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA363" id="pageA363"></a>{363}</span>
+      death, the dissimulation with which he met the Pope's expression of
+      sympathy in a full consistory, his reserve while greeting friends on
+      ceremonial visits of condolence, and, more than all, the self-restraint he
+      showed in the presence of the Duke of Bracciano, impressed the society of
+      Rome with the belief that he was of a singularly moderate and patient
+      temper. It was thought that the man who could so tamely submit to his
+      nephew's murder, and suspend the arm of justice when already raised for
+      vengeance, must prove a mild and indulgent ruler. When, therefore, in the
+      fifth year after this event, Montalto was elected Pope, men ascribed his
+      elevation in no small measure to his conduct at the present crisis. Some,
+      indeed, attributed his extraordinary moderation and self-control to the
+      right cause. '<i>Veramente costui &egrave; un gran frate</i>!' was
+      Gregory's remark at the close of the consistory when Montalto begged him
+      to let the matter of Peretti's murder rest. '<i>Of a truth, that fellow is
+      a consummate hypocrite</i>!' How accurate this judgment was, appeared when
+      Sixtus V. assumed the reins of power. The priest who, as monk and
+      cardinal, had smiled on Bracciano, though he knew him to be his nephew's
+      assassin, now, as Pontiff and sovereign, bade the chief of the Orsini
+      purge his palace and dominions of the scoundrels he was wont to harbor,
+      adding significantly, that if the Cardinal Felice Peretti forgave what had
+      been done against him in a private station, the same man would exact
+      uttermost ven<span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA364" id="pageA364"></a>{364}</span>
+      geance for disobedience to the will of Sixtus. The Duke of Bracciano
+      judged it best, after that warning, to withdraw from Rome.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Francesco Peretti had been murdered on April 16, 1581. Sixtus V. was
+      proclaimed on April 24, 1585. In this interval Vittoria underwent a series
+      of extraordinary perils and adventures. First of all, she had been
+      secretly married to the Duke in his gardens of Magnanapoli at the end of
+      April 1581. That is to say, Marcello and she secured their prize, as well
+      as they were able, the moment after Francesco had been removed by murder.
+      But no sooner had the marriage become known, than the Pope, moved by the
+      scandal it created, no less than by the urgent instance of the Orsini and
+      Medici, declared it void. After some while spent in vain resistance,
+      Bracciano submitted, and sent Vittoria back to her father's house. By an
+      order issued under Gregory's own hand, she was next removed to the prison
+      of Corte Savella, thence to the monastery of S. Cecilia in Trastevere, and
+      finally to the Castle of S. Angelo. Here at the end of December 1581, she
+      was put on her trial for the murder of her first husband. In prison she
+      seems to have borne herself bravely, arraying her beautiful person in
+      delicate attire, entertaining visitors, exacting from her friends the
+      honors due to a duchess, and sustaining the frequent examinations to which
+      she was submitted with a bold, proud front. In the middle of the month of
+      July her constancy was sorely tried by the receipt of a letter in <span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageA365" id="pageA365"></a>{365}</span> the
+      Duke's own handwriting, formally renouncing his marriage. It was only by a
+      lucky accident that she was prevented on this occasion from committing
+      suicide. The Papal court meanwhile kept urging her either to retire to a
+      monastery or to accept another husband. She firmly refused to embrace the
+      religious life, and declared that she was already lawfully united to a
+      living husband, the Duke of Bracciano. It seemed impossible to deal with
+      her; and at last, on November 8, she was released from prison under the
+      condition of retirement to Gubbio. The Duke had lulled his enemies to rest
+      by the pretense of yielding to their wishes. But Marcello was continually
+      beside him at Bracciano, where we read of a mysterious Greek enchantress
+      whom he hired to brew love-philters for the furtherance of his ambitious
+      plots. Whether Bracciano was stimulated by the brother's arguments or by
+      the witch's potions need not be too curiously questioned. But it seems in
+      any case certain that absence inflamed his passion instead of cooling it.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Accordingly, in September 1583, under the excuse of a pilgrimage to
+      Loreto, he contrived to meet Vittoria at Trevi, whence he carried her in
+      triumph to Bracciano. Here he openly acknowledged her as his wife,
+      installing her with all the splendor due to a sovereign duchess. On
+      October 10 following, he once more performed the marriage ceremony in the
+      principal church of his fief; and in the January of 1584 he brought her
+      openly to Rome.<span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA366" id="pageA366"></a>{366}</span>
+      This act of contumacy to the Pope, both as feudal superior and as Supreme
+      Pontiff, roused all the former opposition to his marriage. Once more it
+      was declared invalid. Once more the Duke pretended to give way. But at
+      this juncture Gregory died; and while the conclave was sitting for the
+      election of the new Pope, he resolved to take the law into his own hands,
+      and to ratify his union with Vittoria by a third and public marriage in
+      Rome. On the morning of April 24, 1585, their nuptials were accordingly
+      once more solemnized in the Orsini palace. Just one hour after the
+      ceremony, as appears from the marriage-register, the news arrived of
+      Cardinal Montalto's election to the Papacy. Vittoria lost no time in
+      paying her respects to Camilla, sister of the new Pope, her former
+      mother-in-law. The Duke visited Sixtus V. in state to compliment him on
+      his elevation. But the reception which both received proved that Rome was
+      no safe place for them to live in. They consequently made up their minds
+      for flight.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      A chronic illness from which Bracciano had lately suffered furnished a
+      sufficient pretext. This seems to have been something of the nature of a
+      cancerous ulcer, which had to be treated by the application of raw meat to
+      open sores. Such details are only excusable in the present narrative on
+      the ground that Bracciano's disease considerably affects our moral
+      judgment of the woman who could marry a man thus physically tainted, and
+      with her hus<span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA367" id="pageA367"></a>{367}</span>
+      band's blood upon his hands. At any rate, the Duke's <i>lupa</i> justified
+      his trying what change of air, together with the sulphur waters of Abano,
+      would do for him.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The Duke and Duchess arrived in safety at Venice, where they had engaged
+      the Dandolo palace on the Zueca. There they only stayed a few days,
+      removing to Padua, where they had hired palaces of the Foscari in the
+      Arena and a house called De'Cavalli. At Sal&ograve;, also, on the Lake of
+      Garda, they provided themselves with fit dwellings for their princely
+      state and their large retinues, intending to divide their time between the
+      pleasures which the capital of luxury afforded and the simpler enjoyments
+      of the most beautiful of the Italian lakes. But <i>la gioia dei profani
+      &egrave; un fumo passaggier</i>. Paolo Giordano Orsini, Duke of Bracciano,
+      died suddenly at Sal&ograve; on November 10, 1585, leaving the young and
+      beautiful Vittoria helpless among enemies. What was the cause of his
+      death? It is not possible to give a clear and certain answer. We have seen
+      that he suffered from a horrible and voracious disease, which after his
+      removal from Rome seems to have made progress. Yet though this malady may
+      well have cut his life short, suspicion of poison was not, in the
+      circumstances, quite unreasonable. The Grand Duke of Tuscany, the Pope,
+      and the Orsini family were all interested in his death. Anyhow, he had
+      time to make a will in Vittoria's favor, leaving her large sums of money,
+      <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA368" id="pageA368"></a>{368}</span>
+      jewels, goods, and houses&mdash;enough, in fact, to support her ducal
+      dignity with splendor. His hereditary fiefs and honors passed by right to
+      his only son, Virginio.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Vittoria, accompanied by her brother, Marcello, and the whole court of
+      Bracciano, repaired at once to Padua, where she was soon after joined by
+      Flaminio, and by the Prince Lodovico Orsini. Lodovico Orsini assumed the
+      duty of settling Vittoria's affairs under her dead husband's will. In life
+      he had been the duke's ally as well as relative. His family pride was
+      deeply wounded by what seemed to him an ignoble, as it was certainly an
+      unequal, marriage. He now showed himself the relentless enemy of the
+      Duchess. Disputes arose between them as to certain details, which seem to
+      have been legally decided in the widow's favor. On the night of December
+      22, however, forty men, disguised in black and fantastically tricked out
+      to elude detection, surrounded her palace. Through the long galleries and
+      chambers hung with arras, eight of them went, bearing torches, in search
+      of Vittoria and her brothers. Marcello escaped, having fled the house
+      under suspicion of the murder of one of his own followers. Flaminio, the
+      innocent and young, was playing on his lute and singing <i>Miserere</i> in
+      the great hall of the palace. The murderers surprised him with a shot from
+      one of their harquebusses. He ran, wounded in the shoulder, to his
+      sister's room. She, it is said, <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA369"
+      id="pageA369"></a>{369}</span> was telling her beads before retiring for
+      the night. When three of the assassins entered, she knelt before the
+      crucifix, and there they stabbed her in the left breast, turning the
+      poignard in the wound, and asking her with savage insults if her heart was
+      pierced. Her last words were, 'Jesus, I pardon you.' Then they turned to
+      Flaminio, and left him pierced with seventy-four stiletto wounds.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The authorities of Padua identified the bodies of Vittoria and Flaminio,
+      and sent at once for further instructions to Venice. Meanwhile it appears
+      that both corpses were laid out in one open coffin for the people to
+      contemplate. The palace and the church of the Eremitani, to which they had
+      been removed, were crowded all through the following day with a vast
+      concourse of the Paduans. Vittoria's dead body, pale yet sweet to look
+      upon, the golden hair flowing around her marble shoulders, the red wound
+      in her breast uncovered, the stately limbs arrayed in satin as she died,
+      maddened the populace with its surpassing loveliness. '<i>Dentibus
+      fremebant</i>.' says the chronicler, when they beheld that gracious lady
+      stiff in death. And of a truth, if her corpse was actually exposed in the
+      chapel of the Eremitani, as we have some right to assume, the spectacle
+      must have been impressive. Those grim gaunt frescoes of Mantegna looked
+      down on her as she lay stretched upon her bier, solemn and calm, and, but
+      for pallor, beautiful as though in life. No wonder that the folk forgot
+      her first husband's murder, her less <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageA370" id="pageA370"></a>{370}</span> than comely marriage to the
+      second. It was enough for them that this flower of surpassing loveliness
+      had been cropped by villains in its bloom. Gathering in knots around the
+      torches placed beside the corpse, they vowed vengeance against the Orsini;
+      for suspicion, not unnaturally, fell on Prince Lodovico.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The Prince was arrested and interrogated before the court of Padua. He
+      entered their hall attended by forty armed men, responded haughtily to
+      their questions and demanded free passage for his courier to Virginio
+      Orsini, then at Florence. To this demand the court acceded; but the
+      precaution of waylaying the courier and searching his person was very
+      wisely taken. Besides some formal despatches which announced Vittoria's
+      assassination, they found in this man's boot a compromising letter,
+      declaring Virginio a party to the crime, and asserting that Lodovico had
+      with his own poignard killed their victim. Padua placed itself in a state
+      of defense, and prepared to besiege the palace of Prince Lodovico, who
+      also got himself in readiness for battle. Engines, culverins, and
+      fire-brands were directed against the barricades which he had raised. The
+      militia was called out and the Brenta was strongly guarded. Meanwhile the
+      Senate of S. Mark had despatched the Avogadore, Aloisio Bragadin, with
+      full power, to the scene of action. Lodovico Orsini, it may be mentioned,
+      was in their service: and had not this affair intervened, he would in a
+      few <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA371" id="pageA371"></a>{371}</span>
+      weeks have entered on his duties as Governor for Venice of Corfu.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The bombardment of Orsini's palace began on Christmas Day. Three of the
+      Prince's men were killed in the first assault; and since the artillery
+      brought to bear upon him threatened speedy ruin to the house and its
+      inhabitants, he made up his mind to surrender. 'The Prince Luigi,' writes
+      one chronicler of these events, 'walked attired in brown, his poignard at
+      his side, and his cloak slung elegantly under his arm. The weapon being
+      taken from him he leaned upon a balustrade, and began to trim his nails
+      with a little pair of scissors he happened to find there.'
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      On the 27th he was strangled in prison by order of the Venetian Republic.
+      His body was carried to be buried, according to his own will, in the
+      church of S. Maria dell'Orto at Venice. Two of his followers were hanged
+      next day. Fifteen were executed on the following Monday; two of these were
+      quartered alive; one of them the Conte Paganello, who confessed to having
+      slain Vittoria, had his left side probed with his own cruel dagger. Eight
+      were condemned to the galleys, six to prison, and eleven were acquitted.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Thus ended this terrible affair, which brought, it is said, good credit,
+      and renown to the lords of Venice through all nations of the civilized
+      world. It only remains to be added that Marcello Accoramboni was
+      surrendered to the Pope's <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA372"
+      id="pageA372"></a>{372}</span> vengeance and beheaded at Ancona, where
+      also his mysterious accomplice, the Greek sorceress, perished.
+    </p>
+    <h4>
+      <i>The Duchess of Palliano</i>
+    </h4>
+    <p>
+      It was the custom of Italians in the 16th and 17th centuries to compose
+      and circulate narratives of tragic or pathetic incidents in real life.
+      They were intended to satisfy curiosity in an age when newspapers and law
+      reports did not exist, and also to suit the taste of ladies and gentlemen
+      versed in Boccaccio and Bandello. Resembling the London letters of our
+      ancestors, they passed from hand to hand, rarely found their way into the
+      printing office, and when they had performed their task were left to
+      moulder in the dust of bookcases. The private archives of noble families
+      abound in volumes of such tales, and some may still be found upon the
+      shelves of public libraries. These MS. collections furnish a mine of
+      inexhaustible riches to the student of manners. When checked by legal
+      documents, they frequently reveal carelessness, inaccuracy, or even
+      willful distortion of facts. The genius of the Novella, so paramount in
+      popular Italian literature of that epoch, presided over their composition,
+      adding <i>intreccio</i> to disconnected facts, heightening sympathy by the
+      suggestion of romantic motives, turning the heroes or the heroines of
+      their adventures into saints, and blackening the faces of the villains.
+      Yet these stories, pretending to be veracious and aiming at <span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageA373" id="pageA373"></a>{373}</span>
+      information no less than entertainment, present us with even a more vivid
+      picture of customs than the Novelle. By their truthful touches of
+      landscape and incident painting, by their unconscious revelation of
+      contemporary sentiment in dialogue and ethical analysis of motives, they
+      enable us to give form and substance to the drier details of the
+      law-courts. One of these narratives I propose to condense from the
+      transcript made by Henri Beyle, for the sake of the light it throws upon
+      the tragedy of the Caraffa family.<a name="FNanchorA_207_207"
+      id="FNanchorA_207_207"></a><a href="#FootnoteA_207_207" class="fnanchor">[207]</a>
+      It opens with an account of Paul IV.'s ascent to power and a description
+      of his nephews. Don Giovanni, the eldest son of the Count of Montorio, was
+      married to Violante de Cardona, sister of the Count Aliffe. Paul invested
+      him with the Duchy of Palliano, which he wrested from Marc Antonio
+      Colonna. Don Carlo, the second son, who had passed his life as a soldier,
+      entered the Sacred College; and Don Antonio, the third, was created
+      Marquis of Montebello. The cardinal, as prime minister, assumed the reins
+      of government in Rome. The Duke of Palliano disposed of the Papal
+      soldiery. The Marquis of Montebello, commanding the guard of the palace,
+      excluded or admitted persons at his pleasure. Surrounded by these nephews,
+      Paul saw only with their eyes, heard only what they whispered to him, and
+      unwittingly lent his authority to their lawlessness. They exercised an
+      unlimited tyranny <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA374" id="pageA374"></a>{374}</span>
+      in Rome, laying hands on property and abusing their position to gratify
+      their lusts. No woman who had the misfortune to please them was safe; and
+      the cells of convents were as little respected as the palaces of
+      gentlefolk. To arrive at justice was impossible; for the three brothers
+      commanded all avenues, civil, ecclesiastical, and military, by which the
+      Pope could be approached.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Violante, Duchess of Palliano, was a young woman distinguished for her
+      beauty no less than for her Spanish pride. She had received a thoroughly
+      Italian education; could recite the sonnets of Petrarch and the stanzas of
+      Ariosto by heart, and repeated the tales of Ser Giovanni and other
+      novelists with an originality that lent new charm to their style.<a
+      name="FNanchorA_208_208" id="FNanchorA_208_208"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_208_208" class="fnanchor">[208]</a> Her court was a
+      splendid one, frequented by noble youths and gentlewomen of the best blood
+      in Naples. Two of these require particular notice: Diana Brancaccio, a
+      relative of the Marchioness of Montebello; and Marcello Capecce, a young
+      man of exceptional beauty. Diana was a woman of thirty years,
+      hot-tempered, tawny-haired, devotedly in love with Domiziano Fornari, a
+      squire of the Marchese di Montebello's household. Marcello had conceived
+      one of those bizarre passions for the Duchess, in which an almost
+      religious adoration was mingled with audacity, persistence, and aptitude
+      for any crime. The character of his mistress gave him <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageA375" id="pageA375"></a>{375}</span> but little hope. Though
+      profoundly wounded by her husband's infidelities, insulted in her pride by
+      the presence of his wanton favorites under her own roof, and assailed by
+      the importunities of the most brilliant profligates in Rome, she held a
+      haughty course, above suspicion, free from taint or stain, Marcello could
+      do nothing but sigh at a distance and watch his opportunity.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      At this point, the narrator seems to sacrifice historical accuracy for the
+      sake of combining his chief characters in one intrigue.<a
+      name="FNanchorA_209_209" id="FNanchorA_209_209"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_209_209" class="fnanchor">[209]</a>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Though he assumes the tone of a novelist rather than a chronicler, there
+      has hitherto been nothing but what corresponds to fact in his description
+      of the Caraffa Cabal. He now explains their downfall; and opens the
+      subject after this fashion. At the beginning of the year 1559, the Pope's
+      confessor ventured to bring before his notice the scandalous behavior of
+      the Papal nephews. Paul at first refused to credit this report. But an
+      incident happened which convinced him of its truth. On the feast of the
+      Circumcision&mdash;a circumstance which aggravated matters in the eyes of
+      a strictly pious Pontiff&mdash;Andrea Lanfranchi, secretary to the Duke of
+      Palliano, invited the Cardinal Caraffa to a banquet. One of the loveliest
+      and most notorious courtesans of Rome,<span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageA376" id="pageA376"></a>{376}</span> Martuccia, was also
+      present; and it so happened that Marcello Capecce at this epoch believed
+      he had more right to her favors than any other man in the capital. That
+      night he sought her in her lodgings, pursued her up and down, and learned
+      at last that she was supping with Lanfranchi and the Cardinal. Attended by
+      armed men, he made his way to Lanfranchi's house, entered the banquet
+      room, and ordered Martuccia to come away with him at once. The Cardinal,
+      who was dressed in secular habit, rose, and, drawing his sword, protested
+      against this high-handed proceeding. Martuccia, by favor of their host,
+      was his partner that evening. Upon this, Marcello called his men; but when
+      they recognized the Cardinal nephew, they refused to employ violence. In
+      the course of the quarrel, Martuccia made her escape, followed by
+      Marcello, Caraffa, and the company. There ensued a street-brawl between
+      the young man and the Cardinal; but no blood was spilt, and the incident
+      need have had but slight importance, if the Duke of Palliano had not
+      thought it necessary to place Lanfranchi and Marcello under arrest. They
+      were soon released, because it became evident that the chief scandal would
+      fall upon the Cardinal, who had clearly been scuffling and crossing swords
+      in a dispute about a common prostitute. The three Caraffa brothers
+      resolved on hushing the affair up. But it was too late. The Pope heard
+      something, which sufficed to confirm his confessor's warnings; and on
+      January 27, he pronounced the famous <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageA377" id="pageA377"></a>{377}</span> sentence on his nephews.
+      The Cardinal was banished to Civit&agrave; Lavinia, the Duke to Soriano,
+      the Marquis to Montebello. The Duchess took up her abode with her court in
+      the little village of Gallese. It was here that the episode of her love
+      and tragic end ensued.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Violante found herself almost alone in a simple village among mountains,
+      half-way between Rome and Orvieto, surrounded indeed by lovely forest
+      scenery, but deprived of all the luxuries and entertainments to which she
+      was accustomed. Marcello and Diana were at her side, the one eager to
+      pursue his hitherto hopeless suit, and the other to further it for her own
+      profit. One day Marcello committed the apparent imprudence of avowing his
+      passion. The Duchess rejected him with scorn, but disclosed the fact to
+      Diana, who calculated that if she could contrive to compromise her
+      mistress, she might herself be able to secure the end she had in view of
+      marrying Domiziano. In the solitude of those long days of exile the
+      waiting-woman returned again and again to the subject of Marcello's
+      devotion, his beauty, his noble blood and his manifold good qualities. She
+      arranged meetings in the woods between the Duchess and her lover, and
+      played her cards so well that during the course of the fine summer weeks
+      Violante yielded to Marcello. Diana now judged it wise to press her own
+      suit forward with Domiziano. But this cold-blooded fellow knew that he was
+      no fit match for a relative of the Mar<span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageA378" id="pageA378"></a>{378}</span> chioness of Montebello. He
+      felt, besides, but little sentiment for his fiery <i>innamorata</i>.
+      Dreading the poignard of the Caraffas, if he should presume to marry her,
+      he took the prudent course of slipping away in disguise from the port of
+      Nettuno. Diana maddened by disappointment, flew to the conclusion that the
+      Duchess had planned her lover's removal, and resolved to take a cruel
+      revenge. The Duke of Palliano was residing at Soriano, only a few miles
+      from Gallese. To bring him secret information of his wife's intrigue was a
+      matter of no difficulty. At first he refused to believe her report. Had
+      not Violante resisted the seductions of all Rome, and repelled the
+      advances even of the Duke of Guise? At last she contrived to introduce him
+      into the bedroom of the Duchess at a moment when Marcello was also there.
+      The circumstances were not precisely indicative of guilt. The sun had only
+      just gone down behind the hills; a maid was in attendance; and the Duchess
+      lay in bed, penciling some memoranda. Yet they were sufficient to arouse
+      the Duke's anger. He disarmed Marcello and removed him to the prisons of
+      Soriano, leaving Violante under strict guard at Gallese.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The Duke of Palliano had no intention of proclaiming his jealousy or of
+      suggesting his dishonor, until he had extracted complete proof. He
+      therefore pretended to have arrested Marcello on the suspicion of an
+      attempt to poison him. Some large toads, bought by the young man at a high
+      price two or <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA379" id="pageA379"></a>{379}</span>
+      three months earlier, lent color to this accusation. Meanwhile the
+      investigation was conducted as secretly as possible by the Duke in person,
+      his brother-in-law Count Aliffe, and a certain Antonio Torando, with the
+      sanction of the Podest&agrave; of Soriano. After examining several
+      witnesses, they became convinced of Violante's guilt. Marcello was put to
+      the torture, and eventually confessed. The Duke stabbed him to death with
+      his own hands, and afterwards cut Diana's throat for her share in the
+      business. Both bodies were thrown into the prison-sewer. Meanwhile Paul
+      IV. had retained the young Cardinal, Alfonso Caraffa, son of the Marquis
+      of Montebello, near his person. This prelate thought it right to inform
+      his grand-uncle of the occurrences at Soriano. The Pope only answered:
+      'And the Duchess? What have they done with her?' Paul IV. died in August,
+      and the Conclave, which ended in the election of Pius IV., was opened.
+      During the important intrigues of that moment, Cardinal Alfonso found time
+      to write to the Duke, imploring him not to leave so dark a stain upon his
+      honor, but to exercise justice on a guilty wife. On August 28, 1559, the
+      Duke sent the Count Aliffe, and Don Leonardo del Cardine, with a company
+      of soldiers to Gallese. They told Violante that they had arrived to kill
+      her, and offered her the offices of two Franciscan monks. Before her
+      death, the Duchess repeatedly insisted on her innocence, and received the
+      Sacrament from the hands of Friar Antonio of<span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageA380" id="pageA380"></a>{380}</span> Pavia. The Count, her
+      brother, then proceeded to her execution. She covered her eyes with a
+      handkerchief, which she, with perfect <i>sang froid</i>, drew somewhat
+      lower in order to shut his sight out. Then he adjusted the cord to her
+      neck; but, finding that it would not exactly fit, he removed it and walked
+      away. The Duchess raised the bandage from her face, and said: "Well! what
+      are we about then?" He answered: "The cord was not quite right, and I am
+      going to get another, in order that you may not suffer." When he returned
+      to the room, he arranged the handkerchief again, fixed the cord, turned
+      the wand in the knot behind her neck, and strangled her. The whole
+      incident, on the part of the Duchess, passed in the tone of ordinary
+      conversation. She died like a good Christian, frequently repeating the
+      words <i>Credo, Credo</i>.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Contrary to the usual custom and opinion of the age, this murder of an
+      erring wife and sister formed part of the accusations brought against the
+      Duke of Palliano and Count Aliffe. It will be remembered that they were
+      executed in Rome, together with the elder Cardinal Caraffa, during the
+      pontificate of Pius IV.
+    </p>
+    <h4>
+      <i>Wife-Murders</i>
+    </h4>
+    <p>
+      It would be difficult to give any adequate notion of the frequency of
+      wife-murders at this epoch in the higher ranks of society. I will,
+      however, mention a few, noticed by me in the course of study. Donna<span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageA381" id="pageA381"></a>{381}</span>
+      Pellegrina, daughter of Bianca Capello before her marriage with the Grand
+      Duke of Tuscany, was killed at Bologna in 1598 by four masked assassins at
+      the order of her husband, Count Ulisse Bentivoglio. She had been suspected
+      or convicted of adultery; and the Court of Florence sent word to the
+      Count, 'che essendo vero quanto scriveva, facesse quello che conveniva a
+      cavaliere di honore.' In the light of open day, together with two of her
+      gentlewomen and her coachman, she was cut to pieces and left on the road.<a
+      name="FNanchorA_210_210" id="FNanchorA_210_210"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_210_210" class="fnanchor">[210]</a> In 1690 at Naples Don
+      Carlo Gesualdo, son of the Prince of Venosta, assassinated his wife and
+      cousin Donna Maria d'Avalos, together with her lover, Fabricio Caraffa,
+      Duke of Andri. This crime was committed in his palace by the husband,
+      attended by a band of cut-throats.<a name="FNanchorA_211_211"
+      id="FNanchorA_211_211"></a><a href="#FootnoteA_211_211" class="fnanchor">[211]</a>
+      In 1577, at Milan, Count Giovanni Borromeo, cousin of the Cardinal
+      Federigo, stabbed his wife, the Countess Giulia Sanseverina, sister of the
+      Contessa di Sala, at table, with three mortal wounds. A mere domestic
+      squabble gave rise to this tragedy.<a name="FNanchorA_212_212"
+      id="FNanchorA_212_212"></a><a href="#FootnoteA_212_212" class="fnanchor">[212]</a>
+      In 1598, in his villa of Zenzalino at Ferrara, the Count Ercole Trotti,
+      with the assistance of a bravo called Jacopo Lazzarini, killed his wife
+      Anna, daughter of the poet Guarini. Her own brother Girolamo connived at
+      the act and helped to facilitate its execution. She was accused&mdash;falsely,
+      as it afterwards appeared from Girolamo's confession&mdash;of an improper
+      intimacy with <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA382" id="pageA382"></a>{382}</span>
+      the Count Ercole Bevilacqua. I may add that Count Ercole Trotti's father,
+      Alfonso, had murdered his own wife, Michela Granzena, in the same villa.<a
+      name="FNanchorA_213_213" id="FNanchorA_213_213"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_213_213" class="fnanchor">[213]</a>
+    </p>
+    <h4>
+      <i>The Medici</i>
+    </h4>
+    <p>
+      The history of the Medicean family during the sixteenth century epitomizes
+      the chief features of social morality upon which I have been dwelling in
+      this chapter. It will be remembered that Alessandro de' Medici, the first
+      Duke of Florence, poisoned his cousin Ippolito, and was himself
+      assassinated by his cousin Lorenzino. To the second of these crimes
+      Cosimo, afterwards Grand Duke of Tuscany, owed the throne of Florence, on
+      which, however, he was not secure until he had removed Lorenzino from this
+      world by the poignard of a bravo. Cosimo maintained his authority by a
+      system of espionage, remorseless persecution, and assassination, which
+      gave color even to the most improbable of legends.<a
+      name="FNanchorA_214_214" id="FNanchorA_214_214"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_214_214" class="fnanchor">[214]</a>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      But it is not of him so much as of his children that I have to speak.
+      Francesco, who reigned from 1564 till 1587, brought disgrace upon his line
+      by marrying the infamous Bianca Capello, after authorizing the murder of
+      her previous husband. Bianca, though incapable of bearing children,
+      flattered her besotted <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA383"
+      id="pageA383"></a>{383}</span> paramour before this marriage by pretending
+      to have borne a son. In reality, she had secured the co-operation of three
+      women on the point of child-birth; and when one of these was delivered of
+      a boy, she presented this infant to Francesco, who christened him Antonio
+      de'Medici. Of the three mothers who served in this nefarious transaction,
+      Bianca contrived to assassinate two, but not before one of the victims to
+      her dread of exposure made full confession at the point of death. The
+      third escaped. Another woman who had superintended the affair was shot
+      between Florence and Bologna in the valleys of the Apennines. Yet after
+      the manifestation of Bianca's imposture, the Duke continued to recognize
+      Antonio as belonging to the Medicean family; and his successor was obliged
+      to compel this young man to assume the Cross of Malta, in order to exclude
+      his posterity from the line of princes.<a name="FNanchorA_215_215"
+      id="FNanchorA_215_215"></a><a href="#FootnoteA_215_215" class="fnanchor">[215]</a>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The legend of Francesco's and Bianca's mysterious death is well known. The
+      Duchess had engaged in fresh intrigues for palming off a spurious child
+      upon her husband. These roused the suspicions of his brother Cardinal
+      Ferdinando de'Medici, heir presumptive to the crown. An angry
+      correspondence followed, ending in a reconciliation between the three
+      princes. They met in the autumn of 1587 at the villa of Poggio a Cajano.
+      Then the world was startled by the announcement that the Grand Duke had
+      died of <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA384" id="pageA384"></a>{384}</span>
+      fever after a few days' illness, and that Bianca had almost immediately
+      afterwards followed him to the grave. Ferdinand, on succeeding to the
+      throne, refused her the interment suited to her rank, defaced her arms on
+      public edifices, and for her name and titles in official documents
+      substituted the words, 'la pessima Bianca.' What passed at Poggio a Cajano
+      is not known. It was commonly believed in Italy that Bianca, meaning to
+      poison the Cardinal at supper, had been frustrated in her designs by a
+      blunder which made her husband the victim of this plot, and that she ended
+      her own life in despair or fell a victim to the Cardinal's vengeance. This
+      story is rejected both by Botta and Galluzzi; but Litta has given it a
+      partial credence.<a name="FNanchorA_216_216" id="FNanchorA_216_216"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_216_216" class="fnanchor">[216]</a> Two of Cosimo's sons
+      died previously, in the year 1562, under circumstances which gave rise to
+      similar malignant rumors. Don Garzia and the Cardinal Giovanni were
+      hunting together in the Pisan marshes, when the latter expired after a
+      short illness, and the former in a few days met with a like fate. Report
+      ran that Don Garzia had stabbed his brother, and that Cosimo, in a fit of
+      rage, ran him through the body with his own sword. In this case, although
+      Litta attaches weight to the legend, the balance of evidence is strongly
+      in favor of both brothers having been carried off by a pernicious fever
+      contracted simultaneously during <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA385"
+      id="pageA385"></a>{385}</span> their hunting expedition.<a
+      name="FNanchorA_217_217" id="FNanchorA_217_217"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_217_217" class="fnanchor">[217]</a> Each instance serves
+      however, to show in what an atmosphere of guilt the Medicean princes were
+      enveloped. No one believed that they could die except by fraternal or
+      paternal hands. And the authentic crimes of the family certainly justified
+      this popular belief. I have already alluded to the murders of Ippolito,
+      Alessandro, and Lorenzino. I have told how the Court of Florence
+      sanctioned the assassination of Bianca's daughter by her husband at
+      Bologna.<a name="FNanchorA_218_218" id="FNanchorA_218_218"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_218_218" class="fnanchor">[218]</a> I must now proceed to
+      relate the tragic tales of the princesses of the house.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Pietro de'Medici, a fifth of Cosimo's sons, had rendered himself notorious
+      in Spain and Italy by forming a secret society for the most revolting
+      debaucheries.<a name="FNanchorA_219_219" id="FNanchorA_219_219"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_219_219" class="fnanchor">[219]</a> Yet he married the
+      noble lady Eleonora di Toledo, related by blood to Cosimo's first wife.
+      Neglected and outraged by her husband, she proved unfaithful, and Pietro
+      hewed her in pieces with his own hands at Caffaggiolo. Isabella de'Medici,
+      daughter of Cosimo, was married to the Duke of Bracciano. Educated in the
+      empoisoned atmosphere of Florence, she, like Eleonora di Toledo, yielded
+      herself to fashionable profligacy, and was strangled by her husband at
+      Cerretto.<a name="FNanchorA_220_220" id="FNanchorA_220_220"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_220_220" class="fnanchor">[220]</a><span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageA386" id="pageA386"></a>{386}</span>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Both of these murders took place in 1576. Isabella's death, as I have
+      elsewhere related, opened the way for the Duke of Bracciano's marriage
+      with Vittoria Accoramboni, which had been prepared by the assassination of
+      her first husband, and which led to her own murder at Padua.<a
+      name="FNanchorA_221_221" id="FNanchorA_221_221"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_221_221" class="fnanchor">[221]</a> Another of Cosimo's
+      daughters, Lucrezia de'Medici, became Duchess of Ferrara, fell under a
+      suspicion of infidelity, and was possibly removed by poison in 1561.<a
+      name="FNanchorA_222_222" id="FNanchorA_222_222"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_222_222" class="fnanchor">[222]</a> The last of his sons
+      whom I have to mention, Don Giovanni, married a dissolute woman of low
+      birth called Livia, and disgraced the name of Medici by the unprincely
+      follies of his life. Eleonora de'Medici, third of his daughters,
+      introduces a comic element into these funereal records. She was affianced
+      to Vincenzo Gonzaga, heir of the Duchy of Mantua. But suspicions, arising
+      out of the circumstances of his divorce from a former wife, obliged him to
+      prove his marital capacity before the completion of the contract. This he
+      did at Venice, before a witness, upon the person of a virgin selected for
+      the experiment.<a name="FNanchorA_223_223" id="FNanchorA_223_223"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_223_223" class="fnanchor">[223]</a> Maria de'Medici, the
+      only child of Duke Francesco, became Queen of France. <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageA387" id="pageA387"></a>{387}</span> The history of her amours
+      with Concini forms an episode in French annals.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      If now we eliminate the deaths of Don Garcia, Cardinal Giovanni, Duke
+      Francesco, Bianca Capello, and Lucrezia de'Medici, as doubtful, there will
+      still remain the murders of Cardinal Ippolito, Duke Alessandro, Lorenzino
+      de'Medici, Pietro Bonaventuri (Bianca's husband), Pellegrina Bentivoglio
+      (Bianca's daughter), Eleonora di Toledo, Francesco Casi (Eleonora's
+      lover), the Duchess of Bracciano, Troilo Orsini (lover of this Duchess),
+      Felice Peretti (husband of Vittoria Accoramboni), and Vittoria Accoramboni&mdash;eleven
+      murders, all occurring between 1535 and 1585, an exact half century, in a
+      single princely family and its immediate connections. The majority of
+      these crimes, that is to say seven, had their origin in lawless passion.<a
+      name="FNanchorA_224_224" id="FNanchorA_224_224"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_224_224" class="fnanchor">[224]</a>
+    </p>
+    <hr style="width: 65%;" />
+    <h2>
+      <a name="CHAPTER_VI" id="CHAPTER_VI"></a>CHAPTER VI
+    </h2>
+    <p>
+      <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA388" id="pageA388"></a>{388}</span>
+    </p>
+    <h4>
+      SOCIAL AND DOMESTIC MORALS: PART II
+    </h4>
+    <div class="blockquot">
+      <p>
+        Tales illustrative of Bravi and Banditti&mdash;Cecco Bibboni&mdash;Ambrogio
+        Tremazzi&mdash;Lodovico dall'Armi&mdash;Brigandage&mdash;Piracy&mdash;Plagues&mdash;The
+        Plagues of Milan, Venice, Piedmont&mdash;Persecution of the Untori&mdash;Moral
+        State of the Proletariate&mdash;Witchcraft&mdash;Its Italian Features&mdash;History
+        of Giacomo Centini.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <p>
+      The stories related in the foregoing chapter abundantly demonstrate the
+      close connection between the aristocracy and their accomplices&mdash;bravos
+      and bandits. But it still remains to consider this connection from the
+      professional murderer's own point of view. And for this purpose, I will
+      now make use of two documents vividly illustrative of the habits,
+      sentiments, and social status of men who undertook to speculate in
+      bloodshed for reward. They are both autobiographical; and both relate
+      tragedies which occupied the attention of all Italy.
+    </p>
+    <h4>
+      <i>Cecco Bibboni</i>
+    </h4>
+    <p>
+      The first of these documents is the report made by Cecco Bibboni
+      concerning his method adopted for the murder of Lorenzino de'Medici at
+      Venice in 1546. Lorenzino, by the help of a bravo called Scoroncolo, had
+      assassinated his cousin Alessandro, Duke of Florence, in 1537. After
+      accomplishing <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA389" id="pageA389"></a>{389}</span>
+      this deed, which gained for him the name of Brutus, he escaped from the
+      city; and a distant relative of the murdered and the murderer, Cosimo
+      de'Medici, was chosen Duke in Alessandro's stead. One of the first acts of
+      his reign was to publish a ban of outlawry against Lorenzino. His portrait
+      was painted according to old Tuscan usage head downwards, and suspended by
+      one foot, upon the wall of Alessandro's fortress. His house was cut in
+      twain from roof to pavement, and a narrow passage was driven through it,
+      which received the name of Traitor's Alley, <i>Chiasso del Traditore</i>.
+      The price put upon his head was enormous&mdash;four thousand golden
+      florins, with a pension of one hundred florins to the murderer and his
+      heirs in perpetuity. The man who should kill Lorenzino was, further, to
+      enjoy amnesty from all offenses and to exercise full civic rights; he was
+      promised exemption from taxes, the privilege of carrying arms with two
+      attendants in the whole domain of Florence, and the prerogative of
+      restoring ten outlaws at his choice. If he captured Lorenzino and brought
+      him alive to Florence, the reward would be double in each item. There was
+      enough here to raise cupidity and stir the speculative spirit. Cecco
+      Bibboni shall tell us how the business was brought to a successful
+      termination.<a name="FNanchorA_225_225" id="FNanchorA_225_225"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_225_225" class="fnanchor">[225]</a>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      'When I returned from Germany,' begins Bibboni,<span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageA390" id="pageA390"></a>{390}</span> 'where I had been in the
+      pay of the Emperor, I found at Vicenza Bebo da Volterra, who was staying
+      in the house of M. Antonio da Roma, a nobleman of that city. This
+      gentleman employed him because of a great feud he had; and he was mighty
+      pleased, moreover, at my coming, and desired that I too should take up my
+      quarters in his palace.'
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Bibboni proceeds to say how another gentleman of Vicenza, M. Francesco
+      Manente, had at this time a feud with certain of the Guazzi and the
+      Laschi, which had lasted several years, and cost the lives of many members
+      of both parties and their following. M. Francesco, being a friend of M.
+      Antonio, besought that gentleman to lend him Bibboni and Bebo for a
+      season; and the two <i>bravi</i> went together with their new master to
+      Celsano, a village in the neighborhood. 'There both parties had estates,
+      and all of them kept armed men in their houses, so that not a day passed
+      without feats of arms, and always there was some one killed or wounded.
+      One day, soon afterwards, the leaders of our party resolved to attack the
+      foe in their house, where we killed two, and the rest, numbering five men,
+      entrenched themselves in a ground-floor apartment; whereupon we took
+      possession of their harquebusses and other arms, which forced them to
+      abandon the villa and retire to Vicenza; and within a short space of time
+      this great feud was terminated by an ample peace.' After this Bebo took
+      service with the Rector of the University in Padua, and was transferred by
+      his new <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA391" id="pageA391"></a>{391}</span>
+      patron to Milan. Bibboni remained at Vicenza with M. Galeazzo della Seta,
+      who stood in great fear of his life, notwithstanding the peace which had
+      been concluded between the two factions. At the end of ten months he
+      returned to M. Antonio da Roma and his six brothers, 'all of whom being
+      very much attached to me, they proposed that I should live my life with
+      them, for good or ill, and be treated as one of the family; upon the
+      understanding that if war broke out and I wanted to take part in it, I
+      should always have twenty-five crowns and arms and horse, with welcome
+      home, so long as I lived; and in case I did not care to join the troops,
+      the same provision for my maintenance.'
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      From these details we comprehend the sort of calling which a bravo of
+      Bibboni's species followed. Meanwhile Bebo was at Milan. 'There it
+      happened that M. Francesco Vinta, of Volterra, was on embassy from the
+      Duke of Florence. He saw Bebo, and asked him what he was doing in Milan,
+      and Bebo answered that he was a knight errant.' This phrase&mdash;derived,
+      no doubt, from the romantic epics then in vogue&mdash;was a pretty
+      euphemism for a rogue of Bebo's quality. The ambassador now began
+      cautiously to sound his man, who seems to have been outlawed from the
+      Tuscan duchy, telling him he knew a way by which he might return with
+      favor to his home, and at last disclosing the affair of Lorenzino. Bebo
+      was puzzled at first, but when he understood the matter, he professed his
+      willingness, <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA392" id="pageA392"></a>{392}</span>
+      took letters from the envoy to the Duke of Florence, and, in a private
+      audience with Cosimo, informed him that he was ready to attempt
+      Lorenzino's assassination. He added that 'he had a comrade fit for such a
+      job, whose fellow for the business could not easily be found.'
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Bebo now traveled to Vicenza, and opened the whole matter to Bibboni, who
+      weighed it well, and at last, being convinced that the Duke's commission
+      to his comrade was <i>bon&acirc; fide</i>, determined to take his share in
+      the undertaking. The two agreed to have no accomplices. They went to
+      Venice, and 'I,' says Bibboni, 'being most intimately acquainted with all
+      that city, and provided there with many friends, soon quietly contrived to
+      know where Lorenzino lodged, and took a room in the neighborhood, and
+      spent some days in seeing how we best might rule our conduct.' Bibboni
+      soon discovered that Lorenzino never left his palace; and he therefore
+      remained in much perplexity, until, by good luck, Ruberto Strozzi arrived
+      from France in Venice, bringing in his train a Navarrese servant, who had
+      the nickname of Spagnoletto. This fellow was a great friend of the bravo.
+      They met, and Bibboni told him that he should like to go and kiss the
+      hands of Messer Ruberto, whom he had known in Rome. Strozzi inhabited the
+      same palace as Lorenzino. 'When we arrived there, both Messer Ruberto and
+      Lorenzino were leaving the house, and there were around them so many
+      gentlemen and other persons, that I could <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageA393" id="pageA393"></a>{393}</span> not present myself, and
+      both straightway stepped into the gondola. Then I, not having seen
+      Lorenzino for a long while past, and because he was very quietly attired,
+      could not recognize the man exactly, but only as it were between certainty
+      and doubt. Wherefore I said to Spagnoletto, "I think I know that
+      gentleman, but don't remember where I saw him." And Messer Ruberto was
+      giving him his right hand. Then Spagnoletto answered, "You know him well
+      enough; he is Messer Lorenzino. But see you tell this to nobody. He goes
+      by the name of Messer Dario, because he lives in great fear for his
+      safety, and people don't know that he is now in Venice." I answered that I
+      marveled much, and if I could have helped him, would have done so
+      willingly. Then I asked where they were going, and he said, to dine with
+      Messer Giovanni della Casa, who was the Pope's Legate. I did not leave the
+      man till I had drawn from him all I required.'
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Thus spoke the Italian Judas. The appearance of La Casa on the scene is
+      interesting. He was the celebrated author of the <i>Capitolo del Forno</i>,
+      the author of many sublime and melancholy sonnets, who was now at Venice
+      prosecuting a charge of heresy against Pier Paolo Vergerio, and paying his
+      addresses to a noble lady of the Quirini family. It seems that on the
+      territory of San Marco he made common cause with the exiles from Florence,
+      for he was himself by birth a Florentine, and he had no objection to take
+      Brutus-Lorenzino by the hand.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA394" id="pageA394"></a>{394}</span>
+      After the noblemen had rowed off in their gondola to dine with the Legate,
+      Bibboni and his friend entered their palace, where he found another old
+      acquaintance, the house-steward, or <i>spenditore</i> of Lorenzino. From
+      him he gathered much useful information. Pietro Strozzi, it seems, had
+      allowed the tyrannicide one thousand five hundred crowns a year, with the
+      keep of three brave and daring companions (<i>tre compagni bravi e
+      facinorosi</i>), and a palace worth fifty crowns on lease. But Lorenzino
+      had just taken another on the Campo di San Polo at three hundred crowns a
+      year, for which swagger (<i>altura</i>) Pietro Strozzi had struck a
+      thousand crowns off his allowance. Bibboni also learned that he was
+      keeping house with his uncle, Alessandro Soderini, another Florentine
+      outlaw, and that he was ardently in love with a certain beautiful Barozza.
+      This woman was apparently one of the grand courtesans of Venice. He
+      further ascertained the date when he was going to move into the palace at
+      San Polo, and, 'to put it briefly, knew everything he did, and, as it
+      were, how many times a day he spit.' Such were the intelligences of the
+      servants' hall, and of such value were they to men of Bibboni's calling.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      In the Carnival of 1546 Lorenzino meant to go masqued in the habit of a
+      gypsy woman to the square of San Spirito, where there was to be a joust.
+      Great crowds of people would assemble, and Bibboni hoped to do his
+      business there. The assassination, however, failed on this occasion, and
+      Lorenzino took <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA395" id="pageA395"></a>{395}</span>
+      up his abode in the palace he had hired upon the Campo di San Polo. This
+      Campo is one of the largest open places in Venice, shaped irregularly,
+      with a finely curving line upon the western side, where two of the noblest
+      private houses in the city are still standing. Nearly opposite these, in
+      the south-western angle, stands, detached, the little old church of San
+      Polo. One of its side entrances opens upon the square; the other on a lane
+      which leads eventually to the Frari. There is nothing in Bibboni's
+      narrative to make it clear where Lorenzino hired his dwelling. But it
+      would seem from certain things which he says later on, that in order to
+      enter the church his victim had to cross the square. Meanwhile Bibboni
+      took the precaution of making friends with a shoemaker, whose shop
+      commanded the whole Campo, including Lorenzino's palace. In this shop he
+      began to spend much of his time; 'and oftentimes I feigned to be asleep;
+      but God knows whether I was sleeping, for my mind, at any rate, was wide
+      awake.'
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      A second convenient occasion for murdering Lorenzino soon seemed to offer.
+      He was bidden to dine with Monsignor della Casa; and Bibboni, putting a
+      bold face on, entered the Legate's palace, having left Bebo below in the
+      loggia, fully resolved to do the business. 'But we found,' he says, 'that
+      they had gone to dine at Murano, so that we remained with our tabors in
+      their bag.' The island of Murano at that period was a favorite resort of
+      the Venetian <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA396" id="pageA396"></a>{396}</span>
+      nobles, especially of the more literary and artistic, who kept
+      country-houses there, where they enjoyed the fresh air of the lagoons and
+      the quiet of their gardens.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The third occasion, after all these weeks of watching, brought success to
+      Bibboni's schemes. He had observed how Lorenzino occasionally so far broke
+      his rules of caution as to go on foot, past the church of San Polo, to
+      visit the beautiful Barozza; and he resolved, if possible, to catch him on
+      one of these journeys. 'It so chanced on February 28, which was the second
+      Sunday of Lent, that having gone, as was my wont, to pry out whether
+      Lorenzino would give orders for going abroad that day, I entered the
+      shoemaker's shop, and stayed awhile, until Lorenzino came to the window
+      with a napkin round his neck&mdash;for he was combing his hair &mdash;and
+      at the same moment I saw a certain Giovan Battista Martelli, who kept his
+      sword for the defense of Lorenzino's person, enter and come forth again.
+      Concluding that they would probably go abroad, I went home to get ready
+      and procure the necessary weapons, and there I found Bebo asleep in bed,
+      and made him get up at once, and we came to our accustomed post of
+      observation, by the church of San Polo, where our men would have to pass.'
+      Bibboni now retired to his friend the shoemaker's, and Bebo took up his
+      station at one of the side doors of San Polo: 'and, as good luck would
+      have it, Giovan Battista Martelli came forth, and walked a piece in front,
+      and <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA397" id="pageA397"></a>{397}</span>
+      then Lorenzino came, and then Alessandro Soderini, going the one behind
+      the other, like storks, and Lorenzino, on entering the church, and lifting
+      up the curtain of the door, was seen from the opposite door by Bebo, who
+      at the same time noticed how I had left the shop, and so we met upon the
+      street as we had agreed, and he told me that Lorenzino was inside the
+      church.'
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      To any one who knows the Campo di San Polo, it will be apparent that
+      Lorenzino had crossed from the western side of the piazza and entered the
+      church by what is technically called its northern door. Bebo, stationed at
+      the southern door, could see him when he pushed the heavy <i>stoia</i> or
+      leather curtain aside, and at the same time could observe Bibboni's
+      movements in the cobbler's shop. Meanwhile Lorenzino walked across the
+      church and came to the same door where Bebo had been standing. 'I saw him
+      issue from the church and take the main street; then came Alessandro
+      Soderini, and I walked last of all; and when we reached the point we had
+      determined on, I jumped in front of Alessandro with the poignard in my
+      hand, crying, "Hold hard, Alessandro, and get along with you, in God's
+      name, for we are not here for you!" He then threw himself around my waist,
+      and grasped my arms, and kept on calling out. Seeing how wrong I had been
+      to try to spare his life, I wrenched myself as well as I could from his
+      grip, and with my lifted poignard struck him, as God willed, above the
+      eyebrow, and <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA398" id="pageA398"></a>{398}</span>
+      a little blood trickled from the wound. He, in high fury, gave me such a
+      thrust that I fell backward, and the ground besides was slippery from
+      having rained a little. Then Alessandro drew his sword, which he carried
+      in its scabbard, and thrust at me in front, and struck me on the corselet,
+      which for my good fortune was of double mail. Before I could get ready I
+      received three passes, which, had I worn a doublet instead of that mailed
+      corselet, would certainly have run me through. At the fourth pass I had
+      regained my strength and spirit, and closed with him, and stabbed him four
+      times in the head, and being so close he could not use his sword, but
+      tried to parry with his hand and hilt, and I, as God willed, struck him at
+      the wrist below the sleeve of mail, and cut his hand off clean, and gave
+      him then one last stroke on his head. Thereupon he begged for God's sake
+      spare his life, and I, in trouble about Bebo, left him in the arms of a
+      Venetian nobleman, who held him back from jumping into the canal.'
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Who this Venetian nobleman, found unexpectedly upon the scene, was, does
+      not appear. Nor, what is still more curious, do we hear anything of that
+      Martelli, the bravo, 'who kept his sword for the defense of Lorenzino's
+      person.' The one had arrived accidentally, it seems. The other must have
+      been a coward and escaped from the scuffle.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      'When I turned,' proceeds Bibboni, 'I found Lorenzino on his knees. He
+      raised himself, and I in anger, gave him a great cut across the head,
+      which <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA399" id="pageA399"></a>{399}</span>
+      split it in two pieces, and laid him at my feet, and he never rose again.'
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Bebo, meanwhile, had made off from the scene of action. And Bibboni,
+      taking to his heels, came up with him in the little square of San
+      Marcello. They now ran for their lives till they reached the traghetto di
+      San Spirito, where they threw their poignards into the water, remembering
+      that no man might carry these in Venice under penalty of the galleys.
+      Bibboni's white hose were drenched with blood. He therefore agreed to
+      separate from Bebo, having named a rendezvous. Left alone, his ill luck
+      brought him face to face with twenty constables (<i>sbirri</i>). 'In a
+      moment I conceived that they knew everything, and were come to capture me,
+      and of a truth I saw that it was over with me. As swiftly as I could I
+      quickened pace and got into a church, near to which was the house of a
+      Compagnia, and the one opened into the other, and knelt down and prayed
+      commending myself with fervor to God for my deliverance and safety. Yet
+      while I prayed, I kept my eyes well opened and saw the whole band pass the
+      church, except one man who entered, and I strained my sight so that I
+      seemed to see behind as well as in front, and then it was I longed for my
+      poignard, for I should not have heeded being in a church.' But the
+      constable, it soon appeared, was not looking for Bibboni. So he gathered
+      up his courage, and ran for the Church of San Spirito, where the Padre
+      Andrea Volterrano was preaching to a great congre<span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageA400" id="pageA400"></a>{400}</span> gation. He hoped to go in
+      by one door and out by the other, but the crowd prevented him, and he had
+      to turn back and face the <i>sbirri</i>. One of them followed him, having
+      probably caught sight of the blood upon his hose. Then Bibboni resolved to
+      have done with the fellow, and rushed at him, and flung him down with his
+      head upon the pavement, and ran like mad, and came at last, all out of
+      breath to San Marco.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      It seems clear that before Bibboni separated from Bebo they had crossed
+      the water, for the Sestiere di San Polo is separated from the Sestiere di
+      San Marco by the Grand Canal. And this they must have done at the
+      traghetto di San Spirito. Neither the church nor the traghetto are now in
+      existence, and this part of the story is therefore obscure.<a
+      name="FNanchorA_226_226" id="FNanchorA_226_226"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_226_226" class="fnanchor">[226]</a>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Having reached San Marco, he took a gondola at the Ponte della Paglia,
+      where tourists are now wont to stand and contemplate the Ducal Palace and
+      the Bridge of Sighs. First, he sought the house of a woman of the town who
+      was his friend; then changed purpose, and rowed to the palace of the Count
+      Salici da Collalto. 'He was a great friend and <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageA401" id="pageA401"></a>{401}</span> intimate of ours, because
+      Bebo and I had done him many and great services in times past. There I
+      knocked; and Bebo opened the door, and when he saw me dabbled with blood,
+      he marveled that I had not come to grief and fallen into the hands of
+      justice; and, indeed, had feared as much because I had remained so long
+      away.' It appears, therefore, that the Palazzo Collalto was their
+      rendezvous. 'The Count was from home; but being known to all his people, I
+      played the master and went into the kitchen to the fire, and with soap and
+      water turned my hose, which had been white, to a grey color.' This is a
+      very delicate way of saying that he washed out the blood of Alessandro and
+      Lorenzino!
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Soon after the Count returned, and 'lavished caresses' upon Bebo and his
+      precious comrade. They did not tell him what they had achieved that
+      morning, but put him off with a story of having settled a <i>sbirro</i> in
+      a quarrel about a girl. Then the Count invited them to dinner; and being
+      himself bound to entertain the first physician of Venice, requested them
+      to take it in an upper chamber. He and his secretary served them with
+      their own hands at table. When the physician arrived, the Count went
+      downstairs; and at this moment a messenger came from Lorenzino's mother,
+      begging the doctor to go at once to San Polo, for that her son had been
+      murdered and Soderini wounded to the death. It was now no longer possible
+      to conceal their doings from the Count, who told them to pluck up courage
+      and abide <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA402" id="pageA402"></a>{402}</span>
+      in patience. He had himself to dine and take his siesta, and then to
+      attend a meeting of the Council.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      About the hour of vespers, Bibboni determined to seek better refuge.
+      Followed at a discreet distance by Bebo, he first called at their lodgings
+      and ordered supper. Two priests came in and fell into conversation with
+      them. But something in the behavior of one of these good men roused his
+      suspicions. So they left the house, took a gondola, and told the man to
+      row hard to S. Maria Zobenigo. On the way he bade him put them on shore,
+      paid him well, and ordered him to wait for them. They landed near the
+      palace of the Spanish embassy; and here Bibboni meant to seek sanctuary.
+      For it must be remembered that the houses of ambassadors, no less than
+      those of princes of the Church, were inviolable. They offered the most
+      convenient harboring-places to rascals. Charles V., moreover, was deeply
+      interested in the vengeance taken on Alessandro de'Medici's murderer, for
+      his own natural daughter was Alessandro's widow and Duchess of Florence.
+      In the palace they were received with much courtesy by about forty
+      Spaniards, who showed considerable curiosity, and told them that Lorenzino
+      and Alessandro Soderini had been murdered that morning by two men whose
+      description answered to their appearance. Bibboni put their questions by
+      and asked to see the ambassador. He was not at home. 'In that case,' said
+      Bibboni, 'take us to the secretary. Attended by some thirty Spaniards,
+      'with great joy <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA403" id="pageA403"></a>{403}</span>
+      and gladness,' they were shown into the secretary's chamber. He sent the
+      rest of the folk away, 'and locked the door well, and then embraced and
+      kissed us before we had said a word, and afterwards bade us talk freely
+      without any fear.' When Bibboni had told the whole story, he was again
+      embraced and kissed by the secretary, who thereupon left them and went to
+      the private apartment of the ambassador. Shortly after he returned and led
+      them by a winding staircase into the presence of his master. The
+      ambassador greeted them with great honor, told them he would strain all
+      the power of the empire to hand them in safety over to Duke Cosimo, and
+      that he had already sent a courier to the Emperor with the good news.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      So they remained in hiding in the Spanish embassy; and in ten days' time
+      commands were received from Charles himself that everything should be done
+      to convey them safely to Florence. The difficulty was how to smuggle them
+      out of Venice, where the police of the Republic were on watch, and
+      Florentine outlaws were mounting guard on sea and shore to catch them. The
+      ambassador began by spreading reports on the Rialto every morning of their
+      having been seen at Padua, at Verona, in Friuli. He then hired a palace at
+      Malghera, near Mestre, and went out daily with fifty Spaniards, and took
+      carriage or amused himself with horse exercise and shooting. The
+      Florentines, who were on watch, could only discover from his people that
+      he did this <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA404" id="pageA404"></a>{404}</span>
+      for amusement. When he thought that he had put them sufficiently off their
+      guard, the ambassador one day took Bibboni and Bebo out by Canaregio to
+      Malghera, concealed in his own gondola, with the whole train of Spaniards
+      in attendance. And though on landing, the Florentines challenged them,
+      they durst not interfere with an ambassador or come to battle with his
+      men. So Bebo and Bibboni were hustled into a coach, and afterwards
+      provided with two comrades and four horses. They rode for ninety miles
+      without stopping to sleep, and on the day following this long journey
+      reached Trento, having probably threaded the mountain valleys above
+      Bassano, for Bibboni speaks of a certain village where the people talked
+      half German. The Imperial Ambassador at Trento forwarded them next day to
+      Mantua; from Mantua they came to Piacenza; thence passing through the
+      valley of the Taro, crossing the Apennines at Cisa, descending on
+      Pontremoli, and reaching Pisa at night, the fourteenth day after their
+      escape from Venice.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      When they arrived at Pisa, Duke Cosimo was supping. So they went to an
+      inn, and next morning presented themselves to his Grace. Cosimo welcomed
+      them kindly, assured them of his gratitude, confirmed them in the
+      enjoyment of their rewards and privileges, and swore that they might rest
+      secure of his protection in all parts of his dominion. We may imagine how
+      the men caroused together after this reception. As Bibboni adds, 'We were
+      now able <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA405" id="pageA405"></a>{405}</span>
+      for the whole time of life left us to live splendidly, without a thought
+      or care.' The last words of his narrative are these: 'Bebo, from Pisa, at
+      what date I know not, went home to Volterra, his native town, and there
+      finished his days; while I abode in Florence, where I have had no further
+      wish to hear of wars, but to live my life in holy peace.'
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      So ends the story of the two <i>bravi</i>. We have reason to believe, from
+      some contemporary documents which Cant&ugrave; has brought to light, that
+      Bibboni exaggerated his own part in the affair. Luca Martelli, writing to
+      Varchi, says that it was Bebo who clove Lorenzino's skull with a cutlass.
+      He adds this curious detail, that the weapons of both men were poisoned,
+      and that the wound inflicted by Bibboni on Soderini's hand was a slight
+      one. Yet, the poignard being poisoned, Soderini died of it. In other
+      respects Martelli's brief account agrees with that given by Bibboni, who
+      probably did no more, his comrade being dead, than claim for himself, at
+      some expense of truth, the lion's share of their heroic action.
+    </p>
+    <h4>
+      <i>Ambrogio Tremazzi</i><a name="FNanchorA_227_227" id="FNanchorA_227_227"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_227_227" class="fnanchor">[227]</a>
+    </h4>
+    <p>
+      In illustration of this narrative, and in evidence that it stands by no
+      means solitary on the records of that century, I shall extract some
+      passages from the report made by Ambrogio Tremazzi of Modigliana <span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageA406" id="pageA406"></a>{406}</span>
+      concerning the assassination of Troilo Orsini. Troilo it will be
+      remembered, was the lover of the Medicean Duchess of Bracciano. After the
+      discovery of their amours, and while the lady was being strangled by her
+      husband, with the sanction of her brother Troilo escaped to France.
+      Ambrogio Tremazzi knowing that his murder would be acceptable to the
+      Medici, undertook the adventure; moved, as he says, 'solely by the desire
+      of bringing myself into favorable notice with the Grand Duke; for my mind
+      revolted at the thought of money payments, and I had in view the
+      acquisition of honor and praise rather, being willing to risk my life for
+      the credit of my Prince, and not my life only, but also to incur deadly
+      and perpetual feud with a powerful branch of the Orsini family.' On his
+      return from France, having successfully accomplished the mission, Ambrogio
+      Tremazzi found that the friends who had previously encouraged his hopes,
+      especially the Count Ridolfo Isolami, wished to compromise his reward by
+      the settlement of a pension on himself and his associate. Whether he
+      really aimed at a more honorable recognition of his services, or whether
+      he sought to obtain better pecuniary terms, does not appear. But he
+      represents himself as gravely insulted; 'seeing that my tenor of life from
+      boyhood upwards has been always honorable, and thus it ever shall be.'
+      After this exordium in the form of a letter addressed to one Signor
+      Antonio [Serguidi], he proceeds to render account of his <span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageA407" id="pageA407"></a>{407}</span>
+      proceedings. It seems that Don Piero de'Medici gave him three hundred
+      crowns for his traveling expenses; after which, leaving his son, a boy of
+      twelve years, as hostage in the service of Piero, he set off and reached
+      Paris on August 12, 1577. There he took lodgings at the sign of the Red
+      Horse, near the Cordeilliers, and began at once to make inquiries for
+      Troilo. He had brought with him from Italy a man called Hieronimo
+      Savorano. Their joint investigations elicited the fact that Troilo had
+      been lately wounded in the service of the King of France, and was expected
+      to arrive in Paris with the Court. It was not until the eve of All Saints'
+      day that the Court returned. Soon afterwards, Ambrogio was talking at the
+      door of a house with some Italian comedians, when a young man, covered
+      with a tawny-colored mantle, passed by upon a brown horse, bearing a
+      servant behind him on the crupper. This was Troilo Orsini; and Ambrogio
+      marked him well. Troilo, after some minutes' conversation with the
+      players, rode forward to the Louvre. The <i>bravo</i> followed him and
+      discovered from his servant where he lodged. Accordingly, he engaged rooms
+      in the Rue S. Honor&eacute;, in order to be nearer to his victim.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Some time, however, elapsed before he was able to ascertain Troilo's daily
+      habits. Chance at last threw them together. He was playing <i>primiero</i>
+      one evening in the house of an actress called Vittoria, when Troilo
+      entered, with two gentlemen of Florence.<span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageA408" id="pageA408"></a>{408}</span> He said he had been absent
+      ten days from Paris. Ambrogio, who had left his harquebuss at home, not
+      expecting to meet him, 'was consequently on that occasion unable to do
+      anything.' Days passed without a better opportunity, till, on November 30,
+      'the feast of S. Andrew, which is a lucky day for me, I rose and went at
+      once to the palace, and, immediately on my arrival, saw him at the hour
+      when the king goes forth to mass.' Ambrogio had to return as he went; for
+      Troilo was surrounded by too many gentlemen of the French Court; but he
+      made his mind up then and there 'to see the end of him or me.' He called
+      his comrade Hieronimo, posted him on a bridge across the Seine, and
+      proceeded to the Court, where Troilo was now playing racquets with princes
+      of the royal family. Ambrogio hung about the gates until Troilo issued
+      from the lodgings of Monseigneur de Montmorenci, still tracked by his
+      unknown enemy, and thence returned to his own house on horseback attended
+      by several servants. After waiting till the night fell, Troilo again left
+      home on horseback preceded by his servants with torches. Ambrogio followed
+      at full speed, watched a favorable opportunity, and stopped the horse.
+      When I came up with him, I seized the reins with my left hand and with my
+      right I set my harquebuss against his side, pushing it with such violence
+      that if it had failed to go off it would at any rate have dislodged him
+      from his seat. The gun took effect and he fell crying out "Eh! Eh!" In the
+      tumult <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA409" id="pageA409"></a>{409}</span>
+      which ensued, I walked away, and do not know what happened afterwards.'
+      Ambrogio then made his way back to his lodgings, recharged his harquebuss,
+      ate some supper and went to bed. He told Hieronimo that nothing had
+      occurred that night. Next day he rose as usual, and returned to the Court,
+      hoping to hear news of Troilo. In the afternoon, at the Italian theatre,
+      he was informed that an Italian had been murdered, at the instance, it was
+      thought, of the Grand Duke of Florence. Hieronimo touched his arm, and
+      whispered that he must have done the deed; but Ambrogio denied the fact.
+      It seems to have been his object to reserve the credit of the murder for
+      himself, and also to avoid the possibility of Hieronimo's treachery in
+      case suspicion fell upon him. Afterwards he learned that Troilo lay
+      dangerously wounded by a harquebuss. Further details made him aware that
+      he was himself suspected of the murder, and that Troilo could not recover.
+      He therefore conferred upon the matter with Hieronimo in Notre Dame, and
+      both of them resolved to leave Paris secretly. This they did at once,
+      relinquishing clothes, arms, and baggage in their lodgings, and reached
+      Italy in safety.
+    </p>
+    <h4>
+      <i>Lodovico dall'Armi</i>
+    </h4>
+    <p>
+      The relations of trust which <i>bravi</i> occasionally maintained with
+      foreign Courts, supply some curious illustrations of their position in
+      Italian society. One <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA410" id="pageA410"></a>{410}</span>
+      characteristic instance may be selected from documents in the Venetian
+      Archives referring to Lodovico dall'Armi.<a name="FNanchorA_228_228"
+      id="FNanchorA_228_228"></a><a href="#FootnoteA_228_228" class="fnanchor">[228]</a>
+      This man belonged to a noble family of Bologna; and there are reasons for
+      supposing that his mother was sister to Cardinal Campeggi, famous in the
+      annals of the English Reformation. Outlawed from his native city for a
+      homicide, Lodovico adopted the profession of arms and the management of
+      secret diplomacy. He first took refuge at the Court of France, where in
+      1541 he obtained such credit, especially with the Dauphin, that he was
+      entrusted with a mission for raising revolt in Siena against the
+      Spaniards.<a name="FNanchorA_229_229" id="FNanchorA_229_229"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_229_229" class="fnanchor">[229]</a> His transactions in
+      that city with Giulio Salvi, then aspiring to its lordship, and in Rome
+      with the French ambassador, led to a conspiracy which only awaited the
+      appearance of French troops upon the Tuscan frontier to break out into
+      open rebellion. The plot, however, transpired before it had been matured;
+      and Lodovico took flight through the Florentine territory. He was arrested
+      at Montevarchi and confined in the fortress of Florence, where he made
+      such revelations as rendered the extinction of the Sienese revolt an easy
+      matter. After this we do not hear of him until he reappears at Venice in
+      the year 1545. He was now accredited to the English ambassador with the
+      title of Henry VIII.'s 'Colonel,' and enjoyed the consideration accorded
+      to a powerful monarch's privy agent.<span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageA411" id="pageA411"></a>{411}</span>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      His pension amounted to fifty crowns a month, while he kept eight captains
+      at his orders, each of whom received half that sum as pay. These
+      subordinates were people of some social standing. We find among them a
+      Trissino of Vicenza and a Bonifacio of Verona, the one entitled Marquis
+      and the other Count. What the object of Lodovico's residence in Italy
+      might be, did not appear. Though he carried letters of recommendation from
+      the English Court, he laid no claim to the rank of diplomatic envoy. But
+      it was tolerably well known that he employed himself in levying troops.
+      Whether these were meant to be used against France or in favor of Savoy,
+      or whether, as the Court of Rome suggested, Henry had given orders for the
+      murder of his cousin, Cardinal Pole, at Trento, remained an open question.
+      Lodovico might have dwelt in peace under the tolerant rule of the
+      Venetians, had he not exposed himself to a collision with their police. In
+      the month of August he assaulted the captain of the night guard in a
+      street brawl; and it was also proved against him that he had despatched
+      two of his men to inflict a wound of infamy upon a gentleman at Treviso.
+      These offenses, coinciding with urgent remonstrances from the Papal Curia,
+      gave the Venetian Government fair pretext for expelling him from their
+      dominions. A ban was therefore published against him and fourteen of his
+      followers. The English ambassador declined to interfere in his behalf, and
+      the man left Italy. At the end of<span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA412"
+      id="pageA412"></a>{412}</span> August he appeared at Brussels, where he
+      attempted to excuse himself in an interview with the Venetian ambassador.
+      Now began a diplomatic correspondence between the English Court and the
+      Venetian Council, which clearly demonstrates what kind of importance
+      attached to this private agent. The Chancellor Lord Wriothesley, and the
+      Secretary Sir William Paget, used considerable urgency to obtain a
+      suspension of the ban against Dall'Armi. After four months' negotiation,
+      during which the Papal Court endeavored to neutralize Henry's influence,
+      the Doge signed a safe-conduct for five years in favor of the bravo. Early
+      in 1546 Lodovico reappeared in Lombardy. At Mantua he delivered a letter
+      signed by Henry himself to the Duke Francesco Gonzaga, introducing 'our
+      noble and beloved familiar Lodovico Dall'Armi,' and begging the Duke to
+      assist him in such matters as he should transact at Mantua in the king's
+      service.<a name="FNanchorA_230_230" id="FNanchorA_230_230"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_230_230" class="fnanchor">[230]</a> Lodovico presented
+      this letter in April; but the Duchess, who then acted as regent for her
+      son Francesco, refused to receive him. She alleged that the Duke forbade
+      the levying of troops for foreign service, and declined to complicate his
+      relations with foreign powers. It seems, from a sufficiently extensive
+      correspondence on the affairs of Lodovico, that he was understood by the
+      Italian princess to be charged with some special commission for recruiting
+      soldiers against the French.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The peace between England and France, signed <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageA413" id="pageA413"></a>{413}</span> at Guines in June, rendered
+      Lodovico's mission nugatory; and the death of Henry VIII. in January 1547
+      deprived him of his only powerful support. Meanwhile he had contrived to
+      incur the serious displeasure of the Venetian Republic. In the autumn of
+      1546 they outlawed one of their own nobles, Ser Mafio Bernardo, on the
+      charge of his having revealed state secrets to France. About the middle of
+      November, Bernardo, then living in concealment at Ravenna, was lured into
+      the pine forest by two men furnished with tokens which secured his
+      confidence. He was there murdered, and the assassins turned out to be paid
+      instruments of Lodovico. It now came to light that Lodovico and Ser Mafio
+      Bernardo had for some time past colluded in political intrigue. If,
+      therefore, the murder had a motive, this was found in Lodovico's dread of
+      revelations under the event of Ser Mario's capture. Submitted to torture
+      in the prisons of the Ten, Ser Mafio might have incriminated his
+      accomplice both with England and Venice. It was obvious why he had been
+      murdered by Lodovico's men. Dall'Armi was consequently arrested and
+      confined in Venice. After examination, followed by a temporary release, he
+      prudently took flight into the Duchy of Milan. Though they held proof of
+      his guilt in the matter of Ser Mafio's murder, the Venetians were
+      apparently unwilling to proceed to extremities against the King of
+      England's man. Early in February, however, Sir William Paget surrendered
+      him in the name of Lord Pro<span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA414"
+      id="pageA414"></a>{414}</span> tector Somerset to the discretion of S.
+      Mark. Furnished with this assurance that Dall'Armi had lost the favor of
+      England, the Signory wrote to demand his arrest and extradition from the
+      Spanish governor in Milan. He was in fact arrested on February 10. The
+      letter announcing his capture describes him as a man of remarkably
+      handsome figure, accustomed to wear a crimson velvet cloak and a red cap
+      trimmed with gold. It is exactly in this costume that Lodovico has been
+      represented by Bonifazio in a picture of the Massacre of the Innocents.
+      The bravo there stands with his back partly turned, gazing stolidly upon a
+      complex scene of bloodshed. He wears a crimson velvet mantle, scarlet cap
+      and white feather, scarlet stockings, crimson velvet shoes, and
+      rose-colored silk underjacket. His person is that of a gallant past the
+      age of thirty, high-complexioned, with short brown beard, spare whiskers
+      and moustache. He is good to look at, except that the sharp set mouth
+      suggests cynical vulgarity and shallow rashness. On being arrested in
+      Milan, Lodovico proclaimed himself a privileged person <i>(persona
+      pubblica)</i>, bearing credentials from the King of England; and, during
+      the first weeks of his confinement, he wrote to the Emperor for help. This
+      was an idle step. Henry's death had left him without protectors, and
+      Charles V. felt no hesitation in abandoning his suppliant to the
+      Venetians. When the usual formalities regarding extradition had been
+      completed, the Milanese Government delivered Lo<span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageA415" id="pageA415"></a>{415}</span> dovico at the end of April
+      into the hands of the Rector of Brescia, who forwarded him under a guard
+      of two hundred men to Padua. He was hand-cuffed; and special directions
+      were given regarding his safety, it being even prescribed that if he
+      refused food it should be thrust down his throat. What passed in the
+      prisons of the State, after his arrival at Venice, is not known. But on
+      May 14, he was beheaded between the columns on the Molo.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Venice, at this epoch, incurred the reproaches of her neighbors for
+      harboring adventurers of Lodovico's stamp. One of the Fregosi of Genoa a
+      certain Valerio, and Pietro Strozzi, the notorious French agent, all of
+      whom habitually haunted the lagoons, roused sufficient public anxiety to
+      necessitate diplomatic communications between Courts, and to disquiet
+      fretful Italian princelings. Banished from their own provinces, and plying
+      a petty Condottiere trade, such men, when they came together on a neutral
+      ground, engaged in cross-intrigues which made them politically dangerous.
+      They served no interest but that of their own egotism, and they were
+      notoriously unscrupulous in the means employed to effect immediate
+      objects. At the same time, the protection which they claimed from foreign
+      potentates withdrew them from the customary justice of the State. Bedmar's
+      conspiracy in 1617-18 revealed to Venice the full extent of the peril
+      which this harborage of ruffians involved; for though grandees of the
+      distinction of the Duke of Ossuna were involved in it, <span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageA416" id="pageA416"></a>{416}</span> the main
+      agents, on whose ambition and audacity all depended, sprang from those
+      French, English, Spanish, and Italian mercenaries, who crowded the low
+      quarters of the city, alert for any mischief, and inflamed with the
+      wildest projects of self-aggrandizement by policy and bloodshed. Nothing
+      testifies to the social and political decrepitude of Italy in this period
+      more plainly than the importance which folk like Lodovico Dall'Armi
+      acquired, and the revolutionary force which a man like Jaffier commanded.
+    </p>
+    <h4>
+      <i>Brigands, Pirates, Plague</i>
+    </h4>
+    <p>
+      After collecting these stories, which illustrate the manners of the upper
+      classes in society and prove their dependence upon henchmen paid to
+      subserve lawless passions, it would be interesting to lay bare the life of
+      the common people with equal lucidity. This, however, is a more difficult
+      matter. Statistics of dubious value can indeed be gathered regarding the
+      desolation of villages by brigands, the multitudes destroyed by pestilence
+      and famine, and the inroads of Mediterranean pirates. I propose,
+      therefore, to touch lightly upon these points, and especially to use our
+      records of plague in different Italian districts as tests for contrasting
+      the condition of the people at this epoch with that of the same people in
+      the Middle Ages.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Brigandage, though this was certainly a curse of the first magnitude to
+      Central and Southern Italy, cannot be paralleled, either for the miseries
+      <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA417" id="pageA417"></a>{417}</span> it
+      inflicted, or for the ferocity it stimulated, with the municipal warfare
+      of the twelfth, thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. In those internecine
+      struggles whole cities disappeared, and fertile districts were
+      periodically abandoned to wolves. The bands of an Alfonso Piccolomini or a
+      Sciarra Colonna plundered villages, exacted black mail, and held prisoners
+      for ransom.<a name="FNanchorA_231_231" id="FNanchorA_231_231"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_231_231" class="fnanchor">[231]</a> But their barbarities
+      were insignificant, when compared with those commonly perpetrated by
+      wandering companies of adventure before the days of Alberigo da Barbiano;
+      nor did brigands cost Italy so much as the mercenary troops, which, after
+      the Condottiere system had been developed, became a permanent drain upon
+      the resources of the country. The raids of Tunisian and Algerian Corsairs
+      were more seriously mischievous; since the whole sea-board from Nice to
+      Reggio lay open to the ravages of such incarnate fiends as Barbarossa and
+      Dragut, while the Adriatic was infested by Uscocchi, and the natives of
+      the Regno not unfrequently turned pirates in emulation of their
+      persecutors.<a name="FNanchorA_232_232" id="FNanchorA_232_232"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_232_232" class="fnanchor">[232]</a>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Yet even these injuries may be reckoned light, when we consider what Italy
+      had suffered between 1494 and 1527 from French, Spanish, German and Swiss
+      troops in combat on <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA418" id="pageA418"></a>{418}</span>
+      her soil. The pestilences of the Middle Ages notably the Black Death of
+      1348, of which Boccaccio has left an immortal description, exceeded in
+      virulence those which depopulated Italian cities during the period of my
+      history. But plagues continued to be frequent; and some of these are so
+      memorable that they require to be particularly noticed. At Venice in
+      1575-77, a total of about 50,000 persons perished; and in 1630-31, 46,490
+      were carried off within a space of sixteen months in the city, while the
+      number of those who died at large in the lagoons amounted to 94,235.<a
+      name="FNanchorA_233_233" id="FNanchorA_233_233"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_233_233" class="fnanchor">[233]</a> On these two
+      occasions the Venetians commemorated their deliverance by the erection of
+      the Redentore and S. Maria della Salute, churches which now form principal
+      ornaments of the Giudecca and the Grand Canal. Milan was devastated at the
+      same periods by plagues, of which we have detailed accounts in the
+      dispatches of resident Venetian envoys.<a name="FNanchorA_234_234"
+      id="FNanchorA_234_234"></a><a href="#FootnoteA_234_234" class="fnanchor">[234]</a>
+      The mortality in the second of these visitations was terrible. Before
+      September 1629, fourteen thousand had succumbed; between May and August
+      1630, forty-five thousand victims had been added to the tale.<a
+      name="FNanchorA_235_235" id="FNanchorA_235_235"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_235_235" class="fnanchor">[235]</a>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      At Naples in the year 1656, more than fifty thousand perished between May
+      and July; the dead were cast naked into the sea, and the Venetian envoy
+      describes the <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA419" id="pageA419"></a>{419}</span>
+      city as <i>'non pi&ugrave; citt&agrave; ma spelonca di morti</i>.'<a
+      name="FNanchorA_236_236" id="FNanchorA_236_236"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_236_236" class="fnanchor">[236]</a> In July his diary is
+      suddenly interrupted, whether by departure from the stricken town, or more
+      probably by death, we know not. Savoy was scourged by a fearful pestilence
+      in the years 1598-1600. Of this plague we possess a frightfully graphic
+      picture in the same accurate series of the State documents.<a
+      name="FNanchorA_237_237" id="FNanchorA_237_237"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_237_237" class="fnanchor">[237]</a> Simeone Contarini,
+      then resident at Savigliano, relates that more than two-thirds of the
+      population in that province had been swept away before the autumn of 1598,
+      and that the evil was spreading far and wide through Piedmont. In
+      Alpignano, a village of some four hundred inhabitants, only two remained.
+      In Val Moriana, forty thousand expired out of a total of seventy thousand.
+      The village of San Giovanni counted but twelve survivors from a population
+      of more than four thousand souls. In May 1599, the inhabitants of Turin
+      were reduced by flight and death to four thousand; and of these there died
+      daily numbers gradually rising through the summer from 50 to 180. The
+      streets were encumbered with unburied corpses, the houses infested by
+      robbers and marauders. Some incidents reported of this plague are ghastly
+      in their horror. The infected were treated with inhuman barbarity, and
+      retorted with savage fury, battering their assailants with the pestiferous
+      bodies of unburied victims.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA420" id="pageA420"></a>{420}</span> To
+      the miseries of pestilence and its attendant famine were added lawlessness
+      and license, raging fires, and what was worst of all, the dark suspicion
+      that the sickness had been introduced by malefactors. This belief appears
+      to have taken hold upon the popular mind during the plague of 1598 in
+      Savoy and in Milan.<a name="FNanchorA_238_238" id="FNanchorA_238_238"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_238_238" class="fnanchor">[238]</a> Simeone Contarini
+      reports that two men from Geneva confessed to having come with the express
+      purpose of disseminating infection. He also gives curious particulars of
+      two who were burned, and four who were quartered at Turin in 1600 for this
+      offense.<a name="FNanchorA_239_239" id="FNanchorA_239_239"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_239_239" class="fnanchor">[239]</a> 'These spirits of
+      hell,' as he calls them, indicated a wood in which they declared that they
+      had buried a pestilential liquid intended to be used for smearing houses.
+      The wood was searched, and some jars were discovered. A surgeon at the
+      same epoch confessed to having meant to spread the plague at Mondovi.
+      Other persons, declaring themselves guilty of a similar intention,
+      described a horn filled with poisonous stuff collected from the sores of
+      plague-stricken corpses, which they had concealed outside the walls of
+      Turin. This too was discovered; and these apparent proofs of guilt so
+      infuriated the people that every day some criminals were sacrificed to
+      judicial vengeance.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The name given to the unfortunate creatures <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageA421" id="pageA421"></a>{421}</span> accused of this diabolical
+      conspiracy was <i>Untori</i> or the Smearers. The plague of Milan in
+      1629-30 obtained the name of 'La Peste degli Untori' (as that of 1576 had
+      been called 'La Peste di S. Carlo'), because of the prominent part played
+      in it by the smearers.<a name="FNanchorA_240_240" id="FNanchorA_240_240"></a><a
+      href="#FootnoteA_240_240" class="fnanchor">[240]</a> They were popularly
+      supposed to go about the city daubing walls, doors, furniture,
+      choir-stalls, flowers, and articles of food with plague stuff. They
+      scattered powders in the air, or spread them in circles on the pavement.
+      To set a foot upon one of these circles involved certain destruction.
+      Hundreds of such <i>untori</i> were condemned to the most cruel deaths by
+      justice firmly persuaded of their criminality. Exposed to prolonged
+      tortures, the majority confessed palpable absurdities. One woman at Milan
+      said she had killed four thousand people. But, says Pier Antonio Marioni,
+      the Venetian envoy, although tormented to the utmost, none of them were
+      capable of revealing the prime instigators of the plot. So thoroughly
+      convinced was he, together with the whole world, of their guilt, that he
+      never paused to reflect upon the fallacy contained in this remark. The
+      rack-stretched wretches could not reveal their instigators, because there
+      were none; and the acts of which they accused themselves were the
+      delirious figments of their own torture-fretted brains. We possess
+      documents relating to the trial of the Milanese <i>untori</i>, which make
+      it clear that crimes of this sort must have <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageA422" id="pageA422"></a>{422}</span> been imaginary. As in cases
+      of witchcraft, the first accusation was founded upon gossip and delation.
+      The judicial proceedings were ruled by prejudice and cruelty. Fear and
+      physical pain extorted confessions and complicated accusations of their
+      neighbors from multitudes of innocent people.<a name="FNanchorA_241_241"
+      id="FNanchorA_241_241"></a><a href="#FootnoteA_241_241" class="fnanchor">[241]</a>
+      Indeed the parallel between these unfortunate smearers and no less
+      wretched witches is a close one. I am inclined to think that, as some
+      crazy women fancied they were witches, so some morbid persons of this
+      period in Italy believed in their power of spreading plague, and yielded
+      to the fascination of malignity. Whether such moral mad folk really
+      extended the sphere of the pestilence to any appreciable extent remains a
+      matter for conjecture; and it is quite certain that all but a small
+      percentage of the accused were victims of calumny.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      After taking brigandage, piracy, and pestilence into account, the decline
+      of Italy must be attributed to other causes. These I believe to have been
+      the extinction of commercial republics, the decay of free commonwealths,
+      iniquitous systems of taxation, the insane display of wealth by
+      unproductive princes, and the diversion of trade into foreign channels.
+      Florence ceased to be the center of wool manufacture, Venice lost her hold
+      upon the traffic between East <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA423"
+      id="pageA423"></a>{423}</span> and West.<a name="FNanchorA_242_242"
+      id="FNanchorA_242_242"></a><a href="#FootnoteA_242_242" class="fnanchor">[242]</a>
+      Stagnation fell like night upon the land, and the population suffered from
+      a general atrophy.
+    </p>
+    <h4>
+      <i>The Proletariate</i>
+    </h4>
+    <p>
+      In what concerns social morality it would be almost impossible to define
+      the position of the proletariate, tillers of the soil, and artisans, at
+      this epoch. These classes vary in their goodness and their badness, in
+      their drawbacks and advantages, from age to age far less than those who
+      mold the character of marked historical periods by culture. They enjoy
+      indeed a greater or a smaller immunity from pressing miseries. They are
+      innocent or criminal in different degrees. But the ground-work of humanity
+      in them remains comparatively unaltered; and their moral qualities, so far
+      as these may be exceptional, reflect the influences of an upper social
+      stratum. It is clear from the histories related in this chapter that
+      members of the lowest classes were continually mixing with the nobles and
+      the gentry in the wild adventures of that troubled century. They, like
+      their betters, were undergoing a tardy <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageA424" id="pageA424"></a>{424}</span> metamorphosis from
+      mediaeval to modern conditions, retaining vices of ferocity and grossness,
+      virtues of loyalty and self-reliance, which belonged to earlier periods.
+      They, too, were now infected by the sensuous romance of pietism, the
+      superstitious respect for sacraments and ceremonial observances which had
+      been wrought by the Catholic Revival into ecstatic frenzy. They shared
+      those correlative yearnings after sacrilegious debauchery, felt those
+      allurements of magic arts, indulged that perverted sense of personal honor
+      which constituted psychological disease in the century which we are
+      studying. It can, moreover, be maintained that Italian society at no epoch
+      has been so sharply divided into sections as that of the feudalized races.
+      In this period of one hundred years, from 1530 to 1630, when education was
+      a privilege of the few, and when Church and princes combined to retard
+      intellectual progress, the distinction between noble and plebeian, burgher
+      and plowman, though outwardly defined, was spiritually and morally
+      insignificant. As in the Renaissance, so now, vice trickled downwards from
+      above, infiltrating the masses of the people with its virus. But now, even
+      more decidedly than then, the upper classes displayed obliquities of
+      meanness, baseness, intemperance, cowardice, and brutal violence, which
+      are commonly supposed to characterize villeins.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      I had thought to throw some light upon the manners of the Italian
+      proletariate by exploring the <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA425"
+      id="pageA425"></a>{425}</span> archives of trials for witchcraft. But I
+      found that these were less common than in Germany, France, Spain, and
+      England at a corresponding period. In Italy witchcraft, pure and simple,
+      was confined, for the most part, to mountain regions, the Apennines of the
+      Abruzzi, and the Alps of Bergamo and Tyrol.<a name="FNanchorA_243_243"
+      id="FNanchorA_243_243"></a><a href="#FootnoteA_243_243" class="fnanchor">[243]</a>
+      In other provinces it was confounded with crimes of poisoning, the
+      procuring of abortion, and the fomentation of conspiracies in private
+      families. These facts speak much for the superior civilization of the
+      Italian people considered as a whole. We discover a common fund of
+      intelligence, vice, superstition, prejudice, enthusiasm, craft, devotion,
+      self-assertion, possessed by the race at large. Only in districts remote
+      from civil life did witchcraft assume those anti-social and repulsive
+      features which are familiar to Northern nations. Elsewhere it penetrated,
+      as a subtle poison, through society, lending its supposed assistance to
+      passions already powerful enough to work their own accomplishment. It
+      existed, not as an endemic disease, a permanent delirium of maddened
+      peasants, but as a weapon in the arsenal of malice on a par with poisons
+      and provocatives to lust.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      I might illustrate this position by the relation of a fantastic attempt
+      made against the life of Pope Urban VIII.<a name="FNanchorA_244_244"
+      id="FNanchorA_244_244"></a><a href="#FootnoteA_244_244" class="fnanchor">[244]</a><span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageA426" id="pageA426"></a>{426}</span>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Giacomo Centini, the nephew of Cardinal d'Ascoli, fostered a fixed idea,
+      the motive of his madness being the promotion of his uncle to S. Peter's
+      Chair. In 1633 he applied to a hermit, who professed profound science in
+      the occult arts and close familiarity with demons. The man, in answer to
+      Giacomo's inquiries, said that Urban had still many years to live, that
+      the Cardinal d'Ascoli would certainly succeed him, and that he held it in
+      his power to shorten the Pope's days. He added that a certain Fra
+      Cherubino would be useful, if any matter of grave moment were resolved on;
+      nor did he reject the assistance of other discreet persons. Giacomo, on
+      his side, produced a Fra Domenico; and the four accomplices set at work to
+      destroy the reigning Pope by means of sorcery. They caused a knife to be
+      forged, after the model of the Key of Solomon, and had it inscribed with
+      Cabalistic symbols. A clean virgin was employed to spin hemp into a
+      thread. Then they resorted to a distant room in Giacomo's palace, where a
+      circle was drawn with the mystic thread, a fire was lighted in the center,
+      and upon it was placed an image of Pope Urban formed of purest wax. The
+      devil was invoked to appear and answer whether Urban had deceased this
+      life after the melting of the image. No infernal visitor responded to the
+      call; and the hermit accounted for this failure by suggesting that some
+      murder had been committed in the palace. As things went at that period,
+      this excuse was by no means feeble, if only the audience, bent on <span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageA427" id="pageA427"></a>{427}</span> unholy
+      invocation of the power of evil, would accept it as sufficient. Probably
+      more than one murder had taken place there, of which the owner was dimly
+      conscious. The psychological curiosity to note is that avowed malefactors
+      reckoned purity an essential element in their nefarious practice. They
+      tried once more in a vineyard, under the open heavens at night. But no
+      demon issued from the darkness, and the hermit laid this second mischance
+      to the score of bad weather. Giacomo was incapable of holding his tongue.
+      He talked about his undertaking to the neighbors, and promised to make
+      them all Cardinals when he should become the Papal nephew. Meanwhile he
+      pressed the hermit forward on the path of folly; and this man, driven to
+      his wits' end for a device, said that they must find seven priests
+      together, one of whom should be assassinated to enforce the spell. It was
+      natural, while the countryside was being raked for seven convenient
+      priests by such a tattler as Giacomo, that suspicions should be generated
+      in the people. Information reached Rome, in consequence of which the
+      persons implicated in this idiotic plot were conveyed thither and given
+      over to the mercies of the Holy Office. The upshot of their trial was that
+      Giacomo lost his head, while the hermit and Fra Cherubino were burned
+      alive, and Fra Domenico went to the galleys for life. Several other men
+      involved in the process received punishments of considerable severity. It
+      must be added in conclusion <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageA428"
+      id="pageA428"></a>{428}</span> that the whole story rests upon the
+      testimony of Inquisitorial archives, and that the real method of Giacomo
+      Centini's apparent madness yet remains to be investigated. The few facts
+      that we know about him, from his behavior on the scaffold and a letter he
+      wrote his wife, prejudice me in his favor.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Enough, and more than enough, perhaps, has been collected in this chapter,
+      to throw light upon the manners of Italians during the
+      Counter-Reformation. It would have been easy to repeat the story of the
+      Countess of Cellant and her murdered lovers, or of the Duchess of Amalfi
+      strangled by her brothers for a marriage below her station. The massacres
+      committed by the Raspanti in Ravenna would furnish a whole series of
+      illustrative crimes. From the deeds of Alfonso Piccolomini, Sciarra and
+      Fabrizio Colonna details sufficient to fill a volume with records of
+      atrocious savagery could be drawn. The single episode of Elena Campireali,
+      who plighted her troth to a bandit, became Abbess of the Convent at
+      Castro, intrigued with a bishop, and killed herself for shame on the
+      return of her first lover, would epitomize in one drama all the principal
+      features of this social discord. The dreadful tale of the Baron of
+      Montebello might be told again, who assaulted the castle of the Marquis of
+      Pratidattolo, and, by the connivance of a sister whom he subsequently
+      married, murdered the Marquis with his mother, children, and relatives.
+      The hunted life of Alessandro Antelminelli, pursued <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageA429" id="pageA429"></a>{429}</span> through all the States of
+      Europe by assassins, could be used to exemplify the miseries of proscribed
+      exiles. But what is the use of multiplying instances, when every pedigree
+      in Litta, every chronicle of the time, every history of the most
+      insignificant township, swarms with evidence to the same purpose? We need
+      not adopt the opinion that society had greatly altered for the worse. We
+      must rather decide that mediaeval ferocity survived throughout the whole
+      of that period which witnessed the Catholic Revival, and that the piety
+      which distinguished it was not influential in curbing vehement passions.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The conclusions to be drawn from the facts before us seem to be in general
+      these. The link between government and governed in Italy had snapped. The
+      social bond was broken, and the constituents that form a nation were
+      pursuing divers aims. On the one hand stood Popes and princes, founding
+      their claims to absolute authority upon titles that had slight rational or
+      national validity. These potentates were ill-combined among themselves,
+      and mutually jealous. On the other side were ranged disruptive forces of
+      the most heterogeneous kinds&mdash;remnants from antique party-warfare,
+      fragments of obsolete domestic feuds, new strivings after freer life in
+      mentally down-trodden populations, blending with crime and misery and want
+      and profligacy to compose an opposition which exasperated despotism. These
+      anarchical conditions were due in large <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageA430" id="pageA430"></a>{430}</span> measure to the troubles
+      caused by foreign campaigns of invasion. They were also due to the Spanish
+      type of manners imposed upon the ruling classes, which the native genius
+      accepted with fraudulent intelligence, and to which it adapted itself by
+      artifice. We must further reckon the division between cultured and
+      uncultured people, which humanism had effected, and which subsisted after
+      the benefits conferred by humanism had been withdrawn from the race. The
+      retirement of the commercial aristocracy from trade, and their assumption
+      of princely indolence in this period of political stagnation, was another
+      factor of importance. But the truest cause of Italian retrogression
+      towards barbarism must finally be discerned in the sharp check given to
+      intellectual evolution by the repressive forces of the
+      Counter-Reformation.
+    </p>
+    <h3>
+      END OF THE FIRST VOLUME
+    </h3>
+    <hr style="width: 65%;" />
+    <h2>
+      <a name="FOOTNOTES" id="FOOTNOTES"></a>FOOTNOTES:
+    </h2>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_1_1" id="FootnoteA_1_1"></a><a href="#FNanchorA_1_1"><span
+        class="label">[1]</span></a> It is significant for the future of Italy
+        that both the ladies who drew up this agreement were connected with
+        Savoy. Louise, Duchess of Angoul&ecirc;me, was a daughter of the house.
+        Margaret, daughter of Maximilian, was Duchess Dowager of Savoy.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_2_2" id="FootnoteA_2_2"></a><a href="#FNanchorA_2_2"><span
+        class="label">[2]</span></a> In what follows regarding Charles V. at
+        Bologna I am greatly indebted to Giordani's laboriously compiled volume:
+        <i>Della Venuta e Dimora in Bologna del Sommo Pont. Clemente VII. etc.</i>
+        (Bologna, 1832).
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_3_3" id="FootnoteA_3_3"></a><a href="#FNanchorA_3_3"><span
+        class="label">[3]</span></a> See <i>Ren. in It.</i>, vol. v. p. 357.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_4_4" id="FootnoteA_4_4"></a><a href="#FNanchorA_4_4"><span
+        class="label">[4]</span></a> See Ranke, vol. i. p. 153, note.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_5_5" id="FootnoteA_5_5"></a><a href="#FNanchorA_5_5"><span
+        class="label">[5]</span></a> See <i>Ren. in It.</i> vol. v. p. 289.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_6_6" id="FootnoteA_6_6"></a><a href="#FNanchorA_6_6"><span
+        class="label">[6]</span></a> See, for instance, temp. Henri IV., <i>Sarpi's
+        Letters</i>, vol. i. p. 233.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_7_7" id="FootnoteA_7_7"></a><a href="#FNanchorA_7_7"><span
+        class="label">[7]</span></a> I may here state that I intend to use this
+        term Counter-Reformation to denote the reform of the Catholic Church,
+        which was stimulated by the German Reformation, and which, when the
+        Council of Trent had fixed the dogmas and discipline of Latin
+        Christianity, enabled the Papacy to assume a militant policy in Europe,
+        whereby it regained a large portion of the provinces, that had
+        previously lapsed to Lutheran and Calvinistic dissent.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_8_8" id="FootnoteA_8_8"></a><a href="#FNanchorA_8_8"><span
+        class="label">[8]</span></a> With regard to Germany, see Mr. T. S.
+        Perry's acute and philosophical study, entitled <i>From Opitz to Lessing</i>
+        (Boston).
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_9_9" id="FootnoteA_9_9"></a><a href="#FNanchorA_9_9"><span
+        class="label">[9]</span></a> These eight reigns cover a space of time
+        from 1534 to 1605.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_10_10" id="FootnoteA_10_10"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_10_10"><span class="label">[10]</span></a> See Berti's
+        <i>Vita di G. Bruno</i>, pp. 105-108.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_11_11" id="FootnoteA_11_11"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_11_11"><span class="label">[11]</span></a> This maxim
+        is ascribed to the materialistic philosopher Cremonini.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_12_12" id="FootnoteA_12_12"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_12_12"><span class="label">[12]</span></a> <i>C.
+        Calcagnini Opera</i>, p. 195. I am indebted for the above version to
+        McCrie's <i>Reformation in Italy</i>, p. 183.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_13_13" id="FootnoteA_13_13"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_13_13"><span class="label">[13]</span></a> Though as
+        many as 40,000 copies were published, this book was so successfully
+        stamped out that it seemed to be irrecoverably lost. The library of St.
+        John's College at Cambridge, however, contains two Italian copies and
+        one French copy. That of Laibach possesses an Italian and a Croat
+        version. Cant&ugrave;, <i>Gli Eretici</i>, vol. i. p. 360.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_14_14" id="FootnoteA_14_14"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_14_14"><span class="label">[14]</span></a> It should be
+        observed, however, that Luther rejected the article on justification,
+        and that Caraffa in Rome used his influence to prevent its acceptance by
+        Paul III.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_15_15" id="FootnoteA_15_15"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_15_15"><span class="label">[15]</span></a> See Bruno's
+        <i>Cena delle Ceneri</i>, ed. Wagner, vol. i. p. 133, for a humorous
+        story illustrative of the state of things ensuing among the lower
+        Italian classes.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_16_16" id="FootnoteA_16_16"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_16_16"><span class="label">[16]</span></a> Paul IV. as
+        Pope was feeble compared with his predecessors, Julius II. and Leo X.;
+        the Guises, on whom he relied for resuscitating the old French party in
+        the South, were but half-successful adventurers, mere shadows of the
+        Angevine invaders whom they professed to represent.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_17_17" id="FootnoteA_17_17"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_17_17"><span class="label">[17]</span></a> The best
+        account of the Councils will be found in Professor Creighton's admirable
+        <i>History of the Papacy during the Reformation</i>, 2 vols. Longmans.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_18_18" id="FootnoteA_18_18"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_18_18"><span class="label">[18]</span></a> See above,
+        p. 2, for the special sense in which I apply the word federation to
+        Italy before 1530, and to Europe at large in the modern period.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_19_19" id="FootnoteA_19_19"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_19_19"><span class="label">[19]</span></a> The first
+        official opening of the Council at Trent was in November 1542, by
+        Cardinals Pole and Morone as Legates. It was adjourned in July, 1543, on
+        account of insufficient attendance. When it again opened in 1545, Pole
+        reappeared as Legate. With him were associated two future Popes, Giov.
+        Maria del Monte (Julius III.), and Marcello Cervini (Marcellus II.) The
+        first session of the Council took place in December, 1545, four
+        Cardinals, four Archbishops, twenty-one Bishops, and five Generals of
+        Orders attending. Among these were only five Spanish and two French
+        prelates; no German, unless we count Cristoforo Madrazzo, the Cardinal
+        Bishop of Trent, as one. No Protestants appeared; for Paul III. had
+        successfully opposed their ultimatum, which demanded that final appeal
+        on all debated points should be made to the sole authority of Holy
+        Scripture.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_20_20" id="FootnoteA_20_20"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_20_20"><span class="label">[20]</span></a> Throughout
+        the sessions of the Council, Spanish, French, and German
+        representatives, whether fathers or ambassadors, maintained the theory
+        of Papal subjection to conciliar authority. The Spanish and French were
+        unanimous in zeal for episcopal independence. The French and German were
+        united in a wish to favor Protestants by reasonable concessions. Thus
+        the Papal supremacy had to face serious antagonism, which it eventually
+        conquered by the numerical preponderance of the Italian prelates, by the
+        energy of the Jesuits, by diplomatic intrigues, and by manipulation of
+        discords in the opposition. Though the Spanish fathers held with the
+        French and German on the points of episcopal independence and conciliar
+        authority, they disagreed whenever it became a question of compromise
+        with Protestants upon details of dogma or ritual. The Papal Court
+        persuaded the Catholic sovereigns of Spain and France, and the Emperor,
+        that episcopal independence would be dangerous to their own
+        prerogatives; and at every inconvenient turn in affairs, it was made
+        clear that Catholic sovereigns, threatened by the Protestant revolution,
+        could not afford to separate their cause from that of the Pope.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_21_21" id="FootnoteA_21_21"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_21_21"><span class="label">[21]</span></a> See Sarpi,
+        p. 249.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_22_22" id="FootnoteA_22_22"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_22_22"><span class="label">[22]</span></a> Charles, at
+        this juncture, was checkmated by Paul through his own inability to
+        dispense with the Pope's co-operation as chief of the Catholic Church.
+        So long as he opposed the Reformation, it was impossible for him to
+        assume an attitude of violent hostility to Rome.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_23_23" id="FootnoteA_23_23"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_23_23"><span class="label">[23]</span></a> During the
+        brief and unimportant sessions at Bologna, Jesuit influences began to
+        make themselves decidedly felt in the Council, where Lainez and Salmeron
+        attended as Theologians of the Papal See. Up to this time the Dominicans
+        had shaped decrees. Dogmatic orthodoxy was secured by their means. Now
+        the Jesuits were to fight and win the battle of Papal Supremacy.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_24_24" id="FootnoteA_24_24"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_24_24"><span class="label">[24]</span></a> Sarpi,
+        quoted in his Life by Fra Fulgenzio, p. 83, says Paul called his Grisons
+        mercenaries 'Angels sent from Heaven.'
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_25_25" id="FootnoteA_25_25"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_25_25"><span class="label">[25]</span></a> New men&mdash;and
+        Popes were always <i>novi homines</i>&mdash;are compelled to take this
+        course, and suffer when they take it. We might compare their
+        difficulties with those which hampered Napoleon when he aspired to the
+        Imperial tyranny over French conquests in Europe.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_26_26" id="FootnoteA_26_26"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_26_26"><span class="label">[26]</span></a> Pallavicini,
+        in his history of the Council of Trent (Lib. xiv. ix. 5), specially
+        commends Paul's zeal for the Holy Office:&mdash;'Fra esse d'eterna lode
+        lo fa degno il tribunal dell'inquisizione, che dal zelo di lui e prima
+        in autorit&agrave; di consigliero e poscia in podest&agrave; di principe
+        riconosce il presente suo vigor nell'Italia, e dal quale riconosce
+        l'Italia la sua conservata integrit&agrave; della fede: e per quest'
+        opera salutare egli rimane ora tanto pi&ugrave; benemerito ed onorabile
+        quantao pi&ugrave; allora ne fu mal rimerilato e disonorato.'
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_27_27" id="FootnoteA_27_27"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_27_27"><span class="label">[27]</span></a> See Luigi
+        Mocenigo in <i>Rel. degli Amb. Veneti</i>, vol. x. p. 25.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_28_28" id="FootnoteA_28_28"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_28_28"><span class="label">[28]</span></a> 'Roma a
+        paragone delli tempi degli altri pontefici si poteva riputar come un
+        onesto monasterio di religiosi' (<i>op. cit.</i> p. 41).
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_29_29" id="FootnoteA_29_29"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_29_29"><span class="label">[29]</span></a> In my <i>Sketches
+        and Studies in Italy</i> I have narrated the romantic history of this
+        filibuster.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_30_30" id="FootnoteA_30_30"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_30_30"><span class="label">[30]</span></a> Soranzo:
+        Alberi, vol. x. p. 67. Pius IV. adopted the arms of the Florentine
+        Medici, and spent 30,000 scudi on carving them about through Rome. See
+        P. Tiepolo, <i>Ib.</i> p. 174.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_31_31" id="FootnoteA_31_31"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_31_31"><span class="label">[31]</span></a> 'Veramente
+        quasi in ogni parte si pu&ograve; chiamare il rovescio dell' altro' (<i>op.
+        cit.</i> p. 50).
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_32_32" id="FootnoteA_32_32"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_32_32"><span class="label">[32]</span></a> Luigi
+        Mocenigo says of him that Pius 'averlo per un angelo di paradiso, e
+        adoperandolo per consiglio in tutte le sue cose importanti.' Alberi,
+        vol. x. p. 40. The case made out against Morone during the pontificate
+        of Paul IV. may be studied in Cant&ugrave;, <i>op. cit.</i> vol. ii. pp.
+        171-192, together with his defence in full. It turned mainly on these
+        articles:&mdash;unsound opinions regarding justification by faith,
+        salvation by Christ's blood, good works, invocation of saints, reliques;
+        dissemination of the famous book on the <i>Benefits of Christ's Death</i>;
+        practice with heretics. He was imprisoned in the Castle of S. Angelo
+        from June, 1557 till August, 1559. Suspicions no doubt fell on him
+        through his friendship with several of the moderate reformers, and from
+        the fact that his diocese of Modena was a nest of liberal thinkers&mdash;the
+        Grillenzoni, Castelvetro, Filippo Valentini, Faloppio, Camillo Molza,
+        Francesco da Porto, Egidio Foscarari, and others, all of whom are
+        described by Cant&ugrave;, <i>op. cit.</i> Disc, xxviii. The charges
+        brought against these persons prove at once the mainly speculative and
+        innocuous character of Italian heresy, and the implacable enmity which a
+        Pope of Caraffa's stamp exercised against the slightest shadow of
+        heterodoxy.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_33_33" id="FootnoteA_33_33"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_33_33"><span class="label">[33]</span></a> Soranzo, <i>op.
+        cit.</i> p. 75, says: 'Con li principi tiene modo affatto contrario al
+        suo predecessore; perch&egrave; mentre quello usava dire, il grado dei
+        pontefici esser per mettersi sotto i piedi gl'imperatori e i re, questo
+        dice che senza l'autorit&agrave; dei principi non si pu&ograve;
+        conservare quella dei pontefici.'
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_34_34" id="FootnoteA_34_34"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_34_34"><span class="label">[34]</span></a> Soranzo, <i>op.
+        cit.</i> p. 74.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_35_35" id="FootnoteA_35_35"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_35_35"><span class="label">[35]</span></a> Soranzo, <i>op.
+        cit.</i> p. 71, says: 'II marchese suo fratello con la moglie gli diede
+        il cappello, e con la morte il papato.'
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_36_36" id="FootnoteA_36_36"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_36_36"><span class="label">[36]</span></a> Mocenigo, <i>op.
+        cit.</i> p. 52. Soranzo, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 93.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_37_37" id="FootnoteA_37_37"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_37_37"><span class="label">[37]</span></a> Margherita
+        Medici, sister of the Pope, had married Gilberto Borromeo.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_38_38" id="FootnoteA_38_38"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_38_38"><span class="label">[38]</span></a> See
+        Mocenigo, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 53. Soranzo, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 91.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_39_39" id="FootnoteA_39_39"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_39_39"><span class="label">[39]</span></a> Gia. Soranzo
+        (<i>op. cit.</i> p. 133) says of Carlo Borromeo, 'ch'egli solo faccia pi&ugrave;
+        profitto nella Corte di Roma che tutti i decreti del Concilio insieme.'
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_40_40" id="FootnoteA_40_40"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_40_40"><span class="label">[40]</span></a> See Sarpi,
+        vol. ii. pp. 43, 44.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_41_41" id="FootnoteA_41_41"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_41_41"><span class="label">[41]</span></a> Cardinal
+        Puteo was soon replaced by a Papal nephew, the Cardinal d'Altemps (Mark
+        of Hohen Embs).
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_42_42" id="FootnoteA_42_42"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_42_42"><span class="label">[42]</span></a> At the first
+        session there were five Cardinals, one hundred and four prelates,
+        including Patriarchs, Archbishops and Bishops, four Abbots, and four
+        Generals of Orders. These were all Italians, Spaniards and Portuguese.
+        And yet this Conciliabulum called itself a General Council, inspired by
+        the Holy Ghost to legislate for the whole of Latin and Teutonic
+        Christianity.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_43_43" id="FootnoteA_43_43"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_43_43"><span class="label">[43]</span></a> See Sarpi,
+        vol. ii. p. 87.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_44_44" id="FootnoteA_44_44"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_44_44"><span class="label">[44]</span></a> He reached
+        Trent, November 13, 1562, with eighteen Bishops, and three Abbots of
+        France, charged by Charles IX. to demand purified ritual, reformed
+        discipline of clergy, use of vernacular in church services, and finally,
+        if possible, the marriage of the clergy.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_45_45" id="FootnoteA_45_45"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_45_45"><span class="label">[45]</span></a> The
+        confusion at Trent in the spring of 1563 is thus described by the Bishop
+        of Alife: 'Methinks Antichrist has come, so greatly confounded are the
+        perturbations of the holy Fathers here.' Phillipson, p. 525.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_46_46" id="FootnoteA_46_46"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_46_46"><span class="label">[46]</span></a> When Morone
+        set out, he told the Venetian envoy in Rome that he was going on a
+        forlorn hope. 'L'illmo Morone, quando part&igrave; per il Concilio, mi
+        disse che andava a cura disperata e che <i>nulla speserat</i> della
+        religione Cattolica.' Soranzo, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 82. The Jesuit
+        Canisius, by his influence with Ferdinand, secured the success of
+        Morone's diplomacy.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_47_47" id="FootnoteA_47_47"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_47_47"><span class="label">[47]</span></a> Sarpi says
+        that Don Luigi resided in the lodgings of Count Federigo Borromeo, a
+        deceased nephew of the Pope.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_48_48" id="FootnoteA_48_48"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_48_48"><span class="label">[48]</span></a> Yet the
+        Spanish bishops fought to the end, under the leadership of their chief
+        Guerrero, for the principle of conciliar independence and the episcopal
+        prerogatives. 'We had better not have come here, than be forced to stand
+        by as witnesses,' says the Bishop of Orense. Phillipson, p. 577.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_49_49" id="FootnoteA_49_49"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_49_49"><span class="label">[49]</span></a> The vague
+        reference of all decrees passed by the Tridentine Council to the Pope
+        for interpretation enabled him and his successors to manipulate them as
+        they chose. It therefore happened, as Sarpi says ('Tratt. delle Mat.
+        Ben.' <i>Opere</i>, vol. iv. p. 161), that no reform, with regard to the
+        tenure of benefices, residence, pluralism, etc., which the Council had
+        decided, was adopted without qualifying expedients which neutralized its
+        spirit. If the continuance of benefices <i>in commendam</i> ceased, the
+        device of <i>pensions</i> upon benefices was substituted; and a thousand
+        pretexts put colossal fortunes extracted from Church property, now as
+        before, into the hands of Papal nephews. Witness the contrivances
+        whereby Cardinal Scipione Borghese enriched himself in the Papacy of
+        Paul V. The Council had decreed the residence of bishops in their sees;
+        but it had reserved to the Pope a power of dispensation; so that those
+        whom he chose to exile from Rome were bound to reside, and those whom he
+        desired to have about him were released from this obligation. On each
+        and all delicate points the Papacy was more autocratic after than before
+        the Council. One of Sarpi's letters (vol. i. p. 371) to Jacques
+        Leschassier, dated December 22, 1609, should be studied by those who
+        wish to penetrate the '<i>reserve ed altre arcane arti</i>,' the '<i>renunzie</i>',
+        '<i>pensioni</i>' and '<i>altri stratagemmi</i>,' by means of which the
+        Papal Curia, during the half-century after the Tridentine Council,
+        managed to evade its decrees, and to get such control over Church
+        property in Italy that 'out of 500 benefices not one is conferred
+        legally.' Compare the passage in the 'Trattato delle Materie
+        Beneficiarie,' p. 163. There Sarpi says that five-sixths of Italian
+        benefices are at the Pope's disposal, and that there is good reason to
+        suppose that he will acquire the remaining sixth.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_50_50" id="FootnoteA_50_50"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_50_50"><span class="label">[50]</span></a> <i>Lettere</i>,
+        vol. ii. p. 167.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_51_51" id="FootnoteA_51_51"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_51_51"><span class="label">[51]</span></a> This does
+        not mean that the Spanish crown had not a powerful voice in the
+        elections. See the history of the conclaves which elected Urban VII.,
+        Gregory XIV., Innocent IX., Clement VIII., in Ranke, vol. ii. pp. 31-39.
+        Yet it was noticed by those close observers, the Venetian envoys, that
+        France and Spain had abandoned their former policy of subsidizing the
+        Cardinals who adhered to their respective factions.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_52_52" id="FootnoteA_52_52"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_52_52"><span class="label">[52]</span></a> See
+        Mocenigo, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 35; Aretino's <i>Dialogo della Corte di
+        Roma</i>; and the private history of the Farnesi.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_53_53" id="FootnoteA_53_53"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_53_53"><span class="label">[53]</span></a> Giov.
+        Carraro and Lor. Priuli, <i>op. cit.</i> pp. 275, 306.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_54_54" id="FootnoteA_54_54"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_54_54"><span class="label">[54]</span></a> Alberi, vol.
+        x. pp. 35, 83, 277.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_55_55" id="FootnoteA_55_55"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_55_55"><span class="label">[55]</span></a> Mocenigo's
+        computation, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 29.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_56_56" id="FootnoteA_56_56"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_56_56"><span class="label">[56]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>
+        p. 31.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_57_57" id="FootnoteA_57_57"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_57_57"><span class="label">[57]</span></a> The true
+        history of the Cenci, as written by Bertolotti, throws light upon these
+        points.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_58_58" id="FootnoteA_58_58"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_58_58"><span class="label">[58]</span></a> Mocenigo, <i>op.
+        cit.</i> p. 38.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_59_59" id="FootnoteA_59_59"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_59_59"><span class="label">[59]</span></a> Giac.
+        Soranzo, <i>op. cit.</i> pp. 131-136
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_60_60" id="FootnoteA_60_60"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_60_60"><span class="label">[60]</span></a> Soranzo, <i>op.
+        cit.</i> pp. 136-138.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_61_61" id="FootnoteA_61_61"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_61_61"><span class="label">[61]</span></a> <i>Op. cit.</i>
+        p. 171.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_62_62" id="FootnoteA_62_62"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_62_62"><span class="label">[62]</span></a> Mutinelli,
+        <i>Storia Arcana</i>, etc., vol. i. pp. 51-54.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_63_63" id="FootnoteA_63_63"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_63_63"><span class="label">[63]</span></a> Assuming the
+        population of Rome to have been about 90,000 at that date, this number
+        appears incredible. Yet we have it on the best of all evidences, that of
+        a resident Venetian envoy.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_64_64" id="FootnoteA_64_64"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_64_64"><span class="label">[64]</span></a> Tiepolo, <i>op.
+        cit.</i> p. 172.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_65_65" id="FootnoteA_65_65"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_65_65"><span class="label">[65]</span></a> Paolo
+        Tiepolo, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 312.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_66_66" id="FootnoteA_66_66"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_66_66"><span class="label">[66]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>
+        p. 214.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_67_67" id="FootnoteA_67_67"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_67_67"><span class="label">[67]</span></a> The
+        Venetians, when they inscribed his name upon the Libro d'Oro, called him
+        'a near relative of his Holiness.'
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_68_68" id="FootnoteA_68_68"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_68_68"><span class="label">[68]</span></a> This lady
+        was a sister of the Count of Santa Fiora. For a detailed account of the
+        wedding, see Mutinelli, <i>Stor. arc.</i> vol. i. p. 112.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_69_69" id="FootnoteA_69_69"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_69_69"><span class="label">[69]</span></a> Tiepolo, <i>op.
+        cit.</i> pp. 213, 219&mdash;221, 263, 266.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_70_70" id="FootnoteA_70_70"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_70_70"><span class="label">[70]</span></a> Giov.
+        Corraro, op. cit. p. 277.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_71_71" id="FootnoteA_71_71"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_71_71"><span class="label">[71]</span></a> See Giov.
+        Gritti, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 333.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_72_72" id="FootnoteA_72_72"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_72_72"><span class="label">[72]</span></a> Giov.
+        Gritti, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 337.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_73_73" id="FootnoteA_73_73"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_73_73"><span class="label">[73]</span></a> <i>History
+        of the Popes</i>, Book iv. section I.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_74_74" id="FootnoteA_74_74"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_74_74"><span class="label">[74]</span></a> Giacomo
+        Buoncompagno was born while Gregory XIII. was still a layman and a
+        lawyer.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_75_75" id="FootnoteA_75_75"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_75_75"><span class="label">[75]</span></a> Sarpi
+        writes: 'In my times Pius V., during five years, accumulated 25,000
+        ducats for the Cardinal nephew; Gregory XIII., in thirteen years, 30,000
+        for one nephew, and 20,000 for another; Sixtus V., for his only nephew,
+        9,000; Clement VIII., in thirteen years, for one nephew, 8,000, and for
+        the other, 3,000; and this Pope, Paul V., in four years, for one nephew
+        alone, 40,000. To what depths are we destined to fall in the future?' (<i>Lettere</i>,
+        vol. i. p. 281). This final question was justified by the event; for,
+        after the Borghesi, came the Ludovisi and Barberini, whose accumulations
+        equalled, if they did not surpass, those of any antecedent Papal
+        families.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_76_76" id="FootnoteA_76_76"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_76_76"><span class="label">[76]</span></a> The details
+        may be examined in Ranke, vol. ii. pp. 303-311.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_77_77" id="FootnoteA_77_77"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_77_77"><span class="label">[77]</span></a> Sarpi's
+        Letters supply some details relating to Paul V.'s nepotism. He describes
+        the pleasure which this Pope took on one day of each week in washing his
+        hands in the gold of the Datatario and the Camera (vol. i. p. 281), and
+        says of him, 'attende solo a far danari' (vol. ii. p. 237). When Paul
+        gave his nephew Scipione the Abbey of Vangadizza, with 12,000 ducats a
+        year, Sarpi computed that the Cardinal held about 100,000 ducats of
+        ecclesiastical benefices (vol. i. p. 219). When the Archbishopric of
+        Bologna, worth over 16,000 ducats a year, fell vacant in 1610, Paul gave
+        this to Scipione, who held it a short time without residence, and then
+        abandoned it to Alessandro Ludovisi retaining all its revenues, with the
+        exception of 2,000 ducats, for himself as a <i>pension</i> (vol. ii. pp.
+        158, 300). In the year 1610 Sarpi notices the purchase of Sulmona and
+        other fiefs by Paul for his family, at the expenditure of 160,000 ducats
+        (vol. ii. p. 70). In another place he speaks of another sum of 100,000
+        spent upon the same object (vol. i. p. 249, note). Well might he
+        exclaim, 'Il pontefice e attesa ad arrichir la sua casa' (vol. i. p.
+        294).
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_78_78" id="FootnoteA_78_78"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_78_78"><span class="label">[78]</span></a> See Cant&ugrave;,
+        <i>Gli Eretici d'Italia</i>, vol. i. Discorso 5, and the notes appended
+        to it, for Frederick's edicts and letters to Gregory IX. upon this
+        matter of heresy. The Emperor treats of <i>Heretica Pravitas</i> as a
+        crime against society, and such, indeed, it then appeared according to
+        the mediaeval ideal of Christendom united under Church and Empire. Yet
+        Frederick himself, it will be remembered, died under the ban of the
+        Church, and was placed by Dante among the heresiarchs in the tenth
+        circle of Hell. We now regard him justly as one of the precursors of the
+        Renaissance. But at the beginning of his reign, in his peculiar attitude
+        of Holy Roman Emperor, he had to proceed with rigor against
+        free-thinkers in religion. They were foes to the mediseval order, of
+        which he was the secular head.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_79_79" id="FootnoteA_79_79"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_79_79"><span class="label">[79]</span></a> Sarpi,
+        'Discorso dell'Origine,' etc. <i>Opere</i>, vol. iv. p. 6.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_80_80" id="FootnoteA_80_80"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_80_80"><span class="label">[80]</span></a> See
+        Christie's <i>Etienne Dolet</i>, chapter 21.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_81_81" id="FootnoteA_81_81"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_81_81"><span class="label">[81]</span></a> Visitors to
+        Milan must have been struck with the equestrian statue to the Podest&agrave;
+        Oldrado da Trezzeno in the Piazza de'Mercanti. Underneath it runs an
+        epitaph containing among the praises of this man: <i>Catharos ut debuit
+        uxit</i>. An Archbishop of Milan of the same period (middle of the
+        thirteenth century), Enrico di Settala, is also praised upon his epitaph
+        because <i>jugulavit haereses</i>. See Cant&ugrave;, <i>Gli Eretici d
+        Italia</i>, vol. i. p. 108.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_82_82" id="FootnoteA_82_82"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_82_82"><span class="label">[82]</span></a> Sarpi
+        estimates the number of victims in the Netherlands during the reign of
+        Charles V. at 50,000; Grotius at 100,000. In the reign of Philip II.
+        perhaps another 25,000 were sacrificed. Motley (<i>Rise of the Dutch
+        Republic</i>, vol. ii. p. 155) tells how in February 1568 a sentence of
+        the Holy Office, confirmed by royal proclamation, condemned all the
+        inhabitants of the Netherlands, some three millions of souls, with a few
+        specially excepted persons, to death. It was customary to burn the men
+        and bury the women alive. In considering this institution as a whole, we
+        must bear in mind that it was extended to Mexico, Lima, Carthagena, the
+        Indies, Sicily, Sardinia, Oran, Malta. Of the working of the Holy Office
+        in the Spanish and Portuguese colonies we possess but few authentic
+        records. The <i>Histoire des Inquisitions</i> of Joseph Lavall&eacute;e
+        (Paris, 1809) may, however, be consulted. In vol. ii. pp. 5-9 of this
+        work there is a brief account of the Inquisition at Goa written by one
+        Pyrard; and pp. 45-157 extend the singularly detailed narrative of a
+        Frenchman, Dellon, imprisoned in its dungeons. Some curious
+        circumstances respecting delation, prison life, and <i>autos da f&eacute;</i>
+        are here minutely recorded.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_83_83" id="FootnoteA_83_83"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_83_83"><span class="label">[83]</span></a> See Lavall&eacute;e,
+        <i>Histoire des Inquisitions</i>, vol. ii. pp. 341-361, for the
+        translation of a process instituted in 1570 against a Mauresque female
+        slave. Suspected of being a disguised infidel, she was exposed to the
+        temptations of a Moorish spy, and convicted mainly on the evidence
+        furnished by certain Mussulman habits to which she adhered. Llorente
+        reports a similar specimen case, vol. i. p. 442. The culprit was a
+        tinker aged 71, accused in 1528 of abstaining from pork and wine, and
+        using certain ablutions. He defended himself by pleading that, having
+        been converted at the age of 45, it did not suit his taste to eat pork
+        or drink wine, and that his trade obliged him to maintain cleanliness by
+        frequent washing. He was finally condemned to carry a candle at an <i>auto
+        da f&eacute;</i> in sign of penitence, and to pay four ducats, the costs
+        of his trial. His detention lasted from September, 1529, till December
+        18, 1530.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_84_84" id="FootnoteA_84_84"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_84_84"><span class="label">[84]</span></a> The Supreme
+        Council forbade the repetition of torture; but this hypocritical law was
+        evaded in practice by declaring that the torture had been suspended.
+        Llorente, vol. i. p. 307.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_85_85" id="FootnoteA_85_85"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_85_85"><span class="label">[85]</span></a> Llorente, in
+        his introduction to the <i>History of the Inquisition</i>, gives a long
+        list of illustrious Spanish victims.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_86_86" id="FootnoteA_86_86"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_86_86"><span class="label">[86]</span></a> See
+        Llorente, vol. i. p. 349, for their outrages on women.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_87_87" id="FootnoteA_87_87"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_87_87"><span class="label">[87]</span></a> For the
+        history of Lucero's tyranny, read Llorente, vol. i. pp. 345-353. When at
+        last he had to be deposed, it was not to a dungeon or the scaffold, but
+        to his bishopric of Almeria that this miscreant was relegated.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_88_88" id="FootnoteA_88_88"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_88_88"><span class="label">[88]</span></a> Llorente,
+        vol. i. p. 229. The basis for these and following calculations is
+        explained <i>ib.</i> pp. 272-281.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_89_89" id="FootnoteA_89_89"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_89_89"><span class="label">[89]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>
+        vol. i. p. 263.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_90_90" id="FootnoteA_90_90"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_90_90"><span class="label">[90]</span></a> Llorente, p.
+        341.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_91_91" id="FootnoteA_91_91"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_91_91"><span class="label">[91]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>
+        p. 360.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_92_92" id="FootnoteA_92_92"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_92_92"><span class="label">[92]</span></a> Llorente, p.
+        406.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_93_93" id="FootnoteA_93_93"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_93_93"><span class="label">[93]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i>
+        p. 407.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_94_94" id="FootnoteA_94_94"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_94_94"><span class="label">[94]</span></a> I know that
+        Llorente's calculations have been disputed: as, for instance, in some
+        minor details by Prescott (<i>Ferd. and Isab.</i> vol. iii. p. 492). The
+        truth is that no data now exist for forming a correct census of the
+        victims of the Spanish Moloch; and Llorente, though he writes with the
+        moderation of evident sincerity, and though he had access to the
+        archives of the Inquisition, does not profess to do more than give an
+        estimate based upon certain fixed data. However, it signifies but little
+        whether we reckon by thousands or by fifteen hundreds. That foul monster
+        spawned in the unholy embracements of perverted religion with purblind
+        despotism cannot be defended by discounting five or even ten per cent.
+        Let its apologists write for every 1000 of Llorente 100, and for every
+        100 of Llorente 10, and our position will remain unaltered. The Jesuit
+        historian of Spain, Mariana, records the burning-of 2000 persons in
+        Andalusia alone in 1482. Bernaldez mentions 700 burned in the one town
+        of Seville between 1482 and 1489. An inscription carved above the
+        portals of the Holy Office in Seville stated that about 1000 had been
+        burned between 1492 and 1524.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_95_95" id="FootnoteA_95_95"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_95_95"><span class="label">[95]</span></a> Vol. ii. p.
+        399.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_96_96" id="FootnoteA_96_96"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_96_96"><span class="label">[96]</span></a> Naples and
+        Milan passionately and successfully opposed its introduction by the
+        Spanish viceroys. But it ruled in Sicily and Sardinia.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_97_97" id="FootnoteA_97_97"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_97_97"><span class="label">[97]</span></a> McCrie, p.
+        186.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_98_98" id="FootnoteA_98_98"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_98_98"><span class="label">[98]</span></a> Mutinelli,
+        <i>Storia Arcana</i>, vol. i. p. 79.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_99_99" id="FootnoteA_99_99"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_99_99"><span class="label">[99]</span></a> McCrie, p.
+        272.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_100_100" id="FootnoteA_100_100"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_100_100"><span class="label">[100]</span></a>
+        Mutinelli's <i>Storia Arcana</i>, etc. vol. i., is the source from which
+        I have drawn the details given above.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_101_101" id="FootnoteA_101_101"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_101_101"><span class="label">[101]</span></a> It is
+        singular that only one contemporary writes from Rome about Bruno's
+        execution in 1600; whence, I think, we may infer that such events were
+        too common to excite much attention.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_102_102" id="FootnoteA_102_102"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_102_102"><span class="label">[102]</span></a> The main
+        facts about these men may be found in Cant&ugrave;'s <i>Gli Eretici
+        d'Italia</i>, vol. ii. This work is written in no spirit of sympathy
+        with Reformers. But it is superior in learning and impartiality to
+        McCrie's.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_103_103" id="FootnoteA_103_103"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_103_103"><span class="label">[103]</span></a> For the
+        repressive measures used at Lucca, see <i>Archivio Storico</i>, vol. x.
+        pp. 162-185. They include the prohibition of books, regulation of the
+        religious observances of Lucchese citizens abroad in France or Flanders,
+        and proscription of certain heretics, with whom all intercourse was
+        forbidden.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_104_104" id="FootnoteA_104_104"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_104_104"><span class="label">[104]</span></a> An
+        eye-witness gives a heart-rending account of these persecutions: sixty
+        thrown from the tower of Guardia, eighty-eight butchered like beasts in
+        one day at Montalto, seven burned alive, one hundred old women tortured
+        and then slaughtered. <i>Arch. Stor.</i>, vol. ix. pp. 193-195.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_105_105" id="FootnoteA_105_105"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_105_105"><span class="label">[105]</span></a> McCrie,
+        <i>op. cit.</i> p. 232-236. The five men were Giulio Gherlandi of
+        Spresian, near Treviso (executed in 1562), Antonio Rizzetta of Vicenza
+        (in 1566), Francesco Sega of Rovigo (sentenced in 1566), Francesco
+        Spinola of Milan (in 1567), and Fra Baldo Lupatino (1556). McCrie bases
+        his report upon the <i>Histoire des Martyrs</i> (Gen&egrave;ve, 1597)
+        and De Porta's <i>Historia Reformationis Rhaeticarum Ecclesiarum</i>.
+        Thinking these sources somewhat suspicious, I applied to my friend Mr.
+        H.F. Brown, whose researches in the Venetian archives are becoming known
+        to students of Italian history. He tells me that all the above cases,
+        except that of Spinola, exist in the Frari. Lupatino was condemned as a
+        Lutheran; the others as Anabaptists. In passing sentence on Lupatino,
+        the Chief Inquisitor remarked that he could not condemn him to death by
+        fire in Venice, but must consign him to a watery grave. This is
+        characteristic of Venetian state policy. It appears that, of the
+        above-named persons, Sega, though sentenced to death by drowning,
+        recanted at the last moment, saying, 'Non voglio esser negato, ma voglio
+        redirmi et morir buon Christiano.' Mr. Brown adds that there is nothing
+        in the archives to prove that he was executed; but there is also nothing
+        to show that his sentence was commuted. Two other persons involved in
+        this trial, viz. Nic. Bucello of Padua and Alessio of Bellinzona, upon
+        recantation, were subjected to public penances and confessions for
+        different terms of years. Sega's fate must, therefore, be considered
+        doubtful; since the fact that no commutation of sentence is on record
+        lends some weight to the hypothesis that he withdrew his recantation,
+        and submitted to martyrdom. I will close this note by expressing my hope
+        that Mr. Brown, who is already engaged upon the papers of the Venetian
+        Holy Office, will make them shortly the subject of a special
+        publication. Considering how rare are the full and authentic records of
+        any Inquisition, this would be of incalculable value for students of
+        history. The series of trials in the Frari extends from 1541 to 1794,
+        embracing 1562 <i>processi</i> for the sixteenth century, 1469 for the
+        seventeenth, 541 for the eighteenth, and 25 of no date. Nearly all the
+        towns and districts of the Venetian State are involved.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_106_106" id="FootnoteA_106_106"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_106_106"><span class="label">[106]</span></a> See
+        Sarpi's 'Discourse on the Inquisition,' <i>Opere</i>, vol. iv.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_107_107" id="FootnoteA_107_107"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_107_107"><span class="label">[107]</span></a> I owe to
+        Mr. H.F. Brown details about the register of criminals condemned by the
+        Holy Office, which substantiate my statement regarding the various types
+        of cases in its jurisdiction.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_108_108" id="FootnoteA_108_108"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_108_108"><span class="label">[108]</span></a> The
+        document in question, prepared for the use of the Signoria, exists in
+        MS. in the Marcian Library, Misc. Eccl. et Civ. Class. VII. Cod.
+        MDCCLXI.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_109_109" id="FootnoteA_109_109"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_109_109"><span class="label">[109]</span></a> This
+        edict is dated August 24, 1596.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_110_110" id="FootnoteA_110_110"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_110_110"><span class="label">[110]</span></a> This will
+        be apparent when I come to treat of Marino and Tassoni.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_111_111" id="FootnoteA_111_111"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_111_111"><span class="label">[111]</span></a> Llorente,
+        vol. i. p. 281.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_112_112" id="FootnoteA_112_112"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_112_112"><span class="label">[112]</span></a>
+        Christie's <i>Etienne Dolet</i>, pp. 220-24.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_113_113" id="FootnoteA_113_113"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_113_113"><span class="label">[113]</span></a> Llorente,
+        vol. i. p. 463.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_114_114" id="FootnoteA_114_114"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_114_114"><span class="label">[114]</span></a> In the
+        year 1548. The MS. cited above (p. 192) mentions another Index of the
+        Venetian Holy Office published in 1554.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_115_115" id="FootnoteA_115_115"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_115_115"><span class="label">[115]</span></a> Sarpi, <i>Ist.
+        del Conc. Tial</i>, vol. ii..p. 90.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_116_116" id="FootnoteA_116_116"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_116_116"><span class="label">[116]</span></a> In his <i>Oratio
+        pro se ipso ad Senenses</i>. Printed by Gryphius at Lyons in 1552.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_117_117" id="FootnoteA_117_117"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_117_117"><span class="label">[117]</span></a> <i>1st.
+        del Conc. Trid</i>. vol. ii. p. 91. The passage deserves to be Paul IV.
+        designated in his transcribed. 'Sotto colore di fede e religione sono
+        vietati con la medesima severit&agrave; e dannati gli autori de'libri
+        da'quali l'autorit&agrave; del principe e magistrati temporali &egrave;
+        difesa dalle usurpazioni ecclesiastiche; dove l'autorit&agrave; de'
+        Concilj &egrave; de'Vescovi &egrave; difesa dalle usurpazioni della
+        Corte Romana; dove le ipocrisie o tirannidi con le quali sotto pretesto
+        di religione il popolo &egrave; ingannato o violentato sono manifestate.
+        In somma non fu mai trovato pi&ugrave; bell'arcano per adoperare la
+        religione a far gli uomini insensati.'
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_118_118" id="FootnoteA_118_118"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_118_118"><span class="label">[118]</span></a> <i>Discorso
+        Sopra l'Inq.</i> vol. iv. p. 54.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_119_119" id="FootnoteA_119_119"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_119_119"><span class="label">[119]</span></a> These
+        rules form the Preface to modern editions of the Index. The one I use is
+        dated Naples, 1862. They are also printed in vol. iv. of Sarpi's works.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_120_120" id="FootnoteA_120_120"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_120_120"><span class="label">[120]</span></a> Paulus
+        Manutius Aldus printed this Index at Venice in 1564.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_121_121" id="FootnoteA_121_121"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_121_121"><span class="label">[121]</span></a> Dejob, <i>De
+        l'Influence</i>, etc. p. 60.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_122_122" id="FootnoteA_122_122"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_122_122"><span class="label">[122]</span></a> Id. <i>op.
+        cit.</i> p. 76.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_123_123" id="FootnoteA_123_123"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_123_123"><span class="label">[123]</span></a> Id. <i>op.
+        cit.</i> p. 78.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_124_124" id="FootnoteA_124_124"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_124_124"><span class="label">[124]</span></a> Dejob, <i>op.
+        cit.</i> p. 74.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_125_125" id="FootnoteA_125_125"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_125_125"><span class="label">[125]</span></a> Id. <i>op.
+        cit.</i> p. 54.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_126_126" id="FootnoteA_126_126"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_126_126"><span class="label">[126]</span></a> Discorso
+        dell'Origine, etc. dell'Inquisizione,' <i>Opp.</i> vol. iv. p. 34.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_127_127" id="FootnoteA_127_127"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_127_127"><span class="label">[127]</span></a>
+        Mutinelli, <i>Storia Arcana</i>, vol. i. p. 277.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_128_128" id="FootnoteA_128_128"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_128_128"><span class="label">[128]</span></a> Dejob, <i>op.
+        cit.</i> pp. 53-57.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_129_129" id="FootnoteA_129_129"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_129_129"><span class="label">[129]</span></a> Id. <i>op.
+        cit.</i> p. 75.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_130_130" id="FootnoteA_130_130"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_130_130"><span class="label">[130]</span></a> Sarpi's
+        Letters abound in useful information on this topic. Writing to French
+        correspondents, he complains weekly of the impossibility even in Venice
+        of obtaining books. See, for instance, <i>Lettere</i>, vol. i. pp. 286,
+        287, 360, vol. ii. p. 13. In one passage he says that the importation of
+        books into Italy is impeded at Innsbruck, Trento, and throughout the
+        Tyrolese frontiers (vol. i. p. 74). In another he warns his friends not
+        to send them concealed in merchandise, since they will fall under so
+        many eyes in the custom-houses and lazzaretti (vol. i. p. 303).
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_131_131" id="FootnoteA_131_131"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_131_131"><span class="label">[131]</span></a> It was
+        usual at this epoch to send Protestant publications from beyond the Alps
+        in bales of cotton or other goods. This appears from the Lucchese
+        proclamations against heresy published in <i>Arch. Stor.</i> vol. x.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_132_132" id="FootnoteA_132_132"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_132_132"><span class="label">[132]</span></a> I may
+        mention that having occasion to consult Savonarola's works in the Public
+        Library of Perugia, which has a fairly good collection of them, I found
+        them useless for purposes of study by reason of these erasures and
+        Burke-plasters.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_133_133" id="FootnoteA_133_133"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_133_133"><span class="label">[133]</span></a> Dejob, <i>op.
+        cit.</i> p. 43.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_134_134" id="FootnoteA_134_134"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_134_134"><span class="label">[134]</span></a> Dejob, <i>op.
+        cit.</i> p. 50. Also his <i>Muret</i>, pp. 223-227.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_135_135" id="FootnoteA_135_135"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_135_135"><span class="label">[135]</span></a> Dejob, <i>De
+        l'Influence</i>, p. 49.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_136_136" id="FootnoteA_136_136"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_136_136"><span class="label">[136]</span></a> Id. <i>op.
+        cit.</i> pp. 96-98.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_137_137" id="FootnoteA_137_137"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_137_137"><span class="label">[137]</span></a> This very
+        interesting and valuable letter is printed by Dejob in the work I have
+        so often cited, p. 391.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_138_138" id="FootnoteA_138_138"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_138_138"><span class="label">[138]</span></a> See
+        Dejob's <i>Life of Muret</i>, pp. 231, 238, 274, 320.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_139_139" id="FootnoteA_139_139"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_139_139"><span class="label">[139]</span></a> <i>Op.
+        cit</i>. pp. 262, 481.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_140_140" id="FootnoteA_140_140"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_140_140"><span class="label">[140]</span></a> Dejob, <i>Marc
+        Antoine Muret</i>, p. 349.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_141_141" id="FootnoteA_141_141"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_141_141"><span class="label">[141]</span></a> The
+        original is printed by Dejob, <i>Marc Antoine Muret</i>, pp. 487-489.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_142_142" id="FootnoteA_142_142"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_142_142"><span class="label">[142]</span></a> The
+        original letter, printed by Dejob, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 491, is signed by
+        Giustiniano Finetti, who seems to have been a professor of medicine in
+        the Roman University. His son, a youth of sixteen, complained that the
+        students had demanded and obtained leave to recite a certain 'lettione
+        che era carnavalesca d'ano et de priapo,' adding that they were in the
+        habit of holding debates upon the thesis that (LATIN: 'res sodcae erant
+        praeferendae veneri naturali, et reprobabant rem veneream cum feminis ac
+        audabant masturbationem.') The dialogue which the students obtained
+        leave publicly to recite was probably similar to one that might still be
+        heard some years ago in spring upon the quays of Naples, and which
+        appeared to have descended from immemorial antiquity.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_143_143" id="FootnoteA_143_143"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_143_143"><span class="label">[143]</span></a> The Latin
+        text is printed in Renouard's <i>Imprimerie des Aldes</i>, p. 473.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_144_144" id="FootnoteA_144_144"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_144_144"><span class="label">[144]</span></a> As Sarpi
+        says: 'Of a truth the extraordinary rigor with which books are hunted
+        out for extirpation, shows how vigorous is the light of that lantern
+        which they have resolved to extinguish.' <i>Lettere</i>, vol. i. p. 328.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_145_145" id="FootnoteA_145_145"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_145_145"><span class="label">[145]</span></a> See
+        Renouard, <i>op. cit.</i> pp. 442-459, for Paulus Manutius's life at
+        Rome.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_146_146" id="FootnoteA_146_146"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_146_146"><span class="label">[146]</span></a> <i>op.
+        cit.</i> pp. 184-216.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_147_147" id="FootnoteA_147_147"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_147_147"><span class="label">[147]</span></a> Sarpi's
+        Works, vol. iv. p. 4.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_148_148" id="FootnoteA_148_148"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_148_148"><span class="label">[148]</span></a> Sarpi, <i>Discorso</i>,
+        vol. iv. p. 25, on Bellarmino's doctrine. Sarpi's <i>Letters</i>, vol.
+        i. pp. 138, 243. Sarpi says that he and Gillot had both had their
+        portraits painted in a picture of Hell and shown to the common folk as
+        foredoomed to eternal fire, because they opposed doctrines of Papal
+        omnipotence. <i>Ibid.</i> p. 151.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_149_149" id="FootnoteA_149_149"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_149_149"><span class="label">[149]</span></a> On this
+        point, again, Sarpi's <i>Letters</i> furnish valuable details. He
+        frequently remarks that a general order had been issued by the
+        Congregation of the Index to suppress all books against the writings of
+        Baronius, who was treated as a saint, vol. i. pp. 3, 147, ii. p. 35. He
+        relates how the Jesuits had procured the destruction of a book written
+        to uphold aristocracy in states, without touching upon ecclesiastical
+        questions, as being unfavorable to their theories of absolutism (vol. i.
+        p. 122). He tells the story of a confessor who refused the sacraments to
+        a nobleman, because he owned a treatise written by Quirino in defense of
+        the Venetian prerogatives (vol. i. p. 113). He refers to the suppression
+        of James I.'s <i>Apologia</i> and De Thou's <i>Histories</i> (vol. i.
+        pp. 286, 287, 383).
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_150_150" id="FootnoteA_150_150"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_150_150"><span class="label">[150]</span></a> In the
+        Treatise on the Inquisition, <i>Opere</i>, vol. iv. p. 53. Sarpi, in a
+        passage of his <i>Letters</i> (vol. ii. p. 163), points out why the
+        secular authorities were ill fitted to retaliate in kind, upon these
+        Papal proscriptions.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_151_151" id="FootnoteA_151_151"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_151_151"><span class="label">[151]</span></a> See
+        Dejob, <i>De l'Influence, etc.</i> Chapter III.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_152_152" id="FootnoteA_152_152"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_152_152"><span class="label">[152]</span></a> <i>Index</i>,
+        Naples, Pelella, 1862, p. 87.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_153_153" id="FootnoteA_153_153"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_153_153"><span class="label">[153]</span></a> This
+        treatment of Ariosto is typical. Men of not over scrupulous nicety may
+        question whether his Comedies are altogether wholesome reading. But not
+        even a Puritan could find fault with his Satires on the score of their
+        morality. Yet Rome sanctioned the Comedies and forbade the Satires.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_154_154" id="FootnoteA_154_154"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_154_154"><span class="label">[154]</span></a> Curious
+        details on this topic are supplied by Dejob, <i>op. cit.</i> pp.
+        179-181, and p. 184.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_155_155" id="FootnoteA_155_155"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_155_155"><span class="label">[155]</span></a> Any
+        correspondence with heretics was accounted sufficient to implicate an
+        Italian in the charge of heresy. Sarpi's Letters are full of matter on
+        this point. He always used Cipher, which he frequently changed,
+        addressed his letters under feigned names, and finally resolved on
+        writing in his own hand to no heretic. See <i>Lettere</i>, vol. ii. pp.
+        2, 151, 242, 248, 437. See also what Dejob relates about the timidity of
+        Muretus, <i>Muret</i>, pp. 229-231.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_156_156" id="FootnoteA_156_156"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_156_156"><span class="label">[156]</span></a> 'Treatise
+        on the Inquisition,' <i>Opere</i>, vol. iv. p. 45.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_157_157" id="FootnoteA_157_157"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_157_157"><span class="label">[157]</span></a> For
+        Sarpi's use of this phrase see his <i>Lettere</i>, vol. ii. pp. 72, 80,
+        92. He clearly recognized the solidarity between the Jesuits and Spain.
+        'The Jesuit is no more separable from the Spaniard than the accident
+        from the substance.' 'The Spaniard without the Jesuit is not worth more
+        than lettuce without oil.' 'For the Jesuits to deceive Spain, would be
+        tantamount to deceiving themselves.' <i>Ibid.</i> vol. i. pp. 203, 384,
+        vol. ii. p. 48. Compare passages in vol. i. pp. 184, 189. He only
+        perceived a difference in the degrees of their noxiousness to Europe.
+        Thus, 'the worst Spaniard is better than the least bad of the Jesuits'
+        (vol. i. p. 212).
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_158_158" id="FootnoteA_158_158"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_158_158"><span class="label">[158]</span></a> Study of
+        the Jesuits must be founded on <i>Institutum Societatis Jesu</i>, 7
+        vols. Avenione; Orlandino, <i>Hist. Soc. Jesu</i>; Cr&eacute;tineau-Joly,
+        <i>Histoire de la Compagnie de J&eacute;sus</i>; Ribadaneira, <i>Vita
+        Ignatii</i>; Genelli's Life of Ignatius in German, or the French
+        translation; the Jesuit work, <i>Imago Primi Saeculi</i>; Ranke's
+        account in his <i>History of the Popes</i>, and the three chapters
+        assigned to this subject in Philippson's <i>La Contre-R&eacute;volution
+        Religieuse</i>. The latter will be found a most valuable summary.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_159_159" id="FootnoteA_159_159"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_159_159"><span class="label">[159]</span></a> These
+        phrases occur in the <i>Deliberatio primorum patrum</i>.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_160_160" id="FootnoteA_160_160"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_160_160"><span class="label">[160]</span></a> Sarpi,
+        though he expressed an opinion that the Jesuits of his day had departed
+        from the spirit of their founders, spoke thus of Loyola's worldly aims (<i>Lettere</i>,
+        vol. i. p 224): 'Even Father Ignatius, Founder of the Company, as his
+        biography attests, based himself in such wise upon human interest as
+        though there were none divine to think about.'
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_161_161" id="FootnoteA_161_161"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_161_161"><span class="label">[161]</span></a> See
+        Philippson, <i>op. cit.</i> pp. 61, 62.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_162_162" id="FootnoteA_162_162"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_162_162"><span class="label">[162]</span></a> It was
+        not till the epoch of Maria de'Medici's Regency that the Jesuits
+        obtained firm hold on France.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_163_163" id="FootnoteA_163_163"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_163_163"><span class="label">[163]</span></a> The
+        letter addressed by Ignatius to the Portuguese Jesuits, March 22, 1553,
+        on the virtue of obedience, the Constitutions and the glosses on them
+        called Declarations, and the last chapter of the <i>Exercitia</i>,
+        furnish the above sentences. <i>See</i>, too, Philippson, <i>op. cit.</i>
+        pp. 60, 120-124.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_164_164" id="FootnoteA_164_164"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_164_164"><span class="label">[164]</span></a> Read in
+        the <i>Exercitia</i> (<i>Inst. Jesu</i>, vol. iv. p. 167-173) the Rules
+        for right accord with the Orthodox Church. What follows above is taken
+        from that chapter.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_165_165" id="FootnoteA_165_165"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_165_165"><span class="label">[165]</span></a> <i>Exercitia</i>,
+        ibid. p. 171. In this spirit a Jesuit of the present century writing on
+        astronomy develops the heliocentric theory while he professes his
+        submission to the geocentric theory as maintained by the Church.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_166_166" id="FootnoteA_166_166"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_166_166"><span class="label">[166]</span></a> <i>Inst.
+        Soc. Jesu</i>, vol. iv. The same volume contains the Directorium, or
+        rules for the use of the <i>Exercitia</i>.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_167_167" id="FootnoteA_167_167"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_167_167"><span class="label">[167]</span></a>
+        Philippson, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 142.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_168_168" id="FootnoteA_168_168"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_168_168"><span class="label">[168]</span></a> Quinet
+        calculates that at the close of the sixteenth century there were
+        twenty-one houses of the professed (incapable of owning property) to 293
+        colleges (free from this inability).
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_169_169" id="FootnoteA_169_169"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_169_169"><span class="label">[169]</span></a> A book
+        with this title was published in 1612 at Cracow. It was declared a
+        forgery at Rome by a congregation of Cardinals.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_170_170" id="FootnoteA_170_170"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_170_170"><span class="label">[170]</span></a> <i>Lettere</i>,
+        vol. i. p. 100.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_171_171" id="FootnoteA_171_171"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_171_171"><span class="label">[171]</span></a> <i>Lettere</i>,
+        vol. ii. p. 174.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_172_172" id="FootnoteA_172_172"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_172_172"><span class="label">[172]</span></a> See
+        Sarpi's <i>Letters</i>, vol. i. p. 352, for Protestant pupils of
+        Jesuits. Sarpi's <i>Memorial to the Signory of Venice on the Collegio
+        de'Greci in Rome</i> exposes the fallacy of their being reputed the best
+        teachers of youth, by pointing out how their aim is to withdraw their
+        pupils' allegiance from the nation, the government, and the family, to
+        themselves.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_173_173" id="FootnoteA_173_173"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_173_173"><span class="label">[173]</span></a> <i>Storia
+        del Granducato di Toscana</i>, vol. iv. p. 275.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_174_174" id="FootnoteA_174_174"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_174_174"><span class="label">[174]</span></a> Having
+        mentioned the names of these illustrious Frenchmen, I feel bound to
+        point out how accurately their criticism of the Jesuits was anticipated
+        by Paolo Sarpi. His correspondence between the years 1608 and 1622
+        demonstrates that this body of social corrupters had been early
+        recognized by him in their true light. Sarpi calls them 'sottilissimi
+        maestri in mal fare,' 'donde esce ogni falsit&agrave; et bestemmia,' 'il
+        vero morbo Gallico,' 'peste pubblica,' 'peste del mondo' (<i>Letters</i>,
+        vol. i. pp. 142, 183, 245, ii. 82, 109). He says that they 'hanno messo
+        l'ultima mano a stabilire una corruzione universale' (<i>ib.</i> vol. i.
+        p. 304). By their equivocations and mental reservations 'fanno essi
+        prova di gabbare Iddio' (<i>ib.</i> vol. ii. p. 82). 'La menzogna non
+        iscusano soltanto ma lodano' (<i>ib.</i> vol. ii. p. 106). So far, the
+        utterances which I have quoted might pass for the rhetoric of mere
+        spite. But the portrait gradually becomes more definite in details
+        limned from life. 'The Jesuits have so many loopholes for escape,
+        pretexts, colors of insinuation, that they are more changeful than the
+        Sophist of Plato; and when one thinks to have caught them between thumb
+        and finger, they wriggle out and vanish' (<i>ib.</i> vol. i. p. 230).
+        'The Jesuit fathers have methods of acquiring in this world, and making
+        their neophytes acquire, heaven without diminution, or rather with
+        augmentation, of this life's indulgences' (<i>ib.</i> vol. i. p. 313).
+        'The Jesuit fathers used to confer Paradise; they now have become
+        dispensers of fame in this world' (<i>ibid.</i> p. 363). 'When they seek
+        entrance into any place, they do not hesitate to make what promises may
+        be demanded of them, possessing as they do the art of escape by lying
+        with equivocations and mental reservations' (<i>ib.</i> vol. ii. p.
+        147). 'The Jesuit is a man of every color; he repeats the marvel of the
+        chameleon' (<i>ibid.</i> p. 105). 'When they play a losing game, they
+        yet rise winners from the table. For it is their habit to insinuate
+        themselves upon any condition demanded, having arts enough whereby to
+        make themselves masters of those who bind them by prescribed rules. They
+        are glad to enter in the guise of galley-slaves with irons on their
+        ankles; since, when they have got in, they will find no difficulty in
+        loosing their own bonds and binding others' (<i>ibid.</i> p. 134). 'They
+        command two arts: the one of escaping from the bonds and obligations of
+        any vow or promise they shall have made, by means of equivocation, tacit
+        reservation, and mental restriction; the other of insinuating, like the
+        hedgehog, into the narrowest recesses, being well aware that when they
+        unfold their piercing bristles, they will obtain the full possession of
+        the dwelling and exclude its master' <i>(ibid</i>. p. 144). 'Everybody
+        in Italy is well aware how they have wrought confession into an art.
+        They never receive confidences under that seal without disclosing all
+        particulars in the conferences of their Society; and that with the view
+        of using confession to the advantage of their order and the Church. At
+        the same time they preach the doctrine that the seal of the confessional
+        precludes a penitent from disclosing what the confessor may have said to
+        him, albeit his utterances have had no reference to sins or to the
+        safety of the soul' (<i>ib.</i> vol. ii. p. 108). 'Should the Jesuits in
+        France get hold of education, they will dominate the university, and
+        eradicate sound letters. Yet why do I speak of healthy literature? I
+        ought to have said good and wholesome doctrine, the which is verily
+        mortal to that Company' (<i>ibid.</i> p. 162). 'Every species of vice
+        finds its patronage in them. The avaricious trust their maxims, for
+        trafficking in spiritual commodities; the superstitious, for
+        substituting kisses upon images for the exercise of Christian virtues;
+        the base fry of ambitious upstarts, for cloaking every act of
+        scoundreldom with a veil of holiness. The indifferent find in them a
+        palliative for their spiritual deadness; and whoso fears no God, has a
+        visible God ready made for him, whom he may worship with merit to his
+        soul. In fine, there is nor perjury, nor sacrilege, nor parricide, nor
+        incest, nor rapine, nor fraud, nor treason, which cannot be masked as
+        meritorious beneath the mantle of their dispensation' (<i>ibid.</i> p.
+        330). 'I apprehend the difficulty of attacking their teachings; seeing
+        that they merge their own interests with those of the Papacy; and that
+        not only in the article of Pontifical authority, but in all points. At
+        present they stand for themselves upon the ground of equivocations. But
+        believe me, they will adjust this also, and that speedily; forasmuch as
+        they are omnipotent in the Roman Court, and the Pope himself fears them'
+        (<i>ibid.</i> p. 333). 'Had S. Peter known the creed of the Jesuits, he
+        could have found a way to deny our Lord without sinning' (<i>ibid.</i>
+        p. 353). 'The Roman Court will never condemn Jesuit doctrine; for this
+        is the secret of its empire&mdash;a secret of the highest and most
+        capital importance, whereby those who openly refuse to worship it are
+        excommunicated, and those who would do so if they dared, are held in
+        check' (<i>ibid.</i> p. 105). The object of this lengthy note is to
+        vindicate for Sarpi a prominent and early place among those candid
+        analysts of Jesuitry who now are lost in the great light of Pascal's
+        genius. Sarpi's <i>Familiar Letters</i> have for my mind even more
+        weight than the famous <i>Lettres Provinciales</i> of Pascal. They were
+        written with no polemical or literary bias, at a period when Jesuitry
+        was in its prime; and their force as evidence is strengthened by their
+        obvious spontaneity. A book of some utility was published in 1703 at
+        Salzburg (?), under the title of <i>Artes Jesuiticae</i> Christianus
+        Aletophilus. This contains a compendium of those passages in casuistical
+        writings on which Pascal based his brilliant satires. Paul Bert's modern
+        work, <i>La Morale des J&eacute;suites</i> (Paris: Charpentier, 1881),
+        is intended to prove that recent casuistical treatises of the school
+        repeat those ancient perversions of sound morals.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_175_175" id="FootnoteA_175_175"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_175_175"><span class="label">[175]</span></a> See
+        Mariana, <i>De Rege</i>, lib. i. cap. 6. This book, be it remembered,
+        was written for the instruction of the heir apparent, afterwards Philip
+        III.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_176_176" id="FootnoteA_176_176"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_176_176"><span class="label">[176]</span></a> Henri IV.
+        let them return to France, in mere dread of their machinations against
+        him. See Sully, vol. v. p. 113.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_177_177" id="FootnoteA_177_177"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_177_177"><span class="label">[177]</span></a> Sarpi,
+        who was living at the time of Henri's murder, and who saw his best hopes
+        for Italy and the Church of God extinguished by that crime, at first
+        credited the Jesuits with the deliberate instigation Ravaillac. He
+        gradually came to the conclusion that, though they were not directly
+        responsible, their doctrine of regicide had inflamed the fanatic's
+        imagination. See, in succession, <i>Letters</i>, vol. ii. pp. 78, 79,
+        81, 83, 86, 91, 105, 121, 170, 181, 192.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_178_178" id="FootnoteA_178_178"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_178_178"><span class="label">[178]</span></a> Expelled
+        from Venice in 1606, from Bohemia in 1618, from Naples and the
+        Netherlands in 1622, from Russia in 1676, from Portugal in 1759, from
+        Spain in 1767, from France in 1764. Suppressed by the Bull of Clement
+        XIV. in 1773. Restored in 1814, as an instrument against the Revolution.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_179_179" id="FootnoteA_179_179"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_179_179"><span class="label">[179]</span></a> The last
+        section of Loyola's <i>Exercitia</i> is an epitome of post-Tridentine
+        Catholicism, though penned before the opening of the Council. In its
+        last paragraph it inculcates the fear of God: 'neque porro is timor
+        solum, quem filialem appellamus, qui pius est ac sanctus maxime; verum
+        etiam alter, servilis dictus' (<i>Inst. Soc. Jesu</i>, vol. iv. p. 173).
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_180_180" id="FootnoteA_180_180"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_180_180"><span class="label">[180]</span></a> An
+        interesting survey of this wider kind has been attempted by U.A. Canello
+        for the whole sixteenth century in his <i>Storia della Lett. It. nel
+        Secolo XVI</i>. (Milano: Vallardi, 1880). He tries to demonstrate that,
+        in the sphere of private life, Italian society gradually refined the
+        brutal lusts of the Middle Ages, and passed through fornication to a
+        true conception of woman as man's companion in the family. The theme is
+        bold; and the author seems to have based it upon too slight acquaintance
+        with the real conditions of the Middle Ages.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_181_181" id="FootnoteA_181_181"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_181_181"><span class="label">[181]</span></a> Galluzzi,
+        in his <i>Storia del Granducato di Toscana</i>, vol. iv. p. 34,
+        estimates the murders committed in Florence alone during the eighteen
+        months which followed the death of Cosimo I., at 186.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_182_182" id="FootnoteA_182_182"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_182_182"><span class="label">[182]</span></a> In
+        drawing up these paragraphs I am greatly indebted to a vigorous passage
+        by Signor Salvatore Bonghi in his <i>Storia di Lucrezia Buonvisi</i>,
+        pp. 7-9, of which I have made free use, translating his words when they
+        served my purpose, and interpolating such further details as might
+        render the picture more complete.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_183_183" id="FootnoteA_183_183"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_183_183"><span class="label">[183]</span></a> The lax
+        indulgence accorded by the Jesuit casuists to every kind of homicide
+        appears in the extracts from those writers collected in <i>Artes
+        Jesuiticae</i> (Salisburgi, 1703, pp. 75-83). Tamburinus went so far as
+        to hold that if a man mixed poison for his enemy, and a friend came in
+        and drank it up before his eyes, he was not bound to warn his friend,
+        nor was he guilty of his friend's death (<i>Ib.</i> p. 135, Art. 651).
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_184_184" id="FootnoteA_184_184"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_184_184"><span class="label">[184]</span></a> See
+        Salvatore Bonghi, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 159.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_185_185" id="FootnoteA_185_185"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_185_185"><span class="label">[185]</span></a> Bonghi,
+        <i>op. cit.</i> p. 159, note.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_186_186" id="FootnoteA_186_186"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_186_186"><span class="label">[186]</span></a> In
+        support of this assertion I translate a letter addressed (Milan,
+        September 15, 1622) by Cardinal Federigo Borromeo to the Prioress of the
+        Convent of S. Margherita at Monza (Dandolo, <i>Signora di Monza</i>, p.
+        132). 'Experience of similar cases has shown how dangerous to your holy
+        state is the vicinity of soldiers, owing to the correspondence which
+        young and idle soldiers continually try to entertain with monasteries,
+        sometimes even under fair and honorable pretexts.... Wherefore we have
+        heard with much displeasure that in those places of our diocese where
+        there are convents of nuns and congregations of virgins, ordinary
+        lodgings for the soldiery have been established, called lonely houses (<i>case
+        erme</i>), where they are suffered or obliged to dwell through long
+        periods.' The Bishop commands the Prioress to admit no soldier, on any
+        plea of piety, devotion or family relationship, into her convent; to
+        receive no servant or emissary of a soldier; to forbid special services
+        being performed in the chapel at the instance of a soldier; and,
+        finally, to institute a more rigorous system of watch and ward than had
+        been formerly practiced.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_187_187" id="FootnoteA_187_187"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_187_187"><span class="label">[187]</span></a> In
+        Venice, for example, they were called <i>Monachini</i>. But the name
+        varied in various provinces.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_188_188" id="FootnoteA_188_188"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_188_188"><span class="label">[188]</span></a> The
+        following abstract of the history of Virginia Maria de Leyva is based on
+        Dandolo's <i>Signora di Monza</i> (Milano, 1855). Readers of Manzoni's
+        <i>I Promessi Sposi</i>, and of Rosini's tiresome novel, <i>La Signora
+        di Monza</i>, will be already familiar with her in romance under the
+        name of Gertrude.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_189_189" id="FootnoteA_189_189"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_189_189"><span class="label">[189]</span></a> Carlo
+        Borromeo found it necessary to suppress the Umiliati. But he left the
+        female establishment of S. Margherita untouched.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_190_190" id="FootnoteA_190_190"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_190_190"><span class="label">[190]</span></a> In
+        ecclesiastical affairs the diocese of Milan exercised jurisdiction over
+        that of Bergamo, although Bergamo was subject in civil affairs to
+        Venice. This makes the matter more puzzling.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_191_191" id="FootnoteA_191_191"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_191_191"><span class="label">[191]</span></a> <i>Storia
+        di Lucrezia Buonvisi</i>, by Salvatore Bonghi, Lucca, 1864. This is an
+        admirably written historical monograph, based on accurate studies and
+        wide researches, containing a mine of valuable information for a student
+        of those times.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_192_192" id="FootnoteA_192_192"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_192_192"><span class="label">[192]</span></a>
+        Campanelia, who was tortured in this way at Naples, says that on one
+        occasion a pound and a half of his flesh was macerated, and ten pounds
+        of his blood shed. 'Perduravi horis quadraginta, funiculis arctissimis
+        ossa usque secantibus ligatus, pendens manibus retro contortis de fune
+        super acutissimum lignum qui (?) carnis sextertium (?) in posterioribus
+        mihi devoravit et decem sanguinis libras tellus ebibit.' Preface to <i>Atheismus
+        Triumphatus</i>.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_193_193" id="FootnoteA_193_193"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_193_193"><span class="label">[193]</span></a> I may
+        here allude to a portrait in our National Gallery of a Lucchese
+        Arnolfini and his wife, painted by Van Eyck.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_194_194" id="FootnoteA_194_194"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_194_194"><span class="label">[194]</span></a> Here
+        again I have very closely followed the text of Signor Bonghi's
+        monograph, pp. 112-115.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_195_195" id="FootnoteA_195_195"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_195_195"><span class="label">[195]</span></a> It
+        appears that violent passion for a person was commonly attributed at
+        that epoch to enchantment. See above, the confession of the Lady of
+        Monza, p. 320.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_196_196" id="FootnoteA_196_196"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_196_196"><span class="label">[196]</span></a> <i>Francesco
+        Cenci e la sua Famiglia</i>. Per A. Bertolotti, Firenze, 1877.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_197_197" id="FootnoteA_197_197"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_197_197"><span class="label">[197]</span></a> He was
+        afterwards forced, in 1590, to disgorge a second sum of 25,000 crowns.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_198_198" id="FootnoteA_198_198"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_198_198"><span class="label">[198]</span></a> Prospero
+        Farinaccio, the advocate of Cenci's murderers, was himself tried for
+        this crime (Bertolotti, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 104). The curious story of
+        the Spanish soldiers alluded to above will be found in Mutinelli, <i>Stor.
+        Arc</i>. vol. i. p. 121. See the same work of Mutinelli, vol. i. p. 48,
+        for a similar prosecution in Rome 1566; and vol. iv. p. 152 for another
+        involving some hundred people of condition at Milan in 1679. Compare
+        what Sarpi says about the Florentine merchants and Roman <i>cinedi</i>
+        in his <i>Letters</i>, date 1609, vol. i. p. 288. For the manners of the
+        Neapolitans, <i>Vita di D. Pietro di Toledo (Arch. Stor. It</i>., vol.
+        ix. p. 23). The most scandalous example of such vice in high quarters
+        was given by Pietro de'Medici, one of Duke Cosimo's sons. <i>Galluzzi</i>,
+        vol. v. p. 174, and Litta's pedigree of the Medici. The <i>Bandi
+        Lucchesi</i>, ed. S. Bonghi, Bologna, 1863, pp. 377 381, treats the
+        subject in full; and it has been discussed by Canello, <i>op. cit.</i>
+        pp. 20-23. The <i>Artes Jesuiticae</i>, op. cit. Articles 62, 120,
+        illustrate casuistry on the topic.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_199_199" id="FootnoteA_199_199"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_199_199"><span class="label">[199]</span></a> De
+        Stendhal's MS. authority says she was sixteen, Shelley's that she was
+        twenty.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_200_200" id="FootnoteA_200_200"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_200_200"><span class="label">[200]</span></a> De
+        Stendhal's MS. describes how Giacomo was torn by pincers; Shelley's says
+        that this part of the sentence was remitted.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_201_201" id="FootnoteA_201_201"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_201_201"><span class="label">[201]</span></a> The
+        author of De Stendhal's MS. professes to have known the old Cenci, and
+        gives a definite description of his personal appearance.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_202_202" id="FootnoteA_202_202"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_202_202"><span class="label">[202]</span></a> Litta
+        supplies the facts related above.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_203_203" id="FootnoteA_203_203"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_203_203"><span class="label">[203]</span></a> This
+        fratricide, concurring with the matricide of S. Croce, contributed to
+        the rigor with which the Cenci parricide was punished in that year of
+        Roman crimes.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_204_204" id="FootnoteA_204_204"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_204_204"><span class="label">[204]</span></a> <i>The
+        White Devil</i>, a tragedy by John Webster, London, 1612; De Stendhal's
+        <i>Chroniques et Nouvelles</i>, Vittoria Accoramboni, Paris 1855; <i>Vittoria
+        Accoramboni</i>, D. Gnoli, Firenze, 1870; <i>Italian Byways</i>, by J.A.
+        Symonds, London, 1883. The greater part of follows above is extracted
+        from my <i>Italian Byways</i>.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_205_205" id="FootnoteA_205_205"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_205_205"><span class="label">[205]</span></a> I find a
+        Felice Peretti mentioned in the will of Giacomo Cenci condemned in 1597.
+        But this was after the death of this Peretti, whom I shall continue to
+        call Francesco.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_206_206" id="FootnoteA_206_206"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_206_206"><span class="label">[206]</span></a> The
+        balance of probability leans against Isabella in this affair. At the
+        licentious court of the Medici she lived with unpardonable freedom.
+        Troilo Orsini was himself assassinated in Paris by Bracciano's orders a
+        few years afterwards.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_207_207" id="FootnoteA_207_207"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_207_207"><span class="label">[207]</span></a> 'La
+        Duchesse de Palliano,' in <i>Chroniques et Nouvelles</i>, De Stendhal
+        (Henri Beyle).
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_208_208" id="FootnoteA_208_208"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_208_208"><span class="label">[208]</span></a> This
+        touch shows what were then considered the accomplishments of a noble
+        woman.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_209_209" id="FootnoteA_209_209"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_209_209"><span class="label">[209]</span></a> It was a
+        street-brawl, in which the Cardinal Monte played an indecent part, that
+        finally aroused the anger of Paul IV. De Stendhal's MS. shifts the chief
+        blame on to the shoulders of Cardinal Caraffa, who indeed appears to
+        have been in the habit of keeping bad company.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_210_210" id="FootnoteA_210_210"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_210_210"><span class="label">[210]</span></a>
+        Mutinelli, <i>Storia Arcana</i>, vol. ii. p. 64.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_211_211" id="FootnoteA_211_211"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_211_211"><span class="label">[211]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i>
+        vol. ii. p. 162.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_212_212" id="FootnoteA_212_212"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_212_212"><span class="label">[212]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i>
+        vol. i. p. 343.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_213_213" id="FootnoteA_213_213"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_213_213"><span class="label">[213]</span></a> <i>I
+        Guarini, Famiglia Nobile Ferrarese</i> (Bologna, Romagnoli, 1870), pp.
+        83-87.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_214_214" id="FootnoteA_214_214"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_214_214"><span class="label">[214]</span></a> In
+        addition to the victims of his vengeance who perished by the poignard,
+        he publicly executed in Florence forty-two political offenders.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_215_215" id="FootnoteA_215_215"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_215_215"><span class="label">[215]</span></a> See
+        Mutinelli, <i>Storia Arcana</i>, vol. ii. pp.54-56, for Antonio's
+        reception into the Order.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_216_216" id="FootnoteA_216_216"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_216_216"><span class="label">[216]</span></a> I refer,
+        of course, to Galluzzi's <i>Storia del Gran Ducato</i>, vol. iv. pp.
+        241-244. Botta's <i>Storia d'Italia</i>, Book xiv., and Litta's <i>Famiglie
+        Celebri</i> under the pedigree of Medici.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_217_217" id="FootnoteA_217_217"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_217_217"><span class="label">[217]</span></a> See
+        Galluzzi, <i>op. cit.</i> vol. iii. p, 25, and Botta, <i>op. cit.</i>
+        Book xii.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_218_218" id="FootnoteA_218_218"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_218_218"><span class="label">[218]</span></a> See
+        above, p. 381.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_219_219" id="FootnoteA_219_219"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_219_219"><span class="label">[219]</span></a> Litta may
+        be consulted for details; also Galluzzi, <i>op. cit.</i> vol. v. p. 174.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_220_220" id="FootnoteA_220_220"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_220_220"><span class="label">[220]</span></a> It maybe
+        worth mentioning that Virginio Orsini, Bracciano's son and heir, married
+        Donna Flavia, grand niece of Sixtus V., and consequently related to the
+        man his father murdered in order to possess Vittoria Accoramboni. See
+        Mutinelli, <i>Storia Arcana</i>, vol. ii. p. 72.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_221_221" id="FootnoteA_221_221"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_221_221"><span class="label">[221]</span></a> See
+        above, pp. 361-369.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_222_222" id="FootnoteA_222_222"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_222_222"><span class="label">[222]</span></a> Galluzzi,
+        vol. iii. p. 5, says that she died of a putrid fever. Litta again
+        inclines to the probability of poison. But this must counted among the
+        doubtful cases.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_223_223" id="FootnoteA_223_223"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_223_223"><span class="label">[223]</span></a> See
+        Galluzzi, <i>op. cit.</i> vol. iv. pp. 195-197, for the account of a
+        transaction which throws curious light upon the customs of the age. It
+        was only stipulated that the trial should not take place upon a Friday.
+        Otherwise, the highest ecclesiastics gave it their full approval.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_224_224" id="FootnoteA_224_224"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_224_224"><span class="label">[224]</span></a> I have
+        told the stories in this chapter as dryly as I could. Yet it would be
+        interesting to analyze the fascination they exercised over our
+        Elizabethan playwrights, some of whose Italian tragedies handle the
+        material with penetrative imagination. For the English mode of
+        interpreting southern passions see my <i>Italian Byways</i>, pp. 142 <i>et
+        seq.</i>, and a brilliant essay in Vernon Lee's <i>Euphorion</i>.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_225_225" id="FootnoteA_225_225"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_225_225"><span class="label">[225]</span></a> For the
+        Italian text see <i>Lorenzino de'Medici</i>, Daelli, Milano, 1862. The
+        above is borrowed from my <i>Italian Byways</i>.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_226_226" id="FootnoteA_226_226"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_226_226"><span class="label">[226]</span></a> So far as
+        I can discover, the only church of San Spirito in Venice was a building
+        on the island of San Spirito, erected by Sansavino, which belonged to
+        the Sestiere di S. Croce, and which was suppressed in 1656. Its plate
+        and the fine pictures which Titian painted there were transferred at
+        that date to S. M. della Salute. I cannot help inferring that either
+        Bibboni's memory failed him, or that his words were wrongly understood
+        by printer or amanuensis. If for S. Spirito, we substitute S. Stefano,
+        the account would be intelligible.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_227_227" id="FootnoteA_227_227"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_227_227"><span class="label">[227]</span></a> The text
+        is published, from Florentine Archives, in Gnoli's <i>Vittoria
+        Accoramboni</i>, pp. 404-414.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_228_228" id="FootnoteA_228_228"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_228_228"><span class="label">[228]</span></a> See
+        Rawdon Brown's <i>Calendar of State Papers</i>, vol. iv.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_229_229" id="FootnoteA_229_229"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_229_229"><span class="label">[229]</span></a> See
+        Botta, Book IV., for the story of Lodovico's intrigues at Siena.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_230_230" id="FootnoteA_230_230"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_230_230"><span class="label">[230]</span></a> This
+        letter is dated February 16, 1546.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_231_231" id="FootnoteA_231_231"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_231_231"><span class="label">[231]</span></a> See
+        Mutinelli, <i>Storia Arcana</i>, vol. ii. p. 167, for the pillage of
+        Lucera by Pacchiarotto.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_232_232" id="FootnoteA_232_232"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_232_232"><span class="label">[232]</span></a> Sarpi's
+        <i>History of the Uscocchi</i> may be consulted for this singular
+        episode in the Iliad of human savagery. See Mutinelli, <i>op. cit.</i>
+        vol. ii. p. 182, on the case of the son and heir of the Duke of Termoli
+        joining them; and <i>ibid.</i> p. 180 on the existence of pirates at
+        Capri.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_233_233" id="FootnoteA_233_233"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_233_233"><span class="label">[233]</span></a>
+        Mutinelli, <i>Annali Urbani di Venezia</i>, pp. 470-483,549-550.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_234_234" id="FootnoteA_234_234"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_234_234"><span class="label">[234]</span></a>
+        Mutinelli, <i>Storia Arcana</i>, vol. i. p. 310-340, and vol. xiv. pp.
+        30-65.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_235_235" id="FootnoteA_235_235"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_235_235"><span class="label">[235]</span></a> It is
+        worth mentioning that Ripamonte calculates the mortality from plague in
+        Milan in 1524 at 140,000.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_236_236" id="FootnoteA_236_236"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_236_236"><span class="label">[236]</span></a>
+        Mutinelli, <i>op. cit.</i> vol. in. pp. 229-233. Botta has given an
+        account of this plague in the twenty-sixth book of his <i>History</i>.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_237_237" id="FootnoteA_237_237"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_237_237"><span class="label">[237]</span></a>
+        Mutinelli, <i>op. cit.</i> vol. ii. pp. 287-307.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_238_238" id="FootnoteA_238_238"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_238_238"><span class="label">[238]</span></a> See
+        Mutinelli, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 241 and p. 289. We hear of the same belief
+        at Milan in 1576, <i>op. cit.</i> vol. i. pp. 311-315.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_239_239" id="FootnoteA_239_239"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_239_239"><span class="label">[239]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>
+        p. 309. See also vol. iii. p. 254 for a similar narration.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_240_240" id="FootnoteA_240_240"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_240_240"><span class="label">[240]</span></a>
+        Mutinelli, <i>op. cit.</i> vol. ii. pp. 51-65.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_241_241" id="FootnoteA_241_241"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_241_241"><span class="label">[241]</span></a> Cant&ugrave;'s
+        <i>Ragionamenti sulla Storia Lombarda del Secolo XVII.</i> Milano, 1832.
+        The trial may also be read in Mutinelli, <i>Storm Arcana</i>, vol. iv.
+        pp. 175-201. Mutinelli inclines to believe in the <i>Untori</i>. So do
+        many grave historians, including Nani and Botta. See Cant&ugrave;, <i>Storia
+        degli Italiani</i>, Milano, 1876, vol. ii. p. 215.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_242_242" id="FootnoteA_242_242"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_242_242"><span class="label">[242]</span></a> Mr.
+        Ruskin has somewhere maintained that the decline of Venice was not due
+        to this cause, but to fornication. He should read the record given by
+        Mutinelli (<i>Diari Urbani</i>, p. 157), of Venetian fornication in
+        1340, at the time when the Ducal Palace was being covered with its
+        sculpture. The public prostitutes were reckoned then at 11,654.
+        Adulteries, rapes, infanticides were matters of daily occurrence. Yet
+        the Renaissance had not begun, and the expansion of Venice, which roused
+        the envious hostility of Europe, had yet to happen.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_243_243" id="FootnoteA_243_243"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_243_243"><span class="label">[243]</span></a> Dandolo's
+        <i>Streghe Tirolesi</i>, and Cant&ugrave;'s work on the Diocese of Como
+        show how much Subalpine Italy had in common in Northern Europe in this
+        matter.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="FootnoteA_244_244" id="FootnoteA_244_244"></a><a
+        href="#FNanchorA_244_244"><span class="label">[244]</span></a> See <i>Rassegna
+        Settimanale</i>, September 18, 1881.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <h1>
+      RENAISSANCE IN ITALY
+    </h1>
+    <h3>
+      <i>THE CATHOLIC REACTION</i>
+    </h3>
+    <h3>
+      In Two Parts
+    </h3>
+    <h3>
+      BY
+    </h3>
+    <h2>
+      JOHN ADDINGTON SYMONDS
+    </h2>
+    <p>
+      <br /> <br />
+    </p>
+    <hr style="width: 25%;" />
+    <div class="poem">
+      <div class="stanza">
+        <span><i>'Il mondo invecchia</i>,</span><br /> <span><i>E invecchiando
+        intristisce'</i></span><br />
+      </div>
+      <div class="stanza">
+        <span>TASSO, <i>Aminta</i>, Act 2, sc. 2<br /> </span>
+      </div>
+    </div>
+    <hr style="width: 65%;" />
+    <h2>
+      PART II
+    </h2>
+    <h3>
+      NEW YORK HENRY HOLT AND COMPANY 1887 <i>AUTHOR'S EDITION</i>
+    </h3>
+    <div class="center">
+      <a href="#CONTENTS_OF_THE_SECOND_VOLUME"><b>CONTENTS OF THE SECOND VOLUME</b></a><br />
+      <a href="#CHAPTER_VII"><b>CHAPTER VII</b></a><br /> <a href="#CHAPTER_VIII"><b>CHAPTER
+      VIII</b></a><br /> <a href="#CHAPTER_IX"><b>CHAPTER IX</b></a><br /> <a
+      href="#CHAPTER_X"><b>CHAPTER X</b></a><br /> <a href="#CHAPTER_XI"><b>CHAPTER
+      XI</b></a><br /> <a href="#CHAPTER_XII"><b>CHAPTER XII</b></a><br /> <a
+      href="#CHAPTER_XIII"><b>CHAPTER XIII</b></a><br /> <a href="#CHAPTER_XIV"><b>CHAPTER
+      XIV</b></a><br /> <a href="#INDEX"><b>INDEX</b></a><br /> <a
+      href="#BFOOTNOTES"><b>FOOTNOTES</b></a><br />
+    </div>
+    <h2>
+      <a id="CONTENTS_OF_THE_SECOND_VOLUME" name="CONTENTS_OF_THE_SECOND_VOLUME"></a>CONTENTS
+      OF THE SECOND VOLUME
+    </h2>
+    <div class="blockquot">
+      <h4>
+        <a href="#CHAPTER_VII">CHAPTER VII</a>
+      </h4>
+      <h5>
+        TORQUATO TASSO
+      </h5>
+      <p>
+        Tasso's Relation to his Age&mdash;Balbi on that Period&mdash;The Life of
+        Bernardo Tasso&mdash;Torquato's Boyhood&mdash;Sorrento, Naples, Rome,
+        Urbino&mdash;His first Glimpse of the Court&mdash;Student Life at Padua
+        and Bologna&mdash;The <i>Rinaldo</i>&mdash;Dialogues on Epic Poetry&mdash;Enters
+        the Service of Cardinal d'Este&mdash;The Court of Ferrara&mdash;Alfonso
+        II. and the Princesses&mdash;Problem of Tasso's Love&mdash;Goes to
+        France with Cardinal d'Este&mdash;Enters the Service of Duke Alfonso&mdash;The
+        <i>Aminta</i>&mdash;Tasso at Urbino&mdash;Return to Ferrara&mdash;Revision
+        of the <i>Gerusalemme</i>&mdash;Jealousies at Court&mdash;Tasso's Sense
+        of His own Importance&mdash;Plans a Change from Ferrara to Florence&mdash;First
+        Symptoms of Mental Disorder&mdash;Persecutions of the Ferrarese
+        Courtiers&mdash;Tasso confined as a Semi-madman&mdash;Goes with Duke
+        Alfonso to Belriguardo&mdash;Flies in Disguise from Ferrara to Sorrento&mdash;Returns
+        to Court Life at Ferrara&mdash;Problem of his Madness&mdash;Flies again&mdash;Mantua,
+        Venice, Urbino, Turin&mdash;Returns once more to Ferrara&mdash;Alfonso's
+        Third Marriage&mdash;Tasso's Discontent&mdash;Imprisoned for Seven Years
+        in the Madhouse of S. Anna&mdash;Character of Tasso&mdash;Character of
+        Duke Alfonso&mdash;Nature of the Poet's Malady&mdash;His Course of Life
+        in Prison&mdash;Released at the Intercession of Vincenzo Gonzaga&mdash;Goes
+        to Mantua&mdash;The <i>Torrismondo</i>&mdash;An Odyssey of Nine Years&mdash;Death
+        at Sant Onofrio in Rome&mdash;Constantini's Sonnet
+      </p>
+      <h4>
+        <a href="#CHAPTER_VIII">CHAPTER VIII</a>
+      </h4>
+      <h5>
+        THE "GERUSALEMME LIBERATA"
+      </h5>
+      <p>
+        Problem of Creating Heroic Poetry&mdash;The Preface to Tasso's <i>Rinaldo</i>&mdash;Subject
+        of <i>Rinaldo</i>&mdash;Blending of Romantic Motives with Heroic Style&mdash;Imitation
+        of Virgil&mdash;Melody and Sentiment&mdash;Choice of Theme for the <i>Gerusalemme</i>&mdash;It
+        becomes a Romantic Poem after all&mdash;Tancredi the real Hero&mdash;Nobility
+        of Tone&mdash;Virgilian Imitation&mdash;Borrowings from Dante&mdash;Involved
+        Diction&mdash;Employment of Sonorous Polysyllabic Words&mdash;Quality of
+        Religious Emotion in this Poem&mdash;Rhetoric&mdash;Similes&mdash;The
+        Grand Style of Pathos&mdash;Verbal Music&mdash;The Chant d'Amour&mdash;Armida&mdash;Tasso's
+        Favorite Phrase, <i>Un non so che</i>&mdash;His Power over Melody and
+        Tender Feeling&mdash;Critique of Tasso's Later Poems&mdash;General
+        Survey of his Character
+      </p>
+      <h4>
+        <a href="#CHAPTER_IX">CHAPTER IX</a>
+      </h4>
+      <h5>
+        GIORDANO BRUNO
+      </h5>
+      <p>
+        Scientific Bias of the Italians checked by Catholic Revival&mdash;Boyhood
+        of Bruno&mdash;Enters Order of S. Dominic at Naples&mdash;Early
+        Accusations of Heresy&mdash;Escapes to Rome&mdash;Teaches the Sphere at
+        Noli&mdash;Visits Venice&mdash;At Geneva&mdash;At Toulouse&mdash;At
+        Paris&mdash;His Intercourse with Henri III.&mdash;Visits England&mdash;The
+        French Ambassador in London&mdash;Oxford&mdash;Bruno's Literary Work in
+        England&mdash;Returns to Paris&mdash;Journeys into Germany&mdash;Wittenberg,
+        Helmst&auml;dt, Frankfort&mdash;Invitation to Venice from Giovanni
+        Mocenigo&mdash;His Life in Venice&mdash;Mocenigo denounces him to the
+        Inquisition&mdash;His Trial at Venice&mdash;Removal to Rome&mdash;Death
+        by Burning in 1600&mdash;Bruno's Relation to the Thought of his Age and
+        to the Thought of Modern Europe&mdash;Outlines of his Philosophy
+      </p>
+      <h4>
+        <a href="#CHAPTER_X">CHAPTER X</a>
+      </h4>
+      <h5>
+        FRA PAOLO SARPI
+      </h5>
+      <p>
+        Sarpi's Position in the History of Venice&mdash;Parents and Boyhood&mdash;Entrance
+        into the Order of the Servites&mdash;His Personal Qualities&mdash;Achievements
+        as a Scholar and a Man of Science&mdash;His Life among the Servites&mdash;In
+        Bad Odor at Rome&mdash;Paul V. places Venice under Interdict&mdash;Sarpi
+        elected Theologian and Counselor of the Republic&mdash;His Polemical
+        Writings&mdash;Views on Church and State&mdash;The Interdict Removed&mdash;Roman
+        Vengeance&mdash;Sarpi attacked by Bravi&mdash;His Wounds, Illness,
+        Recovery&mdash;Subsequent History of the Assassins&mdash;Further
+        Attempts on Sarpi's Life&mdash;Sarpi's Political and Historical Works&mdash;History
+        of the Council of Trent&mdash;Sarpi's Attitude towards Protestantism His
+        Judgment of the Jesuits&mdash;Sarpi's Death&mdash;The Christian Stoic
+      </p>
+      <h4>
+        <a href="#CHAPTER_XI">CHAPTER XI</a>
+      </h4>
+      <h5>
+        GUARINI, MARINO, CHIABRERA, TASSONI
+      </h5>
+      <p>
+        Dearth of Great Men&mdash;Guarini a Link between Tasso and the
+        Seventeenth Century&mdash;His Biography&mdash;The <i>Pastor Fido</i>&mdash;Qualities
+        of Guarini as Poet&mdash;Marino the Dictator of Letters&mdash;His
+        Riotous Youth at Naples&mdash;Life at Rome, Turin, Paris&mdash;Publishes
+        the <i>Adone</i>&mdash;The Epic of Voluptuousness&mdash;Character and
+        Action of Adonis&mdash;Marino's Hypocrisy&mdash;Sentimental Sweetness&mdash;Brutal
+        Violence&mdash;Violation of Artistic Taste&mdash;Great Powers of the
+        Poet&mdash;Structure of the <i>Adone</i>&mdash;Musical Fluency&mdash;Marinism&mdash;Marino's
+        Patriotic Verses&mdash;Contrast between Chiabrera and Marino&mdash;An
+        Aspirant after Pindar&mdash;Chiabrera's Biography&mdash;His Court Life&mdash;Efforts
+        of Poets in the Seventeenth Century to attain to Novelty&mdash;Chiabrera's
+        Failure&mdash;Tassoni's Life&mdash;His Thirst to Innovate&mdash;Origin
+        of the <i>Secchia Rapita</i>&mdash;Mock-Heroic Poetiy&mdash;The Plot of
+        this Poem&mdash;Its Peculiar Humor&mdash;Irony and Satire&mdash;Novelty
+        of the Species&mdash;Lyrical Interbreathings&mdash;Sustained Contrast of
+        Parody and Pathos&mdash;The Poet Testi
+      </p>
+      <h4>
+        <a href="#CHAPTER_XII">CHAPTER XII</a>
+      </h4>
+      <h5>
+        PALESTRINA AND THE ORIGINS OF MODERN MUSIC
+      </h5>
+      <p>
+        Italy in Renaissance produces no National School of Music&mdash;Flemish
+        Composers in Rome&mdash;Singers and Orchestra&mdash;The Chaotic,
+        Indecency of this Contrapuntal Style&mdash;Palestrina's Birth and Early
+        History&mdash;Decrees of the Tridentine Council upon Church Music&mdash;The
+        Mass of Pope Marcello&mdash;Palestrina Satisfies the Cardinals with his
+        New Style of Sacred Music&mdash;Pius IV. and his Partiality for Music&mdash;Palestrina
+        and Filippo Neri&mdash;His Motetts&mdash;The Song of Solomon set to
+        Melody&mdash;Palestrina, the Saviour of Music&mdash;The Founder of the
+        Modern Style&mdash;Florentine Essays in the Oratorio
+      </p>
+      <h4>
+        <a href="#CHAPTER_XIII">CHAPTER XIII</a>
+      </h4>
+      <h5>
+        THE BOLOGNESE SCHOOL OF PAINTERS
+      </h5>
+      <p>
+        Decline of Plastic Art&mdash;Dates of the Eclectic Masters&mdash;The
+        Mannerists&mdash;Baroccio&mdash;Reaction started by Lodovico Caracci&mdash;His
+        Cousins Annibale and Agostino&mdash;Their Studies&mdash;Their Academy at
+        Bologna&mdash;Their Artistic Aims&mdash;Dionysius Calvaert&mdash;Guido
+        Reni&mdash;The Man and his Art&mdash;Domenichino&mdash;Ruskin's
+        Criticism&mdash;Relation of Domenichino to the Piety of his Age&mdash;Caravaggio
+        and the Realists&mdash;Ribera&mdash;Lo Spagna&mdash;Guercino&mdash;His
+        Qualities as Colorist&mdash;His Terribleness&mdash;Private Life&mdash;Digression
+        upon Criticism&mdash;Reasons why the Bolognese Painters, are justly now
+        Neglected
+      </p>
+      <h4>
+        <a href="#CHAPTER_XIV">CHAPTER XIV</a>
+      </h4>
+      <h5>
+        CONCLUSION
+      </h5>
+      <p>
+        The Main Events of European History&mdash;Italy in the Renaissance&mdash;Germany
+        and Reformation&mdash;Catholic Reaction&mdash;Its Antagonism to
+        Renaissance and Reformation&mdash;Profound Identity of Renaissance and
+        Reformation&mdash;Place of Italy in European Civilization&mdash;Want of
+        Sympathy between Latin and Teutonic Races&mdash;Relation of Rome to
+        Italy&mdash;Macaulay on the Roman Church&mdash;On Protestantism&mdash;Early
+        Decline of Renaissance Enthusiasms&mdash;Italy's Present and Future
+      </p>
+      <h4>
+        <a href="#INDEX">INDEX</a>
+      </h4>
+      <h4>
+        <a href="#BFOOTNOTES">FOOTNOTES</a>
+      </h4>
+    </div>
+    <hr style="width: 65%;" />
+    <p>
+      <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB1" id="pageB1"></a>{1}</span>
+    </p>
+    <h1>
+      RENAISSANCE IN ITALY
+    </h1>
+    <hr style="width: 65%;" />
+    <h2>
+      <a name="CHAPTER_VII" id="CHAPTER_VII"></a>CHAPTER VII
+    </h2>
+    <h4>
+      TORQUATO TASSO
+    </h4>
+    <div class="blockquot">
+      <p>
+        Tasso's Relation to his Age&mdash;Balbi on that Period&mdash;The Life of
+        Bernardo Tasso&mdash;Torquato's Boyhood&mdash;Sorrento, Naples, Rome,
+        Urbino&mdash;His first Glimpse of the Court&mdash;Student Life at Padua
+        and Bologna&mdash;The <i>Rinaldo</i>&mdash;Dialogues on Epic Poetry&mdash;Enters
+        the Service of Cardinal d'Este&mdash;The Court of Ferrara&mdash;Alfonso
+        II. and the Princesses&mdash;Problem of Tasso's Love&mdash;Goes to
+        France with Cardinal d'Este&mdash;Enters the Service of Duke Alfonso&mdash;The
+        <i>Aminta</i>&mdash;Tasso at Urbino&mdash;Return to Ferrara&mdash;Revision
+        of the <i>Gerusalemme</i>&mdash;Jealousies at Court&mdash;Tasso's Sense
+        of His own Importance&mdash;Plans a Change from Ferrara to Florence&mdash;First
+        Symptoms of Mental Disorder&mdash;Persecutions of the Ferrarese
+        Courtiers&mdash;Tasso confined as a Semi-madman&mdash;Goes with Duke
+        Alfonso to Belriguardo&mdash;Flies in Disguise from Ferrara to Sorrento&mdash;Returns
+        to Court Life at Ferrara&mdash;Problem of his madness&mdash;Flies again&mdash;Mantua,
+        Venice, Urbino, Turin&mdash;Returns once more to Ferrara&mdash;Alfonso's
+        Third Marriage&mdash;Tasso's Discontent&mdash;Imprisoned for Seven years
+        in the madhouse of S. Anna&mdash;Character of Tasso&mdash;Character of
+        Duke Alfonso&mdash;Nature of the Poet's Malady&mdash;His Course of Life
+        in Prison&mdash;Released at the Intercession of Vincenzo Gonzaga&mdash;Goes
+        to Mantua&mdash;The <i>Torrismondo</i>&mdash;An Odyssey of nine Years&mdash;Death
+        at Sant Onofrio in Rome&mdash;Constantini's Sonnet.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <p>
+      It was under the conditions which have been set forth in the foregoing
+      chapters that the greatest literary genius of his years in Europe, the
+      poet who ranks among the four first of Italy, was educated, rose to
+      eminence, and suffered. The political<span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB2"
+      id="pageB2"></a>{2}</span> changes introduced in 1530, the tendencies of
+      the Catholic Revival, the terrorism of the Inquisition, and the
+      educational energy of the Jesuits had, each and all, their manifest effect
+      in molding Tasso's character. He represents that period when the culture
+      of the Renaissance was being superseded, when the caries of court-service
+      was eating into the bone and marrow of Italian life, when earlier forms of
+      art were tending to decay, or were passing into the new form of music.
+      Tasso was at once the representative poet of his age and the
+      representative martyr of his age. He was the latter, though this may seem
+      paradoxical, in even a stricter sense than Bruno. Bruno, coming into
+      violent collision with the prejudices of the century, expiated his
+      antagonism by a cruel death. Tasso, yielding to those influences, lingered
+      out a life of irresolute misery. His nature was such, that the very
+      conditions which shaped it sufficed to enfeeble, envenom, and finally
+      reduce it to a pitiable ruin.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Some memorable words of Cesare Balbi may serve as introduction to a sketch
+      of Tasso's life. 'If that can be called felicity which gives to the people
+      peace without activity; to nobles rank without power; to princes
+      undisturbed authority within their States without true independence or
+      full sovereignty; to literary men and artists numerous occasions for
+      writing, painting, making statues, and erecting edifices with the applause
+      of contemporaries but the ridicule of posterity; to the whole nation ease
+      <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB3" id="pageB3"></a>{3}</span>without
+      dignity and facilities for sinking tranquilly into corruption; then no
+      period of her history was so felicitous for Italy as the 140 years which
+      followed the peace of Cateau-Cambr&egrave;sis. Invasions ceased: her
+      foreign lord saved Italy from intermeddling rivals. Internal struggles
+      ceased: her foreign lord removed their causes and curbed national
+      ambitions. Popular revolutions ceased: her foreign lord bitted and bridled
+      the population of her provinces. Of bravi, highwaymen, vulgar acts of
+      vengeance, tragedies among nobles and princes, we find indeed abundance;
+      but these affected the mass of the people to no serious extent. The
+      Italians enjoyed life, indulged in the sweets of leisure, the sweets of
+      vice, the sweets of making love and dangling after women. From the camp
+      and the council-chamber, where they had formerly been bred, the nobles
+      passed into petty courts and moldered in a multitude of little capitals.
+      Men bearing historic names, insensible of their own degradation, bowed the
+      neck gladly, groveled in beatitude. Deprived of power, they consoled
+      themselves with privileges, patented favors, impertinences vented on the
+      common people. The princes amused themselves by debasing the old
+      aristocracy to the mire, depreciating their honors by the creations of new
+      titles, multiplying frivolous concessions, adding class to class of idle
+      and servile dependents on their personal bounty. In one word, the paradise
+      of mediocrities came into being.'
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Tasso was born before the beginning of this <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageB4" id="pageB4"></a>{4}</span> epoch. But he lived into the last
+      decade of the sixteenth century. In every fiber of his character he felt
+      the influences of Italian decadence, even while he reacted against them.
+      His misfortunes resulted in great measure from his not having wholly
+      discarded the traditions of the Renaissance, though his temperament and
+      acquired habits made him in many points sympathetic to the
+      Counter-Reformation. At the same time, he was not a mediocrity, but the
+      last of an illustrious race of nobly gifted men of genius. Therefore he
+      never patiently submitted to the humiliating conditions which his own
+      conception of the Court, the Prince, the Church, and the Italian gentleman
+      logically involved at that period. He could not be contented with the
+      paradise of mediocrities described by Balbi. Yet he had not strength to
+      live outside its pale. It was the pathos of his situation that he
+      persisted in idealizing this paradise, and expected to find in it a
+      paradise of exceptional natures. This it could not be. No one turns
+      Circe's pigsty into a Parnassus. If Tasso had possessed force of character
+      enough to rend the trammels of convention and to live his own life in a
+      self-constructed sphere, he might still have been unfortunate. Nature
+      condemned him to suffering. But from the study of his history we then had
+      risen invigorated by the contemplation of heroism, instead of quitting it,
+      as now we do, with pity, but with pity tempered by a slight contempt.<span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageB5" id="pageB5"></a>{5}</span>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Bernardo, the father of Torquato Tasso, drew noble blood from both his
+      parents. The Tassi claimed to be a branch of that ancient Guelf house of
+      Delia Torre, lords of Milan, who were all but extirpated by the Visconti
+      in the fourteenth century. A remnant established themselves in mountain
+      strongholds between Bergamo and Como, and afterwards took rank among the
+      more distinguished families of the former city. Manso affirms that
+      Bernardo's mother was a daughter of those Venetian Cornari who gave a
+      queen to Cyprus.<a name="BFNanchor_1_1" id="BFNanchor_1_1"></a><a
+      href="#BFootnote_1_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> He was born at Venice in
+      the year 1493; and, since he died in 1568, his life covered the whole
+      period of national glory, humiliation, and attempted reconstruction which
+      began with the invasion of Charles VIII. and ended with the closing of the
+      Council of Trent. Born in the pontificate of Alexander VI., he witnessed
+      the reigns of Julius II., Leo X., Clement VII., Paul IV., Pius IV., and
+      died in that of Pius V.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      All the illustrious works of Italian art and letters were produced while
+      he was moving in the society of princes and scholars. He saw the
+      Renaissance in its splendor and decline. He watched the growth, progress,
+      and final triumph of the Catholic Revival. Having stated that the curve of
+      his existence led upward from a Borgia and down to a Ghislieri Vicar of
+      Christ, the merest tyro in Italian history knows what vicissitudes it
+      spanned.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB6" id="pageB6"></a>{6}</span> Though
+      the Tassi were so noble, Bernardo owned no wealth. He was left an orphan
+      at an early age under the care of his uncle, Bishop of Recanati. But in
+      1520 the poignard of an assassin cut short this guardian's life; and, at
+      the age of seventeen, he was thrown upon the world. After studying at
+      Padua, where he enjoyed the patronage of Bembo, and laid foundations for
+      his future fame as poet, Bernardo entered the service of the Modenese
+      Rangoni in the capacity of secretary. Thus began the long career of
+      servitude to princes, of which he frequently complained, but which only
+      ended with his death.<a name="BFNanchor_2_2" id="BFNanchor_2_2"></a><a
+      href="#BFootnote_2_2" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> The affairs of his first
+      patrons took him to Paris at the time when a marriage was arranged between
+      Ren&eacute;e of France and Ercole d'Este. He obtained the post of
+      secretary to this princess, and having taken leave of the Rangoni, he next
+      established himself at Ferrara. Only for three years, however; for in 1532
+      reasons of which we are ignorant, but which may have been connected with
+      the heretical sympathies of Ren&eacute;e, induced him to resign his post.
+      Shortly after this date, we find him attached to the person of Ferrante
+      Sanseverino, Prince of Salerno, one of the chief feudatories and
+      quasi-independent vassals of the Crown of Naples. In the quality of
+      secretary he attended this patron through the campaign of Tunis in 1535,
+      and accompanied him on all his diplomatic expeditions.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB7" id="pageB7"></a>{7}</span> The
+      Prince of Salerno treated him more as an honored friend and confidential
+      adviser than as a paid official. His income was good, and leisure was
+      allowed him for the prosecution of his literary studies. In this
+      flourishing state of his affairs, Bernardo contracted an alliance with
+      Porzia de'Rossi, a lady of a noble house, which came originally from
+      Pistoja, but had been established for some generations in Naples. She was
+      connected by descent or marriage with the houses of Gambacorti,
+      Caracciolo, and Caraffa. Their first child, Cornelia, was born about the
+      year 1537. Their second, Torquato, saw the light in March 1544 at
+      Sorrento, where his father had been living some months previously and
+      working at his poem, the <i>Amadigi</i>.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      At the time of Torquato's birth Bernardo was away from home, in Lombardy,
+      France, and Flanders, traveling on missions from his Prince. However, he
+      returned to Sorrento for a short while in 1545, and then again was forced
+      to leave his family. Married at the mature age of forty-three, Bernardo
+      was affectionately attached to his young wife, and proud of his children.
+      But the exigencies of a courtier's life debarred him from enjoying the
+      domestic happiness for which his sober and gentle nature would have fitted
+      him. In 1547 the events happened which ruined him for life, separated him
+      for ever from Porzia, drove him into indigent exile, and marred the
+      prospects of his children. In that year, the Spanish Viceroy, Don<span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageB8" id="pageB8"></a>{8}</span> Pietro Toledo,
+      attempted to introduce the Inquisition, on its Spanish basis, into Naples.
+      The population resented this exercise of authority with the fury of
+      despair, rightly judging that the last remnants of their liberty would be
+      devoured by the foul monster of the Holy Office. They besought the Prince
+      of Salerno to intercede for them with his master, Charles V., whom he had
+      served loyally up to this time, and who might therefore be inclined to
+      yield to his expostulations. The Prince doubted much whether it would be
+      prudent to accept the mission of intercessor. He had two counsellors,
+      Bernardo Tasso and Vincenzo Martelli. The latter, who was an astute
+      Florentine, advised him to undertake nothing so perilous as interposition
+      between the Viceroy and the people. Tasso, on the contrary, exhorted him
+      to sacrifice personal interest, honors, and glory, for the duty which he
+      owed his country. The Prince chose the course which Tasso recommended.
+      Charles V. disgraced him, and he fled from Naples to France, adopting
+      openly the cause of his imperial sovereign's enemies. He was immediately
+      declared a rebel, with confiscation of his fiefs and property. Bernardo
+      and his infant son were included in the sentence. After twenty-two years
+      of service, Bernardo now found himself obliged to choose between
+      disloyalty to his Prince or a disastrous exile. He took the latter course,
+      and followed Ferrante Sanseverino to Paris. But Bernardo Tasso, though
+      proving himself a man of <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB9" id="pageB9"></a>{9}</span>
+      honor in this severe trial, was not of the stuff of Shakespeare's Kent;
+      and when the Prince of Salerno suspended payment of his salary he took
+      leave of that master. Some differences arising from the discomforts and
+      irritations of both exiles had early intervened between them. Tasso was
+      miserably poor. 'I have to stay in bed,' he writes, 'to mend my hose; and
+      if it were not for the old arras I brought with me from home, I should not
+      know how to cover my nakedness.'<a name="BFNanchor_3_3" id="BFNanchor_3_3"></a><a
+      href="#BFootnote_3_3" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> Besides this he suffered
+      grievously in the separation from his wife, who was detained at Naples by
+      her relatives&mdash;'brothers who, instead of being brothers, are deadly
+      foes, cruel wild beasts rather than men; a mother who is no mother but a
+      fell enemy, a fury from hell rather than a woman.'<a name="BFNanchor_4_4"
+      id="BFNanchor_4_4"></a><a href="#BFootnote_4_4" class="fnanchor">[4]</a>
+      His wretchedness attained its climax when Porzia died suddenly on February
+      3, 1556. Bernardo suspected that her family had poisoned her; and this may
+      well have been. His son Torquato, meanwhile had joined him in Rome; but
+      Porzia's brothers refused to surrender his daughter Cornelia, whom they
+      married to a Sorrentine gentleman, Marzio Sersale, much to Bernardo's
+      disgust, for Sersale was apparently of inferior blood. They also withheld
+      Porzia's dowry and the jointure settled on her by Bernardo&mdash;property
+      of considerable value which neither he nor Torquato were subsequently able
+      to recover.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB10" id="pageB10"></a>{10}</span> In
+      this desperate condition of affairs, without friends or credit, but
+      conscious of his noble birth and true to honor, the unhappy poet bethought
+      him of the Church. If he could obtain a benefice, he would take orders.
+      But the King of France and Margaret of Valois, on whose patronage he
+      relied, turned him a deaf ear; and when war broke out between Paul IV. and
+      Spain, he felt it prudent to leave Rome. It was at this epoch that
+      Bernardo entered the service of Guidubaldo della Rovere, Duke of Urbino,
+      with whom he remained until 1563, when he accepted the post of secretary
+      from Guglielmo, Duke of Mantua. He died in 1569 at Ostiglia, so poor that
+      his son could scarcely collect money enough to bury him after selling his
+      effects. Manso says that a couple of door-curtains, embroidered with the
+      arms of Tasso and De'Rossi, passed on this occasion into the wardrobe of
+      the Gonzaghi. Thus it seems that the needy nobleman had preserved a scrap
+      of his heraldic trophies till the last, although he had to patch his one
+      pain of breeches in bed at Rome. It may be added, as characteristic of
+      Bernardo's misfortunes, that even the plain marble sarcophagus, inscribed
+      with the words <i>Ossa Bernardi Tassi</i> which Duke Guglielmo erected to
+      his memory in S. Egidio at Mantua, was removed in compliance with a papal
+      edict ordering that monuments at a certain height above the ground should
+      be destroyed to save the dignity of neighboring altars!
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Such were the events of Bernardo Tasso's life.<span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageB11" id="pageB11"></a>{11}</span> I have dwelt upon them in
+      detail, since they foreshadow and illustrate the miseries of his more
+      famous son. In character and physical qualities Torquato inherited no
+      little from his father. Bernardo was handsome, well-grown, conscious of
+      his double dignity as a nobleman and poet. From the rules of honor, as he
+      understood them, he deviated in no important point of conduct. Yet the
+      life of courts made him an incorrigible dangler after princely favors. The
+      <i>Amadigi</i>, upon which he set such store, was first planned and
+      dedicated to Charles V., then altered to suit Henri II. of France, and
+      finally adapted to the flattery of Philip II., according as its author's
+      interests with the Prince of Salerno and the Duke of Urbino varied. No
+      substantial reward accrued to him, however, from its publication. His
+      compliments wasted their sweetness on the dull ears of the despot of
+      Madrid. In misfortune Bernardo sank to neither crime nor baseness, even
+      when he had no clothes to put upon his back. Yet he took the world to
+      witness of his woes, as though his person ought to have been sacred from
+      calamities of common manhood. A similar dependent spirit was manifested in
+      his action as a man of letters. Before publishing the <i>Amadigi</i> he
+      submitted it to private criticism, with the inevitable result of obtaining
+      feigned praises and malevolent strictures. Irresolution lay at the root of
+      his treatment of Torquato. While groaning under the collar of courtly
+      servitude, he determined <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB12"
+      id="pageB12"></a>{12}</span> that the youth should study law. While
+      reckoning how little his own literary fame had helped him, he resolved
+      that his son should adopt a lucrative profession. Yet no sooner had
+      Torquato composed his <i>Rinaldo</i>, than the fond parent had it printed,
+      and immediately procured a place for him in the train of the Cardinal
+      Luigi d'Este. It is singular that the young man, witnessing the
+      wretchedness of his father's life, should not have shunned a like career
+      of gilded misery and famous indigence. But Torquato was born to reproduce
+      Bernardo's qualities in their feebleness and respectability, to outshine
+      him in genius, and to outstrip him in the celebrity of his misfortunes.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      In the absence of his father little Torquato grew up with his mother and
+      sister at Sorrento under the care of a good man, Giovanni Angeluzzo who
+      gave him the first rudiments of education. He was a precocious infant,
+      grave in manners, quick at learning, free from the ordinary naughtinesses
+      of childhood. Manso reports that he began to speak at six months, and that
+      from the first he formed syllables with precision. His mother Porzia
+      appears to have been a woman of much grace and sweetness, but timid and
+      incapable of fighting the hard battle of the world. A certain shade of
+      melancholy fell across the boy's path even in these earliest years, for
+      Porzia, as we have seen, met with cruel treatment from her relatives, and
+      her only support, Bernardo, was far away in exile. In<span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageB13" id="pageB13"></a>{13}</span> 1552 she removed with her
+      children to Naples, where Torquato was sent at once to the school which
+      the Jesuits had opened there in the preceding year. These astute
+      instructors soon perceived that they had no ordinary boy to deal with.
+      They did their best to stimulate his mental faculties and to exalt his
+      religious sentiments; so that he learned Greek and Latin before the age of
+      ten, and was in the habit of communicating at the altar with transports of
+      pious ecstasy in his ninth year.<a name="BFNanchor_5_5" id="BFNanchor_5_5"></a><a
+      href="#BFootnote_5_5" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> The child recited speeches
+      and poems in public, and received an elementary training in the arts of
+      composition. He was in fact the infant prodigy of those plausible Fathers,
+      the prize specimen of their educational method. As might have been
+      expected, this forcing system overtaxed his nerves. He rose daily before
+      daybreak to attack his books, and when the nights were long he went to
+      morning school attended by a servant carrying torches.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Without seeking to press unduly on these circumstances, we may fairly
+      assume that Torquato's character received a permanent impression from the
+      fever of study and the premature pietism excited in him by the Jesuits in
+      Naples. His servile attitude toward speculative thought, that anxious
+      dependence upon ecclesiastical authority, that scrupulous mistrust of his
+      own mental faculties, that pretense of solving problems by accumulated
+      citations instead of going to the root of the matter, <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageB14" id="pageB14"></a>{14}</span> whereby his philosophical
+      writings are rendered nugatory, may with probability be traced to the
+      mechanical and interested system of the Jesuits. He was their pupil for
+      three years, after which he joined his father in Rome. There he seems to
+      have passed at once into a healthier atmosphere. Bernardo, though a sound
+      Catholic, was no bigot; and he had the good sense to choose an able master
+      for his son&mdash;'a man of profound learning, possessed of both the
+      ancient languages, whose method of teaching is the finest and most
+      time-saving that has yet been tried; a gentleman withal, with nothing of
+      the pedant in him.'<a name="BFNanchor_6_6" id="BFNanchor_6_6"></a><a
+      href="#BFootnote_6_6" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> The boy was lucky also in
+      the companion of his studies, a cousin, Cristoforo Tasso, who had come
+      from Bergamo to profit by the tutor's care.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The young Tasso's home cannot, however, have been a cheerful one. The
+      elderly hidalgo sitting up in bed to darn a single pair of hose, the
+      absent mother pining for her husband and tormented by her savage brother's
+      avarice, environed the precocious child of ten with sad presentiments.
+      That melancholy temperament which he inherited from Bernardo was nourished
+      by the half-concealed mysteriously-haunting troubles of his parents. And
+      when Porzia died suddenly, in 1556, we can hardly doubt that the father
+      broke out before his son into some such expressions of ungovernable grief
+      as he openly expressed in the letter to Amerigo Sanse<span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageB15" id="pageB15"></a>{15}</span> verino.<a name="BFNanchor_7_7"
+      id="BFNanchor_7_7"></a><a href="#BFootnote_7_7" class="fnanchor">[7]</a>
+      Is it possible, then, thought Torquato, that the mother from whose tender
+      kisses and streaming tears I was severed but one year ago,<a
+      name="BFNanchor_8_8" id="BFNanchor_8_8"></a><a href="#BFootnote_8_8"
+      class="fnanchor">[8]</a> has died of poison&mdash;poisoned by my uncles?
+      Sinking into the consciousness of a child so sensitive by nature and so
+      early toned to sadness, this terrible suspicion of a secret death by
+      poison incorporated itself with the very essence of his melancholy humor,
+      and lurked within him to flash forth in madness at a future period of
+      life. That he was well acquainted with the doleful situation of his family
+      is proved by his first extant letter. Addressed to the noble lady Vittoria
+      Colonna on behalf of Bernardo and his sister, this is a remarkable
+      composition for a boy of twelve.<a name="BFNanchor_9_9" id="BFNanchor_9_9"></a><a
+      href="#BFootnote_9_9" class="fnanchor">[9]</a> His poor father, he says,
+      is on the point of dying of despair, oppressed by the malignity of fortune
+      and the rapacity of impious men. His uncle is bent on marrying Cornelia to
+      some needy gentleman, in order to secure her mother's estate for himself.
+      'The grief, illustrious lady, of the loss of property is great, but that
+      of blood is crushing. This poor old man has naught but my sister and
+      myself; and now that fortune has deprived him of wealth and of the wife he
+      loved like his own soul, he cannot bear that that man's avarice should rob
+      him of his beloved daughter, with whom he hoped to end in rest these last
+      years of his failing age. <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB16"
+      id="pageB16"></a>{16}</span> In Naples we have no friends; for my father's
+      disaster makes every one shy of us: our relatives are our enemies.
+      Cornelia is kept in the house of my uncle's kinsman Giangiacopo Coscia,
+      where no one is allowed to speak to her or give her letters.'
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      In the midst of these afflictions, which already tuned the future poet's
+      utterance to a note of plaintive pathos and ingenuous appeal for aid,
+      Torquato's studies were continued on a sounder plan and in a healthier
+      spirit than at Naples. The perennial consolation of his troubled life,
+      that delight in literature which made him able to anticipate the lines of
+      Goethe&mdash;
+    </p>
+    <div class="poem">
+      <div class="stanza">
+        <span>That naught belongs to me I know,<br /> </span> <span>Save thoughts
+        that never cease to flow<br /> </span> <span class="i2">From founts that
+        cannot perish,<br /> </span> <span>And every fleeting shape of bliss<br />
+        </span> <span>Which kindly fortune lets me kiss,<br /> </span> <span
+        class="i2">Or in my bosom cherish&mdash;<br /> </span>
+      </div>
+    </div>
+    <p>
+      now became the source of an inner brightness which not even the 'malignity
+      of fortune,' the 'impiety of men,' the tragedy of his mother's death, the
+      imprisonment of his sister, and the ever-present sorrow of his father,
+      'the poor gentleman fallen into misery and misfortune through no fault of
+      his own,' could wholly overcloud. The boy had been accustomed in Naples to
+      the applause of his teachers and friends. In Rome he began to cherish a
+      presentiment of his own genius. A 'vision splendid' dawned upon his mind;
+      and every step he made in knowledge and in mastery of language enforced
+      the delightful con<span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB17" id="pageB17"></a>{17}</span>
+      viction that 'I too am a poet.' Nothing in Tasso's character was more
+      tenacious than the consciousness of his vocation and the kind of
+      self-support he gained from it. Like the melancholy humor which
+      degenerated into madness, this sense of his own intellectual dignity
+      assumed extravagant proportions, passed over into vanity, and encouraged
+      him to indulge fantastic dreams of greatness. Yet it must be reckoned as a
+      mitigation of his suffering; and what was solid in it at the period of
+      which I now am writing, was the certainty of his rare gifts for art.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The Roman residence was broken by Bernardo's journey to Urbino in quest of
+      the appointment he expected from Duke Guidubaldo. He sent Torquato with
+      his cousin Cristoforo meanwhile to Bergamo, where the boy enjoyed a few
+      months of sympathy and freedom. This appears to have been the only period
+      of his life in which Tasso experienced the wholesome influences of
+      domesticity. In 1557 his father sent for him to Pesaro, and Tasso made his
+      first entrance into a Court at the age of thirteen. This event decided the
+      future of his existence. Urbino was not what it had been in the time of
+      Duke Federigo, or when Castiglione composed his Mirror of the Courtier on
+      its model. Yet it retained the old traditions of gentle living, splendor
+      tempered by polite culture, aristocratic urbanity refined by arts and
+      letters. The evil days of Spanish manners and Spanish bigotry, of
+      exhausted revenues and insane <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB18"
+      id="pageB18"></a>{18}</span> taxation, were but dawning; and the young
+      prince, Francesco Maria, who was destined to survive his heir and transfer
+      a ruined duchy to the mortmain of the Church, was now a boy of eight years
+      old. In fact, though the Court of Urbino labored already under that
+      manifold disease of waste which drained the marrow of Italian
+      principalities, its atrophy was not apparent to the eye. It could still
+      boast of magnificent pageants, trains of noble youths and ladies moving
+      through its stately palaces and shady villa-gardens, academies of learned
+      men discussing the merits of Homer and Ariosto and discoursing on the
+      principles of poetry and drama. Bernardo Tasso read his <i>Amadigi</i> in
+      the evenings to the Duchess. The days were spent in hunting and athletic
+      exercises; the nights in masquerades or dances. Love and ambition wore an
+      external garb of ceremonious beauty; the former draped itself in sonnets,
+      the latter in rhetorical orations. Torquato, who was assigned as the
+      companion in sport and study to the heir-apparent, shared in all these
+      pleasures of the Court. After the melancholy of Rome, his visionary nature
+      expanded under influences which he idealized with fatal facility. Too
+      young to penetrate below that glittering surface, flattered by the
+      attention paid to his personal charm or premature genius, stimulated by
+      the conversation of politely educated pedants, encouraged in studies for
+      which he felt a natural aptitude, gratified by the comradeship of the
+      young prince whose temperament corresponded to <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageB19" id="pageB19"></a>{19}</span> his own in gravity, he
+      conceived that radiant and romantic conception of Courts, as the only fit
+      places of abode for men of noble birth and eminent abilities, which no
+      disillusionment in after life was able to obscure. We cannot blame him for
+      this error, though error it indubitably was. It was one which he shared
+      with all men of his station at that period, which the poverty of his
+      estate, the habits of his father, and his own ignorance of home-life
+      almost forced upon his poet's temperament.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      At Urbino Tasso read mathematics under a real master, Federigo Comandino,
+      and carried on his literary studies with enthusiasm. It was probably at
+      this time that he acquired the familiar knowledge of Virgil which so
+      powerfully influenced his style, and that he began to form his theory of
+      epic as distinguished from romantic poetry. After a residence of two years
+      he removed to Venice, where his father was engaged in polishing the <i>Amadigi</i>
+      for publication. Here a new scene of interest opened out for him; and here
+      he first enjoyed the sweets of literary fame. Bernardo had been chosen
+      secretary by an Academy, in which men like Veniero, Molino, Gradenigo,
+      Mocenigo, and Manuzio, the most learned and the noblest Venetians, met
+      together for discussion. The slim lad of fifteen was admitted to their
+      sessions, and surprised these elders by his eloquence and erudition. It is
+      noticeable that at this time he carefully studied and annotated Dante's <i>Divine
+      Comedy</i>, a poem almost neglected by Italians <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageB20" id="pageB20"></a>{20}</span> in the Cinque Cento. It seemed
+      good to his father now that he should prosecute his studies in earnest,
+      with the view of choosing a more lucrative profession than that of letters
+      or Court-service. Bernardo, while finishing the <i>Amadigi</i>, which he
+      dedicated to Philip II., sent his son in 1560 to Padua. He was to become a
+      lawyer under the guidance of Guido Panciroli. But Tasso, like Ovid, like
+      Petrarch, like a hundred other poets, felt no inclination for juristic
+      learning. He freely and frankly abandoned himself to the metaphysical
+      conclusions which were being then tried between Piccolomini and Pendasio,
+      the one an Aristotelian dualist, the other a materialist for whom the soul
+      was not immortal. Without force of mind enough to penetrate the deepest
+      problems of philosophy, Tasso was quick to apprehend their bearings. The
+      Paduan school of scepticism, the logomachy in vogue there, unsettled his
+      religious opinions. He began by criticising the doubts of others in his
+      light of Jesuit-instilled belief; next he found a satisfaction for
+      self-esteem in doubting too; finally he called the mysteries of the Creed
+      in question, and debated the articles of creation, incarnation, and
+      immortality. Yet he had not the mental vigor either to cut this Gordian
+      knot, or to untie it by sound thinking. His erudition confused him; and he
+      mistook the lumber of miscellaneous reading for philosophy. Then a
+      reaction set in. He remembered those childish ecstasies before the
+      Eucharist: he recalled the pictures of a burning hell his Jesuit <span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageB21" id="pageB21"></a>{21}</span> teachers
+      had painted; he heard the trumpets of the Day of Judgment, and the
+      sentence 'Go ye wicked!' On the brink of heresy he trembled and recoiled.
+      The spirit of the coming age, the spirit of Bruno, was not in him. To all
+      appearances he had not heard of the Copernican discovery. He wished to
+      remain a true son of the Church, and was in fact of such stuff as the
+      Catholic Revival wanted. Yet the memory of these early doubts clung to
+      him, principally, we may believe, because he had not force to purge them
+      either by severe science or by vivid faith. Later, when his mind was
+      yielding to disorder, they returned in the form of torturing scruples and
+      vain terrors, which his fervent but superficial pietism, his imaginative
+      but sensuous religion, were unable to efface. Meanwhile, with one part of
+      his mind devoted to these problems, the larger and the livelier was
+      occupied with poetry. To law, the <i>Brod-Studium</i> indicated by his
+      position in the world, he only paid perfunctory attention. The consequence
+      was that before he had completed two years of residence in Padua, his
+      first long poem, the <i>Rinaldo</i>, saw the light. In another chapter I
+      mean to discuss the development of Tasso's literary theories and
+      achievements. It is enough here to say that the applause which greeted the
+      <i>Rinaldo</i>, conquered his father's opposition. Proud of its success,
+      Bernardo had it printed, and Torquato in the beginning of his nineteenth
+      year counted among the notable romantic poets of his country.<span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageB22" id="pageB22"></a>{22}</span>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      At the end of 1563, Tasso received an invitation to transfer himself from
+      Padua to Bologna. This proposal came from Monsignor Cesi, who had recently
+      been appointed by Pope Pius IV. to superintend public studies in that
+      city. The university was being placed on a new footing, and to secure the
+      presence of a young man already famous seemed desirable. An exhibition was
+      therefore offered as an inducement; and this Tasso readily accepted. He
+      spent about two years at Bologna, studying philosophy and literature,
+      planning his Dialogues on the Art of Poetry, and making projects for an
+      epic on the history of Godfred. Yet in spite of public admiration and
+      official favor, things did not go smoothly with Tasso at Bologna. One main
+      defect of his character, which was a want of tact, began to manifest
+      itself. He showed Monsignor Cesi that he had a poor opinion of his
+      literary judgment, came into collision with the pedants who despised
+      Italian, and finally uttered satiric epigrams in writing on various
+      members of the university. Other students indulged their humor in like
+      pasquinades. But those of Tasso were biting, and he had not contrived to
+      render himself generally popular. His rooms were ransacked, his papers
+      searched; and finding himself threatened with a prosecution for libel, he
+      took flight to Modena. No importance can be attached to this insignificant
+      affair, except in so far as it illustrates the unlucky aptitude for making
+      enemies by want of <i>savoir vivre</i> which pursued<span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageB23" id="pageB23"></a>{23}</span> Tasso through life. His real
+      superiority aroused jealousy; his frankness wounded the self-love of
+      rivals whom he treated with a shadow of contempt. As these were unable to
+      compete with him in eloquence, or to beat him in debate, they soothed
+      their injured feelings by conspiracy and calumny against him.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      In an age of artifice and circumspection, while paying theoretical homage
+      to its pedantries, and following the fashion of its compliments, Tasso was
+      nothing if not spontaneous and heedless. This appears in the style of his
+      letters and prose compositions, which have the air of being uttered from
+      the heart. The excellences and defects of his poetry, soaring to the
+      height of song and sinking into frigidity or baldness when the lyric
+      impulse flags, reveal a similar quality. In conduct this spontaneity
+      assumed a form of inconsiderate rashness, which brought him into collision
+      with persons of importance, and rendered universities and Courts, the
+      sphere of his adoption, perilous to the peace of so naturally out-spoken
+      and self-engrossed a man. His irritable sensibilities caused him to suffer
+      intensely from the petty vengeance of the people he annoyed; while a kind
+      of amiable egotism blinded his eyes to his own faults, and made him blame
+      fortune for sufferings of which his indiscretion was the cause.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      After leaving Bologna, Tasso became for some months house-guest of his
+      father's earliest patrons, the Modenese Rangoni. With them he seems to
+      <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB24" id="pageB24"></a>{24}</span> have
+      composed his Dialogues upon the Art of Poetry. For many years the learned
+      men of Italy had been contesting the true nature of the Epic. One party
+      affirmed that the ancients ought to be followed; and that the rules of
+      Aristotle regarding unity of plot, dignity of style, and subordination of
+      episodes, should be observed. The other party upheld the romantic manner
+      of Ariosto, pleading for liberty of fancy, richness of execution, variety
+      of incident, intricacy of design. Torquato from his earliest boyhood had
+      heard these points discussed, and had watched his father's epic, the <i>Amadigi</i>,
+      which was in effect a romantic poem petrified by classical convention, in
+      process of production. Meanwhile he carefully studied the text of Homer
+      and the Latin epics, examined Horace and Aristotle, and perused the
+      numerous romances of the Italian school. Two conclusions were drawn from
+      this preliminary course of reading: first, that Italy as yet possessed no
+      proper epic; Trissino's <i>Italia Liberata</i> was too tiresome, the <i>Orlando
+      Furioso</i> too capricious; secondly, that the <i>spolia opima</i> in this
+      field of art would be achieved by him who should combine the classic and
+      romantic manners in a single work, enriching the unity of the antique epic
+      with the graces of modern romance, choosing a noble and serious subject,
+      sustaining style at a sublime altitude, but gratifying the prevalent
+      desire for beauty in variety by the introduction of attractive episodes
+      and the ornaments <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB25" id="pageB25"></a>{25}</span>
+      of picturesque description. Tasso, in fact, declared himself an eclectic;
+      and the deep affinity he felt for Virgil, indicated the lines upon which
+      the Latin language in its romantic or Italian stage of evolution might be
+      made to yield a second Aeneid adapted to the requirements of modern taste.
+      He had, indeed, already set before himself the high ambition of supplying
+      this desideratum. The note of prelude had been struck in <i>Rinaldo</i>;
+      the subject of the <i>Gerusalemme</i> had been chosen. But the age in
+      which he lived was nothing if not critical and argumentative. The time had
+      long gone by when Dante's massive cathedral, Boccaccio's pleasure domes,
+      Boiardo's and Ariosto's palaces of enchantment, arose as though unbidden
+      and unreasoned from the maker's brain. It was now impossible to take a
+      step in poetry or art without a theory; and, what was worse, that theory
+      had to be exposed for dissertation and discussion. Therefore Tasso, though
+      by genius the most spontaneous of men, commenced the great work of his
+      life with criticism. Already acclimatized to courts, coteries, academies,
+      formed in the school of disputants and pedants, he propounded his <i>Ars
+      Poetica</i> before establishing it by an example. This was undoubtedly
+      beginning at the wrong end; he committed himself to principles which he
+      was bound to illustrate by practice. In the state of thought at that time
+      prevalent in Italy, burdened as he was with an irresolute and diffident
+      self-consciousness, Tasso <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB26"
+      id="pageB26"></a>{26}</span> could not deviate from the theory he had
+      promulgated. How this hampered him, will appear in the sequel, when we
+      come to notice the discrepancy between his critical and creative
+      faculties. For the moment, however, the Dialogues on Epic Poetry only
+      augmented his fame.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Scipione Gonzaga, one of Tasso's firmest and most illustrious friends, had
+      recently established an Academy at Padua under the name of Gli Eterei. At
+      his invitation the young poet joined this club in the autumn of 1564,
+      assumed the title of Il Pentito in allusion to his desertion of legal
+      studies, and soon became the soul of its society. His dialogues excited
+      deep and wide-spread interest. After so much wrangling between classical
+      and romantic champions, he had transferred the contest to new ground and
+      introduced a fresh principle into the discussion. This principle was, in
+      effect, that of common sense, good taste and instinct. Tasso meant to say:
+      there is no vital discord between classical and romantic art; both have
+      excellences, and it is possible to find defects in both; pedantic
+      adherence to antique precedent must end in frigid failure under the
+      present conditions of intellectual culture; yet it cannot be denied that
+      the cycle of Renaissance poetry was closed by Ariosto; let us therefore
+      attempt creation in a liberal spirit, trained by both these influences. He
+      could not, however, when he put this theory forward in elaborate prose,
+      abstain from propositions, distinctions, deductions, and con<span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageB27" id="pageB27"></a>{27}</span> clusions,
+      all of which were discutable, and each of which his critics and his honor
+      held him bound to follow. In short, while planning and producing the <i>Gerusalemme</i>,
+      he was involved in controversies on the very essence of his art. These
+      controversies had been started by himself and he could not do otherwise
+      than maintain the position he had chosen. His poet's inspiration, his
+      singer's spontaneity, came thus constantly into collision with his own
+      deliberate utterances. A perplexed self-scrutiny was the inevitable
+      result, which pedagogues who were not inspired and could not sing, but who
+      delighted in minute discussion, took good care to stimulate. The worst,
+      however, was that he had erected in his own mind a critical standard with
+      which his genius was not in harmony. The scholar and the poet disagreed in
+      Tasso; and it must be reckoned one of the drawbacks of his age and
+      education that the former preceded the latter in development. Something of
+      the same discord can be traced in contemporary painting, as will be shown
+      when I come to consider the founders of the Bolognese Academy.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      At the end of 1565 Tasso was withdrawn from literary studies and society
+      in Padua. The Cardinal Luigi d'Este offered him a place in his household;
+      and since this opened the way to Ferrara and Court-service, it was readily
+      accepted. It would have been well for Tasso, at this crisis of his fate,
+      if the line of his beloved Aeneid&mdash;<span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageB28" id="pageB28"></a>{28}</span>
+    </p>
+    <div class="poem">
+      <div class="stanza">
+        <span>Heu, fuge crudeles terras, fuge littus avarum&mdash;<br /> </span>
+      </div>
+    </div>
+    <p>
+      that line which warned young Savonarola away from Ferrara, had sounded in
+      his ears, or met his eyes in some Virgilian <i>Sortes</i>. It would have
+      been well if his father, disillusioned by the <i>Amadigi's</i>
+      ill-success, and groaning under the galling yoke of servitude to Princes,
+      had forbidden instead of encouraging this fatal step. He might himself
+      have listened to the words of old Speroni, painting the Court as he had
+      learned to know it, a Siren fair to behold and ravishing of song, but
+      hiding in her secret caves the bones of men devoured, and 'mighty poets in
+      their misery dead.' He might even have turned the pages of Aretino's <i>Dialogo
+      delle Corti</i>, and have observed how the ruffian who best could profit
+      by the vices of a Court, refused to bow his neck to servitude in their
+      corruption. But no man avoids his destiny, because few draw wisdom from
+      the past and none foresee the future. To Ferrara Tasso went with a blithe
+      heart. Inclination, the custom of his country, the necessities of that
+      poet's vocation for which he had abandoned a profession, poverty and
+      ambition, vanity and the delights of life, combined to lure him to his
+      ruin.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      He found Ferrara far more magnificent than Urbino. Pageants, hunting
+      parties, theatrical entertainments, assumed fantastic forms of splendor in
+      this capital, which no other city of Italy, except Florence and Venice
+      upon rare occasions, rivaled.<span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB29"
+      id="pageB29"></a>{29}</span> For a long while past Ferrara had been the
+      center of a semi-feudal, semi-humanistic culture, out of which the Masque
+      and Drama, music and painting, scholarship and poetry, emerged with
+      brilliant originality, blending mediaeval and antique elements in a
+      specific type of modern romance. This culminated in the permanent and
+      monumental work began by Boiardo in the morning, and completed by Ariosto
+      in the meridian of the Renaissance. Within the circuit of the Court the
+      whole life of the Duchy seemed to concentrate itself. From the frontier of
+      Venice to the Apennines a tract of fertile country, yielding all
+      necessaries of life, corn, wine, cattle, game, fish, in abundance, poured
+      its produce into the palaces and castles of the Duke. He, like other
+      Princes of his epoch, sucked each province dry in order to maintain a
+      dazzling show of artificial wealth. The people were ground down by taxes,
+      monopolies of corn and salt, and sanguinary game-laws. Brutalized by being
+      forced to serve the pleasures of their masters, they lived the lives of
+      swine. But why repaint the picture of Italian decadence, or dwell again
+      upon the fever of that phthisical consumption? Men like Tasso saw nothing
+      to attract attention in the rotten state of Ferrara. They were only
+      fascinated by the hectic bloom and rouged refinement of its Court. And
+      even the least sympathetic student must confess that the Court at any rate
+      was seductive. A more cunningly combined medley of polite culture,
+      political astuteness, urbane learning, sumptuous <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageB30" id="pageB30"></a>{30}</span> display, diplomatic
+      love-intrigue and genial artistic productiveness, never before or since
+      has been exhibited upon a scale so grandiose within limits so precisely
+      circumscribed, or been raised to eminence so high from such inadequate
+      foundations of substantial wealth. Compare Ferrara in the sixteenth with
+      Weimar in the eighteenth century, and reflect how wonderfully the Italians
+      even at their last gasp understood the art of exquisite existence!
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Alfonso II., who was always vainly trying to bless Ferrara with an heir,
+      had arranged his second sterile nuptials when Tasso joined the Court in
+      1565. It was therefore at a moment of more than usual parade of splendor
+      that the poet entered on the scene of his renown and his misfortune. He
+      was twenty-one years of age; and twenty-one years had to elapse before he
+      should quit Ferrara, ruined in physical and mental health,&mdash;<i>quantum
+      mutatus ab illo</i> Torquato! The diffident and handsome stripling, famous
+      as the author of <i>Rinaldo</i>, was welcomed in person with special
+      honors by the Cardinal, his patron. Of such favors as Court-lacqueys
+      prize, Tasso from the first had plenty. He did not sit at the common table
+      of the serving gentlemen, but ate his food apart; and after a short
+      residence, the Princesses, sisters of the Duke, invited him to share their
+      meals. The next five years formed the happiest and most tranquil period of
+      his existence. He continued working at the poem which had then no name,
+      but which we know as the <i>Gerusalemme Liberata</i>.<span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageB31" id="pageB31"></a>{31}</span> Envies and jealousies had not
+      arisen to mar the serenity in which he basked. Women contended for his
+      smiles and sonnets. He repaid their kindness with somewhat indiscriminate
+      homage and with the verses of occasion which flowed so easily from his
+      pen. It is difficult to trace the history of Tasso's loves through the
+      labyrinth of madrigals, odes and sonnets which belong to this epoch of his
+      life. These compositions bear, indeed, the mark of a distinguished genius;
+      no one but Tasso could have written them at that period of Italian
+      literature. Yet they lack individuality of emotion, specific passion,
+      insight into the profundities of human feeling. Such shades of difference
+      as we perceive in them, indicate the rhetorician seeking to set forth his
+      motive, rather than the lover pouring out his soul. Contrary to the
+      commonly received legend, I am bound to record my opinion that love played
+      a secondary part in Tasso's destinies. It is true that we can discern the
+      silhouettes of some Court-ladies whom he fancied more than others. The
+      first of these was Laura Peperara, for whom he is supposed to have
+      produced some sixty compositions. The second was the Princess Leonora
+      d'Este. Tasso's attachment to her has been so shrouded in mystery,
+      conjecture and hair-splitting criticism, that none but a very rash man
+      will pronounce confident judgment as to its real nature. Nearly the same
+      may be said about his relations to her sister, Lucrezia. He has posed in
+      literary history <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB32" id="pageB32"></a>{32}</span>
+      as the Rizzio of the one lady and the Chastelard of the other. Yet he was
+      probably in no position at any moment of his Ferrarese existence to be
+      more than the familiar friend and most devoted slave of either. When he
+      joined the Court, Lucrezia was ten and Leonora nine years his senior. Each
+      of the sisters was highly accomplished, graceful and of royal carriage.
+      Neither could boast of eminent beauty. Of the two, Lucrezia possessed the
+      more commanding character. It was she who left her husband, Francesco
+      Maria della Rovere, because his society wearied her, and who helped
+      Clement VIII. to ruin her family, when the Papacy resolved upon the
+      conquest of Ferrara. Leonora's health was sickly. For this reason she
+      refused marriage, living retired in studies, acts of charity, religion,
+      and the company of intellectual men. Something in her won respect and
+      touched the heart at the same moment; so that the verses in her honor,
+      from whatever pen they flowed, ring with more than merely ceremonial
+      compliment. The people revered her like a saint; and in times of
+      difficulty she displayed high courage and the gifts of one born to govern.
+      From the first entrance of Tasso into Ferrara, the sisters took him under
+      their protection. He lived with them on terms of more than courtly
+      intimacy; and for Leonora there is no doubt that he cherished something
+      like a romantic attachment. This is proved by the episode of Sofronia and
+      Olindo in the <i>Gerusalemme</i>, which points in care<span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageB33" id="pageB33"></a>{33}</span> fully constructed innuendoes
+      to his affection. It can even be conceded that Tasso, who was wont to
+      indulge fantastic visions of unattainable greatness, may have raised his
+      hopes so high as sometimes to entertain the possibility of winning her
+      hand. But if he did dally with such dreams, the realities of his position
+      must in sober moments have convinced him of their folly. Had not a Duchess
+      of Amalfi been murdered for contracting a marriage with a gentleman of her
+      household? And Leonora was a grand-daughter of France; and the cordon of
+      royalty was being drawn tighter and tighter yearly in the Italy of his
+      day. That a sympathy of no commonplace kind subsisted between this
+      delicate and polished princess and her sensitively gifted poet, is
+      apparent. But it may be doubted whether Tasso had in him the stuff of a
+      grand passion. Mobile and impressible, he wandered from object to object
+      without seeking or attaining permanence. He was neither a Dante nor a
+      Petrarch; and nothing in his <i>Rime</i> reveals solidity of emotion. It
+      may finally be said that had Leonora returned real love, or had Tasso felt
+      for her real love, his earnest wish to quit Ferrara when the Court grew
+      irksome, would be inexplicable. Had their <i>liaison</i> been scandalous,
+      as some have fancied, his life would not have been worth two hours'
+      Purchase either in the palace or the prison of Alfonso.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Whatever may be thought of Tasso's love-relations to these sisters&mdash;and
+      the problem is open to all conjectures in the absence of clear testimony&mdash;<span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageB34" id="pageB34"></a>{34}</span> it is
+      certain that he owed a great deal to their kindness. The marked favor they
+      extended to him, was worth much at Court: and their maturer age and wider
+      experience enabled them to give him many useful hints of conduct. Thus,
+      when he blundered into seeming rivalry with Pigna (the Duke's secretary,
+      the Cecil of that little state), by praising Pigna's mistress, Lucrezia
+      Bendidio, in terms of imprudent warmth, it was Leonora who warned him to
+      appease the great man's anger. This he did by writing a commentary upon
+      three of Pigna's leaden Canzoni, which he had the impudence to rank beside
+      the famous three sisters of Petrarch's Canzoniere. The flattery was
+      swallowed, and the peril was averted. Yet in this first affair with Pigna
+      we already hear the grumbling of that tempest which eventually ruined
+      Tasso. So eminent a poet and so handsome a young man was insupportable
+      among a crowd of literary mediocrities and middle-aged gallants.
+      Furthermore the brilliant being, who aroused the jealousies of rhymesters
+      and of lovers, had one fatal failing&mdash;want of tact. In 1568, for
+      example, he set himself up as a target to all malice by sustaining fifty
+      conclusions in the Science of Love before the Academy of Ferrara. As he
+      afterwards confessed, he ran the greatest risks in this adventure; but
+      who, he said, could take up arms against a lover? Doubtless there were
+      many lovers present; but none of Tasso's eloquence and skill in argument.<span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageB35" id="pageB35"></a>{35}</span>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      In 1569, Tasso was called to his father's sickbed at Ostiglia on the Po.
+      He found the old man destitute and dying. There was not money to bury him
+      decently; and when the funeral rites had been performed by the help of
+      money-lenders, nothing remained to pay for a monument above his graven
+      What the Romans called <i>pietas</i> was a strong feature in Torquato's
+      character. At crises of his life he invariably appealed to the memory of
+      his parents for counsel and support. When the Delia Cruscans attacked his
+      own poetry, he answered them with a defense of the <i>Amadigi</i>; and he
+      spent much time and pains in editing the <i>Floridante</i>, which naught
+      but filial feeling could possibly have made him value at the worth of
+      publication.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      In the spring of the next year, Lucrezia d'Este made her inauspicious
+      match with the Duke of Urbino, Tasso's former playmate. She was a woman of
+      thirty-four, he a young man of twenty-one. They did not love each other,
+      had no children, and soon parted with a sense of mutual relief. In the
+      auturmn Tasso accompanied the Cardinal Luigi d'Este into France, leaving
+      his MSS. in the charge of Ercole Rondinelli. The document drawn up for
+      this friend's instructions in case of his death abroad is interesting. It
+      proves that the <i>Gerusalemme</i>, here called <i>Gottifredo</i>, was
+      nearly finished; for Tasso wished the last six cantos and portions of the
+      first two to be published. He also gave directions for collection and
+      publication of his love<span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB36" id="pageB36"></a>{36}</span>
+      sonnets and madrigals, but requested Rondinelli to bury 'the others,
+      whether of love or other matters which were written in the service of some
+      friend,' in his grave. This last commission demands comment. That Tasso
+      should have written verses to oblige a friend, was not only natural but
+      consistent with custom. Light wares like sonnets could be easily produced
+      by a practiced man of letters, and the friend might find them valuable in
+      bringing a fair foe to terms. But why should any one desire to have such
+      verses buried in his grave? The hypothesis which has been strongly urged
+      by those who believe in the gravity of Tasso's <i>liaison</i> with
+      Leonora, is that he used this phrase to indicate love-poems which might
+      compromise his mistress. We cannot, however, do more than speculate upon
+      the point. There is nothing to confirm or to refute conjecture in the
+      evidence before us.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Tasso met with his usual fortunes at the Court of Charles IX. That is to
+      say, he was petted and caressed, wrote verses, and paid compliments. It
+      was just two years before the Massacre of S. Bartholomew, and France
+      presented to the eyes of earnest Catholics the spectacle of truly
+      horrifying anarchy. Catherine de'Medici inclined to compromise matters
+      with the Huguenots. The social atmosphere reeked with heresy and cynicism.
+      In that Italianated Court, public affairs and religious questions were
+      treated from a purely diplomatic point of view. Not principle, but
+      practical conveni<span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB37" id="pageB37"></a>{37}</span>
+      ence ruled conduct and opinion. The large scale on which Machiavellism
+      manifested itself in the discordant realm of France, the apparent
+      breakdown of Catholicism as a national institution, struck Tasso with
+      horror. He openly proclaimed his views, and roundly taxed the government
+      with dereliction of their duty to the Church. An incurable idealist by
+      temperament, he could not comprehend the stubborn actualities of politics.
+      A pupil of the Jesuits, he would not admit that men like Coligny deserved
+      a hearing. An Italian of the decadence, he found it hard to tolerate the
+      humors of a puissant nation in a state of civil warfare. But his master,
+      Luigi d'Este, well understood the practical difficulties which forced the
+      Valois into compromise, and felt no personal aversion for lucrative
+      transaction with the heretic. Though a prince of the Church, he had not
+      taken priest's orders. He kept two objects in view. One was succession to
+      the Duchy of Ferrara, in case Alfonso should die without heirs.<a
+      name="BFNanchor_10_10" id="BFNanchor_10_10"></a><a href="#BFootnote_10_10"
+      class="fnanchor">[10]</a>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The other was election to the Papacy. In the latter event France, the
+      natural ally of the Estensi, would be of service to him, and the Valois
+      monarchs, his cousins, must therefore be supported in their policy. Tasso
+      had been brought to Paris to look graceful and to write madrigals. It was
+      inconvenient, it was unseemly, that a man of letters in <span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageB38" id="pageB38"></a>{38}</span> the
+      Cardinal's train should utter censures on the Crown, and should profess
+      more Catholic opinions than his patron. Without the scandal of a public
+      dismissal, it was therefore contrived that Tasso should return to Italy;
+      and after this rupture, the suspicious poet regarded Luigi d'Este as his
+      enemy. During his confinement in S. Anna he even threw the chief blame of
+      his detention upon the Cardinal.<a name="BFNanchor_11_11"
+      id="BFNanchor_11_11"></a><a href="#BFootnote_11_11" class="fnanchor">[11]</a>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      After spending a short time at Rome in the company of the Cardinals
+      Ippolito d'Este and Albano, Tasso returned to Ferrara in 1572. Alfonso
+      offered him a place in his own household with an annual stipend worth
+      about 88 <i>l</i>. of our money. No duties were attached to this post,
+      except the delivery of a weekly lecture in the university. For the rest,
+      Tasso was to prosecute his studies, polish his great poem, and augment the
+      luster of the court by his accomplishments.<a name="BFNanchor_12_12"
+      id="BFNanchor_12_12"></a><a href="#BFootnote_12_12" class="fnanchor">[12]</a>
+      It was of course understood that the <i>Gerusalemme</i>, when completed,
+      should be dedicated to the Duke and shed its splendor on the House of
+      Este. Who was happier than Torquato now? Having recently experienced the
+      discomforts of uncongenial service, he took his place again upon a firmer
+      footing in the city of his dreams. The courtiers welcomed him with smiles.
+      He was once more close to Leonora, basking like Rinaldo in Armida's
+      garden, with golden prospects of the fame his epic would achieve to lift
+      him higher in the coming years.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB39" id="pageB39"></a>{39}</span> No
+      wonder that the felicity of this moment expanded in a flower of lyric
+      beauty which surpassed all that Tasso had yet published. He produced <i>Aminta</i>
+      in the winter of 1572-3. It was acted with unparalleled applause; for this
+      pastoral drama offered something ravishingly new, something which
+      interpreted and gave a vocal utterance to tastes and sentiments that ruled
+      the age. While professing to exalt the virtues of rusticity, the <i>Aminta</i>
+      was in truth a panegyric of Court life, and Silvia reflected Leonora in
+      the magic mirror of languidly luxurious verse. Poetry melted into music.
+      Emotion exhaled itself in sensuous harmony. The art of the next two
+      centuries, the supreme art of song, of words subservient to musical
+      expression, had been indicated. This explains the sudden and extraordinary
+      success of the <i>Aminta</i>. It was nothing less than the discovery of a
+      new realm, the revelation of a specific faculty which made its author
+      master of the heart of Italy. The very lack of concentrated passion lent
+      it power. Its suffusion of emotion in a shimmering atmosphere toned with
+      voluptuous melancholy, seemed to invite the lutes and viols, the mellow
+      tenors, and the trained soprano voices of the dawning age of melody. We
+      may here remember that Palestrina, seven years earlier in Rome, had
+      already given his Mass of Pope Marcello to the world.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Lucrezia d'Este, now Duchess of Urbino, who was anxious to share the
+      raptures of <i>Aminta</i>, invited<span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB40"
+      id="pageB40"></a>{40}</span> Tasso to Pesaro in the summer of 1573, and
+      took him with her to the mountain villa of Casteldurante. She was an
+      unhappy wife, just on the point of breaking her irksome bonds of
+      matrimony. Tasso, if we may credit the deductions which have been drawn
+      from passages in his letters, had the privilege of consoling the
+      disappointed woman and of distracting her tedious hours. They roamed
+      together through the villa gardens, and spent days of quiet in the
+      recesses of her apartments. He read aloud passages from his unpublished
+      poem, and composed sonnets in her honor, praising the full-blown beauty of
+      the rose as lovelier than its budding charm. The duke her husband, far
+      from resenting this intimacy, heaped favors and substantial gifts upon his
+      former comrade. He had not, indeed, enough affection for his wife to be
+      jealous of her. Yet it is indubitable that if he had suspected her of
+      infidelity the Italian code of honor would have compelled him to make
+      short work with Tasso.<a name="BFNanchor_13_13" id="BFNanchor_13_13"></a><a
+      href="#BFootnote_13_13" class="fnanchor">[13]</a>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Meanwhile it seemed as though Leonora had been forgotten by her servant.
+      We possess one <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB41" id="pageB41"></a>{41}</span>
+      letter written to her from Casteldurante on September 3, 1573, in which he
+      encloses a sonnet, disparaging it by comparison with those which he
+      believes she has been receiving from another poet (Guarino probably), and
+      saying that, though the verses were written, not for himself, but 'at the
+      requisition of a poor lover, who, having been for some while angry with
+      his lady, now is forced to yield and crave for pardon,' yet he hopes that
+      they 'will effect the purpose he desires.'<a name="BFNanchor_14_14"
+      id="BFNanchor_14_14"></a><a href="#BFootnote_14_14" class="fnanchor">[14]</a>
+      Few of Tasso's letters to Leonora have survived. This, therefore, is a
+      document of much importance; and it is difficult to resist the conclusion
+      that he was indirectly begging Leonora to forgive him for some piece of
+      petulance or irritation. At any rate, his position between the two
+      princesses at this moment was one of delicacy, in which a less vain and
+      more cautious man than Tasso might have found it hard to keep his head
+      cool.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Up to the present time his life had been, in spite of poverty and domestic
+      misfortunes, one almost uninterrupted career of triumph. But his fiber had
+      been relaxed in the irresponsible luxurious atmosphere of Courts, and his
+      self-esteem had been inflated by the honors paid to him as the first poet
+      of his age in Europe. Moreover, he had been continuously over-worked and
+      over-wrought from childhood onwards. Now, when he returned to Ferrara with
+      the Duchess of Urbino at the age of twenty-nine, it remained to <span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageB42" id="pageB42"></a>{42}</span> be seen
+      whether he could support himself with stability upon the slippery
+      foundation of princely favor, whether his health would hold out, and
+      whether he would be able to bring the publication of his long expected
+      poem to a successful issue.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      In 1574 he accompanied Duke Alfonso to Venice, and witnessed the
+      magnificent reception of Henri III, on his return from Poland. A fever,
+      contracted during those weeks of pleasure, prevented him from working at
+      the epic for many months. This is the first sign of any serious failure in
+      Tasso's health. At the end of August 1574, however, the <i>Gerusalemme</i>
+      was finished, and in the following February he began sending the MS. to
+      Scipione Gonzaga at Rome. So much depended on its success, that doubts
+      immediately rose within its author's mind. Will it fulfill the expectation
+      raised in every Court and literary coterie of Italy? Will it bear
+      investigation in the light of the Dialogues on Epic Poetry? Will the
+      Church be satisfied with its morality; the Holy Office with its doctrine?
+      None of these diffidences assailed Tasso when he flung <i>Aminta</i>
+      negligently forth and found he had produced a masterpiece. It would have
+      been well for him if he had turned a deaf ear to the doubting voice on
+      this occasion also. But he was not of an independent character to start
+      with; and his life had made him sensitively deferent to literary opinion.
+      Therefore, in an evil hour, yielding to Gonzaga's advice, he resolved to
+      submit the <i>Gerusalemme</i> in MS. to four <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageB43" id="pageB43"></a>{43}</span> censors&mdash;Il Borga,
+      Flaminio de'Nobili, vulpine Speroni with his poisoned fang of pedantry,
+      precise Antoniano with his inquisitorial prudery. They were to pass their
+      several criticisms on the plot, characters, diction, and ethics of the <i>Gerusalemme</i>;
+      Tasso was to entertain and weigh their arguments, reserving the right of
+      following or rejecting their advice, but promising to defend his own
+      views. To the number of this committee he shortly after added three more
+      scholars, Francesco Piccolomini, Domenico Veniero, and Celio Magno.<a
+      name="BFNanchor_15_15" id="BFNanchor_15_15"></a><a href="#BFootnote_15_15"
+      class="fnanchor">[15]</a> Not to have been half maddened by these critics
+      would have proved Tasso more or less than human. They picked holes in the
+      structure of the epic, in its episodes, in its theology, in its incidents,
+      in its language, in its title. One censor required one alteration, and
+      another demanded the contrary. This man seemed animated by an acrid spite;
+      that veiled his malice in the flatteries of candid friendship. Antoniano
+      was for cutting out the love passages: Armida, Sofronia, Erminia,
+      Clorinda, were to vanish or to be adapted to conventual proprieties. It
+      seemed to him more than doubtful whether the enchanted forest did not come
+      within the prohibitions of the Tridentine decrees. As the revision
+      advanced, matters grew more serious. Antoniano threw out some decided
+      hints of ecclesiastical displeasure; Tasso, reading between the lines,
+      <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB44" id="pageB44"></a>{44}</span>
+      scented the style of the Collegium Germanicum.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Speroni spoke openly of plagiarism&mdash;plagiarism from himself forsooth!&mdash;and
+      murmured the terrible words between his teeth, 'Tasso is mad!' He was in
+      fact driven wild, and told his tormentors that he would delay the
+      publication of the epic, perhaps for a year, perhaps for his whole life,
+      so little hope had he of its success.<a name="BFNanchor_16_16"
+      id="BFNanchor_16_16"></a><a href="#BFootnote_16_16" class="fnanchor">[16]</a>
+      At last he resolved to compose an allegory to explain and moralize the
+      poem. When he wrote the <i>Gerusalemme</i> he had no thought of hidden
+      meanings; but this seemed the only way of preventing it from being
+      dismembered by hypocrites and pedants.<a name="BFNanchor_17_17"
+      id="BFNanchor_17_17"></a><a href="#BFootnote_17_17" class="fnanchor">[17]</a>
+      The expedient proved partially successful. When Antoniano and his friends
+      were bidden to perceive a symbol in the enchanted wood and other marvels,
+      a symbol in the loves of heroines and heroes, a symbol even in Armida,
+      they relaxed their wrath. The <i>Gerusalemme</i> might possibly pass
+      muster now before the Congregation of the Index. Tasso's correspondence
+      between March 1575 and July 1576 shows what he suffered at the hands of
+      his revisers, and helps to explain the series of events which rendered the
+      autumn of that latter year calamitous for him.<a name="BFNanchor_18_18"
+      id="BFNanchor_18_18"></a><a href="#BFootnote_18_18" class="fnanchor">[18]</a>
+      There are, indeed, already indications in the letters of those months that
+      his nerves, enfeebled by the quartan fever under which he labored, and
+      exasperated by carping or envious criticism, were overstrung.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB45" id="pageB45"></a>{45}</span>
+      Suspicions began to invade his mind. He complained of headache. His
+      spirits alternated between depression and hysterical gayety. A dread lest
+      the Inquisition should refuse the imprimatur to his poem haunted him. He
+      grew restless, and yearned for change of scene.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The events of 1575, 1576, and 1577 require to be minutely studied: for
+      upon our interpretation of them must depend the theory which we hold of
+      Tasso's subsequent misfortunes. It appears that early in the year 1575 he
+      was becoming discontented with Ferrara. A party in the Court, led by
+      Pigna, did their best to make his life there disagreeable. They were
+      jealous of the poet's fame, which shone with trebled splendor after the
+      production of <i>Aminta</i>. Tasso's own behavior provoked, if it did not
+      exactly justify their animosity. He treated men at least his equals in
+      position with haughtiness, which his irritable temper rendered
+      insupportable. We have it from his own pen that 'he could not bear to live
+      in a city where the nobles did not yield him the first place, or at least
+      admit him to absolute equality'; that 'he expected to be adored by
+      friends, served by serving-men, caressed by domestics, honored by masters,
+      celebrated by poets, and pointed out by all.'<a name="BFNanchor_19_19"
+      id="BFNanchor_19_19"></a><a href="#BFootnote_19_19" class="fnanchor">[19]</a>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      He admitted that it was his habit 'to build castles in the air of honors,
+      favors, gifts and graces, showered on him by emperors and kings and mighty
+      princes'; that 'the slightest coldness from a patron seemed to him a tacit
+      act of dismissal, or rather an <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB46"
+      id="pageB46"></a>{46}</span> open act of violence.'<a
+      name="BFNanchor_20_20" id="BFNanchor_20_20"></a><a href="#BFootnote_20_20"
+      class="fnanchor">[20]</a> His blood, he argued, placed him on a level with
+      the aristocracy of Italy; but his poetry lifted him far above the vulgar
+      herd of noblemen. At the same time, while claiming so much, he constantly
+      declared himself unfit for any work or office but literary study, and
+      expressed his opinion that princes ought to be his tributaries.<a
+      name="BFNanchor_21_21" id="BFNanchor_21_21"></a><a href="#BFootnote_21_21"
+      class="fnanchor">[21]</a> Though such pretensions may not have been openly
+      expressed at this period of his life, it cannot be doubted that Tasso's
+      temper made him an unpleasant comrade in Court-service. His sensitiveness,
+      as well as the actual slenderness of his fortunes, exposed him only too
+      obviously to the malevolent tricks and petty bullyings of rivals. One
+      knows what a boy of that stamp has to suffer at public schools, and a
+      Court is after all not very different from an academy.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Such being the temper of his mind, Tasso at this epoch turned his thoughts
+      to bettering himself, as servants say. His friend Scipione Gonzaga pointed
+      out that both the Cardinal de'Medici and the Grand Duke of Tuscany would
+      be glad to welcome him as an ornament of their households. Tasso nibbled
+      at the bait all through the summer; and in November, under the pretext of
+      profiting by the Jubilee, he traveled to Rome. This journey, as he
+      afterwards declared, was the beginning of his ruin.<a
+      name="BFNanchor_22_22" id="BFNanchor_22_22"></a><a href="#BFootnote_22_22"
+      class="fnanchor">[22]</a> It was certainly one of the principal steps
+      which led to the prison of S. Anna.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB47" id="pageB47"></a>{47}</span> There
+      were many reasons why Alfonso should resent Tasso's entrance into other
+      service at this moment. The House of Este had treated him with uniform
+      kindness. The Cardinal, the duke and the princesses had severally marked
+      him out by special tokens of esteem. In return they expected from him the
+      honors of his now immortal epic. That he should desert them and transfer
+      the dedication of the <i>Gerusalemme</i> to the Medici, would have been
+      nothing short of an insult; for it was notorious that the Estensi and the
+      Medici were bitter foes, not only on account of domestic disagreements and
+      political jealousies, but also because of the dispute about precedence in
+      their titles which had agitated Italian society for some time past. In his
+      impatience to leave Ferrara, Tasso cast prudence to the winds, and entered
+      into negotiations with the Cardinal de'Medici in Rome. When he traveled
+      northwards at the beginning of 1576, he betook himself to Florence. What
+      passed between him and the Grand Duke is not apparent. Yet he seems to
+      have still further complicated his position by making political
+      disclosures which were injurious to the Duke of Ferrara. Nor did he gain
+      anything by the offer of his services and his poem to Francesco de'Medici.
+      In a letter of February 4, 1576, the Grand Duke wrote that the Florentine
+      visit of that fellow, 'whether to call him a mad or an amusing and astute
+      spirit, I hardly know,'<a name="BFNanchor_23_23" id="BFNanchor_23_23"></a><a
+      href="#BFootnote_23_23" class="fnanchor">[23]</a> had been throughout a
+      ridiculous affair; and that nothing could be less convenient than his
+      putting <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB48" id="pageB48"></a>{48}</span>
+      the <i>Gerusalemme</i> up to auction among princes. One year later, he
+      said bluntly that 'he did not want to have a madman at his Court.'<a
+      name="BFNanchor_24_24" id="BFNanchor_24_24"></a><a href="#BFootnote_24_24"
+      class="fnanchor">[24]</a> Thus Tasso, like his father, discovered that a
+      noble poem, the product of his best pains, had but small substantial
+      value. It might, indeed, be worth something to the patron who paid a
+      yearly exhibition to its author; but it was not a gem of such high price
+      as to be wrangled for by dukes who had the cares of state upon their
+      shoulders. He compromised himself with the Estensi, and failed to secure a
+      retreat in Florence.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Meanwhile his enemies at Ferrara were not idle. Pigna had died in the
+      preceding November. But Antonio Montecatino, who succeeded him as ducal
+      secretary, proved even a more malicious foe, and poisoned Alfonso's mind
+      against the unfortunate poet. The two princesses still remained his
+      faithful friends, until Tasso's own want of tact alienated the sympathies
+      of Leonora. When he returned in 1576, he found the beautiful Eleonora
+      Sanvitale, Countess of Scandiano, at Court. Whether he really fell in love
+      with her at first sight, or pretended to do so in order to revive Leonora
+      d'Este's affection by jealousy, is uncertain.<a name="BFNanchor_25_25"
+      id="BFNanchor_25_25"></a><a href="#BFootnote_25_25" class="fnanchor">[25]</a>
+      At any rate he paid the countess such marked attentions, and wrote for her
+      and a lady of her suite such splendid poetry, that <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageB49" id="pageB49"></a>{49}</span> all Ferrara rang with this
+      amour. A sonnet in Tasso's handwriting, addressed to Leonora d'Este and
+      commented by her own pen, which even Guasti, no credulous believer in the
+      legend of the poet's love, accepts as genuine, may be taken as affording
+      proof that the princess was deeply wounded by her servant's conduct.<a
+      name="BFNanchor_26_26" id="BFNanchor_26_26"></a><a href="#BFootnote_26_26"
+      class="fnanchor">[26]</a>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      It is obvious that, though Tasso's letters at this period show no signs of
+      a diseased mind, his conduct began to strike outsiders as insane.
+      Francesco de'Medici used the plain words <i>matto</i> and <i>pazzo</i>.
+      The courtiers of Ferrara, some in pity, some in derision, muttered
+      'Madman,' when he passed. And he spared no pains to prove that he was
+      losing self-control. In the month of January 1577, he was seized with
+      scruples of faith, and conceived the notion that he ought to open his mind
+      to the Holy Office. Accordingly, he appeared before the Inquisitor of
+      Bologna, who after hearing his confession, bade him be of good cheer, for
+      his self-accusations were the outcome of a melancholy humor. Tasso was, in
+      fact, a Catholic molded by Jesuit instruction in his earliest childhood;
+      and though, like most young students, he had speculated on the groundwork
+      of theology and metaphysic, there was no taint of heresy or disobedience
+      to the Church in his nature. The terror of the Inquisition was a morbid
+      nightmare, first implanted in his mind by the experience of his father's
+      collision with the<span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB50" id="pageB50"></a>{50}</span>
+      Holy Office, enforced by Antoniano's strictures on his poem, and justified
+      to some extent by the sinister activity of the institution which had
+      burned a Carnesecchi and a Paleario. However it grew up, this fancy that
+      he was suspected as a heretic took firm possession of his brain, and
+      subsequently formed a main feature of his mental disease. It combined with
+      the suspiciousness which now became habitual. He thought that secret
+      enemies were in the habit of forwarding delations against him to Rome.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      All through these years (1575-1577) his enemies drew tighter cords around
+      him. They were led and directed by Montecatino, the omnipotent persecutor,
+      and hypocritical betrayer. In his heedlessness Tasso left books and papers
+      loose about his rooms. These, he had good reason to suppose, were
+      ransacked in his absence. There follows a melancholy tale of treacherous
+      friends, dishonest servants, false keys, forged correspondence, scraps and
+      fragments of imprudent compositions pieced together and brought forth to
+      incriminate him behind his back. These arts were employed all through the
+      year which followed his return to Ferrara in 1576. But they reached their
+      climax in the spring of 1577. He had lost his prestige, and every servant
+      might insult him, and every cur snap at his heels. Even the <i>Gerusalemme</i>,
+      became an object of derision. It transpired that the revisers, to whom he
+      had confided it, were picking the poem to pieces; <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageB51" id="pageB51"></a>{51}</span> ignoramuses who could not scan
+      a line, went about parroting their pedantries and strictures. At the
+      beginning of 1576 Tasso had begged Alfonso to give him the post of
+      historiographer left vacant by Pigna. It was his secret hope that this
+      would be refused, and that so he would obtain a good excuse for leaving
+      Ferrara.<a name="BFNanchor_27_27" id="BFNanchor_27_27"></a><a
+      href="#BFootnote_27_27" class="fnanchor">[27]</a> But the duke granted his
+      request. In the autumn of that year, one of the band of his tormentors,
+      Maddal&ograve; de'Frecci, betrayed some details of his love-affairs. What
+      these were we do not know. Tasso resented the insult, and gave the traitor
+      a box on the ears in the courtyard of the castle. Maddal&ograve; and his
+      brothers, after this, attacked Tasso on the piazza, but ran away before
+      they reached him with their swords. They were outlawed for the outrage,
+      and the duke of Ferrara, still benignant to his poet, sent him a kind
+      message by one of his servants. This incident weighed on Tasso's memory.
+      The terror of the Inquisition blended now with two new terrors. He
+      conceived that his exiled foes were plotting to poison him. He wondered
+      whether Maddal&ograve;'s revelations had reached the duke's ears, and if
+      so, whether Alfonso would not inflict sudden vengeance. There is no
+      sufficient reason, however, to surmise that Tasso's conscience was really
+      burdened with a guilty secret touching Leonora d'Este. On the contrary,
+      everything points to a different conclusion. His mind was simply giving
+      way. Just as he con<span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB52" id="pageB52"></a>{52}</span>
+      jured up the ghastly specter of the Inquisition, so he fancied that the
+      duke would murder him. Both the Inquisition and the duke were formidable;
+      but the Holy Office mildly told him to set his morbid doubts at rest, and
+      the duke on a subsequent occasion coldly wrote: 'I know he thinks I want
+      to kill him. But if indeed I did so, it would be easy enough.' The duke,
+      in fact, had no sufficient reason and no inclination to tread upon this
+      insect.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      In June 1577, the crisis came. On the seventeenth evening of the month
+      Tasso was in the apartments of the Duchess of Urbino. He had just been
+      declaiming on the subject of his imaginary difficulties with the
+      Inquisition, when something in the manner of a servant who passed by
+      aroused his suspicion. He drew a knife upon the man&mdash;like Hamlet in
+      his mother's bedchamber. He was immediately put under arrest, and confined
+      in a room of the castle. Next day Maffeo Veniero wrote thus to the Grand
+      Duke of Tuscany about the incident. 'Yesterday Tasso was imprisoned for
+      having drawn a knife upon a servant in the apartment of the Duchess of
+      Urbino. The intention has been to stay disorder and to cure him, rather
+      than to inflict punishment. He suffers under peculiar delusions, believing
+      himself guilty of heresy and dreading poison; which state of mind arises,
+      I incline to think, from melancholic blood forced in upon the heart and
+      vaporing to the brain. A wretched case, in truth, considering his great
+      parts and his goodness!'<a name="BFNanchor_28_28" id="BFNanchor_28_28"></a><a
+      href="#BFootnote_28_28" class="fnanchor">[28]</a>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Tasso was soon released, and taken by the duke his villa of Belriguardo.
+      Probably this excursion was designed to soothe the perturbed spirits of
+      the poet. But it may also have had a different object. Alfonso may have
+      judged it prudent to sift the information laid before him by Tasso's
+      enemies. We do not know what passed between them. Whether moral pressure
+      was applied, resulting in the disclosure of secrets compromising Leonora
+      d'Este, cannot now be ascertained; nor is it worth while to discuss the
+      hypothesis that the Duke, in order to secure his family's honor, imposed
+      on Tasso the obligation of feigning madness.<a name="BFNanchor_29_29"
+      id="BFNanchor_29_29"></a><a href="#BFootnote_29_29" class="fnanchor">[29]</a>
+      There is a something not entirely elucidated, a sediment of mystery in
+      Tasso's fate, after this visit to Belriguardo, which criticism will not
+      neglect to notice, but which no testing, no clarifying process of study,
+      has hitherto explained. All we can rely upon for certain is that Alfonso
+      sent him back to Ferrara to be treated physically and spiritually for
+      derangement; and that Tasso thought his life was in danger. He took up his
+      abode in the Convent of S. Francis, submitted to be purged, and began
+      writing eloquent letters to his friends and patrons.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB53" id="pageB53"></a>{53}</span> Those
+      which he addressed to the Duke of Ferrara at this crisis, weigh naturally
+      heaviest in the scale of criticism.<a name="BFNanchor_30_30"
+      id="BFNanchor_30_30"></a><a href="#BFootnote_30_30" class="fnanchor">[30]</a>
+      They turn upon his dread of the Inquisition, his fear of poison, and his
+      diplomatic practice with Florence. While admitting 'faults of grave
+      importance' and 'vacillation in the service of his prince,' he maintains
+      that his secret foes have exaggerated these offenses, and have succeeded
+      in prejudicing the magnanimous and clement spirit of Alfonso. He is
+      particularly anxious about the charge of heresy. Nothing indicates that
+      any guilt of greater moment weighed upon his conscience.<a
+      name="BFNanchor_31_31" id="BFNanchor_31_31"></a><a href="#BFootnote_31_31"
+      class="fnanchor">[31]</a> After scrutinizing all accessible sources of
+      information, we are thus driven to accept the prosaic hypothesis that
+      Tasso was deranged, and that his Court-rivals had availed themselves of a
+      favorable opportunity for making the duke sensible of his insanity.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      After the middle of July, the Convent of S. Francis became intolerable to
+      Tasso. His malady had assumed the form of a multiplex fear, which never
+      afterwards relaxed its hold on his imagination. The Inquisition, the duke,
+      the multitude of secret enemies plotting murder, haunted him day and night
+      like furies. He escaped, and made his way, disguised in a peasant's
+      costume, avoiding cities, harboring in mountain hamlets, to Sorrento.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB54" id="pageB54"></a>{54}</span>
+      Manos, who wrote the history of Tasso's life in the spirit of a novelist,
+      has painted for us a romantic picture of the poet in a shepherd's hut.<a
+      name="BFNanchor_32_32" id="BFNanchor_32_32"></a><a href="#BFootnote_32_32"
+      class="fnanchor">[32]</a> It recalls Erminia among the pastoral people.
+      Indeed, the interest of that episode in the <i>Gerusalemme</i> is
+      heightened by the fact that its ill-starred author tested the reality of
+      his creation ofttimes in the course of this pathetic pilgrimage. Artists
+      of the Bolognese Academy have placed Erminia on their canvases. But, up to
+      the present time, I know of no great painter who has chosen the more
+      striking incident of Tasso exchanging his Court-dress for sheepskin and a
+      fustian jacket in the smoky cottage at Velletri.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      He reached Sorrento safely&mdash;'that most enchanting region, which at
+      all times offers a delightful sojourn to men and to the Muses; but at the
+      warm season of the year, when other places are intolerable, affords
+      peculiar solace in the verdure of its foliage, the shadow of its woods,
+      the lightness of the fanning airs, the freshness of the limpid waters
+      flowing from impendent hills, the fertile expanse of tilth, the serene
+      air, the tranquil sea, the fishes and the birds and savory fruits in
+      marvelous variety; all which delights compose a garden for the intellect
+      and senses, planned by Nature in her rarest mood, and perfected by art
+      with most consummate curiosity.'<a name="BFNanchor_33_33"
+      id="BFNanchor_33_33"></a><a href="#BFootnote_33_33" class="fnanchor">[33]</a>
+      Into this earthly paradise the wayworn pilgrim entered.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB55" id="pageB55"></a>{55}</span> It
+      was his birthplace; and here his sister still dwelt with her children.
+      Tasso sought Cornelia's home. After a dramatic scene of suspense, he threw
+      aside his disguise, declared himself to be the poet of Italy and her
+      brother; and for a short while he seemed to forget Courts and schools,
+      pedants and princes, in that genial atmosphere.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Why did he ever leave Sorrento? That is the question which leaps to the
+      lips of a modern free man. The question itself implies imperfect
+      comprehension of Tasso's century and training. Outside the Court, there
+      was no place for him. He had been molded for Court-life from childhood. It
+      was not merely that he had no money; assiduous labor might have <span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageB56" id="pageB56"></a>{56}</span> supplied
+      him with means of subsistence. But his friends, his fame, his habits, his
+      ingrained sense of service, called him back to Ferrara. He was not simply
+      a man, but that specific sort of man which Italians called <i>gentiluomo</i>&mdash;a
+      man definitely modified and wound about with intricacies of association.
+      Therefore, he soon began a correspondence with the House of Este. If we
+      may trust Manso, Leonora herself wrote urgently insisting upon his return.<a
+      name="BFNanchor_34_34" id="BFNanchor_34_34"></a><a href="#BFootnote_34_34"
+      class="fnanchor">[34]</a> Yet in his own letters Tasso says that he
+      addressed apologies to the duke and both princesses. Alfonso and Lucrezia
+      vouchsafed no answer. Leonora replied coldly that she could not help him.<a
+      name="BFNanchor_35_35" id="BFNanchor_35_35"></a><a href="#BFootnote_35_35"
+      class="fnanchor">[35]</a>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Anyhow, Ferrara drew him back. It is of some importance here to understand
+      Tasso's own feeling for the duke, his master. A few months later, after
+      <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB57" id="pageB57"></a>{57}</span> he
+      had once more experienced the miseries of Court-life, he wrote: 'I trusted
+      in him, not as one hopes in men but as one trusts in God.... I was
+      inflamed with the affection for my lord more than ever was man with the
+      love of woman, and became unawares half an idolater.... He it was who from
+      the obscurity of my low fortunes raised me to the light and reputation of
+      the Court; who relieved me from discomforts, and placed me in a position
+      of honorable ease; he conferred value on my compositions by listening to
+      them when I read them, and by every mark of favor; he deigned to honor me
+      with a seat at his table and with his familiar conversation; he never
+      refused a favor which I begged for; lastly, at the commencement of my
+      troubles, he showed me the affection, not of a master, but of a father and
+      a brother.'<a name="BFNanchor_36_36" id="BFNanchor_36_36"></a><a
+      href="#BFootnote_36_36" class="fnanchor">[36]</a> These words, though
+      meant for publication, have the ring of truth in them. Tasso was actually
+      attached to the House of Este, and cherished a vassal's loyalty for the
+      duke, in spite of the many efforts which he made to break the fetters of
+      Ferrara. At a distance, in the isolation and the ennui of a village, the
+      irksomeness of those chains was forgotten. The poet only remembered how
+      sweet his happier years at Court had been. The sentiment of fidelity
+      revived. His sanguine and visionary temperament made him hope that all
+      might yet be well.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Without receiving direct encouragement from the duke, Tasso accordingly
+      decided on returning.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB58" id="pageB58"></a>{58}</span> His
+      sister is said to have dissuaded him; and he is reported to have replied
+      that he was going to place himself in a voluntary prison.<a
+      name="BFNanchor_37_37" id="BFNanchor_37_37"></a><a href="#BFootnote_37_37"
+      class="fnanchor">[37]</a> He first went to Rome, and opened negotiations
+      with Alfonso's agents. In reply to their communications, the duke wrote
+      upon March 22, 1578, as follows: 'We are content to take Tasso back; but
+      first he must recognize the fact that he is full of melancholic humors,
+      and that his old notions of enmities and persecutions are solely caused by
+      the said humors. Among other signs of his disorder, he has conceived the
+      idea that we want to compass his death, whereas we have always received
+      him gladly and shown favor to him. It can easily be understood that if we
+      had entertained such a fancy, the execution of it would have presented no
+      difficulty. Therefore let him make his mind up well, before he comes, to
+      submit quietly and unconditionally to medical treatment. Otherwise, if he
+      means to scatter hints and words again as he did formerly, we shall not
+      only give ourselves no further trouble about him, but if he should stay
+      here without being willing to undergo a course of cure, we shall at once
+      expel him from our state with the order not to return.'<a
+      name="BFNanchor_38_38" id="BFNanchor_38_38"></a><a href="#BFootnote_38_38"
+      class="fnanchor">[38]</a> Words could not be plainer than these. Yet, in
+      spite of them, such was the allurement of the cage for this clipped
+      singing-bird, that Tasso went <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB59"
+      id="pageB59"></a>{59}</span> obediently back to Ferrara. Possibly he had
+      not read the letter written by a greater poet on a similar occasion: 'This
+      is not the way of coming home, my father! Yet if you or others find one
+      not beneath the fame of Dante and his honor, that will I pursue with no
+      slack step. But if none such give entrance to Florence, I will never enter
+      Florence. How! Shall I not behold the sun and stars from every spot of
+      earth? Shall I not be free to meditate the sweetest truths in every place
+      beneath the sky unless I make myself ignoble, nay, ignominious to the
+      people and the state of Florence? Nor truly will bread fail.' These words,
+      if Tasso had remembered them, might have made his cheek blush for his own
+      servility and for the servile age in which he lived. But the truth is that
+      the fleshpots of Egyptian bondage enticed him; and moreover he knew, as
+      half-insane people always know, that he required treatment for his mental
+      infirmities. In his heart of hearts he acknowledged the justice of the
+      duke's conditions.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      An Epistle or Oration addressed by Tasso to the Duke of Urbino, sets forth
+      what happened after his return to Ferrara in 1578.<a name="BFNanchor_39_39"
+      id="BFNanchor_39_39"></a><a href="#BFootnote_39_39" class="fnanchor">[39]</a>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      He was aware that Alfonso thought him both malicious and mad. The first of
+      these opinions, which he knew to be false, he resolved to pass in silence.
+      But he openly admitted the latter, 'esteeming it no disgrace to make a
+      third to Solon and Brutus.' Therefore he began to act the madman even in
+      Rome, neglecting his health, <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB60"
+      id="pageB60"></a>{60}</span> exposing himself to hardships, and indulging
+      intemperately in food and wine. By these means, strange as it may seem, he
+      hoped to win back confidence and prove himself a discreet servant of
+      Alfonso. Soon after reaching Ferrara, Tasso thought that he was gaining
+      ground. He hints that the duke showed signs of raising him to such
+      greatness and showering favors upon him so abundant that the sleeping
+      viper of Court envy stirred. Montecatino now persuaded his master that
+      prudence and his own dignity indicated a very different line of treatment.
+      If Tasso was to be great and honored, he must feel that his reputation
+      flowed wholly from the princely favor, not from his studies and
+      illustrious works. Alfonso accordingly affected to despise the poems which
+      Tasso presented, and showed his will that: 'I should aspire to no eminence
+      of intellect, to no glory of literature, but should lead a soft delicate
+      and idle life immersed in sloth and pleasure, escaping like a runaway from
+      the honor of Parnassus, the Lyceum and the Academy, into the lodgings of
+      Epicurus, and should harbor in those lodgings in a quarter where neither
+      Virgil nor Catullus nor Horace nor Lucretius himself had ever stayed.'
+      This excited such indignation in the poet's breast that: 'I said
+      oftentimes with open face and free speech that I would rather be a servant
+      of any prince his enemy than submit to this indignity, and in short <i>odia
+      verbis aspera movi</i>.' Whereupon, the duke caused his papers to be
+      seized, in order that the still imperfect <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageB61" id="pageB61"></a>{61}</span> epic might be prepared for
+      publication by the hated hypocritical Montecatino. When Tasso complained,
+      he only received indirect answers; and when he tried to gain access to the
+      princesses, he was repulsed by their doorkeepers. At last: 'My infinite
+      patience was exhausted. Leaving my books and writings, after the service
+      of thirteen years, persisted in with luckless constancy, I wandered forth
+      like a new Bias, and betook myself to Mantua, where I met with the same
+      treatment as at Ferrara.'
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      This account sufficiently betrays the diseased state of Tasso's mind.
+      Being really deranged, yet still possessed of all his literary faculties,
+      he affected that his eccentricity was feigned. The duke had formed a firm
+      opinion of his madness; and he chose to flatter this whim. Yet when he
+      arrived at Ferrara he forgot the strict conditions upon which Alfonso
+      sanctioned his return, began to indulge in dreams of greatness, and
+      refused the life of careless ease which formed part of the programme for
+      his restoration to health. In these circumstances he became the
+      laughing-stock of his detractors; and it is not impossible that Alfonso,
+      convinced of his insanity, treated him like a Court-fool. Then he burst
+      out into menaces and mutterings of anger. Having made himself wholly
+      intolerable, his papers were sequestrated, very likely under the
+      impression that he might destroy them or escape with them into some
+      quarter where they would be used against the interests of his patron.
+      Finally he so fatigued <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB62" id="pageB62"></a>{62}</span>
+      everybody by his suspicions and recriminations that the duke forebore to
+      speak with him, and the princesses closed their doors against him.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      From this moment Tasso was a ruined man; he had become that worst of
+      social scourges, a courtier with a grievance, a semi-lunatic all the more
+      dangerous and tiresome because his mental powers were not so much impaired
+      as warped. Studying his elaborate apology, we do not know whether to
+      despise the obstinacy of his devotion to the House of Este, or to respect
+      the sentiment of loyalty which survived all real or fancied insults.
+      Against the duke he utters no word of blame. Alfonso is always magnanimous
+      and clement, excellent in mind and body, good and courteous by nature,
+      deserving the faithful service and warm love of his dependents.
+      Montecatino is the real villain. 'The princes are not tyrants&mdash;they
+      are not, no, no: he is the tyrant.'<a name="BFNanchor_40_40"
+      id="BFNanchor_40_40"></a><a href="#BFootnote_40_40" class="fnanchor">[40]</a>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      After quitting Ferrara, Tasso wandered through Mantua, Padua, Venice,
+      coldly received in all these cities; for 'the hearts of men were hardened
+      by their interests against him.' Writing from Venice to the Grand Duke in
+      July, Maffeo Veniero says: 'Tasso is here, disturbed in mind; and though
+      his intellect is certainly not sound, he shows more signs of affliction
+      than of insanity.'<a name="BFNanchor_41_41" id="BFNanchor_41_41"></a><a
+      href="#BFootnote_41_41" class="fnanchor">[41]</a>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB63" id="pageB63"></a>{63}</span> The
+      sequestration of his only copy of the <i>Gerusalemme</i> not unnaturally
+      caused him much distress; and Veniero adds that the chief difficulty under
+      which he labored was want of money. Veniero hardly understood the case.
+      Even with a competence it is incredible that Tasso would have been
+      contented to work quietly at literature in a private position.<a
+      name="BFNanchor_42_42" id="BFNanchor_42_42"></a><a href="#BFootnote_42_42"
+      class="fnanchor">[42]</a> From Venice he found his way southward to
+      Urbino, writing one of his sublimest odes upon the road from Pesaro.<a
+      name="BFNanchor_43_43" id="BFNanchor_43_43"></a><a href="#BFootnote_43_43"
+      class="fnanchor">[43]</a>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Francesco Maria della Rovere received him with accustomed kindness; but
+      the spirit of unrest drove him forth again, and after two months we find
+      him once more, an indigent and homeless pedestrian, upon the banks of the
+      Sesia. He wanted to reach Vercelli, but the river was in flood, and he
+      owed a night's lodging to the chance courtesy of a young nobleman. Among
+      the many picturesque episodes in Tasso's wanderings none is more
+      idyllically beautiful than the tale of his meeting with this handsome
+      youth. He has told it himself in the exordium to his Dialogue <i>Il Padre
+      di Famiglia</i>. When asked who he was and whither he was going, he
+      answered: 'I was born in the realm of Naples, and my mother was a
+      Neapolitan; but I draw my paternal blood from<span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageB64" id="pageB64"></a>{64}</span> Bergamo, a Lombard city. My
+      name and surname I pass in silence: they are so obscure that if I uttered
+      them, you would know neither more nor less of my condition. I am flying
+      from the anger of a prince and fortune. My destination is the state of
+      Savoy.' Upon this pilgrimage Tasso chose the sobriquet of <i>Omero
+      Fuggiguerra</i>. Arriving at Turin, he was refused entrance by the
+      guardians of the gate. The rags upon his back made them suspect he was a
+      vagabond infected with the plague. A friend who knew him, Angelo
+      Ingegneri, happened to pass by, and guaranteed his respectability. Manso
+      compares the journey of this penniless and haggard fugitive through the
+      cities of Italy to the meteoric passage of a comet.<a
+      name="BFNanchor_44_44" id="BFNanchor_44_44"></a><a href="#BFootnote_44_44"
+      class="fnanchor">[44]</a> Wherever he appeared, he blazed with momentary
+      splendor. Nor was Turin slow to hail the lustrous apparition. The Marchese
+      Filippo da Este entertained him in his palace. The Archbishop, Girolamo
+      della Rovere, begged the honor of his company. The Duke of Savoy, Carlo
+      Emanuele, offered him the same appointments as he had enjoyed at Ferrara.
+      Nothing, however, would content his morbid spirit. Flattered and caressed
+      through the months of October and November he began once more in December
+      to hanker after his old home. Inconceivable as it may seem, he opened
+      fresh negotiations with the duke; and Alfonso, on his side, already showed
+      a will to take him back. Writing to his sister <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageB65" id="pageB65"></a>{65}</span> from Pesaro at the end of
+      September, Tasso stay that a gentleman had been sent from Ferrara
+      expressly to recall him.<a name="BFNanchor_45_45" id="BFNanchor_45_45"></a><a
+      href="#BFootnote_45_45" class="fnanchor">[45]</a> The fact seems to be
+      that Tasso was too illustrious to be neglected by the House of Este. Away
+      from their protection, he was capable of bringing on their name the slur
+      of bad treatment and ingratitude. Nor would it have looked well to publish
+      the <i>Gerusalemme</i> with its praises of Alfonso, while the poet was
+      lamenting his hard fate in every town of Italy. The upshot of these
+      negotiations was that Tasso resolved on retracing his steps. He reached
+      Ferrara again upon February 21, 1579, two days before Margherita Gonzaga,
+      the duke's new bride, made her pompous entrance into the city. But his
+      reception was far from being what he had expected. The duke's heart seemed
+      hardened. Apartments inferior to his quality were assigned him, and to
+      these he was conducted by a courtier with ill-disguised insolence. The
+      princesses refused him access to their lodgings, and his old enemies
+      openly manifested their derision for the kill-joy and the skeleton who had
+      returned to spoil their festival. Tasso, querulous as he was about his own
+      share in the disagreeables of existence, remained wholly unsympathetic to
+      the trials of his fellow-creatures. Self-engrossment closed him in a magic
+      prison-house of discontent.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB66" id="pageB66"></a>{66}</span>
+      Therefore when he saw Ferrara full of merry-making guests, and heard the
+      marriage music ringing through the courtyards of the castle, he failed to
+      reflect with what a heavy heart the duke might now be entering upon his
+      third sterile nuptials. Alfonso was childless, brotherless, with no
+      legitimate heir to defend his duchy from the Church in case of his
+      decease. The irritable poet forgot how distasteful at such a moment of
+      forced gayety and hollow parade his reappearance, with the old complaining
+      murmurs, the old suspicions, the old restless eyes, might be to the master
+      who had certainly borne much and long with him. He only felt himself
+      neglected, insulted, outraged:
+    </p>
+    <div class="poem">
+      <div class="stanza">
+        <span class="i12">Questa &egrave; la data fede?<br /> </span> <span>Son
+        questi i miei bramati alti ritorni?<a name="BFNanchor_46_46"
+        id="BFNanchor_46_46"></a><a href="#BFootnote_46_46" class="fnanchor">[46]</a><br />
+        </span>
+      </div>
+    </div>
+    <p>
+      Then he burst out into angry words, which he afterwards acknowledged to
+      have been 'false, mad and rash.'<a name="BFNanchor_47_47"
+      id="BFNanchor_47_47"></a><a href="#BFootnote_47_47" class="fnanchor">[47]</a>
+      The duke's patience had reached its utmost limit. Tasso was arrested, and
+      confined in the hospital for mad folk at S. Anna. This happened in March
+      1579. He was detained there until July 19, 1586, a period of seven years
+      and four months.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      No one who has read the foregoing pages will wonder why Tasso was
+      imprisoned. The marvel is rather that the fact should have roused so many
+      speculations. Alfonso was an autocratic princeling. His favorite minister
+      Montecatino fell in one moment from a height of power to irrecoverable
+      <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB67" id="pageB67"></a>{67}</span> ruin.
+      The famous preacher Panigarola, for whom he negotiated a Cardinal's hat,
+      lost his esteem by seeking promotion at another Court, and had to fly
+      Ferrara. His friend, Ercole Contrario, was strangled in the castle on
+      suspicion of having concealed a murder. Tasso had been warned repeatedly,
+      repeatedly forgiven; and now when he turned up again with the same
+      complaints and the same menaces, Alfonso determined to have done with the
+      nuisance. He would not kill him, but he would put him out of sight and
+      hearing. If he was guilty, S. Anna would be punishment enough. If he was
+      mad, it might be hoped that S. Anna would cure him. To blame the duke for
+      this exercise of authority, is difficult. Noble as is the poet's calling,
+      and faithful as are the wounds of a devoted friend and servant, there are
+      limits to princely patience. It is easier to blame Tasso for the incurable
+      idealism which, when he was in comfort at Turin, made him pine 'to kiss
+      the hand of his Highness, and recover some part of his favor on the
+      occasion of his marriage.'<a name="BFNanchor_48_48" id="BFNanchor_48_48"></a><a
+      href="#BFootnote_48_48" class="fnanchor">[48]</a>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Three long letters, written by Tasso during the early months of his
+      imprisonment, discuss the reasons for his arrest.<a name="BFNanchor_49_49"
+      id="BFNanchor_49_49"></a><a href="#BFootnote_49_49" class="fnanchor">[49]</a>
+      Two of these are directed to his staunch friend Scipione Gonzaga, the
+      third to Giacomo Buoncompagno, nephew of Pope Gregory XIII. Partly owing
+      to omissions made by the editors before publication, and partly perhaps to
+      the writer's reticence, they throw no very certain light <span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageB68" id="pageB68"></a>{68}</span> even on his
+      own opinion.<a name="BFNanchor_50_50" id="BFNanchor_50_50"></a><a
+      href="#BFootnote_50_50" class="fnanchor">[50]</a> But this much appears
+      tolerably clear. Tasso was half-mad and altogether irritable. He had used
+      language which could not be overlooked. The Duke continued to resent his
+      former practice with the Medici, and disapproved of his perpetual
+      wanderings. The courtiers had done their utmost to prejudice his mind by
+      calumnies and gossip, raking up all that seemed injurious to Tasso's
+      reputation in the past acts of his life and in the looser verses found
+      among his papers. It may also be conceded that they contrived to cast an
+      unfavorable light upon his affectionate correspondence with the two
+      princesses. Tasso himself laid great stress upon his want of absolute
+      loyalty, upon some lascivious compositions, and lastly upon his supposed
+      heresies. It is not probable that the duke attached importance to such
+      poetry as Tasso may have written in the heat of youth; and it is certain
+      that he regarded the heresies as part of the poet's hallucinations. It is
+      also far more likely that the Leonora episode passed in his mind for
+      another proof of mental infirmity than that he judged it seriously. It was
+      quite enough that Tasso had put himself in the wrong by petulant abuse of
+      his benefactor and by persistent fretfulness. Moreover, he was plainly
+      <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB69" id="pageB69"></a>{69}</span>
+      brain-sick. That alone justified Alfonso in his own eyes.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      And brain-sick Tasso was, without a shadow of doubt.<a
+      name="BFNanchor_51_51" id="BFNanchor_51_51"></a><a href="#BFootnote_51_51"
+      class="fnanchor">[51]</a> It is hardly needful to recapitulate his terror
+      of the Inquisition, dread of being poisoned, incapacity for self-control
+      in word and act, and other signs of incipient disease. During the
+      residence in S. Anna this malady made progress. He was tormented by
+      spectral voices and apparitions. He believed himself to be under the
+      influence of magic charms. He was haunted by a sprite, who stole his books
+      and flung his MSS. about the room. A good genius, in the form of a
+      handsome youth, appeared and conversed with him. He lost himself for hours
+      together in abstraction, talking aloud, staring into vacancy, and
+      expressing surprise that other people could not see the phantoms which
+      surrounded him. He complained that his melancholy passed at moments into
+      delirium (which he called <i>frenesia</i>), after which he suffered from
+      loss of memory and prostration. His own mind became a constant cause of
+      self-torture. Suspicious of others, he grew to be suspicious of himself.
+      And when he left S. Anna, these disorders, instead of abating, continued
+      to <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB70" id="pageB70"></a>{70}</span>
+      afflict him, so that his most enthusiastic admirers were forced to admit
+      that 'he was subject to constitutional melancholy with crises of delirium,
+      but not to actual insanity.'<a name="BFNanchor_52_52" id="BFNanchor_52_52"></a><a
+      href="#BFootnote_52_52" class="fnanchor">[52]</a> At first, his infirmity
+      did not interfere with intellectual production of a high order, though
+      none of his poetry, after the <i>Gerusalemme</i> was completed in 1574,
+      rose to the level of his earlier work. But in course of time the artist's
+      faculty itself was injured, and the creations of his later life are
+      unworthy of his genius.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The seven years and four months of Tasso's imprisonment may be passed over
+      briefly. With regard to his so-called dungeon, it is certain that, after
+      some months spent in a narrow chamber, he obtained an apartment of several
+      rooms. He was allowed to write and receive as many letters as he chose.
+      Friends paid him visits, and he went abroad under surveillance in the city
+      of Ferrara. To extenuate the suffering which a man of his temper endured
+      in this enforced seclusion would be unjust to Tasso. There is no doubt
+      that he was most unhappy. But to exaggerate his discomforts would be
+      unjust to the duke. Even Manso describes 'the excellent and most
+      convenient lodgings' assigned <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB71"
+      id="pageB71"></a>{71}</span> him in S. Anna, alludes to the provision for
+      his cure by medicine, and remarks upon the opposition which he offered to
+      medical treatment. According to this biographer, his own endeavors to
+      escape necessitated a strict watch upon his movements.<a
+      name="BFNanchor_53_53" id="BFNanchor_53_53"></a><a href="#BFootnote_53_53"
+      class="fnanchor">[53]</a> Unless, therefore, we flatly deny the fact of
+      his derangement, which is supported by a mass of testimony, it may be
+      doubted whether Tasso was more miserable in S. Anna than he would have
+      been at large. The subsequent events of his life prove that his release
+      brought no mitigation of his malady.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      It was, however, a dreary time. He spent his days in writing letters to
+      all the princes of Italy, to Naples, to Bergamo, to the Roman Curia,
+      declaiming on his wretchedness and begging for emancipation. Occasional
+      poems flowed from his pen. But during this period he devoted his serious
+      hours mainly to prose composition. The bulk of his Dialogues issued from
+      S. Anna. On August 7, 1580, Celio Malaspina published a portion of the <i>Gerusalemme</i>
+      at Venice, under the title of <i>Il Gottifredo di M. Torquato Tasso</i>.
+      In February of the following year, his friend Angelo Ingegneri gave the
+      whole epic to the world. Within six months from that date the poem was
+      seven times reissued. This happened without the sanction or the
+      supervision of the luckless author; and from the sale of the book he
+      obtained no profit. Leonora d'Este died upon February 10, 1581. A volume
+      of elegies appeared <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB72" id="pageB72"></a>{72}</span>
+      on this occasion; but Tasso's Muse uttered no sound.<a
+      name="BFNanchor_54_54" id="BFNanchor_54_54"></a><a href="#BFootnote_54_54"
+      class="fnanchor">[54]</a> He wrote to Panigarola that 'a certain tacit
+      repugnance of his genius' forced him to be mute.<a name="BFNanchor_55_55"
+      id="BFNanchor_55_55"></a><a href="#BFootnote_55_55" class="fnanchor">[55]</a>
+      His rival Guarini undertook a revised edition of his lyrics in 1582. Tasso
+      had to bear this dubious compliment in silence. All Europe was devouring
+      his poems; scribes and versifiers were building up their reputation on his
+      fame. Yet he could do nothing. Embittered by the piracies of publishers,
+      infuriated by the impertinence of editors, he lay like one forgotten in
+      that hospital. His celebrity grew daily; but he languished, penniless and
+      wretched, in confinement which he loathed. The strangest light is cast
+      upon his state of mind by the efforts which he now made to place two of
+      his sister's children in Court-service. He even tried to introduce one of
+      them as a page into the household of Alfonso. Eventually, Alessandro
+      Sersale was consigned to Odoardo Farnese, and Antonio to the Duke of
+      Mantua. In 1585 new sources of annoyance rose. Two members of the Delia
+      Crusca Academy in Florence, Leonardo Salviati and Bastiano de'Rossi,
+      attacked the <i>Gerusalemme</i>. Their malevolence was aroused by the
+      panegyric written on it by Cammillo Pellegrini, a Neapolitan, and they
+      exposed it to pedantically <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB73"
+      id="pageB73"></a>{73}</span> quibbling criticism. Tasso replied in a
+      dignified apology. But he does not seem to have troubled himself overmuch
+      with this literary warfare, which served meanwhile to extend the fame of
+      his immortal poem. At this time new friends gathered round him. Among
+      these the excellent Benedictine, Angelo Grillo, and the faithful Antonio
+      Costantini demand commemoration from all who appreciate disinterested
+      devotion to genius in distress. At length, in July 1586, Vincenzo Gonzaga,
+      heir apparent to the Duchy of Mantua, obtained Tasso's release. He rode
+      off with this new patron to Mantua, leaving his effects at S. Anna, and
+      only regretting that he had not waited on the Duke of Ferrara to kiss his
+      hand as in duty bound.<a name="BFNanchor_56_56" id="BFNanchor_56_56"></a><a
+      href="#BFootnote_56_56" class="fnanchor">[56]</a> Thus to the end he
+      remained an incorrigible courtier; or rather shall we say that, after all
+      his tribulations, he preserved a doglike feeling of attachment for his
+      master?
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The rest of Tasso's life was an Odyssey of nine years. He seemed at first
+      contented with Mantua, wrote dialogues, completed the tragedy of <i>Torrismondo</i>
+      and edited his father's <i>Floridante</i>. But when Vincenzo Gonzaga
+      succeeded to the dukedom, the restless poet felt himself neglected. His
+      young friend had not leisure to pay him due attention. He therefore
+      started on a journey to Loreto, which had long been the object of his
+      pious aspiration. Loreto led to Rome, where Scipione Gonzaga resided as<span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageB74" id="pageB74"></a>{74}</span> Patriarch
+      of Jerusalem and Cardinal. Rome suggested Southern Italy, and Tasso
+      hankered after the recovery of his mother's fortune. Accordingly he set
+      off in March 1588 for Naples, where he stayed, partly with the monks of
+      Monte Oliveto, and partly with the Marchese Manso. Rome saw him again in
+      November; and not long afterwards an agent of the Duke of Urbino wrote
+      this pitiful report of his condition. 'Every one is ready to welcome him
+      to hearth and heart; but his humors render him mistrustful of mankind at
+      large. In the palace of the Cardinal Gonzaga there are rooms and beds
+      always ready for his use, and men reserved for his especial service. Yet
+      he runs away and mistrusts even that friendly lord. In short, it is a sad
+      misfortune that the present age should be deprived of the greatest genius
+      which has appeared for centuries. What wise man ever spoke in prose or
+      verse better than this madman?<a name="BFNanchor_57_57"
+      id="BFNanchor_57_57"></a><a href="#BFootnote_57_57" class="fnanchor">[57]</a>
+      In the following August, Scipione Gonzaga's servants, unable to endure
+      Tasso's eccentricities, turned him from their master's house, and he took
+      refuge in a monastery of the Olivetan monks. Soon afterwards he was
+      carried to the hospital of the Bergamasques. His misery now was great, and
+      his health so bad that friends expected a speedy end.<a
+      name="BFNanchor_58_58" id="BFNanchor_58_58"></a><a href="#BFootnote_58_58"
+      class="fnanchor">[58]</a> Yet the Cardinal Gonzaga again opened his doors
+      to him in the spring of 1590. Then the morbid poet turned suspicious, and
+      began to indulge fresh hopes of fortune <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageB75" id="pageB75"></a>{75}</span> in another place. He would
+      again offer himself to the Medici. In April he set off for Tuscany, and
+      alighted at the convent of Monte Oliveto, near Florence. Nobody wanted
+      him; he wandered about the Pitti like a spectre, and the Florentines
+      wrote: <i>actum est de eo</i>.<a name="BFNanchor_59_59"
+      id="BFNanchor_59_59"></a><a href="#BFootnote_59_59" class="fnanchor">[59]</a>
+      Some parting compliments and presents from the Grand Duke sweetened his
+      dismissal. He returned to Rome; but each new journey told upon his broken
+      health, and another illness made him desire a change of scene. This time
+      Antonio Costantini offered to attend upon him. They visited Siena, Bologna
+      and Mantua. At Mantua, Tasso made some halt, and took a new long poem, the
+      <i>Gerusalemme Conquistata</i>, seriously in hand. But the demon of unrest
+      pursued him, and in November 1591 he was off again with the Duke of Mantua
+      to Rome. From Rome he went to Naples at the beginning of the following
+      year, worked at the <i>Conquistata</i>, and began his poem of the <i>Sette
+      Giornate</i>.<a name="BFNanchor_60_60" id="BFNanchor_60_60"></a><a
+      href="#BFootnote_60_60" class="fnanchor">[60]</a> He was always occupied
+      with the vain hope of recovering a portion of his mother's estate. April
+      saw him once more upon his way to Rome. Clement VIII. had been elected,
+      and Tasso expected patronage from the Papal nephews.<a
+      name="BFNanchor_61_61" id="BFNanchor_61_61"></a><a href="#BFootnote_61_61"
+      class="fnanchor">[61]</a>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB76" id="pageB76"></a>{76}</span> He
+      was not disappointed. They received him into their houses, and for a while
+      he sojourned in the Vatican. The year 1593 seems, through their means, to
+      have been one of comparative peace and prosperity. Early in the summer of
+      1594 his health obliged him to seek change of air. He went for the last
+      time to Naples. The Cardinal of S. Giorgio, one of the Pope's nephews,
+      recalled him in November to be crowned poet in Rome. His entrance into the
+      Eternal City was honorable, and Clement granted him a special audience;
+      but the ceremony of coronation had to be deferred because of the
+      Cardinal's ill health.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Meanwhile his prospects seemed likely to improve. Clement conferred on him
+      a pension of one hundred ducats, and the Prince of Avellino, who had
+      detained his mother's estate, compounded with him for a life-income of two
+      hundred ducats. This good fortune came in the spring of 1595. But it came
+      too late; for his death-illness was upon him. On the first of April he had
+      himself transported to the convent of S. Onofrio, which overlooks Rome
+      from the Janiculan hill. 'Torrents of rain were falling with a furious
+      wind, when the carriage of Cardinal Cinzio was seen climbing the steep
+      ascent. The badness of the weather made the fathers think there must be
+      some grave cause for this arrival. So the prior and others hurried to the
+      gate, where Tasso descended with considerable difficulty, greeting the
+      monks with these words: 'I am come to die among <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageB77" id="pageB77"></a>{77}</span> you.''<a name="BFNanchor_62_62"
+      id="BFNanchor_62_62"></a><a href="#BFootnote_62_62" class="fnanchor">[62]</a>
+      The last of Tasso's letters, written to Antonio Costantini from S.
+      Onofrio, has the quiet dignity of one who struggles for the last time with
+      the frailty of his mortal nature.<a name="BFNanchor_63_63"
+      id="BFNanchor_63_63"></a><a href="#BFootnote_63_63" class="fnanchor">[63]</a>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      'What will my good lord Antonio say when he shall hear of his Tasso's
+      death? The news, as I incline to think, will not be long in coming; for I
+      feel that I have reached the end of life, being unable to discover any
+      remedy for this tedious indisposition which has supervened on the many
+      others I am used to&mdash;like a rapid torrent resistlessly sweeping me
+      away. The time is past when I should speak of my stubborn fate, to mention
+      not the world's ingratitude, which, however, has willed to gain the
+      victory of bearing me to the grave a pauper; the while I kept on thinking
+      that the glory which, despite of those that like it not, this age will
+      inherit from my writings, would not have left me wholly without guerdon. I
+      have had myself carried to this monastery of S. Onofrio; not only because
+      the air is commended by physicians above that of any other part of Rome,
+      but also as it were upon this elevated spot and by the conversation of
+      these devout fathers to commence my conversation in heaven. Pray God for
+      me; and rest assured that as I have loved and honored you always in the
+      present life, so will I perform for you in that other <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageB78" id="pageB78"></a>{78}</span> and more real life what
+      appertains not to feigned but to veritable charity. And to the Divine
+      grace I recommend you and myself.'
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      On April 25, Tasso expired at midnight, with the words <i>In manus tuas,
+      Domine</i>, upon his lips. Had Costantini, his sincerest friend, been
+      there, he might have said like Kent:
+    </p>
+    <div class="poem">
+      <div class="stanza">
+        <span class="i9">O, let him pass! he hates him much<br /> </span> <span>That
+        would upon the rack of this tough world<br /> </span> <span>Stretch him
+        out longer.<br /> </span>
+      </div>
+    </div>
+    <p>
+      But Costantini was in Mantua; and this sonnet, which he had written for
+      his master, remains Tasso's truest epitaph, the pithiest summary of a life
+      pathetically tragic in its adverse fate&mdash;
+    </p>
+    <div class="poem">
+      <div class="stanza">
+        <span>Friends, this is Tasso, not the sire but son;<br /> </span> <span>For
+        he of human offspring had no heed,<br /> </span> <span>Begetting for
+        himself immortal seed<br /> </span> <span>Of art, style, genius and
+        instruction.<br /> </span>
+      </div>
+      <div class="stanza">
+        <span>In exile long he lived and utmost need;<br /> </span> <span>In
+        palace, temple, school, he dwelt alone;<br /> </span> <span>He fled, and
+        wandered through wild woods unknown;<br /> </span> <span>On earth, on
+        sea, suffered in thought and deed.<br /> </span>
+      </div>
+      <div class="stanza">
+        <span>He knocked at death's door; yet he vanquished him<br /> </span>
+        <span>With lofty prose and with undying rhyme;<br /> </span> <span>But
+        fortune not, who laid him where he lies.<br /> </span>
+      </div>
+      <div class="stanza">
+        <span>Guerdon for singing loves and arms sublime,<br /> </span> <span>And
+        showing truth whose light makes vices dim,<br /> </span> <span>Is one
+        green wreath; yet this the world denies.<br /> </span>
+      </div>
+    </div>
+    <p>
+      The wreath of laurel which the world grudged was placed upon his bier; and
+      a simple stone, en<span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB79" id="pageB79"></a>{79}</span>
+      graved with the words <i>Hic jacet Torquatus Tassus</i>, marked the spot
+      where he was buried.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The foregoing sketch of Tasso's life and character differs in some points
+      from the prevalent conceptions of the poet. There is a legendary Tasso,
+      the victim of malevolent persecution by pedants, the mysterious lover
+      condemned to misery in prison by a tyrannous duke. There is also a Tasso
+      formed by men of learning upon ingeniously constructed systems; Rosini's
+      Tasso, condemned to feign madness in punishment for courting Leonora
+      d'Este with lascivious verses; Capponi's Tasso, punished for seeking to
+      exchange the service of the House of Este for that of the House of Medici;
+      a Tasso who was wholly mad; a Tasso who remained through life the victim
+      of Jesuitical influences. In short, there are as many Tassos as there are
+      Hamlets. Yet these Tassos of the legend and of erudition do not reproduce
+      his self-revealed lineaments. Tasso's letters furnish documents of
+      sufficient extent to make the real man visible, though something yet
+      remains perhaps not wholly explicable in his tragedy.
+    </p>
+    <hr style="width: 65%;" />
+    <h2>
+      <a name="CHAPTER_VIII" id="CHAPTER_VIII"></a>CHAPTER VIII
+    </h2>
+    <p>
+      <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB80" id="pageB80"></a>{80}</span>
+    </p>
+    <h4>
+      THE GERUSALEMME LIBERATA
+    </h4>
+    <div class="blockquot">
+      <p>
+        Problem of Creating Heroic Poetry&mdash;The Preface to Tasso's <i>Rinaldo</i>&mdash;Subject
+        of <i>Rinaldo</i>&mdash;Blending of Romantic Motives with Heroic Style&mdash;Imitation
+        of Virgil&mdash;Melody and Sentiment&mdash;Choice of Theme for the <i>Gerusalemme</i>&mdash;It
+        becomes a Romantic Poem after all&mdash;Tancredi the real Hero&mdash;Nobility
+        of Tone&mdash;Virgilian Imitation&mdash;Borrowings from Dante&mdash;Involved
+        Diction&mdash;Employment of Sonorous Polysyllabic Words&mdash;Quality of
+        Religious Emotion in this Poem&mdash;Rhetoric&mdash;Similes&mdash;The
+        Grand Style of Pathos&mdash;Verbal Music&mdash;The Chant d'Amour&mdash;Armida&mdash;Tasso's
+        Favorite Phrase, <i>Un non so che</i>&mdash;His Power over Melody and
+        Tender Feeling&mdash;Critique of Tasso's Later Poems&mdash;General
+        Survey of his Character.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <p>
+      In a previous portion of this work, I attempted to define the Italian
+      Romantic Epic, and traced the tale of Orlando from Pulci through Boiardo
+      and Ariosto to the burlesque of Folengo. There is an element of humor more
+      or less predominant in the <i>Morgante Maggiore</i>, the <i>Orlando
+      Innamorato</i>, and the <i>Orlando Furioso</i>. This element might almost
+      be regarded as inseparable from the species. Yet two circumstances
+      contributed to alter the character of Italian Romance after the
+      publication of the <i>Furioso</i>. One of these was the unapproachable
+      perfection of that poem. No one could hope to surpass Ariosto in his own
+      style, or to give a fresh turn to his humor without passing into broad
+      burlesque. The romantic poet <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB81"
+      id="pageB81"></a>{81}</span> had therefore to choose between sinking into
+      parody with Folengo and Aretino, or soaring into the sublimities of solemn
+      art. Another circumstance was the keen interest aroused in academic
+      circles by Trissino's unsuccessful epic, and by the discussion of heroic
+      poetry which it stimulated. The Italian nation was becoming critical, and
+      this critical spirit lent itself readily to experiments in hybrid styles
+      of composition which aimed at combining the graces of the Romantic with
+      the dignity of the Heroic poem. The most meritorious of these hybrids was
+      Bernardo Tasso's <i>Amadigi</i>, a long romance in octave stanzas,
+      sustained upon a grave tone throughout, and distinguished from the earlier
+      romantic epics by a more obvious unity of subject. Bernardo Tasso
+      possessed qualities of genius and temper which suited his proposed task.
+      Deficient in humor, he had no difficulty in eliminating that element from
+      the <i>Amadigi</i>. Chivalrous sentiment took the place of irony;
+      scholarly method supplied the want of wayward fancy.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      It was just at this point that the young Torquato Tasso made his first
+      essay in poetry. He had inherited his father's temperament, its want of
+      humor, its melancholy, its aristocratic sensitiveness. At the age of
+      seventeen he was already a ripe scholar, versed in the critical questions
+      which then agitated learned coteries in Italy. The wilding graces and the
+      freshness of the Romantic Epic, as conceived by Boiardo and perfected by
+      Ariosto, had forever <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB82" id="pageB82"></a>{82}</span>
+      disappeared. To 'recapture that first fine careless rapture' was
+      impossible. Contemporary conditions of society and thought rendered any
+      attempt to do so futile. Italy had passed into a different stage of
+      culture; and the representative poem of Tasso's epoch was imperatively
+      forced to assume a different character. Its type already existed in the <i>Amadigi</i>,
+      though Bernardo Tasso had not the genius to disengage it clearly, or to
+      render it attractive. How Torquato, while still a student in his teens at
+      Padua, attacked the problem of narrative poetry, appears distinctly in his
+      preface to <i>Rinaldo</i>. 'I believe,' he says, 'that you, my gentle
+      readers, will not take it amiss if I have diverged from the path of modern
+      poets, and have sought to approach the best among the ancients. You shall
+      not, however, find that I am bound by the precise rules of Aristotle,
+      which often render those poems irksome which might otherwise have yielded
+      you much pleasure. I have only followed such of his precepts as do not
+      limit your delight: for instance, in the frequent use of episodes, making
+      the characters talk in their own persons, introducing recognitions and
+      peripeties by necessary or plausible motives, and withdrawing the poet as
+      far as possible from the narration. I have also endeavored to construct my
+      poem with unity of interest and action, not, indeed, in any strict sense,
+      but so that the subordinate portions should be seen to have their due
+      relation to the whole.' He then proceeds to explain why he has abandoned
+      the <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB83" id="pageB83"></a>{83}</span>
+      discourses on moral and general topics with which Ariosto opened his
+      Cantos, and hints that he has taken Virgil, the 'Prince of Poets,' for his
+      model. Thus the Romantic Epic, as conceived by Tasso, was to break with
+      the tradition of the Cantastorie, who told the tale in his own person and
+      introduced reflections on its incidents. It was to aim at unity of subject
+      and to observe classical rules of art, without, however, sacrificing the
+      charm of variety and those delights which episodes and marvelous
+      adventures yielded to a modern audience. The youthful poet begs that his
+      <i>Rinaldo</i> should not be censured on the one hand by severely
+      Aristotelian critics who exclude pleasure from their ideal, or on the
+      other by amateurs who regard the <i>Orlando Furioso</i> as the perfection
+      of poetic art. In a word, he hopes to produce something midway between the
+      strict heroic epic, which had failed in Trissino's <i>Italia Liberata</i>
+      through dullness, and the genuine romantic epic, which in Ariosto's
+      masterpiece diverged too widely from the rules of classical pure taste.
+      This new species, combining the attractions of romance with the simplicity
+      of epic poetry, was the gift which Tasso at the age of eighteen sought to
+      present in his <i>Rinaldo</i> to Italy. The <i>Rinaldo</i> fulfilled
+      fairly well the conditions propounded by its author. It had a single hero
+      and a single subject&mdash;
+    </p>
+    <div class="poem">
+      <div class="stanza">
+        <span>Canto i felici affanni, e i primi ardori,<br /> </span> <span
+        class="i2">Che giovinetto ancor soffr&igrave; Rinaldo,<br /> </span>
+        <span class="i2">E come il trasse in perigliosi errori<br /> </span>
+        <span class="i2">Desir di gloria ed amoroso caldo.<br /> </span>
+      </div>
+    </div>
+    <p>
+      <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB84" id="pageB84"></a>{84}</span> The
+      perilous achievements and the passion of Rinaldo in his youth form the
+      theme of a poem which is systematically evolved from the first meeting of
+      the son of Amon with Clarice to their marriage under the auspices of
+      Malagigi. There are interesting episodes like those of young Florindo and
+      Olinda, unhappy Clizia and abandoned Floriana. Rinaldo's combat with
+      Orlando in the Christian camp furnishes an anagnorisis; while the plot is
+      brought to its conclusion by the peripeteia of Clarice's jealousy and the
+      accidents which restore her to her lover's arms. Yet though observant of
+      his own classical rules, Tasso remained in all essential points beneath
+      the spell of the Romantic Epic. The changes which he introduced were
+      obvious to none but professional critics. In warp and woof the <i>Rinaldo</i>
+      is similar to Boiardo's and Ariosto's tale of chivalry; only the loom is
+      narrower, and the pattern of the web less intricate. The air of
+      artlessness which lent its charm to Romance in Italy has disappeared,
+      yielding place to sustained elaboration of Latinizing style. Otherwise the
+      fabric remains substantially unaltered&mdash;like a Gothic dwelling
+      furnished with Palladian window-frames. We move in the old familiar sphere
+      of Paladins and Paynims, knights errant and Oriental damsels, magicians
+      and distressed maidens. The action is impelled by the same series of
+      marvelous adventures and felicitous mishaps. There are the same encounters
+      in war and rivalries in love between Christian and Pagan champions;
+      journeys through <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB85" id="pageB85"></a>{85}</span>
+      undiscovered lands and over untracked oceans; fantastic hyperboles of
+      desire, ambition, jealousy, and rage, employed as motive passions.
+      Enchanted forests; fairy ships that skim the waves without helm or pilot;
+      lances endowed with supernatural virtues; charmed gardens of perpetual
+      spring; dismal dungeons and glittering palaces, supply the furniture of
+      this romance no less than of its predecessors. Rinaldo, like any other
+      hero of the Renaissance, is agitated by burning thirst for fame and blind
+      devotion to a woman's beauty. We first behold him pining in inglorious
+      leisure<a name="BFNanchor_64_64" id="BFNanchor_64_64"></a><a
+      href="#BFootnote_64_64" class="fnanchor">[64]</a>:&mdash;
+    </p>
+    <div class="poem">
+      <div class="stanza">
+        <span>Poi, ch'oprar non poss'io che di me s'oda<br /> </span> <span
+        class="i2">Con mia gloria ed onor novella alcuna,<br /> </span> <span
+        class="i2">O cosa, ond' io pregio n'acquisti e loda,<br /> </span> <span
+        class="i2">E mia fama rischiari oscura e bruna.<br /> </span>
+      </div>
+    </div>
+    <p>
+      The vision of Clarice, appearing like Virgil's Camilla, stirs him from
+      this lethargy. He falls in love at first sight, as Tasso's heroes always
+      do, and vows to prove himself her worthy knight by deeds of unexampled
+      daring. Thus the plot is put in motion; and we read in well-appointed
+      order how the hero acquired his horse, Baiardo, Tristram's magic lance,
+      his sword Fusberta from Atlante, his armor from Orlando, the trappings of
+      his charger from the House of Courtesy, the ensign of the lion rampant on
+      his shield from Chiarello, and the hand of his lady after some delays from
+      Malagigi.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      No new principle is introduced into the romance.<span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageB86" id="pageB86"></a>{86}</span> As in earlier poems of this
+      species, the religious motive of Christendom at war with Islam becomes a
+      mere machine; the chivalrous environment affords a vehicle for fanciful
+      adventures. Humor, indeed, is conspicuous by its absence. Charles the
+      Great assumes the sobriety of empire; and his camp, in its well-ordered
+      gravity, prefigures that of Goffredo in the <i>Gerusalemme</i>.<a
+      name="BFNanchor_65_65" id="BFNanchor_65_65"></a><a href="#BFootnote_65_65"
+      class="fnanchor">[65]</a> Thus Tasso's originality must not be sought in
+      the material of his work, which is precisely that of the Italian romantic
+      school in general, nor yet in its form, which departs from the romantic
+      tradition in details so insignificant as to be inessential. We find it
+      rather in his touch upon the old material, in his handling of the familiar
+      form. The qualities of style, sympathy, sentiment, selection in the use of
+      phrase and image, which determined his individuality as a poet, rendered
+      the <i>Rinaldo</i> a novelty in literature. It will be therefore well to
+      concentrate attention for a while upon those subjective peculiarities by
+      right of which the <i>Rinaldo</i> ranks as a precursor of the <i>Gerusalemme</i>.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The first and the most salient of these is a pronounced effort to heighten
+      style by imitation of Latin poets. The presiding genius of the work is
+      Virgil. Pulci's racy Florentine idiom; Boiardo's frank and natural Lombard
+      manner; Ariosto's transparent and unfettered modern phrase, have been
+      supplanted by a pompous intricacy of construction.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB87" id="pageB87"></a>{87}</span> The
+      effort to impose Latin rules of syntax on Italian is obvious in such lines
+      as the following:<a name="BFNanchor_66_66" id="BFNanchor_66_66"></a><a
+      href="#BFootnote_66_66" class="fnanchor">[66]</a>
+    </p>
+    <div class="poem">
+      <div class="stanza">
+        <span>Torre ei l'immagin volle, che sospesa<br /> </span> <span class="i2">Era
+        presso l'altar gemmato e sacro,<br /> </span> <span class="i2">Ove in
+        chiaro cristal lampade accesa<br /> </span> <span class="i2">Fea lume di
+        Ciprigna al simulacro:<br /> </span>
+      </div>
+    </div>
+    <p>
+      or in these:
+    </p>
+    <div class="poem">
+      <div class="stanza">
+        <span>Umida i gigli e le vermiglie rose<br /> </span> <span>Del volto, e
+        gli occhi bei conversa al piano,<br /> </span> <span>Gli occhi, onde in
+        perle accolto il pianto uscia,<br /> </span> <span>La giovinetta il
+        cavalier seguia.<br /> </span>
+      </div>
+    </div>
+    <p>
+      Virgil is directly imitated, where he is least worthy of imitation, in the
+      details of his battle-pieces. Thus:<a name="BFNanchor_67_67"
+      id="BFNanchor_67_67"></a><a href="#BFootnote_67_67" class="fnanchor">[67]</a>
+    </p>
+    <div class="poem">
+      <div class="stanza">
+        <span>Si riversa Isolier tremando al piano,<br /> </span> <span>Privo di
+        senso e di vigore ignudo,<br /> </span> <span>Ed a lui gli occhi oscura
+        notte involve,<br /> </span> <span>Ed ogni membro ancor se gli dissolve.<br />
+        </span>
+      </div>
+      <div class="stanza">
+        <span><br /> </span>
+      </div>
+      <div class="stanza">
+        <span>Quel col braccio sospeso in aria stando,<br /> </span> <span>N&egrave;
+        lo movendo a questa o a quella parte,<br /> </span> <span>Ch&egrave;
+        dalla spada ci&ograve; gli era conteso,<br /> </span> <span>Voto sembrava
+        in sacro tempio appeso.<br /> </span>
+      </div>
+      <div class="stanza">
+        <span><br /> </span>
+      </div>
+      <div class="stanza">
+        <span>Mentre ignaro di ci&ograve; che 'l ciel destine,<br /> </span>
+        <span>Cos&igrave; diceva ancor, la lancia ultrice<br /> </span> <span>Rinaldo
+        per la bocca entro gli mise,<br /> </span> <span>E la lingua e 'l parlar
+        per mezzo incise.<br /> </span>
+      </div>
+    </div>
+    <p>
+      This Virgilian imitation yields some glowing flowers of poetry in longer
+      passages of description. Among these may be cited the conquest of Baiardo
+      in the second canto, the shipwreck in the tenth, the chariot of Pluto in
+      the fourth, and the supper with queen Floriana in the ninth.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB88" id="pageB88"></a>{88}</span> The
+      episode of Floriana, while closely studied upon the Aeneid, is also a
+      first sketch for that of Armida. Indeed, it should be said in passing that
+      Tasso anticipates the <i>Gerusalemme</i> throughout the <i>Rinaldo</i>.
+      The murder of Anselmo by Rinaldo (Canto XI.) forecasts the murder of
+      Gernando by his namesake, and leads to the same result of the hero's
+      banishment. The shipwreck, the garden of courtesy, the enchanted boat, and
+      the charmed forest, are motives which reappear improved and elaborated in
+      Tasso's masterpiece.<a name="BFNanchor_68_68" id="BFNanchor_68_68"></a><a
+      href="#BFootnote_68_68" class="fnanchor">[68]</a>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      While Tasso thus sought to heighten diction by Latinisms, he revealed
+      another specific quality of his manner in <i>Rinaldo</i>. This is the
+      inability to sustain heroic style at its ambitious level. He frequently
+      drops at the close of the octave stanza into a prosaic couplet, which has
+      all the effect of bathos. Instances are not far to seek:<a
+      name="BFNanchor_69_69" id="BFNanchor_69_69"></a><a href="#BFootnote_69_69"
+      class="fnanchor">[69]</a>
+    </p>
+    <div class="poem">
+      <div class="stanza">
+        <span>Gi&agrave; tal insegna acquist&ograve; l'avo, e poi<br /> </span>
+        <span>La port&agrave;r molti de'nipoti suoi.<br /> </span> <span><br />
+        </span> <span>E a questi segni ed al crin raro e bianco<br /> </span>
+        <span>Monstrava esser dagli anni oppresses e stanco.<br /> </span> <span><br />
+        </span> <span>Fu qui vicin dal saggio Alchiso il Mago,<br /> </span>
+        <span>Di far qualch'opra memorabil vago.<br /> </span> <span><br />
+        </span> <span class="i21">Io son Rinaldo,<br /> </span> <span>Solo di
+        servir voi bramoso e caldo.<br /> </span>
+      </div>
+    </div>
+    <p>
+      The reduplication of epithets, and the occasional use of long sonorous
+      Latin words, which characterize<span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB89"
+      id="pageB89"></a>{89}</span> Tasso's later manner, are also noticeable in
+      these couplets. Side by side with such weak endings should be placed some
+      specimens, no less characteristic, of vigorous and noble lines:<a
+      name="BFNanchor_70_70" id="BFNanchor_70_70"></a><a href="#BFootnote_70_70"
+      class="fnanchor">[70]</a>
+    </p>
+    <div class="poem">
+      <div class="stanza">
+        <span class="i10">Nel cor consiston l'armi,<br /> </span> <span>Onde il
+        forte non e chi mai disarmi.<br /> </span> <span><br /> </span> <span
+        class="i12">Si sta placido e cheto,<br /> </span> <span>Ma serba
+        dell'altiero nel mansueto.<br /> </span>
+      </div>
+    </div>
+    <p>
+      If the <i>Rinaldo</i> prefigures Tasso's maturer qualities of style, it is
+      no less conspicuous for the light it throws upon his eminent poetic
+      faculty. Nothing distinguished him more decidedly from the earlier
+      romantic poets than power over pathetic sentiment conveyed in melodious
+      cadences of oratory. This emerges in Clarice's monologue on love and
+      honor, that combat of the soul which forms a main feature of the lyrics in
+      <i>Aminta</i> and of Erminia's episode in the <i>Gerusalemme</i>.<a
+      name="BFNanchor_71_71" id="BFNanchor_71_71"></a><a href="#BFootnote_71_71"
+      class="fnanchor">[71]</a> This steeps the whole story of Clizia in a
+      delicious melancholy, foreshadowing the death-scene of Clorinda.<a
+      name="BFNanchor_72_72" id="BFNanchor_72_72"></a><a href="#BFootnote_72_72"
+      class="fnanchor">[72]</a> This rises in the father's lamentation over his
+      slain Ugone, into the music of a threnody that now recalls Euripides and
+      now reminds us of mediaeval litanies.<a name="BFNanchor_73_73"
+      id="BFNanchor_73_73"></a><a href="#BFootnote_73_73" class="fnanchor">[73]</a>
+      Censure might be passed upon rhetorical conceits and frigid affectations
+      in these characteristic outpourings of pathetic feeling. Yet no one can
+      ignore their liquid melody, their transference of emotion through sound
+      into modulated verse.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB90" id="pageB90"></a>{90}</span> That
+      lyrical outcry, finding rhythmic utterance for tender sentiment, which may
+      be recognized as Tasso's chief addition to romantic poetry, pierces like a
+      song through many passages of mere narration. Rinaldo, while carrying
+      Clarice away upon Baiardo, with no chaste intention in his heart, bids her
+      thus dry her tears:<a name="BFNanchor_74_74" id="BFNanchor_74_74"></a><a
+      href="#BFootnote_74_74" class="fnanchor">[74]</a>
+    </p>
+    <div class="poem">
+      <div class="stanza">
+        <span>Egli dice: Signora, onde vi viene<br /> </span> <span class="i2">S&igrave;
+        spietato martir, s&igrave; grave affanno?<br /> </span> <span class="i2">Perch&egrave;
+        le luci angeliche e serene<br /> </span> <span class="i2">Ricopre della
+        doglia oscuro panno?<br /> </span> <span class="i2">Forse fia l'util
+        vostro e 'l vostro bene<br /> </span> <span class="i2">Quel ch'or vi
+        sembra insupportabil danno,<br /> </span> <span class="i2">Deh! per Dio,
+        rasciugate il caldo pianto.<br /> </span> <span class="i2">E l'atroce
+        dolor temprate alquanto.<br /> </span>
+      </div>
+    </div>
+    <p>
+      It is not that we do not find similar lyrical interbreathings in the
+      narrative of Ariosto. But Tasso developed the lyrism of the octave stanza
+      into something special, lulling the soul upon gentle waves of rising and
+      falling rhythm, foreshadowing the coming age of music in cadences that are
+      untranslateable except by vocal melody. In like manner, the idyl, which
+      had played a prominent part in Boiardo's and in Ariosto's romance,
+      detaches itself with a peculiar sweetness from the course of Tasso's
+      narrative. This appears in the story of Florindo, which contains within
+      itself the germ of the <i>Aminta</i>, the <i>Pastor Fido</i> and the <i>Adone</i>.<a
+      name="BFNanchor_75_75" id="BFNanchor_75_75"></a><a href="#BFootnote_75_75"
+      class="fnanchor">[75]</a> Together with the bad taste of the artificial
+      pastoral, its preposterous costume (stanza 13), its luxury of tears
+      (stanza 23), we find the tyranny of kisses (stanzas 28, 52), the yearning
+      after the Golden<span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB91" id="pageB91"></a>{91}</span>
+      Age (stanza 29), and all the other apparatus of that operatic species.
+      Tasso was the first poet to bathe Arcady in a golden afternoon light of
+      sensuously sentimental pathos. In his idyllic as in his lyrical
+      interbreathings, melody seems absolutely demanded to interpret and
+      complete the plangent rhythm of his dulcet numbers. Emotion so far
+      predominates over intelligence, so yearns to exhale itself in sound and
+      shun the laws of language, that we find already in <i>Rinaldo</i> Tasso's
+      familiar <i>Non so che</i> continually used to adumbrate sentiments for
+      which plain words are not indefinite enough.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The <i>Rinaldo</i> was a very remarkable production for a young man of
+      eighteen. It showed the poet in possession of his style and displayed the
+      specific faculties of his imagination. Nothing remained for Tasso now but
+      to perfect and develop the type of art which he had there created. Soon
+      after his first settlement in Ferrara, he began to meditate a more
+      ambitious undertaking. His object was to produce the heroic poem for which
+      Italy had long been waiting, and in this way to rival or surpass the fame
+      of Ariosto. Trissino had chosen a national subject for his epic; but the
+      <i>Italia Liberata</i> was an acknowledged failure, and neither the past
+      nor the present conditions of the Italian people offered good material for
+      a serious poem. The heroic enthusiasms of the age were religious. Revived
+      Catholicism had assumed an attitude of defiance. The Company of Jesus was
+      declaring its crusade <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB92" id="pageB92"></a>{92}</span>
+      against heresy and infidelity throughout the world. Not a quarter of a
+      century had elapsed since Charles V. attacked the Mussulman in Tunis; and
+      before a few more years had passed, the victory of Lepanto was to be won
+      by Italian and Spanish navies. Tasso, therefore, obeyed a wise instinct
+      when he made choice of the first crusade for his theme, and of Godfrey of
+      Boulogne for his hero. Having to deal with historical facts, he studied
+      the best authorities in chronicles, ransacked such books of geography and
+      travel as were then accessible, paid attention to topography, and sought
+      to acquire what we now call local coloring for the details of his poem.
+      Without the sacrifice of truth in any important point, he contrived to
+      give unity to the conduct of his narrative, while interweaving a number of
+      fictitious characters and marvelous circumstances with the historical
+      personages and actual events of the crusade. The vital interest of the <i>Gerusalemme
+      Liberata</i> flows from this interpolated material, from the loves of
+      Rinaldo and Tancredi, from the adventures of the Pagan damsels Erminia,
+      Armida and Clorinda. The <i>Gerusalemme</i> is in truth a Virgilian epic,
+      upon which a romantic poem has been engrafted. Goffredo, idealized into
+      statuesque frigidity, repeats the virtues of Aeneas; but the episode of
+      Dido, which enlivens Virgil's hero, is transferred to Rinaldo's part in
+      Tasso's story. The battles of Crusaders and Saracens are tedious copies of
+      the battle in the tenth Aeneid; but the duels of Tancredi <span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageB93" id="pageB93"></a>{93}</span> with
+      Clorinda and Argante breathe the spirit and the fire of chivalry. The
+      celestial and infernal councils, adopted as machinery, recall the rival
+      factions in Olympus; but the force by which the plot moves is love. Pluto
+      and the angel Gabriel are inactive by comparison with Armida, Erminia and
+      Clorinda. Tasso in truth thought that he was writing a religious and
+      heroic poem. What he did write, was a poem of sentiment and passion&mdash;a
+      romance. Like Anacreon he might have cried:
+    </p>
+    <div class="center">
+      <img src="images/greek.jpg"
+      alt="thel&ocirc; legein Atreidas, ha barbitos de chordais Er&ocirc;ta mounon &ecirc;chei."
+      title="thel&ocirc; legein Atreidas, thel&ocirc; de Kadmon adein, ha barbitos de chordais,       Er&ocirc;ta mounon &ecirc;chei." />
+    </div>
+    <h5>
+      (thel&ocirc; legein Atreidas, thel&ocirc; de Kadmon adein, ha barbitos de
+      chordais Er&ocirc;ta mounon &ecirc;chei.)
+    </h5>
+    <p>
+      He displayed, indeed, marvelous ingenuity and art in so connecting the two
+      strains of his subject, the stately Virgilian history and the glowing
+      modern romance, that they should contribute to the working of a single
+      plot. Yet he could not succeed in vitalizing the former, whereas the
+      latter will live as long as human interest in poetry endures. No one who
+      has studied the <i>Gerusalemme</i> returns with pleasure to Goffredo, or
+      feels that the piety of the Christian heroes is inspired. He skips canto
+      after canto dealing with the crusade, to dwell upon those lyrical
+      outpourings of love, grief, anguish, vain remorse and injured affection
+      which the supreme poet of sentiment has invented for his heroines; he
+      recognizes the genuine inspiration of Erminia's pastoral idyl, of Armida's
+      sensuous charms, of Clorinda's dying words, <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageB94" id="pageB94"></a>{94}</span> of the Siren's song and the
+      music of the magic bird: of all, in fact, which is not pious in the poem.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Tancredi, between Erminia and Clorinda, the one woman adoring him, the
+      other beloved by him&mdash;the melancholy graceful modern Tancredi,
+      Tasso's own soul's image&mdash;is the veritable hero of the <i>Gerusalemme</i>;
+      and by a curious unintended propriety he disappears from the action before
+      the close, without a word. The force of the poem is spiritualized and
+      concentrated in Clorinda's death, which may be cited as an instance of
+      sublimity in pathos. It is idyllized in the episode of Erminia among the
+      shepherds, and sensualized in the supreme beauty of Armida's garden.
+      Rinaldo is second in importance to Tancredi; and Goffredo, on whom Tasso
+      bestows the blare of his Virgilian trumpet from the first line to the
+      last, is poetically of no importance whatsoever. Argante, Solimano,
+      Tisaferno, excite our interest, and win the sympathy we cannot spare the
+      saintly hero; and in the death of Solimano Tasso's style, for once, verges
+      upon tragic sublimity.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      What Tasso aimed at in the <i>Gerusalemme</i> was nobility. This quality
+      had not been prominent in Ariosto's art. If he could attain it, his
+      ambition to rival the <i>Orlando Furioso</i> would be satisfied. One main
+      condition of success Tasso brought to the achievement. His mind itself was
+      eminently noble, incapable of baseness, fixed on fair and worthy objects
+      of contemplation. Yet the personal nobility which distinguished him as a
+      thinker and a man, was <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB95" id="pageB95"></a>{95}</span>
+      not of the heroic type. He had nothing Homeric in his inspiration, nothing
+      of the warrior or the patriot in his nature. His genius, when it pursued
+      its bias, found instinctive utterance in elegy and idyl, in meditative
+      rhetoric and pastoral melody. In order to assume the heroic strain, Tasso
+      had recourse to scholarship, and gave himself up blindly to the guidance
+      of Latin poets. This was consistent with the tendency of the Classical
+      Revival; but since the subject to be dignified by epic style was Christian
+      and mediaeval, a discord between matter and manner amounting almost to
+      insincerity resulted. Some examples will make the meaning of this
+      criticism more apparent. When Goffredo rejects the embassy of Atlete and
+      Argante, he declares his firm intention of delivering Jerusalem in spite
+      of overwhelming perils. The crusaders can but perish:
+    </p>
+    <div class="poem">
+      <div class="stanza">
+        <span>Noi morirem, ma non morremo inulti. (i. 86.)<br /> </span>
+      </div>
+    </div>
+    <p>
+      This of course is a reminiscence of Dido's last words, and the difference
+      between the two situations creates a disagreeable incongruity. The nod of
+      Jove upon Olympus is translated to express the fiat of the Almighty (xiii.
+      74); Gabriel is tricked out in the plumes and colors of Mercury (i.
+      13-15); the very angels sinning round the throne become 'dive sirene'
+      (xiv. 9); the armory of heaven is described in terms which reduce
+      Michael's spear and the arrows of pestilence to ordinary weapons (vii.
+      81); Hell is filled with harpies, centaurs, hydras, pythons, the com<span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageB96" id="pageB96"></a>{96}</span> mon lumber
+      of classical Tartarus (iv. 5); the angel sent to cure Goffredo's wound
+      culls dittany on Ida (xi. 72); the heralds, interposing between Tancredi
+      and Argante, hold pacific scepters and have naught of chivalry (vi. 51).
+      It may be said that both Dante before Tasso, and Milton after him,
+      employed similar classical language in dealing with Christian and
+      mediaeval motives. But this will hardly serve as an excuse; for Dante and
+      Milton communicate so intense a conviction of religious earnestness that
+      their Latinisms, even though incongruous, are recognized as the mere
+      clothing of profoundly felt ideas. The sublimity, the seriousness, the
+      spiritual dignity is in their thought, not in its expression; whereas
+      Tasso too frequently leaves us with the certainty that he has sought by
+      ceremonious language to realize more than he could grasp with the
+      imagination. In his council of the powers of hell, for instance, he
+      creates monsters of huge dimensions and statuesque distinctness; but these
+      are neither grotesquely horrible like Dante's, nor are they spirits with
+      incalculable capacity for evil like Milton's.
+    </p>
+    <div class="poem">
+      <div class="stanza">
+        <span>Stampano alcuni il suol di ferine orme,<br /> </span> <span>E in
+        fronte umana ban chiome d'angui attorte;<br /> </span> <span>E lor
+        s'aggira dietro immensa coda,<br /> </span> <span>Che quasi sferza si
+        ripiega e snoda.<br /> </span>
+      </div>
+    </div>
+    <p>
+      Against this we have to place the dreadful scene of Satan with his angels
+      transformed to snakes (<i>Par. Lost</i>, x. 508-584), and the Dantesque
+      horror of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB97" id="pageB97"></a>{97}</span>
+      'vermo reo che 'l mondo fora' (<i>Inf.</i> xxxiv. 108). Again when Dante
+      cries&mdash;
+    </p>
+    <div class="poem">
+      <div class="stanza">
+        <span class="i14">O Sommo Giove,<br /> </span> <span>Che fosti in terra
+        per noi crocifisso!<br /> </span>
+      </div>
+    </div>
+    <p>
+      we feel that the Latin phrase is accidental. The spirit of the poet
+      remains profoundly Christian. Tasso's Jehovah-Jupiter is always 'il Re del
+      Ciel'; and the court of blessed spirits which surrounds his 'gran seggio,'
+      though described with solemn pomp of phrase, cannot be compared with the
+      Mystic Rose of Paradise (ix. 55-60). What Tasso lacks is authenticity of
+      vision; and his heightened style only renders this imaginative poverty,
+      this want of spiritual conviction, more apparent.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      His frequent borrowings from Virgil are less unsuccessful when the matter
+      to be illustrated is not of this exalted order. Many similes (vii. 55,
+      vii. 76, viii. 74) have been transplanted with nice propriety. Many
+      descriptions, like that of the approach of night (ii-96), of the
+      nightingale mourning for her young (xii. 90), of the flying dream (xiv.
+      6), have been translated with exquisite taste. Dido's impassioned
+      apostrophe to Aeneas reappears appropriately upon Armida's lips (xvi. 56).
+      We welcome such culled phrases as the following:
+    </p>
+    <div class="poem">
+      <div class="stanza">
+        <span class="i15">l'orticel dispensa<br /> </span> <span>Cibi non compri
+        alia mia parca mensa (vii. 10).<br /> </span>
+      </div>
+      <div class="stanza">
+        <span>Premer gli alteri, e sollevar gl'imbelli (x. 76).<br /> </span>
+      </div>
+      <div class="stanza">
+        <span>E Tisaferno, il folgore di Marte (xvii. 31).<br /> </span>
+      </div>
+      <div class="stanza">
+        <span>Va, vedi, e vinci (xvii. 38).<br /> </span>
+      </div>
+    </div>
+    <p>
+      <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB98" id="pageB98"></a>{98}</span>
+    </p>
+    <div class="poem">
+      <div class="stanza">
+        <span>Ma mentre dolce parla e dolce ride (iv. 92).<br /> </span>
+      </div>
+      <div class="stanza">
+        <span>Ch&egrave; vinta la materia &egrave; dal lavoro (xvi. 2).<br />
+        </span>
+      </div>
+      <div class="stanza">
+        <span>Non temo io te, n&egrave; tuoi gran vanti, o fero:<br /> </span>
+        <span>Ma il Cielo e il mio nemico amor pavento (xix. 73).<br /> </span>
+      </div>
+    </div>
+    <p>
+      It may, however, be observed that in the last of these passages Tasso does
+      not show a just discriminative faculty. Turnus said:
+    </p>
+    <div class="poem">
+      <div class="stanza">
+        <span class="i17">Non me tua fervida terrent<br /> </span> <span>Dicta,
+        ferox: Di me terrent et Jupiter hostis.<br /> </span>
+      </div>
+    </div>
+    <p>
+      From Jupiter to Amor is a descent from sublimity to pathos. In like manner
+      when Hector's ghost reappears in the ghost of Armida's mother,
+    </p>
+    <div class="poem">
+      <div class="stanza">
+        <span>Quanto diversa, oim&egrave;, da quel che pria<br /> </span> <span>Visto
+        altrove (iv. 49),<br /> </span>
+      </div>
+    </div>
+    <p>
+      the reminiscence suggests ideas that are unfavorable to the modern
+      version.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      In his description of battles, the mustering of armies, and military
+      operations, Tasso neither draws from mediaeval sources nor from
+      experience, but imitates the battle-pieces of Virgil and Lucan, sometimes
+      with fine rhetorical effect and sometimes with wearisome frigidity. The
+      death of Latino and his five sons is both touching in itself, and a good
+      example of this Virgilian mannerism (ix. 35). The death of Dudone is
+      justly celebrated as a sample of successful imitation (iii. 45):
+    </p>
+    <div class="poem">
+      <div class="stanza">
+        <span>Cade; e gli occhi, ch'appena aprir si ponno,<br /> </span> <span>Dura
+        quiete preme e ferreo sonno.<br /> </span>
+      </div>
+    </div>
+    <p>
+      <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB99" id="pageB99"></a>{99}</span> The
+      wound of Gerniero, on the contrary, illustrates the peril of seeking after
+      conceits in the inferior manner of the master (ix. 69):
+    </p>
+    <div class="poem">
+      <div class="stanza">
+        <span>La destra di Gerniero, onde ferita<br /> </span> <span>Ella fu
+        pria, manda recisa al piano;<br /> </span> <span>Tratto anco il ferro, e
+        con tremanti dita<br /> </span> <span>Semiviva nel suol guizza la mano.<br />
+        </span>
+      </div>
+    </div>
+    <p>
+      The same may be said about the wound of Algaz&egrave;l (ix. 78) and the
+      death of Ardonio (xx. 39). In the description of the felling of the forest
+      (iii. 75, 76) and of the mustering of the Egyptian army (xvii. 1-36)
+      Tasso's Virgilian style attains real grandeur and poetic beauty.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Tasso was nothing if not a learned poet. It would be easy to illustrate
+      what he has borrowed from Lucretius, or to point out that the pathos of
+      Clorinda's apparition to Tancredi after death is a debt to Petrarch. It
+      may, however, suffice here to indicate six phrases taken straight from
+      Dante; since the <i>Divine Comedy</i> was little studied in Tasso's age,
+      and his selection of these lines reflects credit on his taste. These are:
+    </p>
+    <div class="poem">
+      <div class="stanza">
+        <span>Onorate l'altissimo campione! (iii. 73: <i>Inf.</i> iv.)<br />
+        </span>
+      </div>
+      <div class="stanza">
+        <span>Goffredo intorno gli occhi gravi e tardi (vii. 58: <i>Inf.</i>.
+        iv.).<br /> </span>
+      </div>
+      <div class="stanza">
+        <span class="i15">a riveder le stelle (iv. 18: <i>Inf.</i> xxxiv.).<br />
+        </span>
+      </div>
+      <div class="stanza">
+        <span>Ond' &egrave; ch'or tanto ardire in voi s'alletti? (ix. 76: <i>Inf.</i>
+        ix.)<br /> </span>
+      </div>
+      <div class="stanza">
+        <span>A guisa di leon quando si posa (x. 56: <i>Purg.</i> vi.)<br />
+        </span>
+      </div>
+      <div class="stanza">
+        <span class="i14">e guardi e passi (xx. 43: <i>Inf.</i> in.)<br />
+        </span>
+      </div>
+    </div>
+    <p>
+      As in the <i>Rinaldo</i>, so also in the <i>Gerusalemme</i>, Tasso's
+      classical proclivities betrayed him into vio<span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageB100" id="pageB100"></a>{100}</span> lation of the clear Italian
+      language. Afraid of what is natural and common, he produced what is
+      artificial and conceited. Hence came involved octaves like the following
+      (vi. 109):
+    </p>
+    <div class="poem">
+      <div class="stanza">
+        <span class="i2">Siccome cerva, ch'assetata il passo<br /> </span> <span>Mova
+        a cercar d'acque lucenti e vive,<br /> </span> <span>Ove un bel fonte
+        distillar da un sasso<br /> </span> <span>O vide un fiume tra frondose
+        rive,<br /> </span> <span>Se incontra i cani allor che il corpo lasso<br />
+        </span> <span>Ristorar crede all'onde, all'ombre estive,<br /> </span>
+        <span>Volge indietro fuggendo, e la paura<br /> </span> <span>La
+        stanchezza obbliar face e l'arsura.<br /> </span>
+      </div>
+    </div>
+    <p>
+      The image is beautiful; but the diction is elaborately intricate,
+      rhetorically indistinct. We find the same stylistic involution in these
+      lines (xii. 6):
+    </p>
+    <div class="poem">
+      <div class="stanza">
+        <span>Ma s'egli avverr&agrave; pur che mia ventura<br /> </span> <span>Nel
+        mio ritorno mi rinchiuda il passo,<br /> </span> <span>D'uom che in amor
+        m'&egrave; padre a te la cura<br /> </span> <span>E delle fide mie
+        donzelle io lasso.<br /> </span>
+      </div>
+    </div>
+    <p>
+      The limpid well of native utterance is troubled at its source by
+      scholastic artifices in these as in so many other passages of Tasso's
+      masterpiece. Nor was he yet emancipated from the weakness of <i>Rinaldo</i>.
+      Trying to soar upon the borrowed plumes of pseudo-classical sublimity, he
+      often fell back wearied by this uncongenial effort into prose. Lame
+      endings to stanzas, sudden descents from highly-wrought to pedestrian
+      diction, are not uncommon in the <i>Gerusalemme</i>. The poet, diffident
+      of his own inspiration, sought inspiration from books. In the magnificence
+      of single lines again, the <i>Gerusalemme</i> reminds us of <i>Rinaldo</i>.
+      Tasso gained dignity of rhythm by choos<span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageB101" id="pageB101"></a>{101}</span> ing Latin adjectives and
+      adverbs with pompous cadences. No versifier before his date had
+      consciously employed the sonorous music of such lines as the following:&mdash;
+    </p>
+    <div class="poem">
+      <div class="stanza">
+        <span>Foro, tentando inaccessibil via (ii. 29).<br /> </span>
+      </div>
+      <div class="stanza">
+        <span>Ond' Amor l'arco inevitabil tende (iii. 24).<br /> </span>
+      </div>
+      <div class="stanza">
+        <span>Questa muraglia impenetrabil fosse (iii. 51).<br /> </span>
+      </div>
+      <div class="stanza">
+        <span>Furon vedute fiammeggiare insieme (v. 28).<br /> </span>
+      </div>
+      <div class="stanza">
+        <span>Qual capitan ch'inespugnabil terra (v. 64).<br /> </span>
+      </div>
+      <div class="stanza">
+        <span>Sotto l'inevitabile tua spada (xvi. 33).<br /> </span>
+      </div>
+      <div class="stanza">
+        <span>Immense solitudini d'arena (xvii. I).<br /> </span>
+      </div>
+    </div>
+    <p>
+      The last of these lines presents an impressive landscape in three
+      melodious words.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      These verbal and stylistic criticisms are not meant to cast reproach on
+      Tasso as a poet. If they have any value, it is the light they throw upon
+      conditions under which the poet was constrained to work. Humanism and the
+      Catholic Revival reduced this greatest genius of his age to the necessity
+      of clothing religious sentiments in scholastic phraseology, with the view
+      of attaining to epic grandeur. But the Catholic Revival was no
+      regeneration of Christianity from living sources; and humanism had run its
+      course in Italy, and was ending in the sands of critical
+      self-consciousness. Thus piety in Tasso appears superficial and
+      conventional rather than profoundly felt or originally vigorous; while the
+      <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB102" id="pageB102"></a>{102}</span>
+      scholarship which supplied his epic style is scrupulous and timid.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The enduring qualities of Tasso as a modern poet have still to be
+      indicated; and to this more grateful portion of my argument I now address
+      myself. Much might be said in the first place about his rhetorical
+      dexterity&mdash;the flexibility of language in his hands, and the
+      copiousness of thought, whereby he was able to adorn varied situations and
+      depict diversity of passions with appropriate diction. Whether Alete is
+      subtly pleading a seductive cause, or Goffredo is answering his
+      sophistries with well-weighed arguments; whether Pluto addresses the
+      potentates of hell, or Erminia wavers between love and honor; whether
+      Tancredi pours forth the extremity of his despair, or Armida heaps
+      reproaches on Rinaldo in his flight; the musical and luminously polished
+      stanzas lend themselves without change of style to every gradation of the
+      speaker's mood. In this art of rhetoric, Tasso seems to have taken Livy
+      for his model; and many of his speeches which adorn the graver portions of
+      his poem are noticeable for compact sententious wisdom.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      In fancy Tasso was not so naturally rich and inventive as the author of <i>Orlando
+      Furioso</i>. Yet a gallery of highly-finished pictures might be collected
+      from his similes and metaphors. What pride and swiftness mark this vision
+      of a thunderbolt:
+    </p>
+    <div class="poem">
+      <div class="stanza">
+        <span>Grande ma breve fulmine il diresti,<br /> </span> <span>Che
+        inaspettato sopraggiunga e passi;<br /> </span> <span class="pagenum"><a
+        name="pageB103" id="pageB103"></a>{103}</span> <span>Ma del suo corso
+        momentaneo resti<br /> </span> <span>Vestigio eterno in dirupati sassi
+        (xx. 93).<br /> </span>
+      </div>
+    </div>
+    <p>
+      How delicately touched is this uprising of the morning star from ocean:
+    </p>
+    <div class="poem">
+      <div class="stanza">
+        <span>Qual mattutina Stella esce dell'onde<br /> </span> <span>Rugiadosa
+        e stillante; o come fuore<br /> </span> <span>Spunt&ograve; nascendo gi&agrave;
+        dalle feconde<br /> </span> <span>Spume dell'ocean la Dea d'amore (xv.
+        60).<br /> </span>
+      </div>
+    </div>
+    <p>
+      Here is an image executed in the style of Ariosto. Clorinda has received a
+      wound on her uncovered head:
+    </p>
+    <div class="poem">
+      <div class="stanza">
+        <span>Fu levissima piaga, e i biondi crini<br /> </span> <span>Rosseggiaron
+        cos&igrave; d'alquante stille,<br /> </span> <span>Come rosseggia l'or
+        che di rubini<br /> </span> <span>Per man d'illustre artefice sfaville
+        (iii. 30).<br /> </span>
+      </div>
+    </div>
+    <p>
+      Flowers furnish the poet with exquisite suggestions of color:
+    </p>
+    <div class="poem">
+      <div class="stanza">
+        <span>D'un bel pallor ha il bianco volto asperso,<br /> </span> <span>Come
+        a gigli sarian miste viole (xii. 69).<br /> </span>
+      </div>
+      <div class="stanza">
+        <span>Quale a pioggia d'argento e mattutina<br /> </span> <span>Si
+        rabbellisce scolorita rosa (xx. 129).<br /> </span>
+      </div>
+    </div>
+    <p>
+      Sometimes the painting is minutely finished like a miniature:
+    </p>
+    <div class="poem">
+      <div class="stanza">
+        <span class="i2">Cos&igrave; piuma talor, che di gentile<br /> </span>
+        <span>Amorosa colomba il collo cinge,<br /> </span> <span>Mai non s&igrave;
+        scorge a s&egrave; stessa simile,<br /> </span> <span>Ma in diversi
+        colori al sol si tinge:<br /> </span> <span>Or d'accesi rubin sembra un
+        monile,<br /> </span> <span>Or di verdi smeraldi il lume finge,<br />
+        </span> <span>Or insieme li mesce, e varia e vaga<br /> </span> <span>In
+        cento modi i riguardanti appaga (xv. 5).<br /> </span>
+      </div>
+    </div>
+    <p>
+      Sometimes the style is broad, the touch vigorous:
+    </p>
+    <div class="poem">
+      <div class="stanza">
+        <span class="i2">Qual feroce destrier, ch'al faticoso<br /> </span> <span>Onor
+        dell'arme vincitor sia tolto,<br /> </span> <span>E lascivo marito in vil
+        riposo<br /> </span> <span>Fra gli armenti e ne'paschi erri d&igrave;sciolto,<br />
+        </span>
+      </div>
+    </div>
+    <p>
+      <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB104" id="pageB104"></a>{104}</span>
+    </p>
+    <div class="poem">
+      <div class="stanza">
+        <span>Se il desta o suon di tromba, o luminoso<br /> </span> <span>Acciar,
+        cola tosto annitrendo &egrave; volto;<br /> </span> <span>Gi&agrave; gi&agrave;
+        brama l'arringo, el'uom sul dorso<br /> </span> <span>Portando, urtato
+        riurtar nel corso (xvi. 28).<br /> </span>
+      </div>
+    </div>
+    <p>
+      I will content myself with referring to the admirably conceived simile of
+      a bulky galleon at sea attacked by a swifter and more agile vessel (xix.
+      13), which may perhaps have suggested to Fuller his famous comparison of
+      Shakespeare and Ben Jonson in their wit encounters.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      But Tasso was really himself, incomparable and unapproachable, when he
+      wrote in what musicians would call the <i>largo e maestoso</i> mood.
+    </p>
+    <div class="poem">
+      <div class="stanza">
+        <span>Giace l'alta Cartago; appena i segni<br /> </span> <span>Dell'alte
+        sue ruine il lido serba.<br /> </span> <span>Muoino le citt&agrave;,
+        muoino i regni;<br /> </span> <span>Copre i fasti e le pompe arena ed
+        erba;<br /> </span> <span>E l'uomo d'esser mortal par che si sdegni!<br />
+        </span> <span>Oh nostra mente cupida e superba! (xv. 20).<br /> </span>
+      </div>
+    </div>
+    <p>
+      This is perfect in its measured melancholy, the liquid flow of its
+      majestic simplicity. The same musical breadth, the same noble sweetness,
+      pervade a passage on the eternal beauty of the heavens compared with the
+      brief brightness of a woman's eyes:
+    </p>
+    <div class="poem">
+      <div class="stanza">
+        <span class="i23">oh quante belle<br /> </span> <span>Luci il tempio
+        celeste in s&egrave; raguna!<br /> </span> <span>Ha il suo gran carro il
+        di; le aurate stelle<br /> </span> <span>Spiega la notte e l'argentata
+        luna;<br /> </span> <span>Ma non &egrave; chi vagheggi o questa o quelle;<br />
+        </span> <span>E miriam noi torbida luce e bruna,<br /> </span> <span>Che
+        un girar d'occhi, un balenar di riso<br /> </span> <span>Scopre in breve
+        confin di fragil viso (xviii. 15).<br /> </span>
+      </div>
+    </div>
+    <p>
+      This verbal music culminates in the two songs of earthly joy, the <i>chants
+      d'amour</i>, or hymns to pleas<span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB105"
+      id="pageB105"></a>{105}</span> ure, sung by Armida's ministers (xiv.
+      60-65, xvi. 12, 13). Boiardo and Ariosto had painted the seductions of
+      enchanted gardens, where valor was enthralled by beauty, and virtue dulled
+      by voluptuous delights. It remained for Tasso to give that magic of the
+      senses vocal utterance. From the myrtle groves of Orontes, from the
+      spell-bound summer amid snows upon the mountains of the Fortunate Isle,
+      these lyrics with their penetrative sweetness, their lingering regret,
+      pass into the silence of the soul. It is eminently characteristic of
+      Tasso's mood and age that the melody of both these honeyed songs should
+      thrill with sadness. Nature is at war with honor; youth passes like a
+      flower away; therefore let us love and yield our hearts to pleasure while
+      we can. <i>Sehnsucht</i>, the soul of modern sentiment, the inner core of
+      modern music, makes its entrance into the sphere of art with these two
+      hymns. The division of the mind, wavering between natural impulse and
+      acquired morality, gives the tone of melancholy to the one chant. In the
+      other, the invitation to self-abandonment is mingled with a forecast of
+      old age and death. Only Catullus, in his song to Lesbia, among the
+      ancients touched this note; only Villon, perhaps, in his Ballade of Dead
+      Ladies, touched it among the moderns before Tasso. But it has gone on
+      sounding ever since through centuries which have enjoyed the luxury of
+      grief in music.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      If Tancredi be the real hero of the <i>Gerusalemme</i>,<span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageB106" id="pageB106"></a>{106}</span> Armida
+      is the heroine. The action of the epic follows her movements. She combines
+      the parts of Angelica and Alcina in one that is original and novel. A
+      sorceress, deputed by the powers of hell to defeat the arms of the
+      crusaders, Armida falls herself in love with a Christian champion. Love
+      changes her from a beautiful white witch into a woman.<a
+      name="BFNanchor_76_76" id="BFNanchor_76_76"></a><a href="#BFootnote_76_76"
+      class="fnanchor">[76]</a> When she meets Rinaldo in the battle, she
+      discharges all her arrows vainly at the man who has deserted her. One by
+      one, they fly and fall; and as they wing their flight, Love wounds her own
+      heart with his shafts:
+    </p>
+    <div class="poem">
+      <div class="stanza">
+        <span>Scocca I' arco pi&ugrave; volte, e non fa piaga<br /> </span> <span>E,
+        mentre ella saetta, amor lei piaga (xx. 65).<br /> </span>
+      </div>
+    </div>
+    <p>
+      Then she turns to die in solitude. Rinaldo follows, and stays her in the
+      suicidal act. Despised and rejected as she is, she cannot hate him. The
+      man she had entangled in her wiles has conquered and subdued her nature.
+      To the now repentant minister of hell he proposes baptism; and Armida
+      consents:
+    </p>
+    <div class="poem">
+      <div class="stanza">
+        <span>S&igrave; parla, e prega; e i preghi bagna e scalda<br /> </span>
+        <span>Or di lagrime rare, or di sospiri:<br /> </span> <span>Onde,
+        siccome suol nevosa falda<br /> </span> <span>Dov'arde il sole, o tepid'
+        aura spiri,<br /> </span> <span>Cos&igrave; l'ira che in lei parea s&igrave;
+        salda,<br /> </span> <span>Solvesi, e restan sol gli altri desiri.<br />
+        </span> <span><i>Ecco l'ancilla tua</i>; d'essa a tuo senno<br /> </span>
+        <span>Dispon, gli disse, e le fia legge il cenno (xx. 136).<br /> </span>
+      </div>
+    </div>
+    <p>
+      This metamorphosis of the enchantress into the woman in Armida, is the
+      climax of the <i>Gerusalemme</i>.<span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB107"
+      id="pageB107"></a>{107}</span> It is also the climax and conclusion of
+      Italian romantic poetry, the resolution of its magic and marvels into the
+      truths of human affection. Notice, too, with what audacity Tasso has
+      placed the words of Mary on the lips of his converted sorceress!
+      Deliberately planning a religious and heroic poem, he assigns the spoils
+      of conquered hell to love triumphant in a woman's breast. Beauty, which in
+      itself is diabolical, the servant of the lords of Hades, attains to
+      apotheosis through affection. In Armida we already surmise <i>das ewig
+      Weibliche</i> of Goethe's Faust, Gretchen saving her lover's soul before
+      Madonna's throne in glory.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      What was it, then, that Tasso, this 'child of a later and a colder age,'
+      as Shelley called him, gave of permanent value to European literature? We
+      have seen that the <i>Gerusalemme</i> did not fulfill the promise of
+      heroic poetry for that eminently unheroic period. We know that neither the
+      Virgilian hero nor the laboriously developed theme commands the interest
+      of posterity. We feel that religious emotion is feeble here, and that the
+      classical enthusiasm of the Renaissance is on the point of expiring in
+      those Latinistic artifices. Yet the interwoven romance contains a
+      something difficult to analyze, intangible and evanescent&mdash;<i>un non
+      so che</i>, to use the poet's favorite phrase&mdash;which riveted
+      attention in the sixteenth century, and which harmonizes with our own
+      sensibility to beauty. Tasso, in one word, was the poet, not of passion,
+      not of humor, not of piety, <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB108"
+      id="pageB108"></a>{108}</span> not of elevated action, but of that new and
+      undefined emotion which we call Sentiment. Unknown to the ancients,
+      implicit in later mediaeval art, but not evolved with clearness from
+      romance, alien to the sympathies of the Renaissance as determined by the
+      Classical Revival, sentiment, that <i>non so che</i> of modern feeling,
+      waited for its first apocalypse in Tasso's work. The phrase which I have
+      quoted, and which occurs so frequently in this poet's verse, indicates the
+      intrusion of a new element into the sphere of European feeling. Vague,
+      indistinct, avoiding outline, the phrase <i>un non so che</i> leaves
+      definition to the instinct of those who feel, but will not risk the
+      limitation of their feeling by submitting it to words. Nothing in antique
+      psychology demanded a term of this kind. Classical literature, in close
+      affinity to sculpture, dealt with concrete images and conscious thoughts.
+      The mediaeval art of Dante, precisely, mathematically measured, had not
+      felt the need of it. Boccaccio's clear-cut intaglios from life and nature,
+      Petrarch's compassed melodies, Poliziano's polished arabesques, Ariosto's
+      bright and many colored pencilings, were all of them, in all their varied
+      phases of Renaissance expression, distinguished by decision and firmness
+      of drawing. Vagueness, therefore, had hitherto found no place in European
+      poetry or plastic art. But music, the supreme symbol of spiritual infinity
+      in art, was now about to be developed; and the specific touch of Tasso,
+      the musician-poet, upon portraiture and <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageB109" id="pageB109"></a>{109}</span> feeling, called forth this
+      quality of vagueness, a vagueness that demanded melody to give what it
+      refused from language to accept. Mendelssohn when some one asked him what
+      is meant by music, replied that it had meanings for his mind more
+      unmistakable than those which words convey; but what these meanings were,
+      he did not or he could not make clear. This certainty of sentiment,
+      seeming vague only because it floats beyond the scope of language in
+      regions of tone and color and emotion, is what Tasso's <i>non so che</i>
+      suggests to those who comprehend. And Tasso, by his frequent appeal to it,
+      by his migration from the plastic into the melodic realm of the poetic
+      art, proved himself the first genuinely sentimental artist of the modern
+      age. It is just this which gave him a wider and more lasting empire over
+      the heart through the next two centuries than that claimed by Ariosto.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      It may not be unprofitable to examine in detail Tasso's use of the phrase
+      to which so much importance has been assigned in the foregoing paragraph.
+      We meet it first in the episode of Olindo and Sofronia. Sofronia, of all
+      the heroines of the <i>Gerusalemme</i>, is the least interesting,
+      notwithstanding her magnanimous mendacity and Jesuitical acceptance of
+      martyrdom. Olindo touches the weaker fibers of our sympathy by his
+      feminine devotion to a woman placed above him in the moral scale, whose
+      love he wins by splendid falsehood equal to her own. The episode, entirely
+      idle in the action <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB110" id="pageB110"></a>{110}</span>
+      of the poem, has little to recommend it, if we exclude the traditionally
+      accepted reference to Tasso's love for Leonora d'Este. But when Olindo and
+      Sofronia are standing, back to back, against the stake, Aladino, who has
+      decreed their death by burning, feels his rude bosom touched with sudden
+      pity:
+    </p>
+    <div class="poem">
+      <div class="stanza">
+        <span>Un non so che d'inusitato e molle<br /> </span> <span>Par che nel
+        duro petto al re trapasse:<br /> </span> <span>Ei presentillo, e si sdegn&ograve;;
+        n&egrave; voile<br /> </span> <span>Piegarsi, e gli occhi torse, e si
+        ritrasse (ii. 37).<br /> </span>
+      </div>
+    </div>
+    <p>
+      The intrusion of a lyrical emotion, unknown before in the tyrant's breast,
+      against which he contends with anger, and before the force of which he
+      bends, prepares us for the happy <i>d&eacute;nouement</i> brought about by
+      Clorinda. This vague stirring of the soul, this <i>non so che</i>, this
+      sentiment, is the real agent in Sofronia's release and Olindo's
+      beatification.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Clorinda is about to march upon her doom. She is inflamed with the
+      ambition to destroy the engines of the Christian host by fire at night;
+      and she calls Argante to her counsels:
+    </p>
+    <div class="poem">
+      <div class="stanza">
+        <span>Buona pezza &egrave;, signor, che in s&egrave; raggira<br />
+        </span> <span>Un non so che d'insolito e d'audace<br /> </span> <span>La
+        mia mente inquieta; o Dio l'inspira,<br /> </span> <span>O l'uom del suo
+        voler suo Dio si face (xii. 5).<br /> </span>
+      </div>
+    </div>
+    <p>
+      Thus at this solemn point of time, when death is certainly in front, when
+      she knows not whether God has inspired her or whether she has made of her
+      own wish a deity, Clorinda utters the mystic word of vague compulsive
+      feeling.<span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB111" id="pageB111"></a>{111}</span>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Erminia, taken captive by Tancredi after the siege of Antioch, is brought
+      into her master's tent. He treats her with chivalrous courtesy, and offers
+      her a knight's protection:
+    </p>
+    <div class="poem">
+      <div class="stanza">
+        <span>Allora un non so che soave e piano<br /> </span> <span>Sentii,
+        ch'al cor mi scese, e vi s'affisse,<br /> </span> <span>Che, serpendomi
+        poi per l'alma vaga,<br /> </span> <span>Non so come, divenne incendio e
+        piaga (xix. 94).<br /> </span>
+      </div>
+    </div>
+    <p>
+      At that moment, by the distillation of that vague emotion into vein and
+      marrow, Erminia becomes Tancredi's slave, and her future is determined.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      These examples are, perhaps, sufficient to show how Tasso, at the
+      turning-points of destiny for his most cherished personages, invoked
+      indefinite emotion to adumbrate the forces with which will contends in
+      vain. But the master phrase rings even yet more tyrannously in the passage
+      of Clorinda's death, which sums up all of sentiment included in romance.
+      Long had Tancredi loved Clorinda. Meeting her in battle, he stood her
+      blows defenseless; for Clorinda was an Amazon, reduced by Tasso's gentle
+      genius to womanhood from the proportions of Marfisa. Finally, with heart
+      surcharged with love for her, he has to cross his sword in deadly duel
+      with this lady. Malign stars rule the hour: he knows not who she is:
+      misadventure makes her, instead of him, the victim of their encounter.
+      With her last breath she demands baptism&mdash;the good Tasso, so it
+      seems, could not send so fair a creature of his fancy as Clorinda to the
+      shades without <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB112" id="pageB112"></a>{112}</span>
+      viaticum; and his poetry rises to the sublime of pathos in this stanza:
+    </p>
+    <div class="poem">
+      <div class="stanza">
+        <span class="i2">Amico, hai vinto: io ti perdon: perdona<br /> </span>
+        <span>Tu ancora: al corpo no, che nulla pave;<br /> </span> <span>All'alma
+        s&igrave;: deh! per lei prega; e dona<br /> </span> <span>Battesmo a me
+        ch'ogni mia colpa lave.<br /> </span> <span>In queste voci languide
+        risuona<br /> </span> <span>Un non so che di flebile e soave<br /> </span>
+        <span>Ch'al cor gli serpe, ed ogni sdegno ammorza,<br /> </span> <span>E
+        gli occhi a lagrimar gl'invoglia e sforza (xii. 66).<br /> </span>
+      </div>
+    </div>
+    <p>
+      Here the vague emotion, the <i>non so che</i>, distils itself through
+      Clorinda's voice into Tancredi's being. Afterwards it thrills there like
+      moaning winds in an Aeolian lyre, reducing him to despair upon his bed of
+      sickness, and reasserting its lyrical charm in the vision which he has of
+      Clorinda among the trees of the enchanted forest. He stands before the
+      cypress where the soul of his dead lady seems to his misguided fancy
+      prisoned; and the branches murmur in his ears:
+    </p>
+    <div class="poem">
+      <div class="stanza">
+        <span>Fremere intanto udia continuo il vento<br /> </span> <span>Tra le
+        frondi del bosco e tra i virgulti,<br /> </span> <span>E trarne un suon
+        che flebile concento<br /> </span> <span>Par d'umani sospiri e di
+        singulti;<br /> </span> <span>E un non so che confuso instilla al core<br />
+        </span> <span>Di piet&agrave;, di spavento e di dolore (xiii. 40).<br />
+        </span>
+      </div>
+    </div>
+    <p>
+      The master word, the magic word of Tasso's sentiment, is uttered at this
+      moment of illusion. The poet has no key to mysteries locked up within the
+      human breast more powerful than this indefinite <i>un non so che</i>.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Enough has been said to show how Tasso used the potent spell of vagueness,
+      when he found himself <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB113"
+      id="pageB113"></a>{113}</span> in front of supreme situations. This is in
+      truth the secret of his mastery over sentiment, the spell whereby he
+      brings nature and night, the immense solitudes of deserts, the darkness of
+      forests, the wailings of the winds and the plangent litanies of sea-waves
+      into accord with overstrained humanity. It was a great discovery; by right
+      of it Tasso proved himself the poet of the coming age.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      When the <i>Gerusalemme</i> was completed, Tasso had done his best work as
+      a poet. The misfortunes which began to gather round him in his
+      thirty-first year, made him well-nigh indifferent to the fate of the poem
+      which had drained his life-force, and from which he had expected so much
+      glory. It was published without his permission or supervision. He,
+      meanwhile, in the prison of S. Anna, turned his attention to prose
+      composition. The long series of dialogues, with which he occupied the
+      irksome leisure of seven years, interesting as they are in matter and
+      genial in style, indicate that the poet was now in abeyance. It remained
+      to be seen whether inspiration would revive with freedom. No sooner were
+      the bolts withdrawn than his genius essayed a fresh flight. He had long
+      meditated the composition of a tragedy, and had already written some
+      scenes. At Mantua in 1586-7 this work took the form of <i>Torrismondo</i>.
+      It cannot be called a great drama, for it belongs to the rigid declamatory
+      species of Italian tragedy; and Tasso's genius was romantic, idyllic,
+      elegiac, anything but genuinely tragic. Yet the style is eminent for no<span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageB114" id="pageB114"></a>{114}</span> bility
+      and purity. Just as the <i>Aminta</i> showed how unaffected Tasso could be
+      when writing without preconceived theories of heightened diction, so the
+      <i>Torrismondo</i> displays an unstrained dignity of simple dialogue. It
+      testifies to the plasticity of language in the hands of a master, who
+      deliberately chose and sustained different styles in different species of
+      poetry, and makes us regret that he should have formed his epic manner
+      upon so artificial a type. The last chorus of <i>Torrismondo</i> deserves
+      to be mentioned as a perfect example of Tasso's melancholy elegiac pathos.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Meanwhile he began to be dissatisfied with the <i>Gerusalemme</i>, and in
+      1588 he resolved upon remodeling his masterpiece. The real vitality of
+      that poem was, as we have seen, in its romance. But Tasso thought
+      otherwise. During the fourteen years which elapsed since its completion,
+      the poet's youthful fervor had been gradually fading out. Inspiration
+      yielded to criticism; piety succeeded to sentiment and enthusiasm for art.
+      Therefore, in this later phase of his maturity, with powers impaired by
+      prolonged sufferings and wretched health, tormented by religious scruples
+      and vague persistent fear, he determined to eliminate the romance from the
+      epic, to render its unity of theme more rigorous, and to concentrate
+      attention upon the serious aspects of the subject. The result of this
+      plan, pursued through five years of wandering, was the <i>Gerusalemme
+      Conquistata</i>, a poem which the world has willingly let <span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageB115" id="pageB115"></a>{115}</span> die, in
+      which the style of the <i>Gerusalemme Liberata</i> is worsened, and which
+      now serves mainly to establish by comparison the fact that what was
+      immortal in Tasso's art was the romance he ruthlessly rooted out. A
+      further step in this transition from art to piety is marked by the poem
+      upon the Creation of the World, called <i>Le Sette Giornate</i>. Written
+      in blank verse, it religiously but tamely narrates the operation of the
+      Divine Artificer, following the first chapter of Genesis and expanding the
+      motive of each of the seven days with facile rhetoric. Of action and of
+      human interest the poem has none; of artistic beauty little. The sustained
+      descriptive style wearies; and were not this the last work of Tasso, it
+      would not be mentioned by posterity.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Tasso has already occupied us through two chapters. Before passing onward
+      I must, however, invite the reader to pause awhile and reconsider, even at
+      the risk of retrospect and repetition, some of the salient features of his
+      character. And now I remember that of his personal appearance nothing has
+      hitherto been said. 'Tasso was tall, well-proportioned, and of very fair
+      complexion. His thick hair and beard were of a light-brown color. His head
+      was large, forehead broad and square, eyebrows dark, eyes large, lively
+      and blue, nose large and curved toward the mouth, lips thin and pale.' So
+      writes Manso, the poet's friend and biographer, adding: 'His voice was
+      clear and sonorous; but he <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB116"
+      id="pageB116"></a>{116}</span> read his poems badly, because of a slight
+      impediment in his speech, and because he was short-sighted.' I know not
+      whether I am justified in drawing from this description the conclusion
+      that Tasso was, physically, a man of mixed lymphatic and melancholic
+      temperament, of more than ordinary sensitiveness. Imperfection, at any
+      rate, is indicated by the thin pale lips, the incoherent utterance and the
+      uncertain vision to which his friend in faithfulness bears witness. Of
+      painted portraits representing Tasso in later life there are many; but
+      most of these seem to be based upon the mask taken from his face after
+      death, which still exists at S. Onofrio. Twenty-one years ago I gazed upon
+      this mask, before I knew then more than every schoolboy knows of Tasso's
+      life and writings. This is what I wrote about it in my Roman diary: 'The
+      face is mild and weak, especially in the thin short chin and feeble mouth.<a
+      name="BFNanchor_77_77" id="BFNanchor_77_77"></a><a href="#BFootnote_77_77"
+      class="fnanchor">[77]</a> The forehead round, and ample in proportion to
+      the other features. The eyes are small, but this may be due to the
+      contraction of death. The mouth is almost vulgar, very flat in the upper
+      lip; but this also ought perhaps to be attributed to the relaxation of
+      tissue by death.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Tasso was constitutionally inclined to pensive moods. His outlook over
+      life was melancholy.<a name="BFNanchor_78_78" id="BFNanchor_78_78"></a><a
+      href="#BFootnote_78_78" class="fnanchor">[78]</a>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB117" id="pageB117"></a>{117}</span>
+      The tone of his literary work, whether in prose or poetry, is elegiac&mdash;musically,
+      often querulously plaintive. There rests a shadow of dejection over all he
+      wrote and thought and acted. Yet he was finely sensitive to pleasure,
+      thrillingly alive to sentimental beauty.<a name="BFNanchor_79_79"
+      id="BFNanchor_79_79"></a><a href="#BFootnote_79_79" class="fnanchor">[79]</a>
+      Though the man lived purely, untainted by the license of the age, his
+      genius soared highest when he sang some soft luxurious strain of love. He
+      was wholly deficient in humor. Taking himself and the world of men and
+      things too much in earnest, he weighed heavily alike on art and life. The
+      smallest trifles, if they touched him, seemed to him important.<a
+      name="BFNanchor_80_80" id="BFNanchor_80_80"></a><a href="#BFootnote_80_80"
+      class="fnanchor">[80]</a> Before imaginary terrors he shook like an aspen.
+      The slightest provocation roused his momentary resentment. The most
+      insignificant sign of neglect or coldness wounded his self-esteem.
+      Plaintive, sensitive to beauty, sentimental, tender, touchy,
+      self-engrossed, devoid of humor&mdash;what a sentient instrument was this
+      for uttering Aeolian melodies, and straining discords through
+      storm-jangled strings!
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      From the Jesuits, in childhood, he received religious impressions which
+      might almost be described as mesmeric or hypnotic in their influence upon
+      his nerves. These abode with him through manhood; <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageB118" id="pageB118"></a>{118}</span> and in later life morbid
+      scruples and superstitious anxieties about his soul laid hold on his
+      imagination. Yet religion did not penetrate Tasso's nature. As he
+      conceived it, there was nothing solid and supporting in its substance.
+      Piety was neither deeply rooted nor indigenous, neither impassioned nor
+      logically reasoned, in the adult man.<a name="BFNanchor_81_81"
+      id="BFNanchor_81_81"></a><a href="#BFootnote_81_81" class="fnanchor">[81]</a>
+      What it might have been, but for those gimcrack ecstasies before the Host
+      in boyhood, cannot now be fancied. If he contained the stuff of saint or
+      simple Christian, this was sterilized and stunted by the clever fathers in
+      their school at Naples.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      During the years of his feverishly active adolescence Tasso played for a
+      while with philosophical doubts. But though he read widely and speculated
+      diffusely on the problems of the universe, he failed to pierce below the
+      surface of the questions which he handled. His own beliefs had been tested
+      in no red-hot crucible, before he recoiled with terror from their
+      analysis. The man, to put it plainly, was incapable of honest revolt
+      against the pietistic fashions of his age, incapable of exploratory
+      efforts, and yet too intelligent to rest satisfied with gross dogmatism or
+      smug hypocrisy. Neither as a thinker, nor as a Christian, nor yet again as
+      that epicene religious being, a Catholic of the Counter-Reformation, did
+      this noble and ingenuous, but weakly nature attain to thoroughness.<span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageB119" id="pageB119"></a>{119}</span>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Tasso's mind was lively and sympathetic; not penetrative, not fitted for
+      forming original or comprehensive views. He lived for no great object,
+      whether political, moral, religious, or scientific. He committed himself
+      to no vice. He obeyed no absorbing passion of love or hatred. In his
+      misfortunes he displayed the helplessness which stirs mere pity for a
+      prostrate human being. The poet who complained so querulously, who wept so
+      copiously, who forgot offense so nonchalantly, cannot command admiration.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      There is nothing sublimely tragic in Tasso's suffering. The sentiment
+      inspired by it is that at best of pathos. An almost childish
+      self-engrossment restricted his thoughts, his aims and aspirations, to a
+      narrow sphere, within which he wandered incurably idealistic, pursuing
+      prosaic or utilitarian objects&mdash;the favor of princes, place at
+      Courts, the recovery of his inheritance&mdash;in a romantic and
+      unpractical spirit.<a name="BFNanchor_82_82" id="BFNanchor_82_82"></a><a
+      href="#BFootnote_82_82" class="fnanchor">[82]</a> Vacillating, irresolute,
+      peevish, he roamed through all the towns of Italy, demanding more than
+      sympathy could give, exhausting friendship, changing from place to place,
+      from lord to lord. Yet how touching was the destiny of this laureled
+      exile, this brilliant wayfarer on the highroads of a world he never
+      understood! Shelley's phrase, 'the world's rejected guest' exactly seems
+      to suit him.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB120" id="pageB120"></a>{120}</span>
+      And yet he allowed himself to become the spoiled child of his misfortunes.
+      Without them, largely self-created as they were, Tasso could not now
+      appeal to our hearts. Nor does he appeal to us as Dante, eating the salt
+      bread of patrons' tables, does; as Milton, blind and fallen on evil days;
+      as Chatterton, perishing in pride and silence; as Johnson, turning from
+      the stairs of Chesterfield; as Bruno, averting stern eyes from the
+      crucifix; as Leopardi, infusing the virus of his suffering into the veins
+      of humanity; as Heine, motionless upon his mattress grave. These more
+      potent personalities, bequeathing to the world examples of endurance, have
+      won the wreath of never-blasted bays which shall not be set on Tasso's
+      forehead. We crown him with frailer leaves, bedewed with tears tender as
+      his own sentiment, and aureoled with the light that emanates from pure and
+      delicate creations of his fancy.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Though Tasso does not command admiration by heroism, he wins compassion as
+      a beautiful and finely-gifted nature inadequate to cope with the
+      conditions of his century. For a poet to be independent in that age of
+      intellectual servitude was well-nigh impossible. To be light-hearted and
+      ironically indifferent lay not in Tasso's temperament. It was no less
+      difficult for a man of his mental education to maintain the balance
+      between orthodoxy and speculation, faith and reason, classical culture and
+      Catholicism, the Renaissance and the Counter-Reformation. He belonged in
+      one sense too much, and in another <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB121"
+      id="pageB121"></a>{121}</span> sense too little, to his epoch. One eminent
+      critic calls him the only Christian of the Italian Renaissance, another
+      with equal justice treats him as the humanistic poet of the Catholic
+      Revival.<a name="BFNanchor_83_83" id="BFNanchor_83_83"></a><a
+      href="#BFootnote_83_83" class="fnanchor">[83]</a>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Properly speaking, he was the genius of that transition from the
+      Renaissance to the Counter-Reformation, on which I dwelt in the second
+      chapter of this work. By natural inclination he belonged to the line of
+      artists which began with Boccaccio and culminated in Ariosto. But his
+      training and the bias of the times in which he lived, made him break with
+      Boccaccio's tradition. He tried to be the poet of the Council of Trent,
+      without having assimilated hypocrisy or acquired false taste, without
+      comprehending the essentially prosaic and worldly nature of that religious
+      revolution. He therefore lived and worked in a continual discord. This may
+      not suffice to account for the unhingement of his reason. I prefer to
+      explain that by the fatigue of intellectual labor and worry acting on a
+      brain predisposed for melancholia and overtasked from infancy. But it does
+      account for the moral martyrdom he suffered, and the internal perplexity
+      to which he was habitually subject.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      When Tasso first saw the light, the Italians had rejected the Reformation
+      and consented to stifle free thought. The culture of the Renaissance had
+      been condemned; the Spanish hegemony had been <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageB122" id="pageB122"></a>{122}</span> accepted. Of this new
+      attitude the concordat between Charles and Clement, the Tridentine
+      Council, the Inquisition and the Company of Jesus were external signs. But
+      these potent agencies had not accomplished their work in Tasso's lifetime.
+      He was rent in twain because he could not react against them as Bruno did,
+      and could not identify himself with them as Loyola was doing. As an artist
+      he belonged to the old order which was passing, as a Christian to the new
+      order which was emerging. His position as a courtier, when the Augustan
+      civility of the earlier Medici was being superseded by dynastic
+      absolutism, complicated his difficulties. While accepting service in the
+      modern spirit of subjection, he dreamed of masters who should be
+      Maecenases, and fondly imagined that poets might still live, like
+      Petrarch, on terms of equality with princes.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      We therefore see in Tasso one who obeyed influences to which his real self
+      never wholly or consciously submitted. He was not so much out of harmony
+      with his age as the incarnation of its still unharmonized contradictions.
+      The pietism instilled into his mind at Naples; the theories of art imbibed
+      at Padua and Venice; the classical lumber absorbed during his precocious
+      course of academical studies; the hypocritical employment of allegory to
+      render sensuous poetry decorous; the deference to critical opinion and the
+      dictates of literary lawgivers; the reverence for priests and princes
+      interposed between <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB123" id="pageB123"></a>{123}</span>
+      the soul and God: these were principles which Tasso accepted without
+      having properly assimilated and incorporated their substance into his
+      spiritual being. What the poet in him really was, we perceive when he
+      wrote, to use Dante's words, as Love dictates; or as Plato said, when he
+      submitted to the mania of the Muse; or as Horace counseled, when he
+      indulged his genius. It is in the <i>Aminta</i>, in the episodes of the <i>Gerusalemme</i>,
+      in a small percentage of the <i>Rime</i>, that we find the true Tasso. For
+      the rest, he had not the advantages enjoyed by Boiardo and Ariosto in a
+      less self-conscious age, of yielding to natural impulse after a full and
+      sympathetic study of classical and mediaeval sources. The analytical
+      labors of the previous century hampered his creativeness. He brought to
+      his task preoccupations of divers and self-contradictory pedantries&mdash;pedantries
+      of Catholicism, pedantries of scholasticism, pedantries of humanism in its
+      exhausted phase, pedantries of criticism refined and subtilized within a
+      narrow range of problems. He had, moreover, weighing on his native genius
+      the fears which brooded like feverish exhalations over the evil days in
+      which he lived&mdash;fears of Church-censure, fears of despotic princes,
+      fears of the Inquisition, fears of hell, fears of the judgment of
+      academies, fears of social custom and courtly conventionalities. Neither
+      as poet nor as man had he the courage of originality. What he lacked was
+      character. He obeyed the spirit of his age, in so far as he did not, like
+      young David, decline Saul's <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB124"
+      id="pageB124"></a>{124}</span> armor and enter into combat with
+      Philistinism, wielding his sling and stone of native force alone. Yet that
+      native force was so vigorous that, in spite of the panoply of prejudice he
+      wore, in spite of the cumbrous armor lent him by authority, he moved at
+      times with superb freedom. In those rare intervals of personal inspiration
+      he dictated the love-tales of Erminia and Armida, the death-scene of
+      Clorinda, the pastoral of Aminta and Silvia&mdash;episodes which created
+      the music and the painting of two centuries, and which still live upon the
+      lips of the people. But inasmuch as his genius labored beneath the
+      superincumbent weight of precedents and deferences, the poet's nature was
+      strained to the uttermost and his nervous elasticity was overtaxed. No
+      sooner had he poured forth freely what flowed freely from his soul, than
+      he returned on it with scrupulous analysis. The product of his spirit
+      stood before him as a thing to be submitted to opinion, as a substance
+      subject to the test of all those pedantries and fears. We cannot wonder
+      that the subsequent conflict perplexed his reason and sterilized his
+      creative faculty to such an extent that he spent the second half of his
+      life in attempting to undo the great work of his prime. The <i>Gerusalemme
+      Conquistata</i> and the <i>Sette Giornate</i> are thus the splendid
+      triumph achieved by the feebler over the stronger portions of his nature,
+      the golden tribute paid by his genius to the evil genius of the age
+      controlling him. He was a poet who, had he lived in the days of Ariosto,
+      would <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB125" id="pageB125"></a>{125}</span>
+      have created in all senses spontaneously, producing works of Virgilian
+      beauty and divine melancholy to match the Homeric beauty and the divine
+      irony of his great peer. But this was not to be. The spirit of the times
+      which governed his education, with which he was not revolutionary enough
+      to break, which he strove as a critic to assimilate and as a social being
+      to obey, destroyed his independence, perplexed his judgment, and impaired
+      his nervous energy. His best work was consequently of unequal value; pure
+      and base metal mingled in its composition. His worst was a barren and
+      lifeless failure.
+    </p>
+    <hr style="width: 65%;" />
+    <h2>
+      <a name="CHAPTER_IX" id="CHAPTER_IX"></a>CHAPTER IX
+    </h2>
+    <p>
+      <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB126" id="pageB126"></a>{126}</span>
+    </p>
+    <h4>
+      GIORDANO BRUNO
+    </h4>
+    <div class="blockquot">
+      <p>
+        Scientific Bias of the Italians checked by Catholic Revival&mdash;Boyhood
+        of Bruno&mdash;Enters Order of S. Dominic at Naples&mdash;Early
+        Accusations of Heresy&mdash;Escapes to Rome&mdash;Teaches the Sphere at
+        Noli&mdash;Visits Venice&mdash;At Geneva&mdash;At Toulouse&mdash;At
+        Paris&mdash;His Intercourse with Henri III.&mdash;Visits England&mdash;The
+        French Ambassador in London&mdash;Oxford&mdash;Bruno's Literary Work in
+        England&mdash;Returns to Paris&mdash;Journeys into Germany&mdash;Wittenberg,
+        Helmst&auml;dt, Frankfort&mdash;Invitation to Venice from Giovanni
+        Mocenigo&mdash;His Life in Venice&mdash;Mocenigo denounces him to the
+        Inquisition&mdash;His Trial at Venice&mdash;Removal to Rome&mdash;Death
+        by Burning in 1600&mdash;Bruno's Relation to the Thought of his Age and
+        to the Thought of Modern Europe&mdash;Outlines of his Philosophy.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <p>
+      The humanistic and artistic impulses of the Renaissance were at the point
+      of exhaustion in Italy. Scholarship declined; the passion for antiquity
+      expired. All those forms of literature which Boccaccio initiated&mdash;comedy,
+      romance, the idyl, the lyric and the novel&mdash;had been worked out by a
+      succession of great writers. It became clear that the nation was not
+      destined to create tragic or heroic types of poetry. Architecture,
+      sculpture and painting had performed their task of developing mediaeval
+      motives by the light of classic models, and were now entering on the stage
+      of academical inanity. Yet the mental vigor of the Italians was by no
+      means exhausted. Early in the sixteenth century Machiavelli had in<span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageB127" id="pageB127"></a>{127}</span>
+      augurated a new method for political philosophy; Pompanazzo at Padua and
+      Telesio at Cosenza disclosed new horizons for psychology and the science
+      of nature. It seemed as though the Renaissance in Italy were about to
+      assume a fresh and more serious character without losing its essential
+      inspiration. That evolution of intellectual energy which had begun with
+      the assimilation of the classics, with the first attempts at criticism,
+      with the elaboration of style and the perfection of artistic form, now
+      promised to invade the fields of metaphysical and scientific speculation.
+      It is true, as we have seen, that the theological problems of the German
+      Reformation took but slight hold on Italians. Their thinkers were already
+      too far advanced upon the paths of modern rationalism to feel the
+      actuality of questions which divided Luther from Zwingli, Calvin from
+      Servetus, Knox from Cranmer. But they promised to accomplish master-works
+      of incalculable magnitude in wider provinces of exploration and
+      investigation. And had this progress not been checked, Italy would have
+      crowned and completed the process commenced by humanism. In addition to
+      the intellectual culture already given to Europe, she might have revealed
+      right methods of mental analysis and physical research. For this further
+      step in the discovery of man and of the world, the nation was prepared to
+      bring an army of new pioneers into the field&mdash;the philosophers of the
+      south, and the physicists of the Lombard universities.<span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageB128" id="pageB128"></a>{128}</span>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Humanism effected the emancipation of intellect by culture. It called
+      attention to the beauty and delightfulness of nature, restored man to a
+      sense of his dignity, and freed him from theological authority. But in
+      Italy, at any rate, it left his conscience, his religion, his sociological
+      ideas, the deeper problems which concern his relation to the universe, the
+      subtler secrets of the world in which he lives, untouched.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      These <i>novi homines</i> of the later Renaissance, as Bacon called them,
+      these <i>novatori</i>, as they were contemptuously styled in Italy,
+      prepared the further emancipation of the intellect by science. They
+      asserted the liberty of thought and speech, proclaimed the paramount
+      authority of that inner light or indwelling deity which man owns in his
+      brain and breast, and rehabilitated nature from the stigma cast on it by
+      Christianity. What the Bible was for Luther, that was the great Book of
+      Nature for Telesio, Bruno, Campanella. The German reformer appealed to the
+      reason of the individual as conscience; the school of southern Italy made
+      a similar appeal to intelligence. In different ways Luther and these
+      speculative thinkers maintained the direct illumination of the human soul
+      by God, man's immediate dependence on his Maker, repudiating
+      ecclesiastical intervention, and refusing to rely on any principle but
+      earnest love of truth.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Had this new phase of the Italian Renaissance been permitted to evolve
+      itself unhindered, there is no saying how much earlier Europe might have
+      entered into the possession of that kingdom of <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageB129" id="pageB129"></a>{129}</span> unprejudiced research which
+      is now secured for us. But it was just at the moment when Italy became
+      aware of the arduous task before her, that the Catholic reaction set in
+      with all its rigor. The still creative spirit of her children succumbed to
+      the Inquisition, the Congregation of the Index, the decrees of Trent, the
+      intellectual submission of the Jesuits, the physical force of Spanish
+      tyranny, and Roman absolutism. Carnesecchi was burned alive; Paleario was
+      burned alive; Bruno was burned alive: these three at Rome. Vanini was
+      burned at Toulouse. Valentino Gentile was executed by Calvinists at Berne.
+      Campanella was cruelly tortured and imprisoned for twenty-seven years at
+      Naples. Galileo was forced to humble himself before ignorant and arrogant
+      monks, and to hide his head in a country villa. Sarpi felt the knife of an
+      assassin, and would certainly have perished at the instigation of his
+      Roman enemies but for the protection guaranteed him by the Signory of
+      Venice. In this way did Italy&mdash;or rather, let us say, the Church
+      which dominated Italy&mdash;devour her sons of light. It is my purpose in
+      the present chapter to narrate the life of Bruno and to give some account
+      of his philosophy, taking him as the most illustrious example of the
+      school exterminated by reactionary Rome.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Giordano Bruno was born in 1548 at Nola, an ancient Greek city close to
+      Naples. He received the baptismal name of Filippo, which he exchanged for
+      Giordano on assuming the Dominican habit. His <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageB130" id="pageB130"></a>{130}</span> parents, though people of
+      some condition, were poor; and this circumstance may perhaps be reckoned
+      the chief reason why Bruno entered the convent of S. Dominic at Naples
+      before he had completed his fifteenth year. It will be remembered that
+      Sarpi joined the Servites at the age of thirteen, and Campanella the
+      Dominicans at that of fourteen. In each of these memorable cases it is
+      probable that poverty had something to do with deciding a vocation so
+      premature. But there were other inducements, which rendered the monastic
+      life not unattractive, to a young man seeking knowledge at a period and in
+      a district where instruction was both costly and difficult to obtain.
+      Campanella himself informs us that he was drawn to the order of S. Dominic
+      by its reputation for learning and by the great names of S. Thomas Aquinas
+      and Albertus Magnus. Bruno possibly felt a similar attraction; for there
+      is nothing in the temper of his mind to make us believe that he inclined
+      seriously to the religious life of the cloister.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      During his novitiate he came into conflict with the superiors of his
+      convent for the first time. It was proved against him that he had given
+      away certain images of saints, keeping only the crucifix; also that he had
+      told a comrade to lay aside a rhymed version of the Seven Joys of Mary,
+      and to read the lives of the Fathers of the Church instead. On these two
+      evidences of insufficient piety, an accusation was prepared against him
+      which might have led to serious <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB131"
+      id="pageB131"></a>{131}</span> results. But the master of the novices
+      preferred to destroy the document, retaining only a memorandum of the fact
+      for future use in case of need.<a name="BFNanchor_84_84"
+      id="BFNanchor_84_84"></a><a href="#BFootnote_84_84" class="fnanchor">[84]</a>
+      Bruno, after this event, obeyed the cloistral discipline in quiet, and
+      received priest's orders in 1572.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      At this epoch of his life, when he had attained his twenty-fourth year, he
+      visited several Dominican convents of the Neapolitan province, and entered
+      with the want of prudence which was habitual to him into disputations on
+      theology. Some remarks he let fall on transubstantiation and the Divinity
+      of Christ, exposed him to a suspicion of Arianism, a heresy at that time
+      rife in southern Italy. Bruno afterwards confessed that from an early age
+      he had entertained speculative doubts upon the metaphysics of the Trinity,
+      though he was always prepared to accept that dogma in faith as a good
+      Catholic. The Inquisition took the matter up in earnest, and began to
+      institute proceedings of so grave a nature that the young priest felt
+      himself in danger. He escaped in his monk's dress, and traveled to Rome,
+      where he obtained admittance for a short while to the convent of the
+      Minerva.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      We know very little what had been his occupations up to this date. It is
+      only certain that he had already composed a comedy, <i>Il Candelajo</i>:
+      which furnishes sufficient proof of his familiarity with mundane manners.
+      It is, in fact, one of the <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB132"
+      id="pageB132"></a>{132}</span> freest and most frankly satirical
+      compositions for the stage produced at that epoch, and reveals a previous
+      study of Aretino. Nola, Bruno's birthplace, was famous for the license of
+      its country folk. Since the day of its foundation by Chalkidian colonists,
+      its inhabitants had preserved their Hellenic traditions intact. The
+      vintage, for example, was celebrated with an extravagance of obscene
+      banter, which scandalized Philip II.'s viceroy in the sixteenth century.<a
+      name="BFNanchor_85_85" id="BFNanchor_85_85"></a><a href="#BFootnote_85_85"
+      class="fnanchor">[85]</a> During the period of Bruno's novitiate, the
+      ordinances of the Council of Trent for discipline in monasteries were not
+      yet in operation; and it is probable that throughout the thirteen years of
+      his conventual experience, he mixed freely with the people and shared the
+      pleasures of youth in that voluptuous climate. He was never delicate in
+      his choice of phrase, and made no secret of the admiration which the
+      beauty of women excited in his nature. The accusations brought against him
+      at Venice contained one article of indictment implying that he professed
+      distinctly profligate opinions; and though there is nothing to prove that
+      his private life was vicious, the tenor of his philosophy favors more
+      liberty of manners than the Church allowed in theory to her ministers.<a
+      name="BFNanchor_86_86" id="BFNanchor_86_86"></a><a href="#BFootnote_86_86"
+      class="fnanchor">[86]</a>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB133" id="pageB133"></a>{133}</span> It
+      is of some importance to dwell on this topic; for Bruno's character and
+      temper, so markedly different from that of Sarpi, for example, affected in
+      no small measure the form and quality of his philosophy. He was a poet,
+      gifted with keen and lively sensibilities, open at all pores to the
+      delightfulness of nature, recoiling from nothing that is human. At no
+      period of his life was he merely a solitary thinker or a student of books.
+      When he came to philosophize, when the spiritual mistress, Sophia,
+      absorbed all other passions in his breast, his method of exposition
+      retained a tincture of that earlier phase of his experience.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      It must not be thought, however, that Bruno prosecuted no serious studies
+      during this period. On the contrary, he seems to have amassed considerable
+      erudition in various departments of learning: a fact which should make us
+      cautious against condemning conventual education as of necessity narrow
+      and pedantic. When he left Naples, he had acquired sufficient knowledge of
+      Aristotle and the Schoolmen, among whom he paid particular attention to S.
+      Thomas and to Raymond Lully. Plato, as expounded by Plotinus, had taken
+      firm hold on his imagination. He was versed in the dialectics of the
+      previous age, had mastered mediaeval cosmography and mathematics, and was
+      probably already acquainted with Copernicus. The fragments of the Greek
+      philosophers, especially of Pythagoras and Parmenides, whose metaphysics
+      powerfully influenced his mind, had been assimilated. Perhaps the writ<span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageB134" id="pageB134"></a>{134}</span> ings of
+      Cardinal Cusa, the theologian who applied mathematics to philosophy, were
+      also in his hands at the same period. Beside Italian, he possessed the
+      Spanish language, could write and speak Latin with fluency, and knew
+      something of Greek. It is clear that he had practiced poetry in the
+      vernacular under the immediate influence of Tansillo. Theological studies
+      had not been wholly neglected; for he left behind him at Naples editions
+      of Jerome and Chrysostom with commentaries of Erasmus. These were books
+      which exposed their possessors to the interdiction of the Index.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      It seems strange that a Dominican, escaping from his convent to avoid a
+      trial for heresy, should have sought refuge at S. Maria Sopra Minerva,
+      then the headquarters of the Roman Inquisition. We must, however, remember
+      that much freedom of movement was allowed to monks, who found a temporary
+      home in any monastery of their order. Without money, Bruno had no roof but
+      that of a religious house to shelter him; and he probably reckoned on
+      evading pursuit till the fatigues of his journey from Naples had been
+      forgotten. At any rate, he made no lengthy stay in Rome. News soon reached
+      him that the prosecution begun at Naples was being transferred to the
+      metropolis. This implied so serious a danger that he determined to quit
+      Rome in secret. Having flung his frock to the nettles, he journeyed&mdash;how,
+      we do not know&mdash;to Genoa, and thence to Noli on the Riviera. The next
+      time Bruno entered the Dominican convent of<span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageB135" id="pageB135"></a>{135}</span> S. Maria sopra Minerva, it
+      was as a culprit condemned to death by the Inquisition.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      At Noli Bruno gained a living for about five months by teaching grammar to
+      boys and lecturing in private to some gentlefolk upon the Sphere. The
+      doctrine of the Sphere formed a somewhat miscellaneous branch of mediaeval
+      science. It embraced the exposition of Ptolemaic astronomy, together with
+      speculations on the locality of heaven, the motive principle of the world,
+      and the operation of angelical intelligences. Bruno, who professed this
+      subject at various times throughout his wanderings, began now to use it as
+      a vehicle for disseminating Copernican opinions. It is certain that
+      cosmography formed the basis of his philosophy, and this may be ascribed
+      to his early occupation with the sphere. But his restless spirit would not
+      suffer him to linger in those regions where olive and orange and palm
+      flourish almost more luxuriantly than in his native Nola. The gust of
+      travel was upon him. A new philosophy occupied his brain, vertiginously
+      big with incoherent births of modern thought. What Carlyle called 'the
+      fire in the belly' burned and irritated his young blood. Unsettled, cast
+      adrift from convent moorings, attainted for heresy, out of sympathy with
+      resurgent Catholicism, he became a Vagus Quidam&mdash;a wandering student,
+      like the Goliardi of the Middle Ages. From Noli he passed to Savona; from
+      Savona to Turin; from Turin to Venice. There his feet might perhaps have
+      found <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB136" id="pageB136"></a>{136}</span>
+      rest; for Venice was the harbor of all vagrant spirits in that age. But
+      the city was laid waste with plague. Bruno wrote a little book, now lost,
+      on 'The Signs of the Times,' and lived upon the sale of it for some two
+      months. Then he removed to Padua. Here friends persuaded him to reassume
+      the cowl. There were more than 40,000 monks abroad in Italy, beyond the
+      limits of their convent. Why should not he avail himself of house-roof in
+      his travels, a privilege which was always open to friars? From Padua he
+      journeyed rapidly again through Brescia, Bergamo and Milan to Turin,
+      crossed Mont Cenis, tarried at Chamb&eacute;ry, and finally betook himself
+      to Geneva.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Geneva was no fit resting-place for Bruno. He felt an even fiercer
+      antipathy for dissenting than for orthodox bigotry. The despotism of a
+      belligerent and persecuting sectarian seemed to him more intolerable,
+      because less excusable, than the Catholic despotism from which he was
+      escaping. Galeazzo Caracciolo, Marquis of Vico, who then presided over the
+      Italian refugees in Geneva, came to visit him. At the suggestion of this
+      man Bruno once more laid aside his Dominican attire, and began to earn his
+      bread by working as a reader for the press&mdash;a common resort of needy
+      men of learning in those times. But he soon perceived that the Calvinistic
+      stronghold offered no freedom, no security of life even, to one whose mind
+      was bent on new developments of thought. After two months'<span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageB137" id="pageB137"></a>{137}</span>
+      residence on the shores of Lake Leman he departed for Toulouse, which he
+      entered early in 1577.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      We cannot help wondering why Bruno chose that city for his refuge.
+      Toulouse, the only town in France where the Inquisition took firm root and
+      flourished, Toulouse so perilous to Muret, so mortal to Dolet and Vanini,
+      ought, one might have fancied, to have been avoided by an innovator flying
+      from a charge of heresy.<a name="BFNanchor_87_87" id="BFNanchor_87_87"></a><a
+      href="#BFootnote_87_87" class="fnanchor">[87]</a> Still it must be
+      remembered that Toulouse was French. Italian influence did not reach so
+      far. Nor had Bruno committed himself even in thought to open rupture with
+      Catholicism. He held the opinion, so common at that epoch, so inexplicable
+      to us now, that the same man could countermine dogmatic theology as a
+      philosopher, while he maintained it as a Christian. This was the paradox
+      on which Pomponazzo based his apology, which kept Campanella within the
+      pale of the Church, and to which Bruno appealed for his justification when
+      afterwards arraigned before the Inquisitors at Venice.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      It appears from his own autobiographical confessions that Bruno spent some
+      six months at Toulouse, lecturing in private on the peripatetic
+      psychology; after which time he obtained the degree of Doctor in
+      Philosophy, and was admitted to a Readership in the university. This post
+      he occupied two years. It was a matter of some moment <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageB138" id="pageB138"></a>{138}</span> to him that professors at
+      Toulouse were not obliged to attend Mass. In his dubious position, as an
+      escaped friar and disguised priest, to partake of the Sacrament would have
+      been dangerous. Yet he now appears to have contemplated the possibility of
+      reconciling himself to the Church, and resuming his vows in the Dominican
+      order. He went so far as to open his mind upon this subject to a Jesuit;
+      and afterwards at Paris he again resorted to Jesuit advice. But these
+      conferences led to nothing. It may be presumed that the trial begun at
+      Naples and removed to Rome, combined with the circumstances of his flight
+      and recusant behavior, rendered the case too grave for compromise. No one
+      but the Pope in Rome could decide it.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      There is no apparent reason why Bruno left Toulouse, except the
+      restlessness which had become a marked feature in his character. We find
+      him at Paris in 1579, where he at once began to lecture at the Sorbonne.
+      It seems to have been his practice now in every town he visited, to
+      combine private instruction with public disputation. His manners were
+      agreeable; his conversation was eloquent and witty. He found no difficulty
+      in gaining access to good society, especially in a city like Paris, which
+      was then thronged with Italian exiles and courtiers. Meanwhile his public
+      lectures met with less success than his private teaching. In conversation
+      with men of birth and liberal culture he was able to expound views
+      fascinating by their novelty and bold<span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageB139" id="pageB139"></a>{139}</span> ness. Before an academical
+      audience it behoved him to be circumspect; nor could he transgress the
+      formal methods of scholastic argumentation.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Two principal subjects seem to have formed the groundwork of his teaching
+      at this period. The first was the doctrine of the Thirty Divine
+      Attributes, based on S. Thomas of Aquino. The second was Lully's Art of
+      Memory and Classification of the Sciences. This twofold material he worked
+      up into a single treatise, called <i>De Umbris Idearum</i>, which he
+      published in 1582 at Paris, and which contains the germ of all his leading
+      speculations. Bruno's metaphysics attracted less attention than his
+      professed Art of Memory. In an age credulous of occult science, when men
+      believed that power over nature was being won by alchemy and magic, there
+      was no difficulty in persuading people that knowledge might be
+      communicated in its essence, and that the faculties of the mind could be
+      indefinitely extended, without a toilsome course of study. Whether Bruno
+      lent himself wittingly to any imposture in his exposition of mnemonics,
+      cannot be asserted. But it is certain that the public were led to expect
+      from his method more than it could give.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The fame of his Art of Memory reached the king's ears; and Henri III. sent
+      for him. 'The king, says Bruno, 'had me called one day, being desirous to
+      know whether the memory I possessed and professed, was natural or the
+      result of magic art. I gave him satisfaction; by my explanations and by
+      <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB140" id="pageB140"></a>{140}</span>
+      demonstrations to his own experience, convincing him that it was not an
+      affair of magic but of science.' Henri, who might have been disappointed
+      by this result, was taken with his teacher, and appointed him Reader
+      Extraordinary&mdash;a post that did not oblige Bruno to hear Mass. The
+      Ordinary Readers at Paris had to conform to the usages of the Catholic
+      Church. On his side, Bruno appears to have conceived high admiration for
+      the king's ability. In the <i>Cena della Ceneri</i> and the <i>Spaccio
+      della Bestia Trionfante,</i> composed and published after he had left
+      France, he paid him compliments in terms of hyperbolical laudation. It
+      would be vain to comment on these facts. No one conversant with French
+      society at that epoch could have been ignorant of Henri's character and
+      vicious life. No one could have pretended that his employment of the
+      kingdom's wealth to enrich unworthy favorites was anything but
+      dishonorable, or have maintained that his flagrant effeminacy was
+      beneficial to society. The fantastic superstition which the king indulged
+      alternately with sensual extravagances, must have been odious to one whose
+      spiritual mistress was divine Sophia, and whose religion was an adoration
+      of the intellect for the One Cause. But Henri had one quality which seemed
+      of supreme excellence to Bruno. He appreciated speculation and encouraged
+      men of learning. A man so enthusiastic as our philosopher may have thought
+      that his own teaching could expel that Beast Triumphant of the vices <span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageB141" id="pageB141"></a>{141}</span> from a
+      royal heart tainted by bad education in a corrupt Court. Bruno, moreover,
+      it must be remembered, remained curiously inappreciative of the revolution
+      effected in humanity by Christian morals. Much that is repulsive to us in
+      the manners of the Valois, may have been indifferent to him.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Bruno had just passed his thirtieth year. He was a man of middling height,
+      spare figure, and olive complexion, wearing a short chestnut-colored
+      beard. He spoke with vivacity and copious rhetoric, aiming rather at force
+      than at purity of diction, indulging in trenchant metaphors to adumbrate
+      recondite thoughts, passing from grotesque images to impassioned flights
+      of declamation, blending acute arguments and pungent satires with grave
+      mystical discourses. The impression of originality produced by his
+      familiar conversation rendered him agreeable to princes. There was nothing
+      of the pedant in his nature, nothing about him of the doctor but his
+      title.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      After a residence of rather less than four years in Paris, he resolved
+      upon a journey to England. Henri supplied him with letters of introduction
+      to the French ambassador in London, Michel de Castelnau de la Mauvissi&egrave;re.
+      This excellent man, who was then attempting to negotiate the marriage of
+      Elizabeth with the Duke of Anjou, received Bruno into his own family as
+      one of the gentlemen of his suite. Under his roof the wandering scholar
+      enjoyed a quiet home during the two years which he passed in England&mdash;years
+      that were undoubtedly the happiest, as <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageB142" id="pageB142"></a>{142}</span> they were the most
+      industrious, of his checkered life. It is somewhat strange that Bruno left
+      no trace of his English visit in contemporary literature. Seven of his
+      most important works were printed in London, though they bore the impress
+      of Paris and Venice&mdash;for the very characteristic reason that English
+      people only cared for foreign publications. Four of these, on purely
+      metaphysical topics, were dedicated to Michel de Castelnau; two, treating
+      of moral and psychological questions, the famous <i>Spaccio della Bestia</i>
+      and <i>Gli eroici Furori</i>, were inscribed to Sidney. The <i>Cena delle
+      Ceneri</i> describes a supper party at the house of Fulke Greville; and it
+      is clear from numerous allusions scattered up and down these writings,
+      that their author was admitted on terms of familiarity to the best English
+      society. Yet no one mentions him. Fulke Greville in his Life of Sidney
+      passes him by in silence; nor am I aware that any one of Sidney's
+      panegyrists, the name of whom is legion, alludes to the homage paid him by
+      the Italian philosopher.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      On his side, Bruno has bequeathed to us animated pictures of his life in
+      London, portraying the English of that period as they impressed a
+      sensitive Italian.<a name="BFNanchor_88_88" id="BFNanchor_88_88"></a><a
+      href="#BFootnote_88_88" class="fnanchor">[88]</a> His descriptions are
+      valuable, since they dwell on slight particulars unnoticed by ambassadors
+      in their dispatches. He was much struck with the filth and unkempt
+      desolation of the streets adjacent to the Thames, the rudeness of the
+      watermen who <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB143" id="pageB143"></a>{143}</span>
+      plied their craft upon the river, and the stalwart beef-eating brutality
+      of prentices and porters. The population of London displayed its antipathy
+      to foreigners by loud remarks, hustled them in narrow lanes, and played at
+      rough-and-tumble with them after the manners of a bear-garden. But there
+      is no hint that these big fellows shouldering through the crowd were
+      treacherous or ready with their knives. The servants of great houses
+      seemed to Bruno discourteous and savage; yet he says nothing about such
+      subtlety and vice as rendered the retainers of Italian nobles perilous to
+      order. He paints the broad portrait of a muscular and insolently insular
+      people, untainted by the evils of corrupt civilization. Mounting higher in
+      the social scale, Bruno renders deserved homage to the graceful and
+      unaffected manners of young English noblemen, from whom he singles Sidney
+      out as the star of cultivated chivalry.<a name="BFNanchor_89_89"
+      id="BFNanchor_89_89"></a><a href="#BFootnote_89_89" class="fnanchor">[89]</a>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      What he says about the well-born youth of England, shows that the flower
+      of our gentlefolk delighted Southern observers by their mixture of
+      simplicity and sweetness with good breeding and sound sense. For the
+      ladies of England he cannot find words fair enough to extol the beauties
+      of their persons and the purity of their affections. Elizabeth herself he
+      calls a goddess, <i>diva</i>, using phrases which were after<span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageB144" id="pageB144"></a>{144}</span> wards
+      recited in the terms of his indictment before the Inquisition. What
+      pleased him most in England, was the liberty of speech and thought he
+      there enjoyed.<a name="BFNanchor_90_90" id="BFNanchor_90_90"></a><a
+      href="#BFootnote_90_90" class="fnanchor">[90]</a> Society was so urbane,
+      government was so unsuspicious, that a man could venture to call things by
+      their proper names and speak his heart out without reserve. That Bruno's
+      panegyric was not prompted by any wish to flatter national vanity, is
+      proved by the hard truths he spoke about the grossness of the people, and
+      by his sarcasms on Oxford pedants. He also ventured to condemn in no
+      unmeasured terms some customs which surprised him in domestic intercourse.
+      He drew, for instance, a really gruesome picture of the loving-cup, as it
+      passed round the table, tasted by a mixed assemblage.<a
+      name="BFNanchor_91_91" id="BFNanchor_91_91"></a><a href="#BFootnote_91_91"
+      class="fnanchor">[91]</a>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      A visit paid by Bruno to Oxford forms a curious episode in his English
+      experiences. He found that university possessed by pedants and ignorant
+      professors of the old learning. 'Men of choice,' he calls them, 'trailing
+      their long velvet gowns, this one arrayed with two bright chains of gold
+      around his neck, that one, good heavens! with such a valuable hand&mdash;twelve
+      rings upon two fingers, giving him the look of some rich jeweler.'<a
+      name="BFNanchor_92_92" id="BFNanchor_92_92"></a><a href="#BFootnote_92_92"
+      class="fnanchor">[92]</a> These excellent dons, blest in the possession of
+      fat fellowships, felt no sympathy for an eccentric interloper of Bruno's
+      stamp. They allowed him to lecture on the Soul and the Sphere.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB145" id="pageB145"></a>{145}</span>
+      They even condescended to dispute with him. Yet they made Oxford so
+      unpleasant a place of residence that after three months he returned to
+      London. The treatment he experienced rankled in his memory. 'Look where
+      you like at the present moment, you will find but doctors in grammar here;
+      for in this happy realm there reigns a constellation of pedantic stubborn
+      ignorance and presumption mixed with a rustic incivility that would
+      disturb Job's patience. If you do not believe it, go to Oxford, and ask to
+      hear what happened to the Nolan, when he disputed publicly with those
+      doctors of theology in the presence of the Polish Prince Alasco.<a
+      name="BFNanchor_93_93" id="BFNanchor_93_93"></a><a href="#BFootnote_93_93"
+      class="fnanchor">[93]</a> Make them tell you how they answered to his
+      syllogisms; how the pitiful professor, whom they put before them on that
+      grave occasion as the Corypheus of their university, bungled fifteen times
+      with fifteen syllogisms, like a chicken in the stubble. Make them tell you
+      with what rudeness and discourtesy that pig behaved; what patience and
+      humanity he met from his opponent, who, in truth, proclaimed himself a
+      Neapolitan, born and brought up beneath more genial heavens. Then learn
+      after what fashion they brought his public lectures to an end, those on
+      the Immortality of the Soul and those on the Quintuple Sphere.'<a
+      name="BFNanchor_94_94" id="BFNanchor_94_94"></a><a href="#BFootnote_94_94"
+      class="fnanchor">[94]</a> The Soul and the Sphere were Bruno's favorite
+      themes. He handled both at this period of life with startling audacity.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB146" id="pageB146"></a>{146}</span>
+      They had become for him the means of ventilating speculations on
+      terrestrial movement, on the multiplicity of habitable worlds, on the
+      principle of the universe, and on the infinite modes of psychical
+      metamorphosis. Such topics were not calculated to endear him to people of
+      importance on the banks of Isis. That he did not humor their prejudices,
+      appears from a Latin epistle which he sent before him by way of
+      introduction to the Vice Chancellor.<a name="BFNanchor_95_95"
+      id="BFNanchor_95_95"></a><a href="#BFootnote_95_95" class="fnanchor">[95]</a>
+      It contains these pompous phrases: 'Philotheus Jordanus Brunus Nolanus
+      magis laboratae theologiae doctor, purioris et innocuae sapientiae
+      professor. In praecipuis Europae academiis notus, probatus et honorifice
+      exceptus philosophus. Nullibi praeterquam apud barbaros et ignobiles
+      peregrinus. Dormitantium animarum excubitor. Praesuntuosae et
+      recalcitrantis ignorantiae domitor. Qui in actibus universis generalem
+      philantropiam protestatur. Qui non magis Italum quam Britannum, marem quam
+      foeminam, mitratum quam coronatum, togatum quam armatum, cucullatum
+      hominem quam sine cucullo virum: sed ilium cujus pacatior, civilior,
+      fidelior et utilior est conversatio diligit.' Which may thus be Englished:
+      'Giordano Bruno of Nola, the God-loving, of the more highly-wrought
+      theology doctor, of the purer and harmless wisdom professor. In the chief
+      universities of Europe known, approved, and honorably received as
+      philosopher. Nowhere save among barbarians and the ignoble a stranger.
+      <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB147" id="pageB147"></a>{147}</span>
+      The awakener of sleeping souls. The trampler upon presuming and
+      recalcitrant ignorance. Who in all his acts proclaims a universal
+      benevolence toward man. Who loveth not Italian more than Briton, male than
+      female, mitred than crowned head, gowned than armed, frocked than
+      frockless; but seeketh after him whose conversation is the more peaceful,
+      more civil, more loyal, and more profitable.' This manifesto, in the style
+      of a mountebank, must have sounded like a trumpet-blast to set the humdrum
+      English doctors with sleepy brains and moldy science on their guard
+      against a man whom they naturally regarded as an Italian charlatan. What,
+      indeed, was this more highly-wrought theology, this purer wisdom? What
+      call had this self-panegyrist to stir souls from comfortable slumbers?
+      What right had he to style the knowledge of his brethren ignorance?
+      Probably he was but some pestilent fellow, preaching unsound doctrine on
+      the Trinity, like Peter Martyr Vermigli, who had been properly hissed out
+      of Oxford a quarter of a century earlier. When Bruno arrived and lectured,
+      their worst prognostications were fulfilled. Did he not maintain a theory
+      of the universe which even that perilous speculator and political schemer,
+      Francis Bacon, sneered at as nugatory?
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      In spite of academical opposition, Bruno enjoyed fair weather, halcyon
+      months, in England. His description of the Ash Wednesday Supper at Fulke
+      Greville's, shows that a niche had been carved out <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageB148" id="pageB148"></a>{148}</span> for him in London, where he
+      occupied a pedestal of some importance. Those gentlemen of Elizabeth's
+      Court did not certainly exaggerate the value of their Italian guest. In
+      Italy, most of them had met with spirits of Bruno's stamp, whom they had
+      not time or opportunity to prove. He was one among a hundred interesting
+      foreigners; and his martyrdom had not as yet set the crown of glory or of
+      shame upon his forehead. They probably accepted him as London society of
+      the present day accepts a theosophist from Simla or Thibet. But his real
+      home at this epoch, the only home, so far as I can see, that Bruno ever
+      had, after he left his mother at the age of thirteen for a convent, was
+      the house of Castelnau. The truest chords in the Italian's voice vibrate
+      when he speaks of that sound Frenchman. To Mme. de Castelnau he alludes
+      with respectful sincerity, paying her the moderate and well-weighed homage
+      which, for a noble woman, is the finest praise. There is no rhetoric in
+      the words he uses to express his sense of obligation to her kindness. They
+      are delicate, inspired with a tact which makes us trust the writer's sense
+      of fitness.<a name="BFNanchor_96_96" id="BFNanchor_96_96"></a><a
+      href="#BFootnote_96_96" class="fnanchor">[96]</a> But Bruno indulges in
+      softer phrases, drawn from the heart, and eminently characteristic of his
+      predominant enthusiastic mood, when he comes to talk of the little girl,
+      Marie, who brightened the home of the Castelnaus. 'What shall I say of
+      their noble-natured daughter? She has gazed upon the sun barely one luster
+      and one <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB149" id="pageB149"></a>{149}</span>
+      year; but so far as language goes, I know not how to judge whether she
+      springs from Italy or France or England! From her hand, touching the
+      instruments of music, no man could reckon if she be of corporate or
+      incorporeal substance. Her perfected goodness makes one marvel whether she
+      be flown from heaven, or be a creature of this common earth. It is at
+      least evident to every man that for the shaping of so fair a body the
+      blood of both her parents has contributed, while for the tissue of her
+      rare spirit the virtues of their heroic souls have been combined.'<a
+      name="BFNanchor_97_97" id="BFNanchor_97_97"></a><a href="#BFootnote_97_97"
+      class="fnanchor">[97]</a>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      It was time to leave these excellent and hospitable friends. 'Forth from
+      the tranquil to the trembling air' Bruno's unquiet impulse drove him. He
+      returned to Paris at the end of 1585, disputed before the Sorbonne with
+      some success of scandal, and then, disquieted by the disorders of the
+      realm, set out for Germany. We find him at Marburg in the following year,
+      ill-received by the University, but welcomed by the Prince. Thence we
+      follow him to Mainz, and afterwards to Wittenberg, where he spent two
+      years. Here he conceived a high opinion of the Germans. He foresaw that
+      when they turned their attention from theology to science and pure
+      speculation, great results might be expected from their solid intellectual
+      capacity. He seems in fact to have taken a pretty accurate measure of the
+      race as it has subsequently shown itself. Wittenberg he called the German
+      Athens. Luther, he recog<span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB150"
+      id="pageB150"></a>{150}</span> nized as a hero of humanity, who, like
+      himself, defied authority in the defense of truth. Yet he felt no sympathy
+      for the German reformers. When asked by the Inquisitors at Venice what he
+      thought about these men, he replied: 'I regard them as more ignorant than
+      I am. I despise them and their doctrines. They do not deserve the name of
+      theologians, but of pedants.' That this reply was sincere, is abundantly
+      proved by passages in the least orthodox of Bruno's writings. It was the
+      weakness of a philosopher's position at that moment that he derived no
+      support from either of the camps into which Christendom was then divided.
+      Catholics and Protestants of every shade regarded him with mistrust.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      A change in the religious policy of Saxony, introduced after the death of
+      the Elector Augustus, caused Bruno to leave Wittenberg for Prague in 1588.
+      From Prague he passed to Helmst&auml;dt, where the Duke Heinrich Julius of
+      Brunswick-Wolfenb&uuml;ttel received him with distinction, and bestowed on
+      him a purse of eighty dollars.<a name="BFNanchor_98_98"
+      id="BFNanchor_98_98"></a><a href="#BFootnote_98_98" class="fnanchor">[98]</a>
+      Here he conceived two of his most important works, the <i>De Monade</i>
+      and <i>De Triplici Minimo</i>, both written in Latin hexameters.<a
+      name="BFNanchor_99_99" id="BFNanchor_99_99"></a><a href="#BFootnote_99_99"
+      class="fnanchor">[99]</a> Why he adopted this new form of exposition is
+      not manifest. Possibly he was tired of dialogues, through which he had
+      expressed his <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB151" id="pageB151"></a>{151}</span>
+      thought so freely in England. Possibly a German public would have been
+      indifferent to Italian. Possibly he was emulous of his old masters,
+      Parmenides and Lucretius.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      At Helmst&auml;dt he came into collision with Boetius, the rector of the
+      Evangelical church, who issued a sentence of excommunication against him.
+      Like a new Odysseus, he set forth once again upon his voyage, and in the
+      spring of 1590 anchored in Frankfort on the Main. A convent (that of the
+      Carmelites) sheltered him in this city, where he lived on terms of
+      intimacy with the printers Wechel and Fischer, and other men of learning.
+      It would appear from evidence laid before the Venetian Inquisitors that
+      the prior of the monastery judged him to be a man of genius and doctrine,
+      devoid of definite religion, addicted to fantastic studies, and bent on
+      the elaboration of a philosophy that should supersede existing creeds.<a
+      name="BFNanchor_100_100" id="BFNanchor_100_100"></a><a
+      href="#BFootnote_100_100" class="fnanchor">[100]</a> This was a not
+      inaccurate portrait of Bruno as he then appeared to conservatives of
+      commonplace capacity. Yet nothing occurred to irritate him in the shape of
+      persecution or disturbance. Bruno worked in quiet at Frankfort, pouring
+      forth thousands of metaphysical verses, some at least of which were
+      committed to the press in three volumes published by the Wechels.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Between Frankfort and Italy literary communications were kept open through
+      the medium of the great fair, which took place every year at Michael<span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageB152" id="pageB152"></a>{152}</span> mas.<a
+      name="BFNanchor_101_101" id="BFNanchor_101_101"></a><a
+      href="#BFootnote_101_101" class="fnanchor">[101]</a> Books formed one of
+      the principal commodities, and the Italian bibliopoles traveled across the
+      Alps to transact business on these important occasions. It happened by
+      such means that a work of Bruno's, perhaps the <i>De Monude</i>, found its
+      way to Venice.<a name="BFNanchor_102_102" id="BFNanchor_102_102"></a><a
+      href="#BFootnote_102_102" class="fnanchor">[102]</a> Exposed on the
+      counter of Giambattista Ciotto, then plying the trade of bookseller in
+      that city, this treatise met the eyes of a Venetian gentleman called
+      Giovanni Mocenigo. He belonged to one of the most illustrious of the still
+      surviving noble families in Venice. The long line of their palaces upon
+      the Grand Canal has impressed the mind of every tourist. One of these
+      houses, it may be remarked, was occupied by Lord Byron, who, had he known
+      of Bruno's connection with the Mocenighi, would undoubtedly have given to
+      the world a poem or a drama on the fate of our philosopher. Giovanni
+      Mocenigo was a man verging on middle life, superstitious, acknowledging
+      the dominion of his priest, but alive in a furtive way to perilous ideas.
+      Morally, he stands before us as a twofold traitor: a traitor to his
+      Church, so long as he hoped to gain illicit power by magic arts; a traitor
+      to his guest, so soon as he discovered that his soul's risk brought
+      himself no profit.<a name="BFNanchor_103_103" id="BFNanchor_103_103"></a><a
+      href="#BFootnote_103_103" class="fnanchor">[103]</a> He seems to have
+      imagined <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB153" id="pageB153"></a>{153}</span>
+      that Bruno might teach him occult science or direct him on a royal way to
+      knowledge without strenuous study. Subsequent events proved that, though
+      he had no solid culture, he was fascinated by the expectation of
+      discovering some great secret. It was the vice of the age to confound
+      science with sorcery, and Bruno had lent himself to this delusion by his
+      whimsical style. Perhaps the booksellers, who then played a part scarcely
+      less prominent than that of the barbers in diffusing gossip, inflamed
+      Mocenigo's curiosity by painting the author of the puzzling volume in
+      seductive colors. Any how this man sent two letters, one through Ciotto,
+      and one direct to Bruno, praying him to visit Venice, professing his
+      desire for instruction, and offering him an honorable place of residence.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      In an evil hour Bruno accepted this invitation. No doubt he longed to see
+      Italy again after so many years of exile. Certainly he had the right to
+      believe that he would find hospitality and a safe refuge in Venice. Had
+      not a Venetian noble pledged his word for the former? Was not the latter a
+      privilege which S. Mark extended to all suppliants? The Republic professed
+      to shield even the outlaws of the Inquisition, if they claimed her
+      jurisdiction. There was therefore no palpable imprudence in the step which
+      Bruno now took. Yet he took it under circumstances which would have made a
+      cautious man <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB154" id="pageB154"></a>{154}</span>
+      mistrustful. Of Mocenigo he knew merely nothing. But he did know that
+      writs from the Holy Office had been out against himself in Italy for many
+      years, during which he had spent his time in conversing with heretics and
+      printing works of more than questionable orthodoxy.<a
+      name="BFNanchor_104_104" id="BFNanchor_104_104"></a><a
+      href="#BFootnote_104_104" class="fnanchor">[104]</a> Nothing proves the
+      force of the vagrant's impulse which possessed Bruno, more than his light
+      and ready consent to Giovanni Mocenigo's proposal.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      He set off at once from Frankfort, leaving the MS. of one of his
+      metaphysical poems in Wechel's hands to print, and found himself at the
+      end of 1591 a guest of his unknown patron. I have already described what
+      Mocenigo hoped to gain from Bruno&mdash;the arts of memory and invention,
+      together with glimpses into occult science.<a name="BFNanchor_105_105"
+      id="BFNanchor_105_105"></a><a href="#BFootnote_105_105" class="fnanchor">[105]</a>
+      We know how little Bruno was able to satisfy an in satiable curiosity in
+      such matters. One of his main weaknesses was a habit of boasting and
+      exaggerating his own powers, which at first imposed upon a vulgar audience
+      and then left them under the impression that he was a charlatan. The
+      bookseller Ciotto learned from students who had conversed with him at
+      Frankfort, that 'he professed an art of memory and other secrets in the
+      sciences, but that all the persons who had dealt with him in such matters,
+      had left him discontinued.'<a name="BFNanchor_106_106"
+      id="BFNanchor_106_106"></a><a href="#BFootnote_106_106" class="fnanchor">[106]</a>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB155" id="pageB155"></a>{155}</span>
+      Another weakness in his character was extraordinary want of caution.
+      Having lived about the world so long, and changed from town to town,
+      supporting himself as he best could, he had acquired the custom of
+      attracting notice by startling paradoxes. Nor does he seem to have cared
+      to whom he made the dangerous confidence of his esoteric beliefs. His
+      public writings, presumably composed with a certain circumspection&mdash;since
+      everybody knows the proverb <i>litera scripta manet</i>&mdash;contain such
+      perilous stuff that&mdash;when we consider what their author may have let
+      fall in unguarded conversation&mdash;we are prepared to credit the charges
+      brought against him by Mocenigo. For it must now be said that this man,
+      'induced by the obligation of his conscience and by order of his
+      confessor,' denounced Bruno to the Inquisition on May 23, 1592.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      When the two men, so entirely opposite in their natures, first came
+      together, Bruno began to instruct his patron in the famous art of memory
+      and mathematics. At the same time he discoursed freely and copiously,
+      according to his wont, upon his own philosophy. Mocenigo took no interest
+      in metaphysics, and was terrified by the audacity of Bruno's speculations.
+      It enraged him to find how meager was Bruno's vaunted method for acquiring
+      and retaining knowledge without pains. In his secret heart he believed
+      that the teacher whom he had maintained at a considerable cost, was
+      withholding the occult knowledge he so much coveted. Bruno, <span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageB156" id="pageB156"></a>{156}</span>
+      meanwhile, attended Andrea Morosini's receptions in the palace at S. Luca,
+      and frequented those of Bernardo Secchini at the sign of the Golden Ship
+      in the Merceria. He made friends with scholars and men of fashion;
+      absented himself for weeks together at Padua; showed that he was tired of
+      Mocenigo; and ended by rousing that man's suspicious jealousy. Mocenigo
+      felt that he had been deceived by an impostor, who, instead of furnishing
+      the wares for which he bargained, put him off with declamations on the
+      nature of the universe. What was even more terrible, he became convinced
+      that this charlatan was an obstinate heretic.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Whether Bruno perceived the gathering of the storm above his head, whether
+      he was only wearied with the importunities of his host, or whether, as he
+      told the Inquisitors, he wished to superintend the publication of some
+      books at Frankfort, does not greatly signify. At any rate, he begged
+      Mocenigo to excuse him from further attendance, since he meant to leave
+      Venice. This happened on Thursday, May 21. Next day, Mocenigo sent his
+      bodyservant together with five or six gondoliers into Bruno's apartment,
+      seized him, and had him locked up in a ground-floor room of the palace. At
+      the same time he laid hands on all Bruno's effects, including the MS. of
+      one important treatise <i>On the Seven Liberal Arts</i>, which was about
+      to be dedicated to Pope Clement VIII. This, together with other
+      unpublished works, exists probably in the<span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageB157" id="pageB157"></a>{157}</span> Vatican Archives, having
+      been sent with the papers referring to Bruno's trial from Venice when he
+      was transported to Rome. The following day, which was a Saturday, Mocenigo
+      caused Bruno to be carried to one of those cellars (<i>magazzeni terreni</i>)
+      which are used in Venice for storing wood, merchandise or implements
+      belonging to gondolas. In the evening, a Captain of the Council of Ten
+      removed him to the dungeons of the Inquisition. On the same day, May 23,
+      Mocenigo lodged his denunciation with the Holy Office.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The heads of this accusation, extracted from the first report and from two
+      subsequent additions made by the delator, amount to these. Though Bruno
+      was adverse to religions altogether, he preferred the Catholic to any
+      other; but he believed it to stand in need of thorough reform. The
+      doctrines of the Trinity, the miraculous birth of Christ, and
+      transubstantiation, were insults to the Divine Being. Christ had seduced
+      the people by working apparent miracles. So also had the Apostles. To
+      develop a new philosophy which should supersede religions, and to prove
+      his superiority in knowledge over S. Thomas and all the theologians, was
+      Bruno's cherished scheme. He did not believe in the punishment of sins;
+      but held a doctrine of the transmigration of souls, and of the generation
+      of the human soul from refuse. The world he thought to be eternal. He
+      maintained that there were infinite worlds, all made by God, who wills to
+      do what he <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB158" id="pageB158"></a>{158}</span>
+      can do, and therefore produces infinity. The religious orders of
+      Catholicism defile the earth by evil life, hypocrisy, and avarice. All
+      friars are only asses. Indulgence in carnal pleasures ought not to be
+      reckoned sinful. The man confessed to having freely satisfied his passions
+      to the utmost of his opportunities.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      On being questioned before the Inquisitors, Mocenigo supported these
+      charges. He added that when he had threatened Bruno with delation, Bruno
+      replied, first, that he did not believe he would betray his confidence by
+      making private conversation the groundwork of criminal charges; secondly,
+      that the utmost the Inquisition could do, would be to inflict some penance
+      and force him to resume the cowl. These, which are important assertions,
+      bearing the mark of truth, throw light on his want of caution in dealing
+      with Mocenigo, and explain the attitude he afterwards assumed before the
+      Holy Office.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Mocenigo's accusations in the main yield evidences of sincerity. They are
+      exactly what we should expect from the distortion of Bruno's doctrines by
+      a mind incapable of comprehending them. In short, they are as veracious as
+      the image of a face reflected on a spoon. Certain gross details (the
+      charges, for example, of having called Christ a <i>tristo</i> who was
+      deservedly hung, and of having sneered at the virginity of Mary) may
+      possibly have emanated from the delator's own imagination.<a
+      name="BFNanchor_107_107" id="BFNanchor_107_107"></a><a
+      href="#BFootnote_107_107" class="fnanchor">[107]</a>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB159" id="pageB159"></a>{159}</span>
+      Bruno emphatically repudiated these; though some passages in his
+      philosophical poems, published at Frankfort, contain the substance of
+      their blasphemies. A man of Mocenigo's stamp probably thought that he was
+      faithfully representing the heretic's views, while in reality he was
+      drawing his own gross conclusions from skeptical utterances about the
+      origin of Christianity which he obscurely understood. It does not seem
+      incredible, however, that Bruno, who was never nice in his choice of
+      language, and who certainly despised historical Christianity, let fall
+      crude witticisms upon such and other points in Mocenigo's presence.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Bruno appeared before the Venetian Inquisition on May 29. His examination
+      was continued at intervals from this date till July 30. His depositions
+      consist for the most part of an autobiographical statement which he
+      volunteered, and of a frank elucidation of his philosophical doctrines in
+      their relation to orthodox belief. While reading the lengthy pages of his
+      trial, we seem to overhear a man conversing confidentially with judges
+      from whom he expected liberal sympathy. Over and over again, he relies for
+      his defense upon the old distinction between philosophy and faith,
+      claiming to have advocated views as a thinker which he does not hold as a
+      Christian. 'In all my books I have used philosophical methods of
+      definition according to the principles and light of nature, not taking
+      chief regard of that which ought to be held in faith; <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageB160" id="pageB160"></a>{160}</span> and I believe they do not
+      contain anything which can support the accusation that I have professedly
+      impugned religion rather than that I have sought to exalt philosophy;
+      though I may have expounded many impieties based upon my natural light.'<a
+      name="BFNanchor_108_108" id="BFNanchor_108_108"></a><a
+      href="#BFootnote_108_108" class="fnanchor">[108]</a> In another place he
+      uses the antithesis, 'speaking like a Christian and according to theology'&mdash;'speaking
+      after the manner of philosophy.'<a name="BFNanchor_109_109"
+      id="BFNanchor_109_109"></a><a href="#BFootnote_109_109" class="fnanchor">[109]</a>
+      The same antithesis is employed to justify his doctrine of metempsychosis:
+      'Speaking as a Catholic, souls do not pass from one body into another, but
+      go to paradise or purgatory or hell; yet, following philosophical
+      reasonings, I have argued that, the soul being inexistent without the body
+      and inexistent in the body, it can be indifferently in one or in another
+      body, and can pass from one into another, which, if it be not true, seems
+      at any rate probable according to the opinion of Pythagoras.'<a
+      name="BFNanchor_110_110" id="BFNanchor_110_110"></a><a
+      href="#BFootnote_110_110" class="fnanchor">[110]</a>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      That he expected no severe punishment appears from the terms of his
+      so-called recantation. 'I said that I wished to present myself before the
+      feet of his Holiness with certain books which I approve, though I have
+      published others which I do not now approve; whereby I meant to say that
+      some works composed and published by me do not meet with my approbation,
+      inasmuch as in these I have spoken and discussed too philosophically, in
+      unseemly wise, not altogether as a good Christian ought; in particular I
+      know that in some of these works I have taught and philosophically held
+      things which ought <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB161" id="pageB161"></a>{161}</span>
+      to be attributed to the power, wisdom and goodness of God according to the
+      Christian faith, founding doctrine in such matters on sense and reason,
+      not upon faith.'<a name="BFNanchor_111_111" id="BFNanchor_111_111"></a><a
+      href="#BFootnote_111_111" class="fnanchor">[111]</a> At the very end of
+      his examination, he placed himself in the hands of his judges, 'confessing
+      his errors with a willing mind,' acknowledging that he had 'erred and
+      strayed from the Church,' begging for such castigation as shall not 'bring
+      public dishonor on the sacred robe which he had worn,' and promising to
+      'show a noteworthy reform, and to recompense the scandal he had caused by
+      edification at least equal in magnitude.'<a name="BFNanchor_112_112"
+      id="BFNanchor_112_112"></a><a href="#BFootnote_112_112" class="fnanchor">[112]</a>
+      These professions he made upon his knees, evincing clearly, as it seems to
+      me, that at this epoch he was ready to rejoin the Dominican order, and
+      that, as he affirmed to Mocenigo, he expected no worse punishment than
+      this.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      In attempting to estimate Bruno's recantation, we must remember that he
+      felt no sympathy at all for heretics. When questioned about them, he was
+      able to quote passages from his own works in which he called the
+      Reformation a Deformation of religion.<a name="BFNanchor_113_113"
+      id="BFNanchor_113_113"></a><a href="#BFootnote_113_113" class="fnanchor">[113]</a>
+      Lutheran and Calvinist theologians were alike pedants in his eyes.<a
+      name="BFNanchor_114_114" id="BFNanchor_114_114"></a><a
+      href="#BFootnote_114_114" class="fnanchor">[114]</a> There is no doubt
+      that Bruno meant what he said; and had he been compelled to choose one of
+      the existing religions, he would have preferred Catholicism. He was, in
+      fact, at a period of life when he wished to dedicate his time in quiet to
+      metaphysical studies. He had matured his philo<span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageB162" id="pageB162"></a>{162}</span> sophy and brought it to a
+      point at which he thought it could be presented as a peace-offering to the
+      Supreme Pontiff. Conformity to ecclesiastical observances seemed no longer
+      irksome to the world-experienced, wide-reaching mind of the man. Nor does
+      he appear to have anticipated that his formal submission would not be
+      readily accepted. He reckoned strangely, in this matter, without the
+      murderous host into whose clutches he had fallen.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Searching interrogations touching other heads in the evidence against him,
+      as blasphemous remarks on sacred persons, intercourse with heretics, abuse
+      of the religious orders, dealings in magic arts, licentious principles of
+      conduct, were answered by Bruno with a frank assurance, which proves his
+      good conscience in essentials and his firm expectation of a favorable
+      issue to the affair. Mocenigo had described him as <i>indemoniato</i>; and
+      considering the manifest peril in which he now stood, there is something
+      scarcely sane in the confidence he showed. For Mocenigo himself he
+      reserved words of bitterest scorn and indignation. When questioned in the
+      usual terms whether he had enemies at Venice, he replied: 'I know of none
+      but Ser Giovanni Mocenigo and his train of servants. By him I have been
+      grievously injured, more so than by living man, seeing he has murdered me
+      in my life, my honor and my property, having imprisoned me in his own
+      house and stolen all my writings, books, and other effects. And this he
+      did because he <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB163" id="pageB163"></a>{163}</span>
+      not only wished that I should teach him everything I know, but also wished
+      to prevent my teaching it to any one but him. He has continued to threaten
+      me upon the points of life and honor, unless I should teach him everything
+      I knew.'<a name="BFNanchor_115_115" id="BFNanchor_115_115"></a><a
+      href="#BFootnote_115_115" class="fnanchor">[115]</a>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The scene closes over Bruno in the Venetian Inquisition on July 30, 1592.
+      We do not behold him again till he enters the Minerva at Rome to receive
+      his death-sentence on February 9, 1600. What happened in the interval is
+      almost a blank. An exchange of letters took place between Rome and Venice
+      concerning his extradition, and the Republic made some show of reluctance
+      to part with a refugee within its jurisdiction. But this diplomatic affair
+      was settled to the satisfaction of both parties, and Bruno disappeared
+      into the dungeons of the Roman Inquisition in the month of January 1593.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Seven years of imprisonment was a long period.<a name="BFNanchor_116_116"
+      id="BFNanchor_116_116"></a><a href="#BFootnote_116_116" class="fnanchor">[116]</a>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      We find it hard to understand why Bruno's prosecution occupied the Holy
+      Office through this space of time. But conjectures on the subject are now
+      useless. Equally futile is it to speculate whether Bruno offered to
+      conform in life and doctrine to the<span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB164"
+      id="pageB164"></a>{164}</span> Church at Rome as he had done at Venice.
+      The temptation to do so must have been great. Most probably he begged for
+      grace, but grace was not accorded on his own terms; and he chose death
+      rather than dishonor and a lie in the last resort, or rather than
+      life-long incarceration. It is also singular that but few contemporaries
+      mention the fact of his condemnation and execution. Rome was crowded in
+      the jubilee year of 1600. Bruno was burned in open daylight on the Campo
+      di Fiora. Yet the only eye-witness who records the event, is Gaspar
+      Schoppe, or Scioppius, who wrote a letter on the subject to his friend
+      Rittershausen. Kepler, eight years afterwards, informed his correspondent
+      Breugger that Bruno had been really burned: 'he bore his agonizing death
+      with fortitude, abiding by the asseveration that all religions are vain,
+      and that God identifies himself with the world, circumference and center.'
+      Kepler, it may be observed, conceived a high opinion of Bruno's
+      speculations, and pointed him out to Galileo as the man who had divined
+      the infinity of solar systems in their correlation to one infinite order
+      of the universe.<a name="BFNanchor_117_117" id="BFNanchor_117_117"></a><a
+      href="#BFootnote_117_117" class="fnanchor">[117]</a>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB165" id="pageB165"></a>{165}</span>
+      Scioppius was a German humanist of the elder Italianated type, an elegant
+      Latin stylist, who commented indifferently on the <i>Priapeia</i> and the
+      Stoic philosophy. He abjured Protestantism, and like Muretus, sold his pen
+      to Rome. The Jesuits, in his pompous panegyric, were first saluted as 'the
+      praetorian cohort of the camp of God.' Afterwards, when he quarreled with
+      their Order, he showered invectives on them in the manner of a Poggio or
+      Filelfo. The literary infamies of the fifteenth century reappeared in his
+      polemical attacks on Protestants, and in his satires upon Scaliger. Yet he
+      was a man of versatile talents and considerable erudition. It must be
+      mentioned in his honor that he visited Campanella in his prison, and
+      exerted himself for his liberation. Campanella dedicated his <i>Atheismus
+      Triumphatus</i> to Scioppius, calling him 'the dawn-star of our age.'
+      Schoppe was also the first credible authority to warn Sarpi of the
+      imminent peril he ran from Roman hired assassins, as I hope to relate in
+      my chapter upon Sarpi's life. This man's letter to his friend is the
+      single trustworthy document which we possess regarding the last hours of
+      Bruno. Its inaccuracies on minor points may be held to corroborate his
+      testimony.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Scioppius refers to Bruno's early heresies on Transubstantiation and the
+      Virginity of Mary. He alludes to the <i>Spaccio della Bestia Trionfante</i>,
+      as though it had been a libel on the Pope.<a name="BFNanchor_118_118"
+      id="BFNanchor_118_118"></a><a href="#BFootnote_118_118" class="fnanchor">[118]</a>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB166" id="pageB166"></a>{166}</span> He
+      then enumerates Bruno's heterodox opinions, which had been recited in the
+      public condemnation pronounced on the heresiarch. 'Horrible and most
+      utterly absurd are the views he entertained, as, for example, that there
+      are innumerable worlds; that the soul migrates from body to body, yea into
+      another world, and that one soul can inform two bodies; that magic is good
+      and lawful; that the Holy Spirit is nothing but the Soul of the World,
+      which Moses meant when he wrote that it brooded on the waters; that the
+      world has existed from eternity; that Moses wrought his miracles by magic,
+      being more versed therein than the Egyptians, and that he composed his own
+      laws; that the Holy Scriptures are a dream, and that the devils will be
+      saved; that only the Jews descend from Adam and Eve, the rest of men from
+      that pair whom God created earlier; that Christ is not God, but that he
+      was an eminent magician who deluded mankind, and was therefore rightly
+      hanged, not crucified; that the prophets and Apostles were men of naught,
+      magicians, and for the most part hanged: in short, without detailing all
+      the monstrosities in which his books abound, and which he maintained in
+      conversation, it may be summed up in one word that he defended every error
+      that has been advanced by pagan philosophers or by heretics of earlier and
+      present times.' Accepting this list as tolerably faithful to the terms of
+      Bruno's sentence, heard by Scioppius in the hall of Minerva, we can see
+      how Mocenigo's accusation had been verified by reference to his published
+      <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB167" id="pageB167"></a>{167}</span>
+      works. The <i>De Monade</i> and <i>De Triplici</i> contain enough
+      heterodoxy to substantiate each point.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      On February 9, Bruno was brought before the Holy Office at S. Maria sopra
+      Minerva. In the presence of assembled Cardinals, theologians, and civil
+      magistrates, his heresies were first recited. Then he was excommunicated,
+      and degraded from his priestly and monastic offices. Lastly, he was handed
+      over to the secular arm, 'to be punished with all clemency and without
+      effusion of blood.' This meant in plain language to be burned alive.
+      Thereupon Bruno uttered the memorable and monumental words: 'Peradventure
+      ye pronounce this sentence on me with a greater fear than I receive it.'
+      They were the last words he spoke in public. He was removed to the prisons
+      of the State, where he remained eight days, in order that he might have
+      time to repent. But he continued obdurate. Being an apostate priest and a
+      relapsed heretic, he could hope for no remission of his sentence.
+      Therefore, on February 17, he marched to a certain and horrible death. The
+      stake was built up on the Campo di Fiora. Just before the wood was set on
+      fire, they offered him the crucifix.<a name="BFNanchor_119_119"
+      id="BFNanchor_119_119"></a><a href="#BFootnote_119_119" class="fnanchor">[119]</a>
+      He turned his face away from it in stern disdain. It was not Christ but
+      his own soul, wherein he believed the Diety resided, that sustained Bruno
+      at the supreme moment.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB168" id="pageB168"></a>{168}</span> No
+      cry, no groan, escaped his lips. Thus, as Scioppius affectedly remarked,
+      'he perished miserably in flames, and went to report in those other worlds
+      of his imagination, how blasphemous and impious men are handled by the
+      Romans.'
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Whatever we may think of the good taste of Bruno's sarcasms upon the faith
+      in which he had been bred&mdash;and it is certain that he never rightly
+      apprehended Christianity in its essence&mdash;there is no doubt he died a
+      valiant martyr to the truth as he conceived it. 'His death like that of
+      Paleario, Carnesecchi, and so many more, no less than countless exiles
+      suffered for religious causes, are a proof that in Italy men had begun to
+      recognize their obligation to a faith, the duty of obedience to a thought:
+      an immense progress, not sufficiently appreciated even by modern
+      historians.'<a name="BFNanchor_120_120" id="BFNanchor_120_120"></a><a
+      href="#BFootnote_120_120" class="fnanchor">[120]</a> Bruno was a hero in
+      the battle for the freedom of the conscience, for the right of man to
+      think and speak in liberty.<a name="BFNanchor_121_121"
+      id="BFNanchor_121_121"></a><a href="#BFootnote_121_121" class="fnanchor">[121]</a>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Just five years before this memorable 17th of February, Tasso had passed
+      quietly away in S. Onofrio. 'How dissimilar in genius and fortune,'
+      exclaims Berti, 'were these men, though born under <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageB169" id="pageB169"></a>{169}</span> the same skies, though in
+      childhood they breathed the same air! Tasso a Christian and poet of the
+      cross; Bruno hostile to all religious symbols. The one, tired and
+      disillusioned of the world, ends his days in the repose of the convent;
+      the other sets out from the convent to expire upon the scaffold, turning
+      his eyes away from the crucifix.'<a name="BFNanchor_122_122"
+      id="BFNanchor_122_122"></a><a href="#BFootnote_122_122" class="fnanchor">[122]</a>
+      And yet how much alike in some important circumstances of their lives were
+      these two men! Both wanderers, possessed by that spirit of vagrancy which
+      is the outward expression of an inner restlessness. The unfrocked friar,
+      the courtier out of service, had no home in Italy. Both were pursued by an
+      oestrum corresponding to the intellectual perturbations which closed the
+      sixteenth century, so different from the idyllic calm that rested upon
+      Ariosto and the artists of its opening years. Sufficient justice has not
+      yet been done in history to the Italian wanderers and exiles of this
+      period, men who carried the spirit of the Renaissance abroad, after the
+      Renaissance had ended in Italy, to the extremest verges of the civilized
+      world. An enumeration of their names, an examination of their services to
+      modern thought, would show how puissant was the intellectual influence of
+      Italy in that period of her political decadence.<a name="BFNanchor_123_123"
+      id="BFNanchor_123_123"></a><a href="#BFootnote_123_123" class="fnanchor">[123]</a>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Bruno has to be treated from two distinct but <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageB170" id="pageB170"></a>{170}</span> interdependent points of
+      view&mdash;in his relation to contemporary thought and the Renaissance;
+      and in his relation to the evolution of modern philosophy&mdash;as the
+      critic of mediaeval speculation and the champion of sixteenth-century
+      enthusiasm; and also as the precursor of Descartes, Spinoza, Leibnitz,
+      Schelling, Hegel, Darwin.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      From the former of these two points of view Bruno appears before us as the
+      man who most vitally and comprehensively grasped the leading tendencies of
+      his age in their intellectual essence. He left behind him the mediaeval
+      conception of an extra-mundane God, creating a finite world, of which this
+      globe is the center, and the principal episode in the history of which is
+      the series of events from the Fall, through the Incarnation and
+      Crucifixion, to the Last Judgment.<a name="BFNanchor_124_124"
+      id="BFNanchor_124_124"></a><a href="#BFootnote_124_124" class="fnanchor">[124]</a>
+      He substituted the conception of an ever-living, ever-acting,
+      ever-self-effectuating God, immanent in an infinite universe, to the
+      contemplation of whose attributes the mind of man ascends by study of
+      Nature and interrogation of his conscience. The rehabilitation of the
+      physical world and of humanity as part of its order, which the Renaissance
+      had already indirectly effected through the medium of arts and literature
+      and modes of life, found in Bruno an impassioned metaphysical supporter.
+      He divinized Nature, not by degrading the Deity to matter, but by lifting
+      matter <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB171" id="pageB171"></a>{171}</span>
+      to participation in the divine existence. The Renaissance had proclaimed
+      the dignity of man considered as a mundane creature, and not in his
+      relation to a hypothetical other-world. It abundantly manifested the
+      beauty and the joy afforded by existence on this planet, and laughingly
+      discarded past theological determinations to the contrary of its new
+      Gospel. Bruno undertook the systematization of Renaissance intuitions;
+      declared the divine reality of Nature and of man; demonstrated that we
+      cannot speculate God, cannot think ourselves, cannot envisage the
+      universe, except under the form of one living, infinite, eternal,
+      divinely-sustained and soul-penetrated complex. He repudiated authority of
+      every sort, refusing to acknowledge the decrees of the Church, freely
+      criticising past philosophers, availing himself of all that seemed to him
+      substantial in their speculations, but appealing in the last resort to
+      that inner witness, that light of reason, which corresponds in the mental
+      order to conscience in the moral. As he deified Nature, so he emancipated
+      man as forming with Nature an integral part of the supreme Being. He was
+      led upon this path to combat Aristotle and to satirize Christian beliefs,
+      with a subtlety of scholastic argumentation and an acerbity of rhetoric
+      that now pass for antiquated. Much that is obsolete in his writings must
+      be referred to the polemical necessities of an age enthralled by
+      peripatetic conceptions, and saturated with the ecclesiastical divinity of
+      the schoolmen.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB172" id="pageB172"></a>{172}</span>
+      These forces of the philosophy he sought to supersede, had to be attacked
+      with their own weapons and by methods adapted to the spirit of his age.
+      Similar judgment may be passed upon his championship of the Copernican
+      system. That system was the pivot of his metaphysic, the revelation to
+      which he owed his own conception of the universe. His strenuous and
+      ingenious endeavors to prove its veracity, his elaborate and
+      often-repeated refutations of the Ptolemaic theory, appear to modern minds
+      superfluous. But we must remember what a deeply-penetrating,
+      widely-working revolution Copernicus effected in cosmology, how he
+      dislocated the whole fabric upon which Catholic theology rested, how new
+      and unintelligible his doctrine then seemed, and what vast horizons he
+      opened for speculation on the destinies of man. Bruno was the first fully
+      to grasp the importance of the Copernican hypothesis, to perceive its
+      issues and to adapt it to the formation of a new ontology. Copernicus,
+      though he proclaimed the central position of the sun in our system, had
+      not ventured to maintain the infinity of the universe. For him, as for the
+      elder physicists, there remained a sphere of fixed stars inclosing the
+      world perceived by our senses within walls of crystal. Bruno broke those
+      walls, and boldly asserted the now recognized existence of numberless
+      worlds in space illimitable. His originality lies in the clear and
+      comprehensive notion he formed of the Copernican discovery, and in his
+      application of its corollaries to the<span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageB173" id="pageB173"></a>{173}</span> Renaissance apocalypse of
+      deified nature and emancipated man. The deductions he drew were so
+      manifold and so acute that they enabled him to forecast the course which
+      human thought has followed in all provinces of speculation.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      This leads us to consider how Bruno is related to modern science and
+      philosophy. The main point seems to be that he obtained a vivid mental
+      picture (<i>Vorstellung</i>) of the physical universe, differing but
+      little in essentials from that which has now come to be generally
+      accepted. In reasoning from this concept as a starting-point, he formed
+      opinions upon problems of theology, ontology, biology and psychology,
+      which placed him out of harmony with medaeival thought, and in agreement
+      with the thought of our own time. Why this was so, can easily be
+      explained. Bruno, first of all philosophers, adapted science, in the
+      modern sense of that term, to metaphysic. He was the first to perceive
+      that a revolution in our conception of the material universe, so momentous
+      as that effected by Copernicus, necessitated a new theology and a new
+      philosophical method. Man had ceased to be the center of all things; this
+      globe was no longer 'the hub of the universe,' but a small speck floating
+      on infinity. The Christian scheme of the Fall and the Redemption, if not
+      absolutely incompatible with the new cosmology was rendered by it less
+      conceivable in any literal sense. Some of the main points on which the
+      early Christians based their faith, and which had <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageB174" id="pageB174"></a>{174}</span> hardened into dogmas
+      through the course of centuries&mdash;such, for instance, as the Ascension
+      and the Second Advent&mdash;ceased to have their old significance. In a
+      world where there was neither up nor down, the translation of a corporeal
+      Deity to some place above the clouds, whence he would descend to judge men
+      at the last day, had only a grotesque or a symbolic meaning; whereas to
+      the first disciples, imbued with theories of a fixed celestial sphere, it
+      presented a solemn and apparently well-founded expectation. The
+      fundamental doctrine of the Incarnation, in like manner, lost
+      intelligibility and value, when God had to be thought no longer as the
+      Creator of a finite cosmos, but as a Being commensurate with infinity. It
+      was clear to a mind so acute as Bruno's that the dogmas of the Church were
+      correlated to a view of the world which had been superseded; and he drew
+      the logical inference that they were at bottom but poetical and popular
+      adumbrations of the Deity in terms concordant with erroneous physical
+      notions. Aristotle and Ptolemy, the masters of philosophy and cosmography
+      based upon a theory of the universe as finite and circumscribed within
+      fixed limits, lent admirable aid to the theological constructions of the
+      Middle Ages. The Church, adopting their science, gave metaphysical and
+      logical consistency to those earlier poetical and popular conceptions of
+      the religious sense. The <i>na&iuml;f</i> hopes and romantic mythologies
+      of the first Christians stiffened into syllogisms and ossified in <span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageB175" id="pageB175"></a>{175}</span> the huge
+      fabric of the <i>Summa</i>. But Aristotle and Ptolemy were now dethroned.
+      Bruno, in a far truer sense than Democritus before him,
+    </p>
+    <div class="poem">
+      <div class="stanza">
+        <span class="i24">extra<br /> </span> <span>Processit longe flammantia
+        moenia mundi.<br /> </span>
+      </div>
+    </div>
+    <p>
+      Bolder even than Copernicus, and nearer in his intuition to the truth, he
+      denied that the universe had 'flaming walls' or any walls at all. That
+      'immaginata circonferenza,' 'quella margine immaginata del cielo,' on
+      which antique science and Christian theology alike reposed, was the object
+      of his ceaseless satire, his oft-repeated polemic. What, then, rendered
+      Bruno the precursor of modern thought in its various manifestations, was
+      that he grasped the fundamental truth upon which modern science rests, and
+      foresaw the conclusions which must be drawn from it. He speculated boldly,
+      incoherently, vehemently; but he speculated with a clear conception of the
+      universe, as we still apprehend it. Through the course of three centuries
+      we have been engaged in verifying the guesses, deepening, broadening and
+      solidifying the hypotheses, which Bruno's extension of the Copernican
+      theory, and his application of it to pure thought, suggested to his
+      penetrating and audacious intellect, Bruno was convinced that religion in
+      its higher essence would not suffer from the new philosophy. Larger
+      horizons extended before the human intellect. The soul expanded in more
+      exhilarating regions than the old theologies had offered. The sense of the
+      Divine in Nature, instead of dwindling down <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageB176" id="pageB176"></a>{176}</span> to atheism, received fresh
+      stimulus from the immeasurable prospect of an infinite and living
+      universe. Bruno, even more than Spinoza, was a God-intoxicated man. The
+      inebriation of the Renaissance, inspired by golden visions of truth and
+      knowledge close within man's grasp, inflamed with joy at escaping from
+      out-worn wearying formula into what appeared to be the simple intuition of
+      an everlasting verity, pulses through all his utterances. He has the same
+      cherubic confidence in the renascent age, that charms us in the work of
+      Rabelais. The slow, painful, often thwarted, ever more dubious elaboration
+      of modern metaphysic in <i>rapport</i> with modern science&mdash;that
+      process which, after completing the cycle of all knowledge and sounding
+      the fathomless depth of all ignorance, has left us in grave
+      disillusionment and sturdy patience&mdash;swam before Bruno in a rapturous
+      vision. The Inquisition and the stake put an end abruptly to his dream.
+      But the dream was so golden, so divine, that it was worth the pangs of
+      martyrdom. Can we say the same for Hegel's system, or for Schopenhauers or
+      for the encyclopaedic ingenuity of Herbert Spencer?
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Bruno imagined the universe as infinite space, filled with ether, in which
+      an infinite number of worlds, or solar systems resembling our own,
+      composed of similar materials and inhabited by countless living creatures,
+      move with freedom. The whole of this infinite and complex cosmos he
+      conceived to be animated by a single principle of thought and <span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageB177" id="pageB177"></a>{177}</span> life.
+      This indwelling force, or God, he described in Platonic phraseology
+      sometimes as the Anima Mundi, sometimes as the Artificer, who by working
+      from within molds infinite substance into an infinity of finite modes.
+      Though we are compelled to think of the world under the two categories of
+      spirit and matter, these apparently contradictory constituents are forever
+      reconciled and harmonized in the divine existence, whereof illimitable
+      activity, illimitable volition, and illimitable potentiality are
+      correlated and reciprocally necessary terms. In Aristotelian language,
+      Bruno assumed infinite form and infinite matter as movements of an eternal
+      process, by which the infinite unity manifests itself in concrete reality.
+      This being the case, it follows that nothing exists which has not life,
+      and is not part of God. The universe itself is one immeasurable animal, or
+      animated Being. The solar systems are huge animals; the globes are lesser
+      animals; and so forth down to the monad of molecular cohesion. As the
+      universe is infinite and eternal, motion, place and time do not qualify
+      it; these are terms applicable only to the finite parts of which it is
+      composed. For the same reason nothing in the universe can perish. What we
+      call birth and death, generation and dissolution, is only the passage of
+      the infinite, and homogeneous entity through successive phases of finite
+      and differentiated existence; this continuous process of exchange and
+      transformation being stimulated and sustained by attraction and repulsion,
+      pro<span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB178" id="pageB178"></a>{178}</span>
+      perties of the indwelling divine soul aiming at self-realization.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Having formed this conception, Bruno supported it by metaphysical
+      demonstration, and deduced conclusions bearing on psychology, religion,
+      ethics. Much of his polemic was directed against the deeply-rooted notion
+      of a finite world derived from Aristotle. Much was devoted to the proof of
+      the Copernican discovery. Orthodox theology was indirectly combated or
+      plausibly caressed. There are consequently many pages in his dialogues
+      which do not interest a modern reader, seeing that we have outlived the
+      conditions of thought that rendered them important. In the process of his
+      argument, he established the theory of a philosophical belief, a religion
+      of religions, or 'religione della mente,' as he phrased it, prior to and
+      comprehensive of all historical creeds. He speculated, as probabilities,
+      the transmigration of souls, and the interchangeability of types in living
+      creatures. He further postulated a concordance between the order of
+      thought and the order of existence in the universe, and inclined to the
+      doctrine of necessity in morals. Bruno thus obtained <i>per saltum</i> a
+      prospect over the whole domain of knowledge subsequently traversed by
+      rationalism in metaphysics, theology and ethics. In the course of these
+      demonstrations and deductions he anticipated Descartes' position of the
+      identity of mind and being. He supplied Spinoza with the substance of his
+      reasoned pantheism; Leibnitz with his theory <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageB179" id="pageB179"></a>{179}</span> of monadism and
+      pre-established harmony. He laid down Hegel's doctrine of contraries, and
+      perceived that thought was a dialectic process. The modern theory of
+      evolution was enunciated by him in pretty plain terms. He had grasped the
+      physical law of the conservation of energy. He solved the problem of evil
+      by defining it to be a relative condition of imperfect development. He
+      denied that Paradise or a Golden Age is possible for man, or that, if
+      possible, it can be considered higher in the moral scale than organic
+      struggle toward completion by reconciliation of opposites through pain and
+      labor. He sketched in outline the comparative study of religions, which is
+      now beginning to be recognized as the proper basis for theology. Finally,
+      he had a firm and vital hold upon that supreme speculation of the
+      universe, considered no longer as the battle-ground of dual principles, or
+      as the finite fabric of an almighty designer, but as the self-effectuation
+      of an infinite unity, appearing to our intelligence as spirit and matter&mdash;that
+      speculation which in one shape or another controls the course of modern
+      thought.<a name="BFNanchor_125_125" id="BFNanchor_125_125"></a><a
+      href="#BFootnote_125_125" class="fnanchor">[125]</a>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB180" id="pageB180"></a>{180}</span> It
+      must not be supposed that Bruno apprehended these points with
+      distinctness, or that he expressed them precisely in the forms with which
+      we are familiar. The hackneyed metaphor of a Pisgah view across the
+      promised land applies to him with singular propriety. Moreover, as an
+      acute critic has remarked, things old and new are so curiously blended in
+      his writings that what at first sight appears modern, is often found upon
+      reflection to be antique, and what is couched in obsolete scholastic
+      terminology, turns out upon analysis to contain the germs of advanced
+      theories.<a name="BFNanchor_126_126" id="BFNanchor_126_126"></a><a
+      href="#BFootnote_126_126" class="fnanchor">[126]</a> The peculiar forms
+      adapted for the exposition of his thoughts contribute to the difficulty of
+      obtaining a methodical view of Bruno's philosophy. It has, therefore, been
+      disputed whether he was a pantheist or an atheist, a materialist or a
+      spiritualist, a mystic or an agnostic. No one would have contended more
+      earnestly than Bruno himself, that the sage can hold each and all of these
+      apparent contradictions together, with the exception of atheism; which
+      last is a simple impossibility. The fragmentary and impassioned exposition
+      which Bruno gave to his opinions in a series of Italian dialogues and
+      Latin poems will not discourage those of his admirers who estimate the
+      conspicuous failure made by all elaborate system-builders from Aristotle
+      to Hegel. To fathom the mystery of the world, and to express that mystery
+      in terms of logic, is clearly beyond the faculty of man. Phil<span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageB181" id="pageB181"></a>{181}</span> osophies
+      that aim at universe-embracing, God-explaining, nature-elucidating,
+      man-illuminating, comprehensiveness, have justly, therefore, become
+      objects of suspicion. The utmost that man can do, placed as he is at
+      obvious disadvantages for obtaining a complete survey of the whole, is to
+      whet his intelligence upon confessedly insoluble problems, to extend the
+      sphere of his practical experience, to improve his dominion over matter,
+      to study the elevation of his moral nature, and to encourage himself for
+      positive achievements by the indulgence in those glorious dreams from
+      which regenerative creeds and inspiring philosophies have sprung&mdash;
+    </p>
+    <div class="poem">
+      <div class="stanza">
+        <span>Still climbing after knowledge infinite,<br /> </span> <span>And
+        ever moving as the restless spheres.<br /> </span>
+      </div>
+    </div>
+    <p>
+      Faith and poetry are the highest regions in which his spirit can
+      profitably move. The study of government, law, and social ethics, the
+      analysis of physical conditions to which he is subject, and over which he
+      has an undefined, though limited, control, form the practical sphere of
+      his intelligence. Bruno traversed these regions; and, forasmuch as the
+      outcome of his exploration was no system, but a congeries of poetic
+      visions, shrewd guesses, profound intuitions, and passionate enthusiasms,
+      bound together and sustained by a burning sense of the Divine unity in
+      nature and in man, we may be permitted to regard him as more fortunate
+      than those cloud-castle-builders whose classifications of absolute
+      existences are successively proved by the advance of relative know<span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageB182" id="pageB182"></a>{182}</span> ledge to
+      be but catalogues of some few objects apprehended by the vision of each
+      partially-instructed age. We have, indeed, reason to marvel how many of
+      Bruno's intuitions have formed the stuff of later, more elaborated
+      systems, and still remain the best which these contain. We have reason to
+      wonder how many of his divinations have worked themselves into the common
+      fund of modern beliefs, and have become philosophical truisms.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      It is probable that if Bruno's career had not been cut short by the
+      dungeon and the stake at the early age of thirty-four, he might have
+      produced some final work in which his theories would have assumed a formal
+      shape. It is possible that the Vatican even now contains the first sketch
+      for such a studied exposition in the treatise on the Seven Arts, which
+      Giovanni Mocenigo handed over to the Inquisition, and which the
+      philosopher intended to dedicate to Clement VIII. But the loss of this
+      elaborated system is hardly to be regretted, except for the clearer light
+      it must have thrown upon the workings of the most illuminated intellect in
+      the sixteenth century. We know that it could not have revealed to us the
+      secret of things.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Bruno cast his thoughts in two molds: the dialogue, and Latin hexameters.
+      He was attracted to the latter by his early study of Parmenides and
+      Lucretius. The former seems to have been natural to the man. We must not
+      forget that he was a Neapolitan, accustomed from childhood to <span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageB183" id="pageB183"></a>{183}</span> the
+      farces of his native land, vividly alive to the comic aspects of
+      existence, and joyously appreciative of reality. His first known
+      composition was a comedy, <i>Il Candelajo</i>; and something of the drama
+      can be traced in all those Italian compositions which distinguish the
+      period of his activity as an author in London. Lucian rather than Plato or
+      Cicero determined the form of his dialogue. An element of the burlesque
+      distinguishes his method of approaching religious and moral problems in
+      the <i>Spaccio della Bestia</i>, and the <i>Cavallo Pegaseo</i>. And
+      though he exchanged the manner of his model for more serious exposition in
+      the trio of metaphysical dialogues, named <i>La Cena delle Ceneri, Della
+      Causa</i>, and <i>Dell' Infinito Universo</i>, yet the irresistible
+      tendency to dramatic satire emerges even there in the description of
+      England and in the characters of the indispensable pedant buffoon. His
+      dialogue on the <i>Eroici Furori</i> is sustained at a high pitch of
+      aspiring fervor. Mystical in its attempt to adumbrate the soul's thirst
+      for truth and beauty, it adopts the method of a running commentary upon
+      poems, in the manner of a discursive and fantastic <i>Vita Nuova</i>. In
+      his Italian style, Bruno owed much to the fashion set by Aretino. The
+      study of Aretino's comedies is apparent in <i>Il Candelajo</i>. The
+      stringing together of words and ideas in triplets, balanced by a second
+      set of words and ideas in antithetical triplets&mdash;this trick of
+      rhetoric, which wearies a modern reader of his prose, seems to have been
+      copied straight from<span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB184" id="pageB184"></a>{184}</span>
+      Aretino. The coinage of fantastic titles, of which <i>Lo Spaccio della
+      Bestia Trionfante</i> contributed in some appreciable degree to Bruno's
+      martyrdom, should be ascribed to the same influence. The source of these
+      literary affectations was a bad one. Aretino, Doni, and such folk were no
+      fit masters for Giordano Bruno even in so slight a matter as artistic
+      form. Yet, in this respect, he shared a corrupt taste which was common to
+      his generation, and proved how fully he represented the age in which he
+      lived. It is not improbable that the few contemporary readers of his
+      works, especially in euphuistic England, admired the gewgaws he so
+      plentifully scattered and rendered so brilliant by the coruscations of his
+      wit. When, however, the real divine oestrum descends upon him, he discards
+      those follies. Then his language, like his thought, is all his own:
+      sublime, impassioned, burning, turbid; instinct with a deep volcanic fire
+      of genuine enthusiasm. The thought is simple; the diction direct; the
+      attitude of mind and the turn of expression are singularly living,
+      surprisingly modern. We hear the man speak, as he spoke at Fulke
+      Greville's supper-party, as he spoke at Oxford, as he spoke before the
+      Sorbonne, as he might be speaking now. There is no air of literary effort,
+      no tincture of antiquated style, in these masculine utterances.
+    </p>
+    <hr style="width: 65%;" />
+    <h2>
+      <a name="CHAPTER_X" id="CHAPTER_X"></a>CHAPTER X
+    </h2>
+    <p>
+      <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB185" id="pageB185"></a>{185}</span>
+    </p>
+    <h4>
+      FRA PAOLO SARPI
+    </h4>
+    <div class="blockquot">
+      <p>
+        Sarpi's Position in the History of Venice&mdash;Parents and Boyhood&mdash;Entrance
+        into the Order of the Servites&mdash;His Personal Qualities&mdash;Achievements
+        as a Scholar and Man of Science&mdash;His Life among the Servites&mdash;In
+        Bad Odor at Rome&mdash;Paul V. places Venice under Interdict&mdash;Sarpi
+        elected Theologian and Counselor of the Republic&mdash;His Polemical
+        Writings&mdash;Views on Church and State&mdash;The Interdict Removed&mdash;Roman
+        Vengeance&mdash;Sarpi attacked by Bravi&mdash;His Wounds, Illness,
+        Recovery&mdash;Subsequent History of the Assassins&mdash;Further
+        Attempts on Sarpi's Life&mdash;Sarpi's Political and Historical Works&mdash;History
+        of the Council of Trent&mdash;Sarpi's Attitude toward Protestantism&mdash;His
+        Judgment of the Jesuits&mdash;Sarpi's Death&mdash;The Christian Stoic.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <p>
+      Fra Paolo was the son of Francesco Sarpi and Isabella Morelli, Venetians
+      of the humbler middle class. He was born in 1552, christened Pietro, and
+      nicknamed Pierino because of his diminutive stature. On entering the Order
+      of the Servites he adopted the religious name of Paolo, which he
+      subsequently rendered famous throughout Europe. Since he died in 1623,
+      Sarpi's life coincided with a period of supreme interest and manifold
+      vicissitudes in the decline of Venice. After the battle of Lepanto in
+      1571, he saw the nobles of S. Mark welcome their victorious admiral
+      Sebastiano Veniero and confer on him the honors of the Dogeship. In 1606,
+      he aided the Republic to withstand the <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageB186" id="pageB186"></a>{186}</span> thunders of the Vatican and
+      defy the excommunication of a Pope. Eight years later he attended at those
+      councils of state which unmasked the conspiracy, known as Bedmar's, to
+      destroy Venice. In his early manhood Cyprus had been wrested from the
+      hands of S. Mark; and inasmuch as the Venetians alone sustained the cause
+      of Christian civilization against Turk and pirate in the Eastern seas, he
+      was able before his death to anticipate the ruin which the war of Candia
+      subsequently brought upon his country. During the last eighteen years of
+      his existence Sarpi was the intellect of the Republic; the man of will and
+      mind who gave voice and vigor to her policy of independence; the statesman
+      who most clearly penetrated the conditions of her strength and weakness.
+      This friar incarnated the Venetian spirit at a moment when, upon the verge
+      of decadence, it had attained self-consciousness; and so instinctively
+      devoted are Venetians to their State that in his lifetime he was
+      recognized by them as hero, and after his death venerated as saint.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      No sooner had the dispute with Paul V. been compromised, than Sarpi
+      noticed how the aristocracy of Venice yielded themselves to sloth and
+      political indifference. The religious obsequiousness to Rome and the
+      'peace or rather cowardice of slaves,' which were gradually immersing
+      Italy in mental torpor and luxurious idleness, invaded this last
+      stronghold of freedom. Though Sarpi's Christian Stoicism and <span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageB187" id="pageB187"></a>{187}</span>
+      practical sagacity saved him from playing the then futile part of public
+      agitator, his private correspondence shows how low his hope had sunk for
+      Italy. Nothing but a general war could free her from the yoke of arrogant
+      Rome and foreign despotism. Meanwhile the Papal Court, Spain and the House
+      of Austria, having everything to lose by contest, preserved the peace of
+      Italy at any cost. Princes whose petty thrones depended on Spanish and
+      Papal good-will, dreaded to disturb the equilibrium of servitude; the
+      population, dulled by superstition, emasculated by Jesuitical corruption
+      and intimidated by Church tyranny, slumbered in the gross mud-honey of
+      slavish pleasures. From his cell in the convent of the Servites Sarpi
+      swept the whole political horizon, eagerly anticipating some dawn-star of
+      deliverance. At one time his eyes rested on the Duke of Savoy, but that
+      unquiet spirit failed to steer his course clear between Spanish and French
+      interests, Roman jealousies, and the ill-concealed hostilities of Italian
+      potentates. At another time, like all lovers of freedom throughout Europe,
+      he looked with confidence to Henri IV. But a fanatic's dagger, sharpened
+      by the Jesuits, cut short the monarch's life and gave up France to the
+      government of astute Florentine adventurers. Germany was too distracted by
+      internal dissensions, Holland too distant and preoccupied with her own
+      struggle for existence, to offer immediate aid. It was in vain that Sarpi
+      told his foreign correspondents that the war of liberty <span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageB188" id="pageB188"></a>{188}</span> in
+      Europe must be carried into the stronghold of absolutism. To secure a
+      victory over the triple forces of Spain, the Papal Court and Jesuitry,
+      Rome had to be attacked in Italy. His reasoning was correct. But peoples
+      fighting for freedom on their native soil could not risk an adventure
+      which only some central power of the first magnitude like France might
+      have conducted with fair prospect of success. In the meantime what Sarpi
+      called the Diacatholicon, that absolutist alliance of Rome, Spain and
+      Austria, supported by the Inquisition and the Jesuits, accepted by the
+      states of Italy and firmly rooted in some parts of Germany, invaded even
+      those provinces where the traditions of independence still survived. After
+      1610 the Jesuits obtained possession of France; and though they did not
+      effect their re-entrance into Venice, the ruling classes of the Republic
+      allowed themselves to be drugged by the prevalent narcotic. Venice, too,
+      was fighting for her life in the Adriatic and the Levant, while her nobles
+      became daily more supine in aristocratic leisure, more papalizing in their
+      private sympathies. Thus the last years of Sarpi's life were overclouded
+      by a deep discouragement, which did not, indeed, extinguish his trust in
+      the divine Providence or his certain belief that the right would
+      ultimately prevail, but which adds a tragic interest to the old age of
+      this champion of political and moral liberty fallen on evil days.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      I have thought it well to preface what I have to say about Sarpi with this
+      forecast of his final attitude.<span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB189"
+      id="pageB189"></a>{189}</span> As the Italian who most clearly
+      comprehended the full consequences of the Catholic Revival, and who
+      practically resisted what was evil for his nation in that reactionary
+      movement, he demands a prominent place in this book. On his claims to
+      scientific discoveries and his special service rendered to the Venetian
+      Republic it will suffice to touch but lightly.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Sarpi's father was short of stature, brown-complexioned, choleric and
+      restless. His mother was tall, pale, lymphatic, devoted to religious
+      exercises and austerities. The son of their ill-assorted wedlock inherited
+      something of both temperaments. In his face and eyes he resembled his
+      mother; and he derived from her the piety which marked his course through
+      life. His short, spare person, his vivid, ever-active intellect testified
+      to the paternal impress. This blending of two diverse strains produced in
+      him a singular tenacity of fiber. Man's tenement of clay has rarely lodged
+      a spirit so passionless, so fine, so nearly disembodied. Of extreme
+      physical tenuity, but gifted with inexhaustible mental energy,
+      indefatigable in study, limitless in capacity for acquiring and retaining
+      knowledge, he accentuated the type which nature gave him by the sustained
+      habits of a lifetime. In diet he abstained from flesh and abhorred wine.
+      His habitual weaknesses were those of one who subdues the body to mental
+      government. As costive as Scaliger,<a name="BFNanchor_127_127"
+      id="BFNanchor_127_127"></a><a href="#BFootnote_127_127" class="fnanchor">[127]</a>
+      Sarpi suffered from hepa<span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB190"
+      id="pageB190"></a>{190}</span> tic hemorrhage, retention of urine,
+      prolapsus recti, and hemorrhoids. Intermittent fevers reduced his
+      strength, but rarely interfered with his activity. He refused to treat
+      himself as an invalid, never altered his course of life for any illness,
+      and went about his daily avocations when men of laxer tissue would have
+      taken to their bed. His indifference to danger was that of the Stoic or
+      the Mussulman. During a period of fifteen years he knew that restless foes
+      were continually lying in wait to compass his death by poison or the
+      dagger. Yet he could hardly be persuaded to use the most ordinary
+      precautions. 'I am resolved,' he wrote, in 1609, 'to give no thought
+      whatever to these wretchednesses. He who thinks too much of living knows
+      not how to live well. One is bound to die once; to be curious about the
+      day or place or manner of dying is unprofitable. Whatsoever is God's will
+      is good.'<a name="BFNanchor_128_128" id="BFNanchor_128_128"></a><a
+      href="#BFootnote_128_128" class="fnanchor">[128]</a> As fear had no hold
+      upon his nature, so was he wholly free from the dominion of the senses. A
+      woman's name, if we except that of the Queen of France, is, I think, not
+      once mentioned in his correspondence. Even natural affections seem to have
+      been obliterated; for he records nothing of his mother or his father or a
+      sister who survived their deaths. One suit of clothes sufficed him; and
+      his cell was furnished with three hour-glasses, a picture of Christ in the
+      Garden, and a crucifix raised above a human skull.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      His physical sensitiveness, developed by austerity of life, was <span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageB191" id="pageB191"></a>{191}</span> of the
+      highest acuteness. Sight, touch, and taste in him acquired the most
+      exquisite delicacy. He was wont to say that he feared no poison in his
+      food, since he could discriminate the least adulteration of natural
+      flavors. His mental perspicacity was equally subtle. As a boy he could
+      recite thirty lines of Virgil after hearing them read over once. Books
+      were not so much perused by him as penetrated at a glance; and what he had
+      but casually noticed, never afterwards escaped his memory. In the vast
+      Venetian archives he could lay his hand on any document without referring
+      to registers or catalogues. The minutest details of houses visited or
+      places passed through, remained indelibly engraved upon his memory. The
+      characters of men lay open to his insight through their physiognomy and
+      gestures. When new scientific instruments were submitted to his curiosity,
+      he divined their uses and comprehended their mechanism without effort.
+      Thus endowed with a rare combination of physical and intellectual
+      faculties, it is no wonder that Sarpi became one of the most learned men
+      of his age or of any age. He was an excellent Greek, Latin, and Hebrew
+      scholar; an adequate master of the French and Spanish languages;
+      profoundly versed in canon and civil law; accomplished in the erudition of
+      classical and scholastic philosophy; thoroughly acquainted with secular
+      and ecclesiastical history. Every branch of mathematics and natural
+      science had been explored by him with the enthusiasm of a <span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageB192" id="pageB192"></a>{192}</span> pioneer.
+      He made experiments in chemistry, mechanics, mineralogy, metallurgy,
+      vegetable and animal physiology. His practical studies in anatomy were
+      carried on by the aid of vivisection. Following independent paths, he
+      worked out some of Gilbert's discoveries in magnetism, and of Da Porta's
+      in optics, demonstrated the valves of the veins, and the function of the
+      uvea in vision, divined the uses of the telescope and thermometer. When he
+      turned his attention to astronomy, he at once declared the futility of
+      judicial astrology; and while recognizing the validity of Galileo's
+      system, predicted that this truth would involve its promulgator in serious
+      difficulties with the Roman Inquisition. In his treatises on psychology
+      and metaphysics, he originated a theory of sensationalism akin to that of
+      Locke. There was, in fact, no field of knowledge which he had not
+      traversed with the energy of a discoverer. Only to poetry and <i>belles
+      lettres</i> he paid but little heed, disdaining the puerilities of
+      rhetoric then in vogue, and using language as the simplest vehicle of
+      thought. In conversation he was reticent, speaking little, but always to
+      the purpose, and rather choosing to stimulate his collocutors than to make
+      display of eloquence or erudition. Yet his company was eagerly sought, and
+      he delighted in the society, not only of learned men and students, but of
+      travelers, politicians, merchants, and citizens of the world. His favorite
+      places of resort were the saloons of Andrea Morosini, and the shop of the
+      Secchini at the sign of the Nave <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB193"
+      id="pageB193"></a>{193}</span> d'Oro. Here, after days spent in religious
+      exercises, sacerdotal duties, and prolonged studies, he relaxed his mind
+      in converse with the miscellaneous crowd of eminent persons who visited
+      Venice for business or pleasure. A certain subacid humor, combining irony
+      without bitterness, and proverbial pungency without sententiousness, added
+      piquancy to his discourse. We have, unfortunately, no record of the
+      wit-encounters which may have taken place under Morosini's or Secchini's
+      roof between this friar, so punctual in his religious observances, so
+      scrupulously pure in conduct, so cold in temperament, so acute in
+      intellect, so modest in self-esteem, so cautious, so impermeable, and his
+      contemporary, Bruno, the unfrocked friar of genius more daring but less
+      sure, who was mentally in all points, saving their common love of truth
+      and freedom, the opposite to Sarpi.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Sarpi entered the Order of the Servi, or Servants of the Blessed Virgin,
+      at the age of fourteen, renewed his vows at twenty, and was ordained
+      priest at twenty-two.<a name="BFNanchor_129_129" id="BFNanchor_129_129"></a><a
+      href="#BFootnote_129_129" class="fnanchor">[129]</a> His great worth
+      brought him early into notice, and he filled posts of considerable
+      importance in his Order. Several years of his manhood were spent in Rome,
+      transacting the business and <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB194"
+      id="pageB194"></a>{194}</span> conducting the legal causes of the Fathers.
+      At Mantua he gained the esteem of Guglielmo Gonzaga. At Milan he was
+      admitted to familiar intimacy with the sainted Carlo Borromeo, who
+      consulted him upon matters of reform in the diocese, and insisted on his
+      hearing confessions. This duty was not agreeable to Sarpi; and though he
+      habitually in after life said Mass and preached, he abstained from those
+      functions of the priesthood which would have brought him into close
+      relation with individuals. The bent of his mind rendered him averse to all
+      forms of superstition and sacerdotal encroachments upon the freedom of the
+      conscience. As he fought the battle of political independence against
+      ecclesiastical aggression, so he maintained the prerogatives of personal
+      liberty. The arts whereby Jesuits gained hold on families and individuals,
+      inspired in him no less disgust than the illegal despotism of the Papacy.
+      This blending of sincere piety and moral rectitude with a passion for
+      secular freedom and a hatred of priestly craft, has something in it
+      closely akin to the English temperament. Sarpi was a sound Catholic
+      Christian in religion, and in politics what we should call a staunch Whig.
+      So far as it is now possible to penetrate his somewhat baffling
+      personality, we might compare him to a Macaulay of finer edge, to a Dean
+      Stanley of more vigorous build. He was less commonplace than the one, more
+      substantial than the other. But we must be cautious in offering any
+      interpretation of his real opinions. It was <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageB195" id="pageB195"></a>{195}</span> not for nothing that he
+      dedicated himself to the monastic life in boyhood, and persevered in it to
+      the end of his long career. The discipline of the convent renders every
+      friar inscrutable; and Sarpi himself assured his friends that he, like all
+      Italians of his day, was bound to wear a mask.<a name="BFNanchor_130_130"
+      id="BFNanchor_130_130"></a><a href="#BFootnote_130_130" class="fnanchor">[130]</a>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Be this as it may, Sarpi was not the man to work his way by monkish
+      intrigue or courtly service into high place either in his Order or the
+      Church. Long before he unsheathed the sword in defense of Venetian
+      liberties, he had become an object of suspicion to Rome and his superiors.
+      Some frank words which escaped him in correspondence, regarding the
+      corruption of the Papal Curia, closed every avenue to office. Men of less
+      mark obtained the purple. The meanest and poorest bishoprics were refused
+      to Sarpi. He was thrice denounced, on frivolous charges, to the
+      Inquisition; but on each occasion the indictment was dismissed without a
+      hearing. The General of the Servites accused him of wearing cap and
+      slippers uncanonical in cut, and of not reciting the <i>Salve Regina</i>.
+      After a solemn trial, Sarpi was acquitted; and it came to be proverbially
+      whispered that 'even the slippers of the incorruptible Fra Paolo had been
+      canonized.' Being a sincere Catholic at heart, as well as a man of
+      profound learning and prudent speech, his papalistic enemies could get no
+      grip upon him. Yet they instinctively hated and dreaded one whom they felt
+      to be opposed, in his strength, fear<span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageB196" id="pageB196"></a>{196}</span> lessness and freedom of
+      soul, to their exorbitant pretensions and underhand aggressions upon
+      public liberties. His commerce with heretics both in correspondence with
+      learned Frenchmen and in conversation with distinguished foreigners at
+      Venice, was made a ground of accusation, and Clement VIII. declared that
+      this alone sufficed to exclude him from any dignity in the Church.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      It does not appear that Sarpi troubled his head about these things. Had he
+      cared for power, there was no distinction to which he might not have
+      aspired by stooping to common arts and by compromising his liberty of
+      conscience. But he was indifferent to rank and wealth. Public business he
+      discharged upon occasion from a sense of duty to his Order. For the rest,
+      so long as he was left to pursue his studies in tranquillity, Sarpi had
+      happiness enough; and his modesty was so great that he did not even seek
+      to publish the results of his discoveries in science. For this reason they
+      have now been lost to the world; only the memory of them surviving in the
+      notes of Foscarini and Grisellini, who inspected his MSS. before they were
+      accidentally destroyed by fire in 1769.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Though renowned through Europe as the <i>orbis terrae ocellus</i>, the man
+      sought out by every visitor to Venice as the rarest citizen of the
+      Republic, Sarpi might have quitted this earthly scene with only the faint
+      fame of a thinker whose eminent gifts blossomed in obscurity, had it not
+      been for a public opportunity which forced him to forsake his studies and
+      his cell <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB197" id="pageB197"></a>{197}</span>
+      for a place at the Council-board and for the functions of a polemical
+      writer. That robust manliness of mind, which makes an Englishman hail
+      English virtues in Sarpi, led him to affirm that 'every man of excellence
+      is bound to pay attention to politics.'<a name="BFNanchor_131_131"
+      id="BFNanchor_131_131"></a><a href="#BFootnote_131_131" class="fnanchor">[131]</a>
+      Yet politics were not his special sphere. Up to the age of fifty-four he
+      ripened in the assiduous studies of which I have made mention, in the
+      discharge of his official duties as a friar, and his religious duties as a
+      priest. He had distinguished himself amid the practical affairs of life by
+      judicial acuteness, unswerving justice, infallible perspicacity, and
+      inexhaustible stores of erudition brought to bear with facility on every
+      detail of any matter in dispute. But nature and inclination seemed to mark
+      him out through early manhood for experimental and speculative science
+      rather than for action. Now a demand was made on his deep fount of energy,
+      which evolved the latent forces of a character unique in many-sided
+      strength. He had dedicated himself to religion and to the pursuit of
+      knowledge. But he was a Venetian of the Venetians, the very soul of
+      Venice. After God, his Prince and the Republic claimed obedience; and when
+      S. Mark called, Sarpi abandoned science for the service of his country.
+      'Singularly composed of active and contemplative energies was the life of
+      our Father; yielding to God that which he was able, to his Prince that
+      which duty dictated, and to the domain of Venice more than any law but
+      that of love demanded.'<a name="BFNanchor_132_132" id="BFNanchor_132_132"></a><a
+      href="#BFootnote_132_132" class="fnanchor">[132]</a><span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageB198" id="pageB198"></a>{198}</span>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Paul V. assumed the tiara with the fixed resolve of making good the Papal
+      claims to supremacy. Between Venice and the Holy See numerous disputed
+      points of jurisdiction, relating to the semi-ecclesiastical fief of
+      Ceneda, the investiture of the Patriarch, the navigation of the Po, and
+      the right of the Republic to exercise judgment in criminal cases affecting
+      priests, offered this Pope opportunities of interference. The Venetians
+      maintained their customary prerogatives; and in April 1606 Paul laid them
+      under interdict and excommunication. The Republic denied the legitimacy of
+      this proceeding. The Doge, Leonardo Donato, issued a proclamation to the
+      clergy of all degrees within the domain, appealing to their loyalty and
+      enjoining on them the discharge of their sacerdotal duties in spite of the
+      Papal interdict. Only Jesuits at first disobeyed the ducal mandate. When
+      they refused to say Mass in the excommunicated city, they were formally
+      expelled as contumacious subjects; and the fathers took ship amid the
+      maledictions of the populace: '<i>Andate in malora</i>.' Their example was
+      subsequently followed by the reformed Capuchins and the Theatines.
+      Otherwise the Venetian clergy, like the people, remained firm in their
+      allegiance to the state. 'We are Venetians first, Christians afterwards,'
+      was a proverb dating from this incident. Venice, conscious of the justice
+      of her cause, prepared to resist the Pope's arrogant demands if need were
+      with arms, and to exercise religious rites within her towns in spite of
+      Camillo Borghese's <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB199" id="pageB199"></a>{199}</span>
+      excommunication. The Senate, some time before these events happened, had
+      perceived the advantage which would accrue to the Republic from the
+      service of a practised Canonist and jurisprudent in ecclesiastical
+      affairs. Sarpi attracted their attention at an early stage of the dispute
+      by a memorial which he drew up and presented to the Doge upon the best
+      means of repelling Papal aggression. After perusing his report, in the
+      month of January 1606, they appointed him Theologian and Canonist to the
+      Republic, with a yearly salary of 200 ducats. This post he occupied until
+      his death, having at a later period been raised to the still more
+      important office of Counselor of State, which eventually he filled alone
+      without a single coadjutor.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      From the month of January 1606, for the remaining seventeen years of his
+      life, Sarpi was intellectually the most prominent personage of Venice, the
+      man who for the world at large represented her policy of moderate but firm
+      resistance to ecclesiastical tyranny. Greatness had been thrust upon the
+      modest and retiring student; and Father Paul's name became the watchword
+      of political independence throughout Europe.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The Jesuists acting in concert with Spain, as well-informed historians
+      held certain, first inspired Camillo Borghese with his ill-considered
+      attempt upon the liberties of Venice.<a name="BFNanchor_133_133"
+      id="BFNanchor_133_133"></a><a href="#BFootnote_133_133" class="fnanchor">[133]</a>
+      It was now the Jesuits, after <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB200"
+      id="pageB200"></a>{200}</span> their expulsion from the Republic, who
+      opened the batteries of literary warfare against the Venetian government.
+      They wrote and published manifestoes through the Bergamasque territory,
+      which province acknowledged the episcopal jurisdiction of Milan, though it
+      belonged to the Venetian domain. In these writings it was argued that, so
+      long as the Papal interdict remained in force, all sacraments would be
+      invalid, marriages null, and offspring illegitimate. The population,
+      trained already in doctrines of Papal supremacy, were warned that should
+      they remain loyal to a contumacious State, their own souls would perish
+      through the lack of sacerdotal ministrations, and their posterity would
+      roam the world as bastards and accursed. To traverse this argument of
+      sarcerdotal tyranny, exorbitant in any age of the Latin Church, but
+      preposterous after the illumination of the sixteenth century in Europe,
+      was a citizen's plain duty. Sarpi therefore supplied an elegant Italian
+      stylist, Giambattista Leoni, with material for setting forth a statement
+      of the controversy between Venice and Rome. It would have been well if he
+      had taken up the pen with his own hand. But at this early period of his
+      career as publicist, he seems to have been diffident about his literary
+      powers. The result was that Leoni's main defense of the Republic fell
+      flat; and the war was waged for a while upon side issues. Sarpi drew a
+      treatise by Gerson, the learned French champion of Catholic independence,
+      forth from the dust of libraries, trans<span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageB201" id="pageB201"></a>{201}</span> lated it into Italian, and
+      gave it to the press accompanied by an introductory letter which he
+      signed.<a name="BFNanchor_134_134" id="BFNanchor_134_134"></a><a
+      href="#BFootnote_134_134" class="fnanchor">[134]</a> Cardinal Bellarmino
+      responded from Rome with an attack on Sarpi's orthodoxy and Gerson's
+      authority. Sarpi replied in an Apology for Gerson. Then, finding that
+      Leoni's narrative had missed its mark, he poured forth pamphlet upon
+      pamphlet, penning his own <i>Considerations on the Censures</i>, inspiring
+      Fra Fulgenzio Micanzi with a work styled <i>Confirmations</i>, and finally
+      reducing the whole matter of the controversy into a book entitled a <i>Treatise
+      on the Interdict</i>, which he signed together with six brother
+      theologians of the Venetian party. It is not needful in this place to
+      institute a minute investigation into the merits of this pamphlet warfare.
+      In its details, whether we regard the haughty claims of delegated
+      omnipotence advanced by Rome, or the carefully studied historical and
+      canonistic arguments built up by Sarpi, the quarrel has lost actuality.
+      Common sense and freedom have so far conquered in Europe that Sarpi's
+      opinions, then denounced as heresies, sound now like truisms; and his
+      candid boast that he was the first to break the neck of Papal
+      encroachments upon secular prerogative, may pass for insignificant in an
+      age which has little to fear from ecclesiastical violence.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Yet we must not forget that, during the first <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageB202" id="pageB202"></a>{202}</span> years of the seventeenth
+      century, the Venetian conflict with Papal absolutism, considered merely as
+      a test-case in international jurisprudence, was one of vitally important
+      interest. When we reflect how the Catholic Alliance was then engaged in
+      rolling back the tide of Reformation, how the forces of Rome had been
+      rallied by the Tridentine Council, and how the organism of the Jesuits had
+      been created to promulgate new dogmas of Papal almightiness in Church and
+      State, this resistance of Venice, stoutly Catholic in creed, valiant in
+      her defense of Christendom against the Moslem, supported by her faithful
+      churchman and accomplished canonist, was no inconsiderable factor in the
+      European strife for light and liberty. The occasion was one of crucial
+      gravity. Reconstituted Rome had not as yet been brought into abrupt
+      collision with any commonwealth which abode in her communion. Had Venice
+      yielded in that issue, the Papacy might have augured for itself a general
+      victory. That Venice finally submitted to Roman influence, while
+      preserving the semblance of independence, detracts, indeed, from the
+      importance of this Interdict-affair considered as an episode in the
+      struggle for spiritual freedom. Moreover, we know now that the
+      presumptuous pretensions of the Papacy at large were destined, before many
+      years had passed, to be pared down, diminished and obliterated by the mere
+      advance of intellectual enlightenment. Yet none of these considerations
+      diminish Sarpi's claim to rank as hero in <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageB203" id="pageB203"></a>{203}</span> the forefront of a battle
+      which in his time was being waged with still uncertain prospects.<a
+      name="BFNanchor_135_135" id="BFNanchor_135_135"></a><a
+      href="#BFootnote_135_135" class="fnanchor">[135]</a> In their
+      comparatively narrow spheres Venice and Sarpi, not less than Holland,
+      England, Sweden and the Protestants of Germany, on their wider platform at
+      a later date, were fighting for a principle upon which the liberty of
+      States depended. And they were the first to fight for it upon the ground
+      most perilous to the common adversary. In all his writings Sarpi sought to
+      prove that men might remain sound Catholics and yet resist Roman
+      aggression; that the Roman Court and its modern champions had introduced
+      new doctrine, deviating from the pristine polity of Christendom; that the
+      post-Tridentine theory of Papal absolutism was a deformation of that order
+      which Christ founded, which the Apostles edified, and which the Councils
+      of a purer age had built into the living temple of God's Church on earth.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      A passage from Sarpi's correspondence may be cited, as sounding the
+      keynote to all his writings in this famous controversy. 'I imagine,' he
+      writes to Jacques Gillot in 1609, 'that the State and the Church are two
+      realms, composed, however, of the same human beings. The one is wholly
+      heavenly, <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB204" id="pageB204"></a>{204}</span>
+      the other earthly. Each has its own sovereignty, defended by its own arms
+      and fortifications. Nothing is held by them in common, and there should be
+      no occasion for the one to declare war upon the other. Christ said that he
+      and his disciples were not of this world. S. Paul affirms that our city is
+      in the heavens. I take the word Church to signify an assembly of the
+      faithful, not of priests only; for when we regard it as confined to those,
+      it ceases to be Christ's kingdom, and becomes a portion of the
+      commonwealth in this world, subject to the highest authority of State, as
+      also are the laity.<a name="BFNanchor_136_136" id="BFNanchor_136_136"></a><a
+      href="#BFootnote_136_136" class="fnanchor">[136]</a> This emphatic
+      distinction between Church and State, both fulfilling the needs of
+      humanity but in diverse relations, lay at the root of Sarpi's doctrine. He
+      regarded the claim of the Church to interfere in State management, not
+      only as an infringement of the prince's prerogative, but also as patent
+      rebellion against the law of God which had committed the temporal
+      government of nations in sacred trust to secular rulers. As the State has
+      no call to meddle in the creation and promulgation of dogmas, or to impose
+      its ordinances on the religious conscience of its subjects, so the Church
+      has no right to tamper with affairs of government, to accumulate wealth
+      and arrogate secular power, or to withdraw its ministers from the
+      jurisdiction of the prince in matters which concern the operation of
+      criminal and civil legislature. The ultramontanism of the Jesuits appeared
+      to him destructive of social <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB205"
+      id="pageB205"></a>{205}</span> order; but, more than this, he considered
+      it as impious, as a deflection from the form of Christian economy, as a
+      mischievous seduction of the Church into a slough of self-annihilating
+      cupidity and concupiscence.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Sarpi's views seemed audacious in his own age. But they have become the
+      commonplaces of posterity. We can therefore hardly do justice to the
+      originality and audacity which they displayed at an epoch when only
+      Protestants at war with Rome advanced the like in deadly hatred&mdash;when
+      the Catholic pulpits of Europe were ringing with newly-promulgated
+      doctrines of Papal supremacy over princes and peoples, of national rights
+      to depose or assassinate excommunicated sovereigns, and of blind
+      unreasoning obedience to Rome as the sole sure method of salvation. Upon
+      the path of that Papal triumph toward the Capitol of world-dominion,
+      Sarpi, the puny friar from his cell at Venice, rose like a specter
+      announcing certain doom with the irrefragable arguments of reason. The
+      minatory words he uttered were all the more significant because neither he
+      nor the State he represented sought to break with Catholic traditions. His
+      voice was terrible and mighty, inasmuch as he denounced Rome by an
+      indictment which proclaimed her to be the perturbing power in Christendom,
+      the troubler of Israel, the whore who poured her cup of fornications forth
+      to sup with princes.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      After sixteen months, the quarrel of the interdict <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageB206" id="pageB206"></a>{206}</span> was compromised. Venice, in
+      duel with Islam, could ill afford to break with Rome, even if her national
+      traditions of eight centuries, intertwined with rites of Latin piety, had
+      not forbidden open rupture. The Papal Court, cowed into resentful silence
+      by antagonism which threatened intellectual revolt through Europe, waived
+      a portion of its claims. Three French converts from Huguenot opinions to
+      Catholicism, Henri IV., the Cardinal du Perron, and M. de Canaye, adjusted
+      matters. The interdict was dismissed from Venice rather than removed&mdash;in
+      haughty silence, without the clashing of bells from S. Pietro di Castello
+      and S. Marco, without manifestation of joy in the city which regarded
+      Papal interdicts as illegitimate, without the parade of public absolution
+      by the Pope. Thus the Republic maintained its dignity of self-respect. But
+      Camillo Borghese, while proclaiming a general amnesty, reserved <i>in
+      petto</i> implacable animosity against the theologians of the Venetian
+      party. Two of these, Marsilio. and Rubetti, died suddenly under suspicion
+      of poison.<a name="BFNanchor_137_137" id="BFNanchor_137_137"></a><a
+      href="#BFootnote_137_137" class="fnanchor">[137]</a> A third, Fulgenzio
+      Manfredi, was lured to Rome, treated with fair show of favor, and finally
+      hung in the Campo di Fiora by order of the Holy Office.<a
+      name="BFNanchor_138_138" id="BFNanchor_138_138"></a><a
+      href="#BFootnote_138_138" class="fnanchor">[138]</a> A fourth, Capello,
+      abjured his so-called heresies, and was assigned a pittance for the last
+      days of his failing life in Rome.<a name="BFNanchor_139_139"
+      id="BFNanchor_139_139"></a><a href="#BFootnote_139_139" class="fnanchor">[139]</a>
+      It remained, if possible, to <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB207"
+      id="pageB207"></a>{207}</span> lay hands on Fra Paolo and his devoted
+      secretary, Fra Fulgenzio Micanzi, of the Servites.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Neither threats nor promises availed to make these friends quit Venice.
+      During the interdict and afterwards, Fulgenzio Micanzi preached the gospel
+      there. He told the people that in the New Testament he had found truth;
+      but he bade them take notice that for the laity this book was even a dead
+      letter through the will of Rome.<a name="BFNanchor_140_140"
+      id="BFNanchor_140_140"></a><a href="#BFootnote_140_140" class="fnanchor">[140]</a>
+      Paul V. complained in words like these: Fra Fulgenzio's doctrine contains,
+      indeed, no patent heresy, but it rests so clearly on the Bible as to
+      prejudice the Catholic faith.<a name="BFNanchor_141_141"
+      id="BFNanchor_141_141"></a><a href="#BFootnote_141_141" class="fnanchor">[141]</a>
+      Sarpi informed his French correspondents that Christ and the truth had
+      been openly preached in Venice by this man.<a name="BFNanchor_142_142"
+      id="BFNanchor_142_142"></a><a href="#BFootnote_142_142" class="fnanchor">[142]</a>
+      Fulgenzio survived the troubles of those times, steadily devoted to his
+      master, of whom he has bequeathed to posterity, a faithful portrait in
+      that biography which combines the dove-like simplicity of the fourteenth
+      century with something of Roger North's sagacity and humor.<a
+      name="BFNanchor_143_143" id="BFNanchor_143_143"></a><a
+      href="#BFootnote_143_143" class="fnanchor">[143]</a> Of Fulgenzio we take
+      no further notice here, having paid him our debt of gratitude for genial
+      service rendered in the sympathetic delineation of so eminent a character
+      as Sarpi's. A side-regret may be expressed that some such simple and
+      affectionate record <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB208" id="pageB208"></a>{208}</span>
+      of Bruno as a man still fails us, and alas, must ever fail. Fulgenzio, by
+      his love, makes us love Sarpi, who otherwise might coldly win our
+      admiration. But for Bruno, that scapegoat of the spirit in the world's
+      wilderness, there is none to speak words of worship and affection.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The first definite warning that his life was in danger came to Sarpi from
+      Caspar Schoppe, the publicist. Scioppius (so his contemporaries called
+      him) was a man of doubtful character and unsteady principles, who,
+      according as his interests varied, used a fluent pen and limpid Latin
+      style for or against the Jesuit faction. History would hardly condescend
+      to notice him but for the singular luck he had of coming at critical
+      moments into contact with the three chief Italian thinkers of his time. We
+      know already that a letter of this man is the one contemporary testimony
+      of an eye-witness to Bruno's condemnation which we possess. He also
+      deserves mention for having visited Campanella in prison and helped to
+      procure his liberation. Now in the year 1607, while passing through
+      Venice, Schoppe sought a private interview with Sarpi, pointed out the
+      odium which Fra Paolo had gained in Rome by his writings, and concluded by
+      asserting that the Pope meant to have him alive or to compass his
+      assassination. If Sarpi wished to make his peace with Paul V., Schoppe was
+      ready to conduct the reconciliation upon honorable terms, having already
+      several affairs of like import in his charge. To this proposal Sarpi
+      replied that the cause he had defended was a just <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageB209" id="pageB209"></a>{209}</span> one, that he had done
+      nothing to offend his Holiness, and that all plots against his liberty or
+      life he left within the hands of God. To these words he significantly
+      added that, even in the Pope's grasp, a man was always 'master over his
+      own life'&mdash;a sentence which seems to indicate suicide as the last
+      resort of self-defense. In September of the same year the Venetian
+      ambassador at Rome received private information regarding some mysterious
+      design against a person or persons unknown, at Venice, in which the Papal
+      Court was implicated, and which was speedily to take effect.<a
+      name="BFNanchor_144_144" id="BFNanchor_144_144"></a><a
+      href="#BFootnote_144_144" class="fnanchor">[144]</a> On October 5 Sarpi
+      was returning about 5 o'clock in the afternoon to his convent at S. Fosca,
+      when he was attacked upon a bridge by five ruffians. It so happened that
+      on this occasion he had no attendance but his servant Fra Marino; Fra
+      Fulgenzio and a man of courage who usually accompanied him, having taken
+      another route home. The assassins were armed with harquebusses, pistols
+      and poniards. One of them went straight at Sarpi, while the others stood
+      on guard and held down Fra Marino. Fifteen blows in all were aimed at
+      Sarpi, three of which struck him in the neck and face. The stiletto
+      remained firmly embedded in his cheekbone between the right ear and nose.
+      He fell to the ground senseless; and a cry being raised by some women who
+      had witnessed the outrage from a window, the assassins made off, <span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageB210" id="pageB210"></a>{210}</span> leaving
+      their victim for dead. It was noticed that they took refuge in the palace
+      of the Papal Nuncio, whence they escaped that same evening to the Lido <i>en
+      route</i> for the States of the Church. An old Venetian nobleman of the
+      highest birth, Alessandro Malipiero, who bore a singular affection for the
+      champion of his country's liberty, was walking a short way in front of
+      Sarpi beyond the bridge upon which the assault was perpetrated. He rushed
+      to his friend's aid, dragged out the dagger from his face, and bore him to
+      the convent. There Sarpi lay for many weeks in danger, suffering as much,
+      it seems, from his physicians as from the wounds. Not satisfied with the
+      attendance of his own surgeon, Alvise Ragoza, the Venetians insisted on
+      sending all the eminent doctors of the city and of Padua to his bedside.
+      The illustrious Acquapendente formed one of this miscellaneous <i>cort&egrave;ge</i>;
+      and when the cure was completed, he received a rich gold chain and
+      knighthood for his service. Every medical man suggested some fresh
+      application. Some of them, suspecting poison, treated the wounds with
+      theriac and antidotes. Others cut into the flesh and probed. Meanwhile the
+      loss of blood had so exhausted Sarpi's meager frame that for more than
+      twenty days he had no strength to move or lift his hands. Not a word of
+      impatience escaped his lips; and when Acquapendente began to medicate the
+      worst wound in his face, he moved the dozen doctors to laughter by wittily
+      observing, 'And yet the world main<span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB211"
+      id="pageB211"></a>{211}</span> tains that it was given <i>Stilo Romanae
+      Curiae</i>.'<a name="BFNanchor_145_145" id="BFNanchor_145_145"></a><a
+      href="#BFootnote_145_145" class="fnanchor">[145]</a> His old friend
+      Malipiero would fain have kept the dagger as a relic. But Sarpi suspended
+      it at the foot of a crucifix in the church of the Servi, with this
+      appropriate inscription, <i>Dei Filio Liberatori</i>. When he had
+      recovered from his long suffering, the Republic assigned their Counselor
+      an increase of pension in order that he might maintain a body of armed
+      guards, and voted him a house in S. Marco for the greater security of his
+      person. But Sarpi begged to be allowed to remain among the friars, with
+      whom he had spent his life, and where his vocation bound him. In the
+      future he took a few obvious precautions, passing in a gondola to the
+      Rialto and thence on foot through the crowded Merceria to the Ducal
+      Palace, and furthermore securing the good offices of his attendants in the
+      convent by liberal gifts of money. Otherwise, he refused to alter the
+      customary tenor of his way.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The State of Venice resented this attack upon their servant as though it
+      had been directed against the majesty of the Republic. A proclamation was
+      immediately issued, offering enormous rewards for the capture or murder of
+      the criminals, especially so worded as to insinuate the belief that men of
+      high position in Rome were implicated. The names of <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageB212" id="pageB212"></a>{212}</span> the chief conspirators were
+      as follows: Ridolfo Poma, a broken Venetian merchant; Alessandro Parrasio
+      of Ancona, outlawed for the murder of his uncle; a priest, Michele Viti of
+      Bergamo; and two soldiers of adventure, Giovanni di Fiorenza and Pasquale
+      di Bitonto. Having escaped to the Lido, they took ship for Ravenna and
+      arrived in due course at Ancona, where they drew 1000 crowns from the
+      Papal Camera, and proceeded to make triumphal progress through Romagna.
+      Their joy was dashed by hearing that Fra Paolo had not been killed. The
+      Venetian <i>bando</i> filled them with fears and mutual suspicions, each
+      man's hand being now set against his comrade, and every ruffian on the
+      road having an interest in their capture. Yet after some time they
+      continued their journey to Rome, and sought sanctuary in the palace of
+      Cardinal Colonna. Here their reception was not what they had anticipated.
+      Having failed in the main object and brought scandal on the Church, they
+      were maintained for some months in obscurity, and then coldly bidden to
+      depart with scanty recompense. All this while their lives remained exposed
+      to the Venetian ban. Under these circumstances it is not strange that the
+      men were half-maddened. Poma raged like a wild beast, worshiping the devil
+      in his private chamber, planning schemes of piracy and fresh attacks on
+      Sarpi, even contemplating a last conspiracy against the person of the
+      Pope. He was seized in Rome by the <i>sbirri</i> of the government, and
+      <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB213" id="pageB213"></a>{213}</span>
+      one of his sons perished in the scuffle. Another returned to Venice, and
+      ended his days there as a vagrant lunatic. Poma himself died mad in the
+      prison of Civit&agrave; Vecchia. Viti also died mad in the same prison.
+      Parrasio died in prison at Rome. One of the soldiers was beheaded at
+      Perugia, and the other fell a victim to cut-throats on the high road. Such
+      was the end of the five conspirators against Fra Paolo Sarpi's life.<a
+      name="BFNanchor_146_146" id="BFNanchor_146_146"></a><a
+      href="#BFootnote_146_146" class="fnanchor">[146]</a> A priest, Franceschi,
+      who had aided and abetted their plot, disappeared soon after the
+      explosion; and we may rest tolerably assured that his was no natural
+      removal to another world.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      It is just to add that the instigation of this murderous plot was never
+      brought home by direct testimony to any members of the Papal Court. But
+      the recourse which the assassins first had to the asylum of the Nuncio in
+      Venice, their triumphal progress through cities of the Church, the moneys
+      they drew on several occasions, the interest taken in them by Cardinal
+      Borghese when they finally reached Rome, and their deaths in Papal
+      dungeons, are circumstances of overwhelming cumulative evidence against
+      the Curia. Sarpi's life was frequently attempted in the following years.
+      On one occasion, Cardinal Bellarmino, more mindful of private friendship
+      than of public feud, sent him warning that he must live prepared for fresh
+      attacks from Rome.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB214" id="pageB214"></a>{214}</span>
+      Indeed, it may be said that he now passed his days in continual
+      expectation of poison or the dagger. This appears plainly in Fulgenzio's
+      biography and in the pages of his private correspondence. The most
+      considerable of these later conspiracies, of which Fra Fulgenzio gives a
+      full account, implicated Cardinal Borghese and the General of the Servite
+      Order.<a name="BFNanchor_147_147" id="BFNanchor_147_147"></a><a
+      href="#BFootnote_147_147" class="fnanchor">[147]</a> The history seems in
+      brief to be as follows. One Fra Bernardo of Perugia, who had served the
+      Cardinal during their student days, took up his residence in Rome so soon
+      as Scipione Borghese became a profitable patron. In the course of the year
+      1609, this Fra Bernardo dispatched a fellow-citizen of his, named Fra
+      Giovanni Francesco, to Padua, whence he frequently came across to Venice
+      and tampered with Sarpi's secretary, Fra Antonio of Viterbo. These three
+      friars were all of them Servites; and it appears that the General looked
+      with approval on their undertaking. The upshot of the traffic was that Fra
+      Antonio, having ready access to Sarpi's apartments and person, agreed
+      either to murder him with a razor or to put poison in his food, or, what
+      was finally determined on, to introduce a couple of assassins into his
+      bedchamber at night. An accident revealed the plot, and placed a
+      voluminous cyphered correspondence in the hands of the Venetian Inquisitor
+      of State. Fra Fulgenzio significantly adds that of all the persons
+      incriminated by these letters, none, with the exception of the General of
+      the Ser<span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB215" id="pageB215"></a>{215}</span>
+      vites, was under the rank of Cardinal. The wording of his sentence is
+      intentionally obscure, but one expression seems even to point at the Pope.<a
+      name="BFNanchor_148_148" id="BFNanchor_148_148"></a><a
+      href="#BFootnote_148_148" class="fnanchor">[148]</a>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      At the close of this affair, so disgraceful to the Church and to his
+      Order, Fra Paolo besought the Signory of Venice on his bended knees, as a
+      return for services rendered by him to the State, that no public
+      punishment should be inflicted on the culprits. He could not bear, he
+      said, to be the cause of bringing a blot of infamy upon his religion, or
+      of ruining the career of any man. Fra Giovanni Francesco afterwards
+      redeemed his life by offering weighty evidence against his powerful
+      accomplices. But what he revealed is buried in the oblivion with which the
+      Council of Ten in Venice chose to cover judicial acts of State-importance.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      It is worth considering that in all the attempts upon Sarpi's life,
+      priests, friars, and prelates of high place were the prime agents.<a
+      name="BFNanchor_149_149" id="BFNanchor_149_149"></a><a
+      href="#BFootnote_149_149" class="fnanchor">[149]</a> Poor devils like Poma
+      and Parrasio lay ready to their hands as sanguinary instruments, which,
+      after work performed, could be broken if occasion served. What, then, was
+      the religious reformation of which the Roman Court made ostentatious
+      display when it secured its unexpected triumph in the Council of Trent?
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB216" id="pageB216"></a>{216}</span> We
+      must reply that in essential points of moral conduct this reformation
+      amounted to almost nothing, and in some points to considerably less than
+      nothing. The Church of God, as Sarpi held, suffered deformation rather
+      than reformation. That is to say, this Church, instead of being brought
+      back to primitive simplicity and purged of temporal abuses, now lay at the
+      mercy of ambitious hypocrites who with the Supreme Pontiff's sanction,
+      pursued their ends by treachery and violence. Its hostility to heretics
+      and its new-fangled doctrine of Papal almightiness encouraged the spread
+      of a pernicious casuistry which favored assassination. Kings at strife
+      with the Catholic Alliance, honest Christians defending the prerogatives
+      of their commonwealth, erudite historians and jurists who disapproved of
+      substituting Popes in Rome for God in heaven, might be massacred or
+      kidnapped by ruffians red with the blood of their nearest relatives and
+      carrying the condemnation of their native States upon their forehead.
+      According to the post-Tridentine morality of Rome, that morality which the
+      Jesuits openly preached and published, which was disseminated in every
+      prelate's ante-chamber, and whispered in every parish-priest's
+      confessional, enormous sins could be atoned and eternal grace be gained by
+      the merciless and traitorous murder of any notable man who savored of
+      heresy. If the Holy Office had instituted a prosecution against the victim
+      and had condemned him in his absence, the path was plain. Sentence of
+      excommunication <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB217" id="pageB217"></a>{217}</span>
+      and death publicly pronounced on such a man reduced him to the condition
+      of a wild beast, whose head was worth solid coin and plenary absolution to
+      the cut-throat. A private minute recorded on the books of the Inquisitors
+      had almost equal value; and Sarpi was under the impression that some such
+      underhand proceeding against himself had loosed a score of knives. But
+      short of these official or semi-judicial preliminaries, it was maintained
+      upon the best casuistical authority that to take the life of any suspected
+      heretic, of any one reputed heterodox in Roman circles, should be esteemed
+      a work of merit creditable to the miscreant who perpetrated the deed, and
+      certain, even should he die for it, to yield him in the other world the
+      joys of Paradise. These joys the Jesuits described in language worthy of
+      the Koran. Dabbled in Sarpi's or Duplessis Mornay's blood, quartered and
+      tortured like Ravaillac, the desperado of so pious a crime would swim
+      forever in oceans of ecstatic pleasure. The priest, ambitious for his
+      hierarchy, fanatical in his devotion to the Church, relying upon privilege
+      if he should chance to be detected, had a plain interest in promoting and
+      directing such conspiracies. Men of blood, and bandits up to the hilts in
+      crimes of violence, rendered reckless by the indiscriminate cruelty of
+      justice in those days, allured by the double hope of pay and spiritual
+      benefit, rushed without a back-thought into like adventures. Ready to risk
+      their lives in an unholy cause, such ruffians were doubly glad to do so
+      when the bait of <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB218" id="pageB218"></a>{218}</span>
+      heaven's felicity was offered to their grosser understanding. These
+      considerations explain, but are far indeed from exculpating, the
+      complicity of clergy and cut-throats in every crime of violence attempted
+      against foes of Papal Rome.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Sarpi's worst enemies could scarcely fix on him the crime of heresy. He
+      was a staunch Catholic; so profoundly versed both in dogmatic theology and
+      in ecclesiastical procedure, that to remain within the straitest limits of
+      orthodoxy, while opposing the presumption of the Papal Court, gave him no
+      trouble. Yet at the time in which he lived, the bare act of resistance to
+      any will or whim of Rome, passed with those doctors who were forging new
+      systems of Pontifical supremacy, for heretical. In this arbitrary and
+      uncanonical sense of the phrase Sarpi was undoubtedly a heretic. He had
+      deserved the hatred of the Curia, the Inquisition, the Jesuits, and their
+      myrmidons. Steadily, with caution and a sober spirit, he had employed his
+      energies and vast accumulated stores of knowledge in piling up breakwaters
+      against their pernicious innovations. In all his controversial writings
+      during the interdict Sarpi used none but solid arguments, drawn from
+      Scripture, canon law, and the Councils of the early Church, in order to
+      deduce one single principle: namely that both secular and ecclesiastical
+      organisms, the State and the Church, are divinely appointed, but with
+      several jurisdictions and for diverse ends. He pressed this principle home
+      with hammer-strokes of most con<span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB219"
+      id="pageB219"></a>{219}</span> vincing proof on common sense and reason.
+      He did so even superfluously to our modern intellect, which is fatigued by
+      following so elaborate a chain of precedents up to a foregone conclusion.
+      But he let no word fall, except by way of passing irony, which could bring
+      contempt upon existing ecclesiastical potentates; and he maintained a
+      dispassionate temper, while dealing with topics which at that epoch
+      inflamed the fiercest party strife. His antagonists, not having sound
+      learning, reason, and the Scripture on their side, were driven to employ
+      the rhetoric of personal abuse and the stiletto. In the end the badness of
+      their cause was proved by the recourse they had to conspiracies of pimps,
+      friars, murderers, and fanatics, in order to stifle that voice of truth
+      which told them of their aberration from the laws of God.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      It was not merely by his polemical writings during the interdict, that
+      Sarpi won the fame of heretic in ultra-papal circles. In his office as
+      Theologian to the Republic he had to report upon all matters touching the
+      relations of State to Church; and the treatises which he prepared on such
+      occasions assumed the proportions, in many instances, of important
+      literary works. Among these the most considerable is entitled <i>Delle
+      Materie Beneficiarie</i>. Professing to be a discourse upon ecclesiastical
+      benefices, it combines a brief but sufficient history of the temporal
+      power of the Papacy, an inquiry into the arts whereby the Church's
+      property <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB220" id="pageB220"></a>{220}</span>
+      had been accumulated, and a critique of various devices employed by the
+      Roman Curia to divert that wealth from its original objects. In 'this
+      golden volume,' to use Gibbon's words, 'the Papal system is deeply studied
+      and freely described.' Speaking of its purport, Hallam observes: 'That
+      object was neither more nor less than to represent the wealth and power of
+      the Church as ill-gotten and excessive.' Next in importance is a <i>Treatise
+      on the Inquisition</i>, which gives a condensed sketch of the origin and
+      development of the Holy Office, enlarging upon the special modifications
+      of that institution as it existed in Venice. Here likewise Sarpi set
+      himself to resist ecclesiastical encroachments upon the domain of secular
+      jurisdiction. He pointed out how the right of inquiring into cases of
+      heretical opinion had been gradually wrested from the hands of the bishop
+      and the State, and committed to a specially-elected body which held itself
+      only responsible to Rome. He showed how this powerful tribunal was being
+      used to the detriment of States, by extending its operation into the
+      sphere of politics, excluding the secular magistracy from participation in
+      its judgments, and arrogating to itself the cognizance of civil crimes. A
+      third <i>Discourse upon the Press</i> brought the same system of attack to
+      bear upon the Index of prohibited books. Sarpi was here able to
+      demonstrate that a power originally delegated to the bishops of
+      proscribing works pernicious to morality and religion, was now employed
+      for the suppression <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB221" id="pageB221"></a>{221}</span>
+      of sound learning and enlightenment by a Congregation sworn to support the
+      Papacy. Passing from their proper sphere of theology and ethics, these
+      ecclesiastics condemned as heretical all writings which denied the
+      supremacy of Rome over nations and commonwealths, prevented the
+      publication and sale of books which defended the rights of princes and
+      republics, and flooded Europe with doctrines of regicide, Pontifical
+      omnipotence, and hierarchical predominance in secular affairs. These are
+      the most important of Sarpi's minor works. But the same spirit of liberal
+      resistance against Church aggression, supported by the same erudition and
+      critical sagacity, is noticeable in a short tract explaining how the Right
+      of Asylum had been abused to the prejudice of public justice; in a <i>Discourse
+      upon the Contributions of the Clergy</i>, distinguishing their real from
+      their assumed immunities; and in a brief memorandum upon the Greek College
+      in Rome, exposing the mischief wrought in commonwealths and families by
+      the Jesuit system of education.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      In all these writings Sarpi held firmly by his main principle, that the
+      State, no less than the Church, exists <i>jure divino</i>. The papal
+      usurpation of secular prerogatives was in his eyes not merely a violation
+      of the divinely appointed order of government, but also a deformation of
+      the ecclesiastical ideal. Those, he argued, are the real heretics who
+      deprave the antique organism of the Church by <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageB222" id="pageB222"></a>{222}</span> making the Pope absolute,
+      who preach the deity of the Roman Pontiff as though he were a second God
+      equal in almightiness to God in heaven. 'Nay,' he exclaims in a passage
+      marked by more than usual heat, 'should one drag God from heaven they
+      would not stir a finger, provided the Pope preserved his vice-divinity or
+      rather super-divinity. Bellarmino clearly states that to restrict the
+      Papal authority to spiritual affairs is the same as to annihilate it;
+      showing that they value the spiritual at just zero.'<a
+      name="BFNanchor_150_150" id="BFNanchor_150_150"></a><a
+      href="#BFootnote_150_150" class="fnanchor">[150]</a> Sarpi saw that the
+      ultra-papalists of his day, by subordinating the State, the family and the
+      individual to the worldly interests of Rome, by repressing knowledge and
+      liberty of conscience, preaching immoral and anti-social doctrines,
+      encouraging superstition and emasculating education, for the maintenance
+      of those same worldly interests, were advancing steadily upon the path of
+      self-destruction. The essence of Christianity was neglected in this brutal
+      struggle for supremacy; while truth, virtue and religion, those sacred
+      safe-guards of humanity, which the Church was instituted to preserve, ran
+      no uncertain risk of perishing through the unnatural perversion of its
+      aims.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The work which won for Sarpi a permanent place in the history of
+      literature, and which in his lifetime did more than any other of his
+      writings to expose the Papal system, is the history of the Tridentine
+      Council. It was not published with his name or <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageB223" id="pageB223"></a>{223}</span> with his sanction. A
+      manuscript copy lent by him to Marcantonio de Dominis, Archbishop of
+      Spalatro, was taken by that waverer between Catholicism and Protestantism
+      to England, and published in London under the pseudonym of Pietro Soave
+      Polano&mdash;an anagram of Paolo Sarpi Veneto&mdash;in the year 1619. That
+      Sarpi was the real author admits of no doubt. The book bears every stamp
+      of genuineness. It is written in the lucid, nervous, straightforward style
+      of the man, who always sought for mathematical precision rather than
+      rhetorical elegance in his use of language. Sarpi had taken special pains
+      to collect materials for a History of the Council; and in doing so he had
+      enjoyed exceptional advantages. Early in his manhood he formed at Mantua a
+      close friendship with Camillo Olivo, who had been secretary to the Papal
+      Legate, Cardinal Gonzaga of Mantua, at Trent. During his residence in Rome
+      between 1585 and 1587 he became intimately acquainted with Cardinal
+      Castagna, president of the committee appointed for drawing up the decrees
+      of the Council. In addition to the information afforded by these persons,
+      officially connected with the transactions of the Council, Sarpi had at
+      his command the Archives of Venice, including the dispatches of
+      ambassadors, and a vast store of published documents, not to mention
+      numerous details which in the course of his long commerce with society he
+      had obtained from the lips of credible witnesses. All these sources,
+      grasped in their diversity by his powerful memory and animated with <span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageB224" id="pageB224"></a>{224}</span> his
+      vivid intellect, are worked into an even, plain, dispassionate narration,
+      which, in spite of the dryness of the subject, forms a truly fascinating
+      whole. That Sarpi was strictly fair in his conception of the Council, can
+      scarcely be maintained; for he wrote in a spirit of distinct antagonism to
+      the ends which it achieved. Yet the more we examine the series of events
+      described by him, the more are we convinced that in its main features the
+      work is just. When Sir Roger Twysden pronounced it 'to be written with so
+      great moderation, learning and wisdom, as might deserve a place among the
+      exactest pieces of ecclesiastic story any age had produced,' he did not
+      overshoot the mark. Nor has the avowedly hostile investigation to which
+      Cardinal Pallavicini submitted it, done more than to confirm its credit by
+      showing that a deadly enemy, with all the arsenal of Roman documents at
+      his command, could only detect inaccuracies in minor details and express
+      rage at the controlling animus of the work.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      It was Sarpi's object to demonstrate that the Council of Trent, instead of
+      being a free and open Synod of Christians assembled to discuss points at
+      issue between the Catholic and Protestant Churches, was in reality a
+      closely-packed conciliabulum, from which Protestants were excluded, and
+      where Catholics were dominated by the Italian agents of the Roman Court.
+      He made it clear, and in this he is confirmed by masses of collateral
+      proofs, that the presiding spirit of the Council was human diplomacy
+      rather than <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB225" id="pageB225"></a>{225}</span>
+      divine inspiration, and that Roman intrigue conducted its transactions to
+      an issue favorable for Papal supremacy by carefully manipulating the
+      interests of princes and the passions of individuals. 'I shall narrate the
+      causes,' he remarks, in his exordium, 'and the negotiations of an
+      ecclesiastical convocation during the course of twenty-two years, for
+      divers ends and with varied means; by whom promoted and solicited, by whom
+      impeded and delayed; for another eighteen years, now brought together, now
+      dissolved; always held with various ends; and which received a form and
+      accomplishment quite contrary to the design of those who set it going, as
+      also to the fear of those who took all pains to interrupt it. A clear
+      monition that man ought to yield his thoughts resignedly to God and not to
+      trust in human prudence. Forasmuch as this Council, desired and put in
+      motion by pious men for the reunion of the Church which had begun to break
+      asunder, hath so established schism and embittered factions that it has
+      rendered those discords irreconcilable; handled by princes for the reform
+      of the ecclesiastical system, has caused the greatest deformation that
+      hath ever been since the name of Christian came into existence; by bishops
+      with hope expected as that which would restore the episcopal authority,
+      now in large part absorbed by the sole Roman Pontiff, hath been the reason
+      of their losing the last vestige of it and of their reduction to still
+      greater servitude. On the other hand, dreaded and evaded <span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageB226" id="pageB226"></a>{226}</span> by the
+      Court of Rome, as an efficient instrument for curbing that exorbitant
+      power, which from small beginnings hath arrived by various advances to
+      limitless excess, it has so established and confirmed it over the portion
+      still left subject to it, as that it never was so vast nor so
+      well-rooted.' In treating of what he pithily calls 'the Iliad of our age,'
+      Sarpi promises to observe the truth, and protests that he is governed by
+      no passion. This promise the historian kept faithfully. His animus is
+      never allowed to transpire in any direct tirades; his irony emerges rather
+      in reporting epigrams of others than in personal sarcasms or innuendoes;
+      his own prepossessions and opinions are carefully veiled. After reading
+      the whole voluminous history we feel that it would be as inaccurate to
+      claim Sarpi for Protestantism as to maintain that he was a friend of
+      ultra-papal Catholicism. What he really had at heart was the restoration
+      of the Church of God to unity, to purer discipline and to sincere
+      spirituality. This reconstruction of Christendom upon a sound basis was,
+      as he perceived, rendered impossible by the Tridentine decrees. Yet,
+      though the dearest hope of his heart had been thus frustrated, he set
+      nothing down in malice, nor vented his own disappointment in laments which
+      might have seemed rebellious against the Divine will. Sarpi's personality
+      shows itself most clearly in the luminous discourses with which from time
+      to time he elucidates obscure matters of ecclesiastical history. Those on
+      episcopal residence, <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB227" id="pageB227"></a>{227}</span>
+      pluralism, episcopal jurisdiction, the censure of books, and the
+      malappropriation of endowments, are specially valuable.<a
+      name="BFNanchor_151_151" id="BFNanchor_151_151"></a><a
+      href="#BFootnote_151_151" class="fnanchor">[151]</a> If no other proof
+      existed, these digressions would render Sarpi's authorship of the History
+      unmistakable. They are identical in style and in intention with his
+      acknowledged treatises, firmly but calmly expressing a sound scholar's
+      disapproval of abuses which had grown up like morbid excrescences upon the
+      Church. Taken in connection with the interpolated summaries of public
+      opinion regarding the Council's method of procedure and its successive
+      decrees, these discourses betray a spirit of hostility to Rome which is
+      nowhere openly expressed. Sarpi illustrated Aretino's cynical sentence:
+      'How can you speak evil of your neighbor? By speaking the truth, by
+      speaking the truth!'&mdash;without rancor and without passion. Nothing, in
+      fact, could have been more damaging to Rome than his precise analysis of
+      her arts in the Council.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      I have said that the History of the Tridentine Council, though it
+      confirmed Sarpi's heretical reputation, would not justify us in believing
+      him at heart a Protestant.<a name="BFNanchor_152_152"
+      id="BFNanchor_152_152"></a><a href="#BFootnote_152_152" class="fnanchor">[152]</a>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB228" id="pageB228"></a>{228}</span>
+      Very much depends on how we define the word Protestant. If Sarpi's known
+      opinions regarding the worldliness of Rome, ecclesiastical abuses, and
+      Papal supremacy, constitute a Protestant, then he certainly was one. But
+      if antagonism to Catholic dogma, repudiation of the Catholic Sacraments
+      and abhorrence of monastic institutions are also necessary to the
+      definition, then Sarpi was as certainly no Protestant. He seems to have
+      anticipated the position of those Christians who now are known as Old
+      Catholics. This appears from his vivid sympathy with the Gallican Church,
+      and from his zealous defense of those prerogatives and privileges in which
+      the Venetian Church resembled that of France. We must go to his collected
+      letters in order to penetrate his real way of thinking on the subject of
+      reform. The most important of these are addressed to Frenchmen&mdash;Ph.
+      Duplessis Mornay, De l'Isle Groslot, Leschassier, a certain Roux, Gillot,
+      and Casaubon. If we could be quite sure that the text of these familiar
+      letters had not been tampered with before publication, their testimony
+      would be doubly valuable. As it is, no one at all acquainted with Sarpi's
+      style will doubt that in the main they are trustworthy. Here and there
+      <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB229" id="pageB229"></a>{229}</span> it
+      may be that a phrase has been inserted or modified to give a stronger
+      Protestant coloring. The frequent allusion to the Court of Rome under the
+      title of <i>La Meretrice</i>, especially in letters to Duplessis Mornay,
+      looks suspicious.<a name="BFNanchor_153_153" id="BFNanchor_153_153"></a><a
+      href="#BFootnote_153_153" class="fnanchor">[153]</a> Yet Dante, Petrarch
+      and Savonarola used similar metaphors, when describing the secular
+      ambition of the Papacy. Having pointed out a weakness in this important
+      series of documents, I will translate some obviously genuine passages
+      which illustrate Sarpi's attitude toward reform.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Writing to Leschassier upon the literary warfare of James I., he says it
+      is a pity that the king did not abstain from theology and confine himself
+      to the defense of his princely prerogatives against the claims of Rome. He
+      has exposed himself to the imputation of wishing to upset the foundations
+      of the faith. 'With regard to our own affairs [<i>i.e.</i> in Venice], we
+      do not seek to mix up heaven and earth, things human and things divine.
+      Our desire is to leave the sacraments and all that pertains to religion as
+      they are, believing that we can uphold the secular government in those
+      rights which Scripture and the teaching of the Fathers confirm.'<a
+      name="BFNanchor_154_154" id="BFNanchor_154_154"></a><a
+      href="#BFootnote_154_154" class="fnanchor">[154]</a> In another place he
+      says: 'I have well considered the reasons which drew Germany and England
+      into changing the observances of religion; but upon us neither these nor
+      others of greater weight will exercise any influence.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB230" id="pageB230"></a>{230}</span> It
+      is better to suffer certain rules and customs that are not in all points
+      commendable, than to acquire a taste for revolution and to yield to the
+      temptation of confounding all things in chaos.'<a name="BFNanchor_155_155"
+      id="BFNanchor_155_155"></a><a href="#BFootnote_155_155" class="fnanchor">[155]</a>
+      His own grievance against the Popes, he adds, is that they are innovating
+      and destroying the primitive constitution of the Church. With regard to
+      the possibility of uniting Christendom, he writes that many of the
+      differences between Catholics and Protestants seem to him verbal; many,
+      such as could be tolerated in one communion; and many capable of
+      adjustment. But a good occasion must be waited for.<a
+      name="BFNanchor_156_156" id="BFNanchor_156_156"></a><a
+      href="#BFootnote_156_156" class="fnanchor">[156]</a> Nothing can be done
+      in Italy without a general war, that shall shake the powers of Spain and
+      Rome.<a name="BFNanchor_157_157" id="BFNanchor_157_157"></a><a
+      href="#BFootnote_157_157" class="fnanchor">[157]</a> Both Spain and Rome
+      are so well aware of their peril that they use every means to keep Italy
+      in peace.<a name="BFNanchor_158_158" id="BFNanchor_158_158"></a><a
+      href="#BFootnote_158_158" class="fnanchor">[158]</a> If the Protestants of
+      Europe are bent on victory, they must imitate the policy of Scipio and
+      attack the Jesuits and Rome in their headquarters.<a
+      name="BFNanchor_159_159" id="BFNanchor_159_159"></a><a
+      href="#BFootnote_159_159" class="fnanchor">[159]</a> 'There is no
+      enterprise of greater moment than to destroy the credit of the Jesuits.
+      When they are conquered, Rome is taken; and without Rome, religion reforms
+      itself spontaneously.'<a name="BFNanchor_160_160" id="BFNanchor_160_160"></a><a
+      href="#BFootnote_160_160" class="fnanchor">[160]</a> 'Changes in State are
+      inextricably involved in changes of religion;'<a name="BFNanchor_161_161"
+      id="BFNanchor_161_161"></a><a href="#BFootnote_161_161" class="fnanchor">[161]</a>
+      and Italy will never be free so long as the Diacatholicon lasts.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB231" id="pageB231"></a>{231}</span>
+      Meanwhile, 'were it not for State policy there would be found hundreds
+      ready to leap from this ditch of Rome to the summit of Reform.'<a
+      name="BFNanchor_162_162" id="BFNanchor_162_162"></a><a
+      href="#BFootnote_162_162" class="fnanchor">[162]</a> The hope of some
+      improvement at Venice depends mainly upon the presence there of embassies
+      from Protestant powers&mdash;England, Holland and the Grisons.<a
+      name="BFNanchor_163_163" id="BFNanchor_163_163"></a><a
+      href="#BFootnote_163_163" class="fnanchor">[163]</a> These give an
+      opportunity to free religious discussion, and to the dissemination of
+      Gospel truth. Sarpi is strong in his praise of Fra Fulgenzio for
+      fearlessly preaching Christ and the truth, and repeats the Pope's
+      complaint that the Bible is injurious to the Catholic faith.<a
+      name="BFNanchor_164_164" id="BFNanchor_164_164"></a><a
+      href="#BFootnote_164_164" class="fnanchor">[164]</a> He led William
+      Bedell, chaplain to Sir H. Wotton and afterwards Bishop of Kilmore, to
+      believe that Fra Fulgenzio and himself were ripe for Reform. 'These two I
+      know,' writes Bedell to Prince Henry, 'as having practiced with them, to
+      desire nothing so much as the Reformation of the Church, and, in a word,
+      for the substance of religion they are wholly ours.'<a
+      name="BFNanchor_165_165" id="BFNanchor_165_165"></a><a
+      href="#BFootnote_165_165" class="fnanchor">[165]</a> During the interdict
+      Diodati came from Geneva to Venice, and Sarpi informed him that some
+      12,000 persons in the city wished for rupture with Rome; but the
+      government and the aristocracy being against it, nothing could be done.<a
+      name="BFNanchor_166_166" id="BFNanchor_166_166"></a><a
+      href="#BFootnote_166_166" class="fnanchor">[166]</a>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Enough has now been quoted to throw some light upon Sarpi's attitude
+      toward Protestantism. That he most earnestly desired the overthrow of
+      ultra-papal Catholicism, is apparent. So also are his sympathies with
+      those reformed nations which <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB232"
+      id="pageB232"></a>{232}</span> enjoyed liberty of conscience and
+      independence of ecclesiastical control. Yet his first duty was to Venice;
+      and since the State remained Catholic, he personally had no intention of
+      quitting the communion into which he had been born and in which he was an
+      ordained priest. All Churches, he wrote in one memorable letter to
+      Casaubon, have their imperfections. The Church of Corinth, in the days of
+      the Apostles, was corrupt.<a name="BFNanchor_167_167"
+      id="BFNanchor_167_167"></a><a href="#BFootnote_167_167" class="fnanchor">[167]</a>
+      'The fabric of the Church of God,' being on earth, cannot expect immunity
+      from earthly frailties.<a name="BFNanchor_168_168" id="BFNanchor_168_168"></a><a
+      href="#BFootnote_168_168" class="fnanchor">[168]</a> Such imperfections
+      and such frailties as the Catholic Church shared with all things of this
+      world, Sarpi was willing to tolerate. The deformation of that Church by
+      Rome and Jesuitry he manfully withstood; but he saw no valid reason why he
+      should abandon her for Protestantism. In his own conscience he remained
+      free to serve God in spirit and in truth. The mind of the man in fact was
+      too far-seeing and too philosophical to exchange old lamps for new without
+      a better prospect of attaining to absolute truth than the dissenters from
+      Catholicism afforded. His interest in Protestant, as separate from
+      Catholic Reform, was rather civil and political than religious or
+      theological. Could those soaring wings of Rome be broken, then and not
+      till then might the Italians enjoy freedom of conscience, liberty of
+      discussion and research, purer piety, and a healthier activity as
+      citizens.<span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB233" id="pageB233"></a>{233}</span>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Side light may be thrown upon Sarpi's judgment of the European situation
+      by considering in detail what he said about the Jesuits. This company, as
+      we have seen, lent its support to Papal absolutism; and during the later
+      years of Sarpi's life it seemed destined to carry the world before it, by
+      control of education, by devotion to Rome, by adroit manipulation of the
+      religious consciousness for anti-social ends and ecclesiastical
+      aggrandizement.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The sure sign of being in the right, said Sarpi, is when one finds himself
+      in contradiction to the Jesuits. They are most subtle masters in
+      ill-doing, men who, if their needs demand, are ready to commit crimes
+      worse than those of which they now are guilty. All falsehood and all
+      blasphemy proceed from them. They have set the last hand at establishing
+      universal corruption. They are a public plague, the plague of the world,
+      chameleons who take their color from the soil they squat on, flatterers of
+      princes, perverters of youth. They not only excuse but laud lying; their
+      dissimulation is bare and unqualified mendacity; their malice is
+      inestimable. They have the art so to blend their interests and that of
+      Rome, seeking for themselves and the Papacy the empire of the world, that
+      the Curia must needs support them, while it cowers before their
+      inscrutable authority. They are the ruin of good literature and wholesome
+      doctrine by their pitiful pretense of learning and their machinery of
+      false teaching. On ignorance rests their power, and truth is mortal to
+      <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB234" id="pageB234"></a>{234}</span>
+      them. Every vice of which humanity is capable, every frailty to which it
+      is subject, finds from them support and consolation. If S. Peter had been
+      directed by a Jesuit confessor he might have arrived at denying Christ
+      without sin. The use the confessional as an instrument of political and
+      domestic influence, reciprocating its confidences one with the other in
+      their own debates, but menacing their penitents with penalties if a word
+      of their counsel be bruited to the world. Expelled from Venice, they work
+      more mischief there by their intrigues than they did when they were
+      tolerated.<a name="BFNanchor_169_169" id="BFNanchor_169_169"></a><a
+      href="#BFootnote_169_169" class="fnanchor">[169]</a> They scheme to get a
+      hold on Constantinople and Palestine, in order to establish seminaries of
+      fanatics and assassins. They are responsible for the murder of Henri IV.,
+      for if they did not instigate Ravaillac, their doctrine of regicide
+      inspired him. They can creep into any kingdom, any institution, any
+      household, because they readily accept any terms and subscribe to any
+      conditions in the certainty that by the adroit use of flattery, humbug,
+      falsehood, and corruption, they will soon become masters of the situation.
+      In France they are the real Morbus Gallicus. In Italy they are the soul of
+      the Diacatholicon.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The torrent of Sarpi's indignation against the Jesuits, as perverters of
+      sound doctrine in the Church, <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB235"
+      id="pageB235"></a>{235}</span> disturbers of kingdoms, sappers of morality
+      and disseminators of vile customs through society, runs so violently
+      forward that we are fain to check it, while acknowledging its justice. One
+      passage only, from the many passages bearing on this topic in his
+      correspondence, demands special citation, since it deals directly with the
+      whole material of the present work. Writing to his friend Leschassier, he
+      speaks as follows: 'Nothing can be of more mischief to you in France than
+      the dishonesty of bad confessors and their determination to aggrandize
+      Rome by any means, together with the mistaken zeal of the good sort. We
+      have arrived at a point where cure of the disease must even be despaired
+      of. Fifty years ago things went well in Italy. There was no public system
+      of education for training young men to the profit of the clergy. They were
+      brought up by their parents in private, more for the advantage of their
+      families than for that of the hierarchy. In religious houses, where
+      studies flourished, attention was paid to scholastic logic. The
+      jurisdiction and the authority of the Pope were hardly touched on; and
+      while theology was pursued at leisure, the majority passed their years in
+      contemplation of the Deity and angels. Recently, through the decrees of
+      the Tridentine Council, schools have been opened in every State, which are
+      called Seminaries, where education is concentrated on the sole end of
+      augmenting ecclesiastical supremacy. Furthermore, the prelates of each
+      district, partly with a view of saving their own <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageB236" id="pageB236"></a>{236}</span> pockets, and partly that
+      they may display a fashionable show of zeal, have committed the charge of
+      those institutions to Jesuits. This has caused a most important alteration
+      in the aspect of affairs.'<a name="BFNanchor_170_170"
+      id="BFNanchor_170_170"></a><a href="#BFootnote_170_170" class="fnanchor">[170]</a>
+      It would be difficult to state the changes effected by the Tridentine
+      Council and the commission of education to the Jesuits more precisely and
+      more fairly than in this paragraph. How deeply Sarpi had penetrated the
+      Jesuitical arts in education, can be further demonstrated from another
+      passage in his minor works.<a name="BFNanchor_171_171"
+      id="BFNanchor_171_171"></a><a href="#BFootnote_171_171" class="fnanchor">[171]</a>
+      In a memoir prepared for the Venetian Signory, he says that the Jesuits
+      are vulgarly supposed to be unrivaled as trainers of youth. But a patent
+      equivocation lurks under this phrase 'unrivaled.' Education must be
+      considered with regard to the utility of the State. 'Now the education of
+      the Jesuits consists in stripping the pupil of every obligation to his
+      father, to his country, and to his natural prince; in diverting all his
+      love and fear toward a spiritual superior, on whose nod, beck and word he
+      is dependent. This system of training is useful for the supremacy of
+      ecclesiastics and for such secular governments as they are ready to submit
+      to; and none can deny that the Jesuits are without equals in their
+      employment of it. Yet in so far as it is advantageous in such cases, so
+      also is it prejudicial to States, the end whereof is liberty and real
+      virtue, and with whom the ecclesiastical faction <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageB237" id="pageB237"></a>{237}</span> remains in bad accord. From
+      the Jesuit colleges there never issued a son obedient to his father,
+      devoted to his country, loyal to his prince. The cause of this is that the
+      Jesuits employ their best energies in destroying natural affection,
+      respect for parents, reverence for princes. Therefore they only deserve to
+      be admired by those whose interest it is to subject family, country and
+      government to ecclesiastical interests.'
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The Provincial Letters of Pascal, which Sarpi anticipated in so many
+      points, suffice to prove that he was justified in this hostility to
+      ultramontanism backed up by Jesuit artifices. He was writing, be it
+      remembered, at the very high tide of Papal domination, when Henri IV. had
+      been assassinated, and when the overwhelming forces of secular interests
+      combined with intellectual progress had not as yet set limits on
+      ecclesiastical encroachment. The dread lest Europe should succumb to Rome,
+      now proved by subsequent events an unsubstantial nightmare, was real
+      enough for this Venetian friar, who ran daily risk of assassination in
+      down-trodden servile Italy, with Spanish plots threatening the arsenal,
+      with France delivered into the hands of Florentines and casuists, with
+      England in the grip of Stuarts, and with Germany distracted by intrigues.
+      He could not foresee that in the course of a century the Jesuits would be
+      discredited by their own arts, and that the Papacy would subside into a
+      pacific sovereignty bent on securing its own temporal existence by
+      accommodation.<span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB238" id="pageB238"></a>{238}</span>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The end of Sarpi's life consecrated the principles of duty to God and
+      allegiance to his country which had animated its whole course. He fell
+      into a bad state of health; yet nothing would divert him from the due
+      discharge of public business. 'All the signs of the soul's speedy
+      departure from that age-enfeebled body, were visible; but his
+      indefatigable spirit sustained him in such wise that he bore exactly all
+      his usual burdens. When his friends and masters bade him relax his
+      energies, he used to answer: My duty is to serve and not to live; there is
+      some one daily dying in his office.<a name="BFNanchor_172_172"
+      id="BFNanchor_172_172"></a><a href="#BFootnote_172_172" class="fnanchor">[172]</a>
+      When at length the very sources of existence failed, and the firm brain
+      wandered for a moment, he was once heard to say: 'Let us go to S. Mark,
+      for it is late.'<a name="BFNanchor_173_173" id="BFNanchor_173_173"></a><a
+      href="#BFootnote_173_173" class="fnanchor">[173]</a> The very last words
+      he uttered, frequently repeated, but scarcely intelligible, were: 'Esto
+      Perpetua.'<a name="BFNanchor_174_174" id="BFNanchor_174_174"></a><a
+      href="#BFootnote_174_174" class="fnanchor">[174]</a> <i>May Venice last
+      forever</i>! This was the dying prayer of the man who had consecrated his
+      best faculties to the service of his country. But before he passed away
+      into that half slumber which precedes death, he made confession to his
+      accustomed spiritual father, received the Eucharist and Extreme Unction,
+      and bade farewell to the superior of the Servites, in the following
+      sentence: 'Go ye to rest, and I will return to God, from whom I came.'
+      With these words he closed his lips in silence, crossing his hands upon
+      his <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB239" id="pageB239"></a>{239}</span>
+      breast and fixing his eyes upon a crucifix that stood before him.<a
+      name="BFNanchor_175_175" id="BFNanchor_175_175"></a><a
+      href="#BFootnote_175_175" class="fnanchor">[175]</a>
+    </p>
+    <div class="poem">
+      <div class="stanza">
+        <span>I will return to God from whom I came.<br /> </span>
+      </div>
+    </div>
+    <p>
+      These words&mdash;not the last, for the last were <i>Esto perpetua</i>;
+      but the last spoken in the presence of his fraternity&mdash;have a deep
+      significance for those who would fain understand the soul of Sarpi. When
+      in his lifetime he spoke of the Church, it was always as 'the Church of
+      God.' When he relegated his own anxieties for the welfare of society to a
+      superior power, it was not to Mary, as Jesuits advised, nor even to
+      Christ, but invariably to the Providence of God. Sarpi, we have the right
+      to assume, lived and died a sincere believer in the God who orders and
+      disposes of the universe; and this God, identical in fact though not in
+      form with Bruno's, he worshiped through such symbols of ceremony and
+      religion as had been adopted by him in his youth. An intellect so clear of
+      insight as this, knew that 'God is a spirit, and they that worship him
+      must worship him in <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB240" id="pageB240"></a>{240}</span>
+      spirit and in truth.' He knew that 'neither on this mountain nor yet in
+      Jerusalem,' neither in Protestant communities nor yet in Rome was the
+      authentic God made tangible; but that a loyal human being, created in
+      God's image, could serve him and adore him with life-worship under any of
+      the spiritual shapes which mortal frailty has fashioned for its needs.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      To penetrate the abyss of any human personality is impossible. No man
+      truly sees into his living neighbor's, brother's, wife's, nay even his own
+      soul. How futile, therefore, is the effort which we make to seize and
+      sketch the vital lineaments of men long dead, divided from us not merely
+      by the grave which has absorbed their fleshly form and deprived us of
+      their tone of voice, but also by those differences in thought and feeling
+      which separate the centuries of culture! Yet this impossible task lies
+      ever before the historian. Few characters are more patently difficult to
+      comprehend than that of Sarpi. Ultimately, so far as it is possible to
+      formulate a view, I think he may be defined as a Christian Stoic,
+      possessed with two main governing ideas, duty to God and duty to Venice.
+      His last words were for Venice; the penultimate consigned his soul to God.
+      For a mind like his, so philosophically tempered, so versed in all the
+      history of the world to us-wards, the materials of dispute between
+      Catholic and Protestant must have seemed but trifles. He stayed where he
+      had early taken root, in his Servite convent at S. Fosca, because he there
+      could dedicate his life <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB241"
+      id="pageB241"></a>{241}</span> to God and Venice better than in any
+      Protestant conventicle. Had Venice inclined toward rupture with Rome, had
+      the Republic possessed the power to make that rupture with success, Sarpi
+      would have hailed the event gladly, as introducing for Italy the prospect
+      of spiritual freedom, purer piety, and the overthrow of Papal-Spanish
+      despotism. But Venice chose to abide in the old ways, and her Counselor of
+      State knew better than any one that she had not the strength to cope with
+      Spain, Rome, Jesuitry and Islam single-handed. Therefore he possessed his
+      soul in patience, worshiping God under forms and symbols to which he had
+      from youth been used, trusting the while that sooner or later God would
+      break those mighty wings of Papal domination.
+    </p>
+    <hr style="width: 65%;" />
+    <h2>
+      <a name="CHAPTER_XI" id="CHAPTER_XI"></a>CHAPTER XI
+    </h2>
+    <p>
+      <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB242" id="pageB242"></a>{242}</span>
+    </p>
+    <h4>
+      GUARINO, MARINO, CHIABRERA, TASSONI
+    </h4>
+    <div class="blockquot">
+      <p>
+        Dearth of Great Men&mdash;Guarini a Link between Tasso and the
+        Seventeenth Century&mdash;His Biography&mdash;The <i>Pastor Fido</i>&mdash;Qualities
+        of Guarini as Poet&mdash;Marino the Dictator of Letters&mdash;His
+        Riotous Youth at Naples&mdash;Life at Rome, Turin, Paris&mdash;Publishes
+        the <i>Adone</i>&mdash;The Epic of Voluptuousness&mdash;Character and
+        Action of Adonis&mdash;Marino's Hypocrisy&mdash;Sentimental Sweetness&mdash;Brutal
+        Violence&mdash;Violation of Artistic Taste&mdash;Great Powers of the
+        Poet&mdash;Structure of the <i>Adone</i>&mdash;Musical Fluency&mdash;Marinism&mdash;Marino's
+        Patriotic Verses&mdash;Contrast between Chiabrera and Marino&mdash;An
+        Aspirant after Pindar&mdash;Chiabrera's Biography&mdash;His Court Life&mdash;Efforts
+        of Poets in the Seventeenth Century to attain to Novelty&mdash;Chiabrera's
+        Failure&mdash;Tassoni's Life&mdash;His Thirst to Innovate&mdash;Origin
+        of the <i>Secchia Rapita</i>&mdash;Mock-Heroic Poetry&mdash;The Plot of
+        this Poem&mdash;Its Peculiar Humor&mdash;Irony and Satire&mdash;Novelty
+        of the Species&mdash;Lyrical Interbreathings&mdash;Sustained Contrast of
+        Parody and Pathos&mdash;The Poet Testi.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <p>
+      Soon after 1600 it became manifest that lapse of years and ecclesiastical
+      intolerance had rendered Italy nearly destitute of great men. Her famous
+      sons were all either dead, murdered or exiled; reduced to silence by the
+      scythe of time or by the Roman 'arguments of sword and halter.' Bruno
+      burned, Vanini burned, Carnesecchi burned, Paleario burned, Bonfadio
+      burned; Campanella banished, after a quarter of a century's imprisonment
+      with torture; the leaders of free religious thought in exile, scattered
+      over northern Europe. Tasso, worn out with misery and madness, rested at
+      length in his <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB243" id="pageB243"></a>{243}</span>
+      tomb on the Janiculan; Sarpi survived the stylus of the Roman Curia with
+      calm inscrutability at S. Fosca; Galileo meditated with closed lips in his
+      watch-tower behind Bello Sguardo. With Michelangelo in 1564, Palladio in
+      1580, Tintoretto in 1594, the godlike lineage of the Renaissance artists
+      ended; and what children of the sixteenth century still survived to
+      sustain the nation's prestige, to carry on its glorious traditions? The
+      list is but a poor one. Marino, Tassoni, the younger Buonarroti, Boccalini
+      and Chiabrera in literature. The Bolognese Academy in painting. After
+      these men expand arid wildernesses of the Sei Cento&mdash;barocco
+      architecture, false taste, frivolity, grimace, affectation&mdash;Jesuitry
+      translated into culture. On one bright point, indeed, the eye rests with
+      hope and comfort. Palestrina, when he died in 1594, did not close but
+      opened an age for music. His posterity, those composers, lutists, violists
+      and singers, from whom the modern art of arts has drawn her being, down to
+      the sweet fellowship of Pergolese, Marcello and Jomelli, of Guarneri,
+      Amati and Stradivari, of Farinelli, Caffarielli and La Romanina, were as
+      yet but rising dimly heralded with light of dawn upon their foreheads.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      In making the transition from the <i>Gerusalemme</i> to the <i>Adone</i>,
+      from the last great poem of the Cinque Cento to the epic of the Sei Cento,
+      it is indispensable that notice should be taken of the <i>Pastor Fido</i>
+      and its author. Giambattista Guarini forms a link between Vasso and the
+      poets of the seventeenth century.<span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB244"
+      id="pageB244"></a>{244}</span> He belonged less to the Renaissance, more
+      to the culture of the age created by the Council of Trent, than did Tasso.
+      His life, in many of its details similar, in others most dissimilar, to
+      that of Tasso, illustrates and helps us in some measure to explain the
+      latter. It must therefore form the subject of a somewhat detailed study.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Guarini drew his blood on the paternal side from the illustrious humanist
+      Guarino of Verona, who settled at Ferrara in the fifteenth century as
+      tutor to Leonello d'Este.<a name="BFNanchor_176_176" id="BFNanchor_176_176"></a><a
+      href="#BFootnote_176_176" class="fnanchor">[176]</a> By his mother he
+      claimed descent from the Florentine house of Machiavelli. Born in 1537, he
+      was seven years older than Torquato Tasso, whom he survived eighteen
+      years, not closing his long life until 1612. He received a solid education
+      both at Pisa and Padua, and was called at the early age of eighteen to
+      profess moral philosophy in the University of Ferrara. Being of noble
+      birth and inheriting a considerable patrimony, Guarini might have enjoyed
+      a life of uninterrupted literary leisure, if he had chosen to forego empty
+      honors and shun the idle distractions of Courts. But it was the fate of
+      distinguished men in that age to plunge into those quicksands. Guarini had
+      a character and intellect suited to the conduct of state affairs; and he
+      shared the delusion prevalent among his contemporaries, that the petty
+      Italian principalities could offer a field for the exercise of these
+      talents. 'If our country is reduced to the sole government of a prince,'<span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageB245" id="pageB245"></a>{245}</span> he
+      writes, 'the man who serves his prince will serve his country, a duty both
+      natural and binding upon all.'<a name="BFNanchor_177_177"
+      id="BFNanchor_177_177"></a><a href="#BFootnote_177_177" class="fnanchor">[177]</a>
+      Accordingly, soon after his marriage to Taddea of the noble Bendedei
+      family, he entered the service of Alfonso II. This was in 1567. Tasso, in
+      his quality of gentleman to Cardinal d'Este, had already shed lustre on
+      Ferrara through the past two years. Guarini first made Tasso's friendship
+      at Padua, where both were Eterei and house-guests of Scipione Gonzaga. The
+      two poets now came together in a rivalry which was not altogether
+      amicable. The genius of Tasso, in the prime of youth and heyday of
+      Court-favor, roused Guarini's jealousy. And yet their positions were so
+      different that Guarini might have been well satisfied to pursue his own
+      course without envy. A married and elder man, he had no right to compete
+      in gallantry with the brilliant young bachelor. Destined for diplomacy and
+      affairs of state, he had no cause to grudge the Court poet his laurels.
+      Writing in 1595, Guarini avers that 'poetry has been my pastime, never my
+      profession'; and yet he made it his business at Ferrara to rival Tasso
+      both as a lyrist and as a servant of dames. Like Tasso, he suffered from
+      the spite of Alfonso's secretaries, Pigna and Montecatino, who seem to
+      have incarnated the malevolence of courtiers in its basest form. So far,
+      there was a close parallel between the careers of the two men at Ferrara.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB246" id="pageB246"></a>{246}</span>
+      But Guarini's wealth and avowed objects in life caused the duke from the
+      first to employ him in a different kind of service. Alfonso sent him as
+      ambassador to Venice, Rome, and Turin, giving him the rank of Cavaliere in
+      order that he might perform his missions with more dignity. At Turin,
+      where he resided for some time, Guarini conceived a just opinion of the
+      growing importance of the House of Savoy. Like all the finest spirits of
+      his age, Tassoni, Sarpi, Chiabrera, Marino, Testi, he became convinced
+      that if Italy were to recover her independence, it could only be by the
+      opposition of the Dukes of Savoy to Spain. How nearly the hopes of these
+      men were being realized by Carlo Emmanuele, and how those hopes were
+      frustrated by Roman intrigues and the jealousy of Italian despots, is
+      matter of history. Yet the student may observe with interest that the most
+      penetrating minds of the sixteenth century already discerned the power by
+      means of which, after the lapse of nearly three hundred years, the
+      emancipation of Italy has been achieved.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      In 1574 Guarini was sent to Poland, to congratulate Henri III. upon his
+      election to that monarchy. He went a second time in the following year to
+      conduct more delicate negotiations. The crown of Poland was now thrown
+      open to candidature; and more than one of the Italian Princes thought
+      seriously of competing for this honor. The Grand Duke of Tuscany
+      entertained the notion and abandoned it. But Alfonso II. of Ferrara, who
+      had <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB247" id="pageB247"></a>{247}</span>
+      fought with honor in his youth in Hungary, made it a serious object of
+      ambition. Manolesso, the Venetian envoy in 1575 at Ferrara, relates how
+      the duke spent laborious hours in acquiring the German language, 'which no
+      one learns for pleasure, since it is most barbarous, nor quickly, but with
+      industry and large expenditure of time.' He also writes: 'The duke aspires
+      to greatness, nor is satisfied with his present State; and therefore he
+      has entered into the Polish affair, encouraged thereto by his brother the
+      Cardinal and by his ambassador in Poland.'<a name="BFNanchor_178_178"
+      id="BFNanchor_178_178"></a><a href="#BFootnote_178_178" class="fnanchor">[178]</a>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      These embassies were a serious drain upon Guarini's resources; for it
+      appears certain that if he received any appointments, they were inadequate
+      to the expenses of long journeys and the maintenance of a becoming state.
+      He therefore returned to Ferrara, considerably burdened with debts; and
+      this was just the time at which Tasso's mental derangement began to
+      manifest itself. Between 1575 and 1579, the date of Tasso's imprisonment
+      at Sant' Anna, the two men lived together at the Court. Guarini's rivalry
+      induced him at this period to cultivate poetry with such success that,
+      when the author of the <i>Gerusalemme</i> failed, Alfonso commanded him to
+      take the vacant place of Court poet. There is an interesting letter extant
+      from Guarini to his friend Cornelio Bentivoglio, describing the efforts he
+      made to comply with the Duke's pleasure. 'I strove to transform myself
+      into another man, and, like a play<span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB248"
+      id="pageB248"></a>{248}</span> actor, to reassume the character, manners
+      and emotions of a past period. Mature in age, I forced myself to appear
+      young; exchanged my melancholy for gayety: affected loves I did not feel;
+      turned my wisdom into folly, and, in a word, passed from philosopher to
+      poet.'<a name="BFNanchor_179_179" id="BFNanchor_179_179"></a><a
+      href="#BFootnote_179_179" class="fnanchor">[179]</a> How ill-adapted he
+      was to this masquerade existence may be gathered from another sentence in
+      the same letter. 'I am already in my forty-fourth year, burdened with
+      debts, the father of eight children, two of my sons old enough to be my
+      judges, and with my daughters to marry.'
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      At last, abandoning this uncongenial strain upon his faculties, Guarini
+      retired in 1582 to the villa which he had built upon his ancestral estate
+      in the Polesine, that delightful rustic region between Adige and Po. Here
+      he gave himself up to the cares of his family, the nursing of his
+      dilapidated fortune, and the composition of the <i>Pastor Fido</i>. It is
+      not yet the time to speak of that work, upon which Guarini's fame as poet
+      rests; for the drama, though suggested by Tasso's <i>Aminta</i>, was not
+      finally perfected until 1602.<a name="BFNanchor_180_180"
+      id="BFNanchor_180_180"></a><a href="#BFootnote_180_180" class="fnanchor">[180]</a>
+      Yet we may pause to remark upon the circumstances under which he wrote it.
+      A disappointed courtier, past the prime of manhood, feeling his true
+      vocation to be for severe studies and practical affairs, he yet devoted
+      years of leisure to the slow elaboration of a dramatic masterpiece which
+      <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB249" id="pageB249"></a>{249}</span> is
+      worthy to rank with the classics of Italian literature. During this period
+      his domestic lot was not a happy one. He lost his wife, quarreled with his
+      elder sons, and involved himself in a series of lawsuits.<a
+      name="BFNanchor_181_181" id="BFNanchor_181_181"></a><a
+      href="#BFootnote_181_181" class="fnanchor">[181]</a> Litigation seems to
+      have been an inveterate vice of his maturity, and he bequeathed to his
+      descendants a coil of legal troubles. Having married one of his daughters,
+      Anna, to Count Ercole Trotti, he had the misery of hearing in 1596 that
+      she had fallen an innocent victim to her husband's jealousy, and that his
+      third son, Girolamo connived at her assassination. In the midst of these
+      annoyances and sorrows, he maintained a grave and robust attitude,
+      uttering none of those querulous lamentations which flowed so readily from
+      Tasso's pen.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Tasso had used the Pastoral Drama to idealize Courts. Guarini vented all
+      the bitterness of his soul against them in his <i>Pastor Fido</i>. He also
+      wrote from his retirement: 'I am at ease in the enjoyment of liberty,
+      studies, the management of my household.'<a name="BFNanchor_182_182"
+      id="BFNanchor_182_182"></a><a href="#BFootnote_182_182" class="fnanchor">[182]</a>
+      Yet in 1585, while on a visit to Turin, he again accepted proposals from
+      Alfonso. He had gone there in order to superintend the first
+      representation of his Pastoral, which was dedicated to the Duke of Savoy.
+      Extremely averse to his old servants taking office under other princes,
+      the Duke of Ferrara seems to have feared lest Guarini should <span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageB250" id="pageB250"></a>{250}</span> pass
+      into the Court of Carlo Emmanuele. He therefore appointed him Secretary of
+      State; and Guarini entered upon the post in the same year that Tasso
+      issued from his prison. This reconciliation did not last long. Alfonso
+      took the side of Alessandro Guarini in a lawsuit with his father; and the
+      irritable poet retired in indignation to Florence. The Duke of Ferrara,
+      however, was determined that he should not serve another master. At
+      Florence, Turin, Mantua and Rome, his attempts to obtain firm foothold in
+      offices of trust were invariably frustrated; and Coccapani, the Duke's
+      envoy, hinted that if Guarini were not circumspect, 'he might suffer the
+      same fate as Tasso.' To shut Guarini up in a madhouse would have been
+      difficult. Still he might easily have been dispatched by the poniard; and
+      these words throw not insignificant light upon Tasso's terror of
+      assassination.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The Duke Alfonso died in 1597, and Ferrara reverted to the Holy See. Upon
+      this occasion, Guarini was free to follow his own inclinations. He
+      therefore established himself at the Court of the Grand Duke, into whose
+      confidence he entered upon terms of flattering familiarity. Ferdinando
+      de'Medici 'fell in love with him as a man may with a fine woman,' says his
+      son Alessandro in one of his apologetic writings. This, however, meant but
+      little; for compliments passed freely between princes and their courtiers;
+      which, when affairs of purse or honor were at stake, soon turned to
+      discontent and <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB251" id="pageB251"></a>{251}</span>
+      hatred. So it fared with Guarini at Florence. His son, Guarino, made a
+      marriage of which he disapproved, but which the Grand Duke countenanced.
+      So slight a disagreement snapped the ties of friendship, and the restless
+      poet removed to the Court of Urbino. There the last duke of the House of
+      Rovere, Francesco Maria II., Tasso's schoolfellow and patron, was spending
+      his widowed years in gloomy Spanish pride. The mortmain of the Church was
+      soon to fall upon Urbino, as it had already fallen on Ferrara. Guarini
+      wrote: 'The former Court in Italy is a dead thing. One may see the shadow,
+      but not the substance of it nowadays. Ours is an age of appearances, and
+      one goes a-masquerading all the year.' A sad but sincere epitaph,
+      inscribed by one who had gone the round of all the Courts of Italy, and
+      had survived the grand free life of the Renaissance.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      These words close Guarini's career as courtier. He returned to Ferrara in
+      1604, and in 1605 carried the compliments of that now Pontifical city to
+      Paul V. in Rome on his election to the Papacy. Upon this occasion Cardinal
+      Bellarmino told him that he had inflicted as much harm on Christendom by
+      his <i>Pastor Fido</i> as Luther and Calvin by their heresies. He retorted
+      with a sarcasm which has not been transmitted to us, but which may
+      probably have reflected on the pollution of Christian morals by the
+      Jesuits. In 1612 Guarini died at Venice, whither he was summoned by one of
+      his innumerable and interminable lawsuits.<span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageB252" id="pageB252"></a>{252}</span>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Bellarmino's censure of the <i>Pastor Fido</i> strikes a modern reader as
+      inexplicably severe. Yet it is certain that the dissolute seventeenth
+      century recognized this drama as one of the most potent agents of
+      corruption. Not infrequent references in the literature of that age to the
+      ruin of families and reputations by its means, warn us to remember how
+      difficult it is to estimate the ethical sensibilities of society in
+      periods remote from our own.<a name="BFNanchor_183_183"
+      id="BFNanchor_183_183"></a><a href="#BFootnote_183_183" class="fnanchor">[183]</a>
+      In the course of the analysis which I now propose to make of this play, I
+      shall attempt to show how, coming midway between Tasso's <i>Aminta</i> and
+      Marino's <i>Adone</i>, and appealing to the dominant musical enthusiasms
+      of the epoch, Guarini's <i>Pastor Fido</i> may have merited the
+      condemnation of far-sighted moralists. Not censurable in itself, it was so
+      related to the sentimental sensuality of its period as to form a link in
+      the chain of enervation which weighed on Italy.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The <i>Pastor Fido</i> is a tragi-comedy, as its author points out with
+      some elaboration in the critical essay he composed upon that species of
+      the drama. The scene is laid in Arcadia, where according to Guarini it was
+      customary to sacrifice a maiden each year to Diana, in expiation of an
+      ancient curse brought upon the country by a woman's infidelity. An oracle
+      has declared that when two scions of divine lineage are united in
+      marriage, and a faithful shepherd atones <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageB253" id="pageB253"></a>{253}</span> for woman's faithlessness,
+      this inhuman rite shall cease. The only youth and girl who fulfill these
+      conditions of divine descent are the daughter of Titiro named Amarilli,
+      and Silvio, the son of the high priest Montano. They have accordingly been
+      betrothed. But Silvio is indifferent to womankind in general, and Amarilli
+      loves a handsome stranger, Mirtillo, supposed to be the son of Carino. The
+      plot turns upon the unexpected fulfillment of the prophecy, in spite of
+      the human means which have been blindly taken to secure its
+      accomplishment. Amarilli is condemned to death for suspected misconduct
+      with a lover; and Mirtillo, who has substituted himself as victim in her
+      place, is found to be the lost son of Montano. This solution of the
+      intrigue, effected by an anagnorisis like that of the <i>Oedipus Tyrannus</i>,
+      supplies a series of dramatic scenes and thrilling situations in the last
+      act. Meanwhile the passion of Dorinda for Silvio, and the accident whereby
+      he is brought to return her affection at the moment when his dart has
+      wounded her, form a picturesque underplot of considerable interest. Both
+      plot and underplot are so connected in the main action and so interwoven
+      by links of mutual dependency that they form one richly varied fabric.
+      Regarded as a piece of cunning mechanism, the complicated structure of the
+      <i>Pastor Fido</i> leaves nothing to be desired. In its kind, this
+      pastoral drama is a monumental work of art, glittering and faultless like
+      a polished bas-relief of hard Corinthian <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageB254" id="pageB254"></a>{254}</span> bronze. Each motive has
+      been carefully prepared, each situation amply and logically developed. The
+      characters are firmly traced, and sustained with consistency. The cold and
+      eager hunter Silvio contrasts with tender and romantic Mirtillo. Corisca's
+      meretricious arts and systematized profligacy enhance the pure affection
+      of Amarilli. Dorinda presents another type of love, so impulsive that it
+      conquers maidenly modesty. The Satyr is a creature of rude lust, foiled in
+      its brutal appetite by the courtesan Corisca's wiliness. Carino brings the
+      corruption of towns into comparison with the innocence of the country.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      In Carino the poet painted his own experience; and here his satire upon
+      the Court of Ferrara is none the less biting because it takes the form of
+      well-weighed and gravely-measured censure, instead of vehement invective.
+      The following lines may serve as a specimen of Guarini's style in this
+      species:&mdash;
+    </p>
+    <div class="poem">
+      <div class="stanza">
+        <span>I' mi pensai che ne' reali alberghi<br /> </span> <span>Fossero
+        tanto pi&ugrave; le genti umane,<br /> </span> <span>Quant'esse ban pi&ugrave;
+        di tutto quel dovizia,<br /> </span> <span>Ond' &egrave; l'umanit&agrave;
+        s&igrave; nobil fregio.<br /> </span> <span>Ma mi trovai tutto 'l
+        contrario, Uranio.<br /> </span> <span>Gente di nome e di parlar cortese,<br />
+        </span> <span>Ma d'opre scarsa, e di piet&agrave; nemica:<br /> </span>
+        <span>Gente placida in vista e mansueta,<br /> </span> <span>Ma pi&ugrave;
+        del cupo mar tumida e fera:<br /> </span> <span>Gente sol d'apparenza, in
+        cui se miri<br /> </span> <span>Viso di carit&agrave;, mente d'invidia<br />
+        </span> <span>Poi trovi, e 'n dritto sguardo animo bieco,<br /> </span>
+        <span>E minor fede allor che pin lusinga.<br /> </span> <span>Quel
+        ch'altrove &egrave; virt&ugrave;, quivi e difetto:<br /> </span> <span
+        class="pagenum"><a name="pageB255" id="pageB255"></a>{255}</span> <span>Dir
+        vero, oprar non torto, amar non finto,<br /> </span> <span>Piet&agrave;
+        sincera, inv&iuml;olabil fede,<br /> </span> <span>E di core e di man
+        vita innocente,<br /> </span> <span>Stiman d'animo vil, di basso ingegno,<br />
+        </span> <span>Sciochezza e vanit&agrave; degna di riso.<br /> </span>
+        <span>L'ingannare, il mentir, la frode, il furto,<br /> </span> <span>E
+        la rapina di piet&agrave; vestita,<br /> </span> <span>Crescer col danno
+        e precipizio altrui,<br /> </span> <span>E far a s&egrave; dell'altrui
+        biasimo onore,<br /> </span> <span>Son le virt&ugrave; di quella gente
+        infida.<br /> </span> <span>Non merto, non valor, non riverenza<br />
+        </span> <span>N&egrave; d'et&agrave; n&egrave; di grado n&egrave; di
+        legge;<br /> </span> <span>Non freno di vergogna, non rispetto<br />
+        </span> <span>N&egrave; d'amor n&egrave; di sangue, non memoria<br />
+        </span> <span>Di ricevuto ben; n&egrave;, finalmente,<br /> </span> <span>Cosa
+        s&igrave; venerabile o s&igrave; santa<br /> </span> <span>O s&igrave;
+        giusta esser pu&ograve;, ch'a quella vasta<br /> </span> <span>Cupidigia
+        d'onori, a quella ingorda<br /> </span> <span>Fama d'avere, inv&iuml;olabil
+        sia.<br /> </span>
+      </div>
+    </div>
+    <p>
+      The <i>Pastor Fido</i> was written in open emulation of Tasso's <i>Aminta</i>,
+      and many of its most brilliant passages are borrowed from that play. Such,
+      for example, is the Chorus on the Golden Age which closes the fourth act.
+      Such, too, is the long description by Mirtillo of the kiss he stole from
+      Amarilli (act ii. sc. 1). The motive here is taken from <i>Rinaldo</i>
+      (canto v.), and the spirit from <i>Aminta</i> (act i. sc. 2). Guarini's
+      Satyr is a studied picture from the sketch in Tasso's pastoral. The
+      dialogue between Silvio and Linco (act i. sc. 1) with its lyrical refrain:
+    </p>
+    <div class="poem">
+      <div class="stanza">
+        <span>Lascia, lascia le selve,<br /> </span> <span>Folle garzon, lascia
+        le fere, ed ama:<br /> </span>
+      </div>
+    </div>
+    <p>
+      reproduces the dialogue between Silvia and Dafne (act i. sc. 1) with its
+      similar refrain:<span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB256" id="pageB256"></a>{256}</span>
+    </p>
+    <div class="poem">
+      <div class="stanza">
+        <span>Cangia, cangia consiglio,<br /> </span> <span>Pazzarella che sei.<br />
+        </span>
+      </div>
+    </div>
+    <p>
+      In all these instances Guarini works up Tasso's motives into more
+      elaborate forms. He expands the simple suggestions of his model; and
+      employs the artifices of rhetoric where Tasso yielded to inspiration. One
+      example will suffice to contrast the methods of the spontaneous and the
+      reflective poet. Tasso with divine impulse had exclaimed:
+    </p>
+    <div class="poem">
+      <div class="stanza">
+        <span>Odi quell'usignuolo,<br /> </span> <span>Che va di ramo in ramo<br />
+        </span> <span>Cantando: Io amo, io amo!<br /> </span>
+      </div>
+    </div>
+    <p>
+      This, in Guarini's hands, becomes:
+    </p>
+    <div class="poem">
+      <div class="stanza">
+        <span>Quell'augellin, che canta<br /> </span> <span>Si dolcemente, e
+        lascivetto vola<br /> </span> <span>Or dall'abete al faggio,<br /> </span>
+        <span>Ed or dal faggio al mirto,<br /> </span> <span>S'avesse umano
+        spirto,<br /> </span> <span>Direbbe: Ardo d'amore, ardo d'amore.<br />
+        </span>
+      </div>
+    </div>
+    <p>
+      Here a laborious effort of the constructive fancy has been substituted for
+      a single flash of sympathetic imagination. Tasso does not doubt that the
+      nightingale is pouring out her love in song. Guarini says that if the bird
+      had human soul, it would exclaim, <i>Ardo d'amore</i>. Tasso sees it
+      flying from branch to branch. Guarini teases our sense of mental vision by
+      particularizing pine and beech and myrtle. The same is true of Linco's
+      speech in general when compared with Dafne's on the ruling power of love
+      in earth and heaven.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB257" id="pageB257"></a>{257}</span> Of
+      imagination in the true sense of the term Guarini had none. Of fancy,
+      dwelling gracefully, ingeniously, suggestively, upon externals he had
+      plenty. The minute care with which he worked out each vein of thought and
+      spun each thread of sentiment, was that of the rhetorician rather than the
+      poet. Tasso had made Aminta say:
+    </p>
+    <div class="poem">
+      <div class="stanza">
+        <span>La semplicetta Silvia<br /> </span> <span>Pietosa del mio male,<br />
+        </span> <span>S'offri di dar aita<br /> </span> <span>Alla finta ferita,
+        ahi lassole fece<br /> </span> <span>Pi&ugrave; cupa, e pi&ugrave;
+        mortale<br /> </span> <span>La mia piaga verace,<br /> </span> <span>Quando
+        le labbra sue<br /> </span> <span>Giunse alle labbra mie.<br /> </span>
+        <span>N&egrave; l'api d'alcun fiore<br /> </span> <span>Colgan si dolce
+        il sugo,<br /> </span> <span>Come fa dolce il mel, ch'allora io colsi<br />
+        </span> <span>Da quelle fresche rose.<br /> </span>
+      </div>
+    </div>
+    <p>
+      Now listen to Guarini's Mirtillo:
+    </p>
+    <div class="poem">
+      <div class="stanza">
+        <span>Amor si stava, Ergasto,<br /> </span> <span>Com'ape suol, nelle due
+        fresche rose<br /> </span> <span>Di quelle labbra ascoso;<br /> </span>
+        <span>E mentre ella si stette<br /> </span> <span>Con la baciata bocca<br />
+        </span> <span>Al baciar della mia<br /> </span> <span>Immobile e
+        ristretta,<br /> </span> <span>La dolcezza del mel sola gustai;<br />
+        </span> <span>Ma poich&egrave; mi s'offerse anch'ella, e porse<br />
+        </span> <span>L'una e l'altra dolcissima sua rosa....<br /> </span>
+      </div>
+    </div>
+    <p>
+      This is enough to illustrate Guarini's laborious method of adding touch to
+      touch without augmenting th force of the picture.<a
+      name="BFNanchor_184_184" id="BFNanchor_184_184"></a><a
+      href="#BFootnote_184_184" class="fnanchor">[184]</a> We find already here
+      the <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB258" id="pageB258"></a>{258}</span>
+      transition from Tasso's measured art to the fantastic prolixity of Marino.
+      And though Guarini was upon the whole chaste in use of language, his
+      rhetorical love of amplification and fanciful refinement not unfrequently
+      betrayed him into Marinistic conceits. Dorinda, for instance, thus
+      addresses Silvio (act iv. sc. 9):
+    </p>
+    <div class="poem">
+      <div class="stanza">
+        <span>O bellissimo scoglio<br /> </span> <span>Gi&agrave; dall'onda e dal
+        vento<br /> </span> <span>Delle lagrime mie, de'miei sospiri<br /> </span>
+        <span>Si spesso invan percosso!<br /> </span>
+      </div>
+    </div>
+    <p>
+      Sighs are said to be (act i. sc. 2):
+    </p>
+    <div class="poem">
+      <div class="stanza">
+        <span class="i12">impetuosi venti<br /> </span> <span>Che spiran
+        nell'incendio, e 'l fan maggiore<br /> </span> <span>Con turbini d'Amore,<br />
+        </span> <span>Ch' apportan sempre ai miserelli amanti<br /> </span> <span>Foschi
+        nembi di duol, piogge di pianti.<br /> </span>
+      </div>
+    </div>
+    <p>
+      From this to the style of the <i>Adone</i> there was only one step to be
+      taken.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Though the scene of the <i>Pastor Fido</i> was laid in Arcadia, the play
+      really represented polite Italian society. In the softness of its
+      sentiment, its voluptuous verbal melody, and its reiterated descant upon
+      effeminate love-pleasure, it corresponded exactly to <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageB259" id="pageB259"></a>{259}</span> the spirit of its age.<a
+      name="BFNanchor_185_185" id="BFNanchor_185_185"></a><a
+      href="#BFootnote_185_185" class="fnanchor">[185]</a> This was the secret
+      of its success; and this explains its seduction. Not Corisca's wanton
+      blandishments and professed cynicism, but Mirtillo's rapturous dithyrambs
+      on kissing, Dorinda's melting moods of tenderness, and Amarilli's delicate
+      regrets that love must be postponed to honor, justified Bellarmino's
+      censure. Without anywhere transgressing the limits of decorum, the <i>Pastor
+      Fido</i> is steeped in sensuousness. The sentiment of love idealized in
+      Mirtillo and Amarilli is pure and self-sacrificing. <i>Ama l'onesta mia,
+      s'amante sei</i>, says this maiden to her lover; and he obeys her. Yet,
+      though the drama is dedicated to virtue, no one can read it without
+      perceiving the blandishments of its luxurious rhetoric. The sensual
+      refinement proper to an age of social decadence found in it exact
+      expression, and it became the code of gallantry for the next two
+      centuries.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Meanwhile the literary dictator of the seventeenth century was undoubtedly
+      Marino. On him devolved the scepter which Petrarch bequeathed to Politian,<span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageB260" id="pageB260"></a>{260}</span> Politian
+      to Bembo, and Bembo to Torquato Tasso. In natural gifts he was no unworthy
+      successor of these poets, though the gifts he shared with them were
+      conspicuously employed by him for purposes below the scope of any of his
+      predecessors. In artistic achievement he concentrated the less admirable
+      qualities of all, and brought the Italian poetry of the Renaissance to a
+      close by exaggerating its previous defects. Yet, as a man, Marino is
+      interesting, more interesting in many respects than the melancholy
+      discontented Tasso. He accepted the conditions of his age with genial and
+      careless sympathy, making himself at once its idol, its interpreter, and
+      its buffoon. Finally, he illustrates the law of change which transferred
+      to Neapolitans in this age the scepter which had formerly been swayed by
+      Tuscans and Lombards.<a name="BFNanchor_186_186" id="BFNanchor_186_186"></a><a
+      href="#BFootnote_186_186" class="fnanchor">[186]</a>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Giovanni Battista Marino was born at Naples in 1569. His father, a jurist
+      of eminence, bred him for the law. But the attractions of poetry and
+      pleasure were irresistible by this mobile son of the warm South&mdash;
+    </p>
+    <div class="poem">
+      <div class="stanza">
+        <span class="i2">La lusinga del Genio in me prevalse,<br /> </span> <span>E
+        la toga deposta, altrui lascisi<br /> </span> <span>Parolette smaltir
+        mendaci e false.<br /> </span> <span>N&egrave; dubbi testi interpretar
+        curai,<br /> </span> <span>N&egrave; discordi accordar chiose mi calse,<br />
+        </span> <span>Quella stimando sol perfetta legge<br /> </span> <span>Che
+        de'sensi sfrenati il fren corregge.<br /> </span> <span class="pagenum"><a
+        name="pageB261" id="pageB261"></a>{261}</span> <span class="i2">Legge
+        omai pi&ugrave; non v' ha la qual per dritto<br /> </span> <span>Punisca
+        il fallo o ricompensi il merto.<br /> </span> <span>Sembra quando
+        &egrave; fin qu&igrave; deciso e scritto<br /> </span> <span>D'opinion
+        confuse abisso incerto.<br /> </span> <span>Dalle calumnie il litigante
+        afflitto<br /> </span> <span>Somiglia in vasto mar legno inesperto,<br />
+        </span> <span>Reggono il tutto con affetto ingordo,<br /> </span> <span>Passion
+        cieca ed interesse sordo.<br /> </span>
+      </div>
+    </div>
+    <p>
+      Such, in the poet's maturity, was his judgment upon law; and probably he
+      expressed the same opinion with frankness in his youth. Seeing these
+      dispositions in his son, the severe parent cast him out of doors, and
+      young Marino was free to indulge vagabond instincts with lazzaroni and
+      loose companions on the quays and strands of Naples. In that luxurious
+      climate a healthy native, full of youth and vigor, needs but little to
+      support existence. Marino set his wits to work, and reaped too facile
+      laurels in the fields of Venus and the Muses. His verses speedily
+      attracted the notice of noble patrons, among whom the Duke of Bovino, the
+      Prince of Conca, and Tasso's friend the Marquis Manso have to be
+      commemorated. They took care that so genuine and genial a poet should not
+      starve. It was in one of Manso's palaces that Marino had an opportunity of
+      worshiping the singer of Armida and Erminia at a distance. He had already
+      acquired dubious celebrity as a juvenile Don Juan and a writer of
+      audaciously licentious lyrics, when disaster overtook him. He assisted one
+      of his profligate friends in the abduction of a girl. For this breach of
+      the law both were thrown together into prison, <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageB262" id="pageB262"></a>{262}</span> and Marino only escaped
+      justice by the sudden death of his accomplice. His patrons now thought it
+      desirable that he should leave Naples for a time. Accordingly they sent
+      him with letters of recommendation to Rome, where he was well received by
+      members of the Crescenzio and Aldobrandino families. The Cardinal Pietro
+      Aldobrandino made him private secretary, and took him on a journey to
+      Ravenna and Turin. From the commencement to the end of his literary career
+      Marino's march through life was one triumphal progress. At Turin, as
+      formerly in Naples and Rome, he achieved a notable success. The Duke of
+      Savoy, Carlo Emmanuele, offered him a place at Court, appointed him
+      secretary, and dubbed him Knight of S. Maurice.
+    </p>
+    <div class="poem">
+      <div class="stanza">
+        <span class="i2">Vidi la corte, e nella corte io vidi<br /> </span> <span>Promesse
+        lunghe e guiderdoni avari,<br /> </span> <span>Favori ingiusti e
+        patrocini infidi,<br /> </span> <span>Speranze dolci e pentimenti amari,<br />
+        </span> <span>Sorrisi traditor, vezzi omicidi,<br /> </span> <span>Ed
+        acquisti dubbiosi e danni chiari,<br /> </span> <span>E voti vani ed
+        idoli bugiardi,<br /> </span> <span>Onde il male &egrave; sicuro e il ben
+        vien tardi.<br /> </span>
+      </div>
+    </div>
+    <p>
+      It was the custom of all poets in that age to live in Courts and to abuse
+      them, to adulate princes and to vilify these patrons. Marino, however, had
+      real cause to complain of the treachery of courtiers. He appears to have
+      been a man of easy-going temper, popular among acquaintances, and
+      serviceable to the society he frequented. This comradely disposition <span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageB263" id="pageB263"></a>{263}</span> did not
+      save him, however, from jealousies and hatreds; for he had, besides, a
+      Neapolitan's inclination for satire. There was a Genoese poetaster named
+      Gasparo Murtola established in Court-service at Turin, who had recently
+      composed a lumbering poem, <i>Il Mondo Creato</i>. Marino made fun of it
+      in a sonnet; Murtola retorted; and a warfare of invectives began which
+      equaled for scurrility and filth the duels of Poggio and Valla. Murtola,
+      seeing that he was likely to be worsted by his livelier antagonist, waited
+      for him one day round a corner, gun in hand. The gun was discharged, and
+      wounded, not Marino, but a favorite servant of the duke. For this offense
+      the assassin was condemned to death; and would apparently have been
+      executed, but for Marino's generosity. He procured his enemy's pardon, and
+      was repaid with the blackest ingratitude. On his release from prison
+      Murtola laid hands upon a satire, <i>La Cuccagna</i>, written some time
+      previously by his rival. This he laid before the duke, as a seditious
+      attack upon the government of Savoy. Marino now in his turn was
+      imprisoned; but he proved, through the intervention of Manso, that the <i>Cuccagna</i>
+      had been published long before his arrival at Turin. Disgusted by these
+      incidents, he next accepted an invitation from the French Court, and
+      journeyed to Paris in 1615, where the Italianated society of that city
+      received him like a living Phoebus. Maria de Medici, as Regent, with
+      Concini for her counselor and lover, was then in all her vulgar glory.<span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageB264" id="pageB264"></a>{264}</span>
+      Richelieu's star had not arisen to eclipse Italian intrigue and to form
+      French taste by the Academy. D'Urf&egrave; and Du Bartas, more marinistic
+      than Marino, more euphuistic than Euphues, gave laws to literature; and
+      the pageant pictures by Rubens, which still adorn the Gallery of the
+      Louvre, marked the full-blown and sensuous splendor of Maria's equipage.
+      Marino's genius corresponded nicely to the environment in which he now
+      found himself; the Italians of the French Court discerned in him the poet
+      who could best express their ideal of existence. He was idolized, glutted
+      with gold, indulged and flattered to the top of his bent. Yearly
+      appointments estimated at 10,000 crowns were augmented by presents in
+      return for complimentary verses or for copies of the poem he was then
+      composing. This poem was the <i>Adone</i>, the theme of which had been
+      suggested by Carlo Emmanuele, and which he now adroitly used as a means of
+      flattering the French throne. First printed at Paris in 1623, its
+      reception both there and in Italy secured apotheosis in his lifetime for
+      the poet.<a name="BFNanchor_187_187" id="BFNanchor_187_187"></a><a
+      href="#BFootnote_187_187" class="fnanchor">[187]</a> One minor point in
+      this magnificent first folio edition of <i>Adone</i> deserves notice, as
+      not uncharacteristic of the age. Only two Cantos out of the twenty are
+      distinguished by anything peculiar in their engraved decorations. Of these
+      two, the eleventh displays the shield of France; the thirteenth, which
+      describes Falsirena's incantations and enchantments, is orna<span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageB265" id="pageB265"></a>{265}</span> mented
+      with the symbol of the Jesuits, IHS. For this the publishers alone were
+      probably responsible. Yet it may stand as a parable of all-pervasive
+      Jesuitry. Even among the roses and raptures of the most voluptuous poem of
+      the century their presence makes itself felt, as though to hint that the
+      <i>Adone</i> is capable of being used according to Jesuitical rules of
+      casuistry A.M.D.G. One warning voice was raised before the publication of
+      this epic. Cardinal Bentivoglio wrote from Italy beseeching Marino to
+      'purge it of lasciviousness in such wise that it may not have to dread the
+      lash of our Italian censure.' Whether he followed this advice, in other
+      words whether the original MS. of the <i>Adone</i> was more openly
+      licentious than the published poem, I do not know. Anyhow, it was put upon
+      the Index in 1627. This does not, however, appear to have impaired its
+      popularity, or to have injured its author's reputation. Soon after the
+      appearance of <i>Adone</i>, Marino, then past fifty, returned to Naples.
+      He was desirous of reposing on his laurels, wealthy, honored, and adored,
+      among the scenes from which he fled in danger and disgrace thirty years
+      before. His entrance into Naples was an ovation. The Iazzaroni came to
+      meet his coach, dancing and scattering roses; noblemen attended him on
+      horse-back; ladies gazed on him from balconies. A banner waving to the
+      wind announced the advent of 'that ocean of incomparable learning, soul of
+      lyres, subject for pens, material for ink, most eloquent, most fertile,
+      <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB266" id="pageB266"></a>{266}</span>
+      phoenix of felicity, ornament of the laurel, of swans in their divine
+      leisure chief and uncontested leader.' At Naples he died in 1625&mdash;felicitous
+      in not having survived the fame which attended him through life and
+      reached its climax just before his death.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The <i>Adone</i> strikes us at first sight as the supreme poem of epicene
+      voluptuousness. Its smooth-chinned hero, beautiful as a girl, soft as a
+      girl, sentimental as a girl, with nothing of the man about him&mdash;except
+      that 'Nature, as she wrought him, fell adoting,'&mdash;threads a labyrinth
+      of suggestive adventures, in each of which he is more the patient than the
+      agent of desire. Mercury introduces him to our attention in a series of
+      those fables (tales of Narcissus, Ganymede, Cyparissus, Hylas, Atys) by
+      which antiquity figured the seductiveness of adolescence. Venus woos him,
+      and Falserina tries to force him. Captured in feminine attire by brigands,
+      he is detained in a cave as the mistress of their chief, and doted on by
+      the effeminate companion of his prison. Finally, he contends for the
+      throne of Cyprus with a band of luxurious youths&mdash;
+    </p>
+    <div class="poem">
+      <div class="stanza">
+        <span>Bardassonacci, paggi da taverna.<br /> </span>
+      </div>
+    </div>
+    <p>
+      The crown is destined for the physically fairest. The rival charms of the
+      competitors are minutely noted, their personal blemishes sagaciously
+      detected, by a council of pleasure-sated worldlings. In his death Adonis
+      succumbs to the assault of a boar, fatally inflamed with lust, who wounds
+      the young <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB267" id="pageB267"></a>{267}</span>
+      man in his groin, dealing destruction where the beast meant only amorous
+      caresses. Gods and godesses console Venus in her sorrow for his loss, each
+      of whom relates the tale of similar disasters. Among these legends
+      Apollo's love for Hyacinth and Phoebus' love for Pampinus figure
+      conspicuously. Thus Marino's Adonis excites unhealthy interest by the
+      spectacle of boyhood exposed to the caprices and allurements of both sexes
+      doting on unfledged virility.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      What contributes to this effect, in the central motive of the poem, is
+      that Venus herself is no artless virgin, no innocent Chloe, corresponding
+      to a rustic Daphnis. She is already wife, mother, adulteress, <i>femme
+      entretenue</i>, before she meets the lad. Her method of treating him is
+      that of a licentious queen, who, after seducing page or groom, keeps the
+      instrument of her pleasures in seclusion for occasional indulgence during
+      intervals of public business. Vulcan and Mars, her husband and her <i>cicisbeo</i>,
+      contest the woman's right to this caprice; and when the god of war
+      compels, she yields him the crapulous fruition of her charms before the
+      eye of her disconsolate boy-paramour. Her pre-occupation with Court
+      affairs in Cythera&mdash;balls, pageants, sacrifices, and a people's
+      homage&mdash;brings about the catastrophe. Through her temporary neglect,
+      Adonis falls victim to a conspiracy of the gods. Thus the part which the
+      female plays in this amorous epic is that of an accomplished courtesan,
+      highly placed in society.<span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB268"
+      id="pageB268"></a>{268}</span> All the pathos, all the attraction of
+      beauty and of sentiment, is reserved for the adolescent male.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      This fact, though disagreeable, has to be noted. It is too characteristic
+      of the wave of feeling at that time passing over Europe, to be ignored.
+      The morbid strain which touched the Courts alike of Valois, Medici and
+      Stuarts; which infected the poetry of Marlowe and of Shakespeare; which
+      cast a sickly pallor even over sainthood and over painting in the school
+      of Bologna, cannot be neglected. In Marino's <i>Adone</i> it reaches its
+      artistic climax.<a name="BFNanchor_188_188" id="BFNanchor_188_188"></a><a
+      href="#BFootnote_188_188" class="fnanchor">[188]</a>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      This, however, is not the main point about the poem. The <i>Adone</i>
+      should rather be classed as the epic of voluptuousness in all its forms
+      and species. If the love-poetry of the Italian Renaissance began with the
+      sensuality of Boccaccio's <i>Amoroso Visione</i>, it ended, after
+      traversing the idyl, the novel, the pastoral, the elegy and the romance,
+      in the more complex sensuality of Marino's <i>Adone</i>; for this, like
+      the <i>Amoroso Visione</i>, but far more emphatically, proclaims the
+      beatification of man by sexual pleasure:&mdash;
+    </p>
+    <div class="poem">
+      <div class="stanza">
+        <span>Tramortiscon di gioia ebbre e languenti<br /> </span> <span>L'anime
+        stanche, al ciel d'Amor rapite.<br /> </span> <span>Gl'iterati sospiri, i
+        rotti accenti,<br /> </span> <span>Le dolcissime guerre e le ferite,<br />
+        </span> <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB269" id="pageB269"></a>{269}</span>
+        <span>Narrar non so&mdash;fresche aure, onde correnti,<br /> </span>
+        <span>Voi che il miraste, e ben l'udiste, il dite!<br /> </span> <span>Voi
+        secretari de'felici amori,<br /> </span> <span>Verdi mirti, alti pini,
+        ombrosi allori! (Canto viii.)<br /> </span>
+      </div>
+    </div>
+    <p>
+      Thus voluptuousness has its transcendentalism; and Marino finds even his
+      prolific vocabulary inadequate to express the mysteries of this heaven of
+      sensuous delights.<a name="BFNanchor_189_189" id="BFNanchor_189_189"></a><a
+      href="#BFootnote_189_189" class="fnanchor">[189]</a>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      It must not be thought that the <i>Adone</i> is an obscene poem. Marino
+      was too skillful a master in the craft of pleasure to revolt or to regale
+      his readers with grossness. He had too much of the Neapolitan's frank
+      self-abandonment to nature for broad indecency in art to afford him
+      special satisfaction; and the taste of his age demanded innuendo. The
+      laureate of Courts and cities saturated with licentiousness knew well that
+      Coan vestments are more provocative than nudity. It was his object to
+      flatter the senses and seduce the understanding rather than to stimulate
+      coarse appetite. Refinement was the aphrodisiac of a sated society, and
+      millinery formed a main ingredient in its love-philters.<a
+      name="BFNanchor_190_190" id="BFNanchor_190_190"></a><a
+      href="#BFootnote_190_190" class="fnanchor">[190]</a> Marino, therefore,
+      took the carnal instincts for granted, and played upon them as a lutist
+      plays the strings of some lax thrilling instrument. Of moral judg<span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageB270" id="pageB270"></a>{270}</span> ment, of
+      antipathy to this or that form of lust, of prejudice or preference in the
+      material of pleasure, there is no trace. He shows himself equally
+      indulgent to the passion of Mirra for her father, of Jove for Ganymede, of
+      Bacchus for Pampinus, of Venus for Adonis, of Apollo for Hyacinth. He
+      tells the disgusting story of Cinisca with the same fluent ease as the
+      lovely tale of Psyche; passes with the same light touch over Falserina at
+      the bedside of Adonis and Feronia in his dungeon; uses the same palette
+      for the picture of Venus caressing Mars and the struggles of the nymph and
+      satyr. All he demanded was a basis of soft sensuality, from which, as from
+      putrescent soil, might spring the pale and scented flower of artful
+      luxury.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      In harmony with the spirit of an age reformed or deformed by the Catholic
+      Revival, Marino parades cynical hypocrisy. The eighth canto of <i>Adone</i>
+      is an elaborately-wrought initiation into the mysteries of carnal
+      pleasure. It is a hymn to the sense of touch:<a name="BFNanchor_191_191"
+      id="BFNanchor_191_191"></a><a href="#BFootnote_191_191" class="fnanchor">[191]</a>
+    </p>
+    <div class="poem">
+      <div class="stanza">
+        <span>Ogni altro senso pu&ograve; ben di leggiero<br /> </span> <span>Deluso
+        esser talor da falsi oggetti:<br /> </span> <span>Questo sol no, lo qual
+        sempre &egrave; del vero<br /> </span> <span>Fido ministro e padre dei
+        diletti.<br /> </span> <span>Gli altri non possedendo il corpo intero,<br />
+        </span> <span>Ma qualche parte sol, non son perfetti.<br /> </span> <span>Questo
+        con atto universal distende<br /> </span> <span>Lesue forze per tutto, e
+        tutto il prende.<br /> </span>
+      </div>
+    </div>
+    <p>
+      <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB271" id="pageB271"></a>{271}</span> We
+      are led by subtle gradations, by labyrinthine delays, to the final
+      beatification of Adonis. Picture is interwoven with picture, each in turn
+      contributing to the panorama of sensual Paradise. Yet while straining all
+      the resources of his art, with intense sympathy, to seduce his reader, the
+      poet drops of set purpose phrases like the following:
+    </p>
+    <div class="poem">
+      <div class="stanza">
+        <span>Flora non so, non so se Frine o Taide<br /> </span> <span>Trovar
+        mai seppe oscenita si laide.<br /> </span>
+      </div>
+    </div>
+    <p>
+      Here the ape masked in the man turns around and grins, gibbering vulgar
+      words to point his meaning, and casting dirt on his pretended decency.
+      While racking the resources of allusive diction to veil and to suggest an
+      immodest movement of his hero (Adonis being goaded beyond the bounds of
+      boyish delicacy by lascivious sights), he suddenly subsides with a knavish
+      titter into prose:
+    </p>
+    <div class="poem">
+      <div class="stanza">
+        <span>Cos&igrave; il fanciullo all'inonesto gioco.<br /> </span>
+      </div>
+    </div>
+    <p>
+      But the end of all this practice is that innocent Adonis has been
+      conducted by slow and artfully contrived approaches to a wanton's embrace,
+      and that the spectators of his seduction have become, as it were, parties
+      to his fall. To make Marino's cynicism of hypocrisy more glaring, he
+      prefaces each canto with an allegory, declaring that Adonis and Venus
+      symbolize the human soul abandoned to vice, and the allurements of
+      sensuality which work its ruin. In the poem itself, meanwhile, the hero
+      and <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB272" id="pageB272"></a>{272}</span>
+      heroine are consistently treated as a pair of enviable, devoted, and at
+      last unfortunate lovers.<a name="BFNanchor_192_192" id="BFNanchor_192_192"></a><a
+      href="#BFootnote_192_192" class="fnanchor">[192]</a>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      It is characteristic of the mood expressed in the <i>Adone</i> that
+      voluptuousness should not be passionate, but sentimental. Instead of fire,
+      the poet gives us honeyed tears to drink, and rocks the soul upon an
+      ever-rippling tide of Lydian melody. The acme of pleasure, as conceived by
+      him, is kissing. Twenty-three of the most inspired stanzas of the eighth
+      canto are allotted to a panegyric of the kiss, in which delight all other
+      amorous delights are drowned.<a name="BFNanchor_193_193"
+      id="BFNanchor_193_193"></a><a href="#BFootnote_193_193" class="fnanchor">[193]</a>
+      Tasso's melancholy yearning after forbidden fruit is now replaced by
+      satiety contemplating the image of past joys with purring satisfaction.
+      This quality of self-contented sentiment partly explains why the type of
+      beauty adored is neither womanly nor manly, but adolescent. It has to be
+      tender, fragile, solicitous, unripe; appealing to sensibility, not to
+      passion, by feminine charms in nerveless and soulless boyhood. The most
+      distinctive mark of Adonis is that he has no character, no will, no
+      intellect. He is all sentiment, sighs, tears, pliability, and sweetness.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB273" id="pageB273"></a>{273}</span>
+      This emasculate nature displays itself with consummate effect in the
+      sobbing farewell, followed by the pretty pettishnesses, of the seventeenth
+      canto.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      As a contrast to his over-sweet and cloying ideal of lascivious grace,
+      Marino counterposes extravagant forms of ugliness. He loves to describe
+      the loathsome incantations of witches. He shows Falserina prowling among
+      corpses on a battle-field, and injecting the congealed veins of her
+      resuscitated victim with abominable juices. He crowds the Cave of Jealousy
+      with monsters horrible to sight and sense; depicts the brutality of
+      brigands; paints hideous portraits of eunuchs, deformed hags, unnameable
+      abortions. He gloats over cruelty, and revels in violence.<a
+      name="BFNanchor_194_194" id="BFNanchor_194_194"></a><a
+      href="#BFootnote_194_194" class="fnanchor">[194]</a> When Mars appears
+      upon the scene, the orchestra of lutes and cymbals with which we had been
+      lulled to sleep, is exchanged for a Corybantic din of dissonances.
+      Orgonte, the emblem of pride, outdoes the hyperboles of Rodomonte and the
+      lunes of Tamburlaine. Nowhere, either in his voluptuousness or in its
+      counterpart of disgust, is there moderation. The Hellenic precept,
+      'Nothing overmuch,' the gracious Greek virtue of temperate restraint,
+      which is for art what training is for athletes, discipline for soldiers,
+      and pruning for orchard trees, has been violated in every canto, each
+      phrase, the slightest motive of this poem. Sensuality can bear such
+      violation better than sublimity; therefore the perfume of voluptuousness
+      in the <i>Adone</i>, though <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB274"
+      id="pageB274"></a>{274}</span> excessive, is both penetrating and
+      profound; while those passages which aim at inspiring terror or dilating
+      the imagination, fail totally of their effect. The ghastly, grotesque,
+      repulsive images are so overcharged that they cease even to offend. We
+      find ourselves in a region where tact, sense of proportion, moral
+      judgment, and right adjustment of means to ends, have been wantonly
+      abandoned. Marino avowed that he only aimed at surprising his readers:
+    </p>
+    <div class="poem">
+      <div class="stanza">
+        <span>&Egrave; del poeta il fin la meraviglia.<br /> </span>
+      </div>
+    </div>
+    <p>
+      But 45,000 lines of sustained astonishment, of industrious and
+      indefatigable appeals to wonder by devices of language, devices of
+      incident, devices of rhodomontade, devices of innuendo, devices of <i>capricci</i>
+      and <i>concetti</i>, induce the stolidity of callousness. We leave off
+      marveling, and yield what is left of our sensibility to the fascination of
+      inexhaustible picturesqueness. For, with all his faults, Marino was a
+      master of the picturesque, and did possess an art of fascination. The
+      picturesque, so difficult to define, so different from the pictorial and
+      the poetical, was a quality of the seventeenth century corresponding to
+      its defects of bad taste. And this gift no poet shared in larger measure
+      than Marino.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Granted his own conditions, granted the emptiness of moral and
+      intellectual substance in the man and in his age, we are compelled to
+      acknowledge <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB275" id="pageB275"></a>{275}</span>
+      that his literary powers were rich and various. Few writers, at the same
+      time, illustrate the vices of decadence more luminously than this Protean
+      poet of vacuity. Few display more clearly the 'expense of spirit in a
+      waste of shame.' None teach the dependence of art upon moralized and
+      humane motives more significantly than this drunken Helot of genius. His
+      indifference to truth, his defiance of sobriety, his conviction that the
+      sole end of art is astonishment, have doomed him to oblivion not wholly
+      merited. The critic, whose duty forces him to read through the <i>Adone</i>,
+      will be left bewildered by the spectacle of such profuse wealth so
+      wantonly squandered.<a name="BFNanchor_195_195" id="BFNanchor_195_195"></a><a
+      href="#BFootnote_195_195" class="fnanchor">[195]</a> In spite of fatigue,
+      in spite of disgust, he will probably be constrained to record his opinion
+      that, while Tasso represented the last effort of noble poetry struggling
+      after modern expression under out-worn forms of the Classical Revival, it
+      was left for Marino in his levity and license to evoke a real and novel
+      though <i>rococo</i> form, which nicely corresponded <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageB276" id="pageB276"></a>{276}</span> to the temper of his times,
+      and determined the immediate future of art. For this reason he requires
+      the attention which has here been paid him.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      But how, it may be asked, was it possible to expand the story of Venus and
+      Adonis into an epic of 45,000 lines? The answer to this question could
+      best be given by an analysis of the twenty cantos: and since few living
+      students have perused them, such a display of erudition would be
+      pardonable. Marini does not, however, deserve so many pages in a work
+      devoted to the close of the Italian Renaissance. It will suffice to say
+      that the slender narrative of the amour of Venus and her boyish idol, his
+      coronation as king of Cyprus, and his death by the boar's tusk, is
+      ingeniously interwoven with a great variety of episodes. The poet finds
+      occasion to relate the principal myths of Hellenic passion treating these
+      in a style which frequently reminds us of Ovid's Metamorphoses; he borrows
+      tales from Apuleius, Lucian, and the pastoral novelists; he develops the
+      theme of jealousy in Mars and Vulcan, introduces his own autobiography,
+      digresses into romantic adventures by sea and land, creates a rival to
+      Venus in the sorceress Falserina, sketches the progress of poetry in one
+      canto and devotes another to a panegyric of Italian princes, extols the
+      House of France and adulates Marie de Medicis, surveys the science of the
+      century, describes fantastic palaces and magic gardens, enters with
+      curious minuteness into the several delights of the five senses, dis<span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageB277" id="pageB277"></a>{277}</span> courses
+      upon Courts, ambition, avarice and honor, journeys over the Mediterranean,
+      conducts a game of chess through fifty brilliant stanzas; in brief, while
+      keeping his main theme in view, is careful to excite and sustain the
+      attention of his readers by a succession of varied and ingeniously
+      suggested novelties. Prolixity, indefatigable straining after sensational
+      effect, interminable description, are the defects of the <i>Adone</i>; but
+      they are defects related to great qualities possessed by the author, to
+      inexhaustible resources, curious knowledge, the improvisatore's facility,
+      the trained rhetorician's dexterity in the use of language, the artist's
+      fervid delight in the exercise of his craft.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Allowing for Marino's peculiar method, his <i>Adone</i> has the excellence
+      of unity which was so highly prized by the poets of his age and nation.
+      Critics have maintained that the whole epic is but a development of the
+      episode of Rinaldo in Armida's garden. But it is more than this. It
+      contains all the main ingredients of the Italian Romance, with the
+      exception of chivalry and war. There is a pastoral episode corresponding
+      to that of Erminia among the shepherds, a magnificent enchantress in the
+      manner of Alcina, an imprisonment of the hero which reminds us of Ruggiero
+      in Atlante's magic castle, a journey like Astolfo's to the moon, a
+      conflict between good and evil supernatural powers, a thread of allegory
+      more or less apparent, a side glance at contemporary history; and these
+      elements <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB278" id="pageB278"></a>{278}</span>
+      are so combined as to render the <i>Adone</i> one of the many poems in the
+      long romantic tradition. It differs mainly from its predecessors in the
+      strict unity of subject, which subordinates each episode and each
+      digression to the personal adventures of the heroine and hero; while the
+      death and obsequies of Adonis afford a tragic close that is lacking to
+      previous poems detached from the Carolingian cycle. Contemporary writers
+      praised it as a poem of peace. But it is the poem of ignoble peace, of
+      such peace as Italy enjoyed in servitude, when a nation of <i>cicisbei</i>
+      had naught to occupy their energies but sensual pleasure. Ingenious as
+      Marino truly was in conducting his romance upon so vast a scheme through
+      all its windings to one issue, we feel that the slender tale of a boy's
+      passion for the queen of courtesans and his metamorphosis into the scarlet
+      windflower of the forest supplied no worthy motive for this intricate
+      machinery. The metaphor of an alum basket crystallized upon a petty frame
+      of wire occurs to us when we contemplate its glittering ornaments, and
+      reflect upon the poverty of the sustaining theme. It might in fact stand
+      for a symbol of the intellectual vacancy of the age which welcomed it with
+      rapture, and of the society which formed a century of taste upon its
+      pattern.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      In another and higher literary quality the <i>Adone</i> represents that
+      moment of Italian development. A foreigner may hardly pass magisterial
+      judgment on its diction. Yet I venture to remark that Marino <span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageB279" id="pageB279"></a>{279}</span> only at
+      rare intervals attains to purity of poetic style; even his best passages
+      are deformed, not merely by conceits to which the name of <i>Marinism</i>
+      has been given, but also by gross vulgarities and lapses into trivial
+      prose. Notwithstanding this want of distinction, however, he has a melody
+      that never fails. The undulating, evenly on-flowing <i>cantilena</i> of
+      his verbal music sustains the reader on a tide of song. That element of
+      poetry, which, as I have observed, was developed with remarkable success
+      by Tasso in some parts of the <i>Gerusalemme</i> is the main strength of
+      the <i>Adone</i>. With Marino the <i>Chant d'Amour</i> never rises so
+      high, thrills so subtly, touches the soul so sweetly and so sadly, as it
+      does in Tasso's verse. But in all those five thousand octave stanzas it is
+      rarely altogether absent. The singing faculty of the Neapolitan was given
+      to this poet of voluptuousness; and if the song is neither deep nor
+      stirring, neither stately nor sublime, it is because his soul held nothing
+      in its vast vacuity but sensuous joy.<a name="BFNanchor_196_196"
+      id="BFNanchor_196_196"></a><a href="#BFootnote_196_196" class="fnanchor">[196]</a>
+      A musical Casanova, an unmalignant Aretino, he sang as vulgar nature
+      prompted; but he always kept on singing. His partiality for detonating
+      dissonances, squibs and crackers of pyrotechnical rhetoric, braying
+      trumpets and exploding popguns, which deafen and distract our ears attuned
+      to the suave cadence of the <i>cantilena</i>, is no less characteristic of
+      the Neapolitan. Marino had the impro<span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageB280" id="pageB280"></a>{280}</span> visatory exuberance, the
+      impudence, the superficial passion, the luxurious delight in life, and the
+      noisiness of his birthplace. He also shared its love of the grotesque as
+      complement and contrast to pervading beauty.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      A serious fault to be found with Marino's style is its involved
+      exaggeration in description. Who, for instance, can tolerate this picture
+      of a young man's foot shod with a blue buskin?
+    </p>
+    <div class="poem">
+      <div class="stanza">
+        <span>L'animato del pi&egrave; molle alabastro<br /> </span> <span>Che
+        oscura il latte del sentier celeste<br /> </span> <span>Stretto alla
+        gamba con purpureo nastro<br /> </span> <span>Di cuoio azzurro un
+        borsacchin gli veste.<br /> </span>
+      </div>
+    </div>
+    <p>
+      Again he carries to the point of lunacy that casuistical rhetoric,
+      introduced by Ariosto and refined upon by Tasso, with which luckless
+      heroines or heroes <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB281" id="pageB281"></a>{281}</span>
+      announce their doubts and difficulties to the world in long soliloquies.
+      The ten stanzas which set forth Falserina's feelings after she has felt
+      the pangs of love for Adonis, might pass for a parody:
+    </p>
+    <div class="poem">
+      <div class="stanza">
+        <span>Ardo, lassa, o non ardo! ah&igrave; qual io sento<br /> </span>
+        <span>Stranio nel cor non conosciuto affetto!<br /> </span> <span>E forse
+        ardore? ardor non &egrave;, ch&egrave; spento<br /> </span> <span>L'avrei
+        col pianto; &egrave; ben d'ardor sospetto!<br /> </span> <span>Sospetto
+        no, piuttosto egli &egrave; tormento.<br /> </span> <span>Come tormento
+        fia, se da diletto?<br /> </span>
+      </div>
+    </div>
+    <p>
+      And so forth through eighty lines in which every conceivable change is
+      rung upon <i>Amo o non amo?_._._._Io vivo e moro pur_._._._Io non ho core
+      e lo mio cor n'ha dui</i>. With all this effort no one is convinced of
+      Falserina's emotion, and her long-winded oration reads like a schoolboy's
+      exercise upon some line of the fourth Aeneid. Yet if we allow the sense of
+      rhythmical melody to intervene between our intellectual perception and
+      Marino's language, we shall still be able to translate these outpourings
+      into something which upon the operatic stage would keep its value. False
+      rhetoric and the inability to stop when enough and more than enough has
+      been said upon any theme to be developed, are the incurable defects of
+      Marino. His profuse <i>fioriture</i> compared with the simpler descant of
+      Ariosto or Tasso remind us of Rossini's florid roulades beside the grace
+      of Pergolese's or the majesty of Marcello's song.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The peculiar quality of bad taste which is known in Italy as <i>Marinismo</i>,
+      consisted in a perpetual <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB282"
+      id="pageB282"></a>{282}</span> straining after effect by antitheses,
+      conceits, plans on words degenerating into equivocation, and such-like
+      rhetorical grimaces. Marino's <i>ars poetica</i> was summed up in this
+      sentence: 'Chi non sa far stupir, vada alia striglia.' Therefore, he finds
+      periphrases for the simplest expressions. He calls the nightingale <i>sirena
+      de'boschi</i>, gunpowder <i>l'irreparabil fulmine terreno</i>, Columbus <i>il
+      ligure Argonauta</i>, Galileo <i>il novello Endimione</i>. In these
+      instances, what might have been expanded into a simile, is substituted for
+      the proper word in order to surprise the reader. When he alludes to Dante,
+      he poses a conundrum on that poet's surname: <i>Ben sull'ali liggier tre
+      mondi canta</i>. The younger Palma is complimented on wresting the <i>palm</i>
+      from Titian and Veronese. Guido Reni is apostrophized as: <i>Reni onde il
+      maggior Reno all'altro cede</i><a name="BFNanchor_197_197"
+      id="BFNanchor_197_197"></a><a href="#BFootnote_197_197" class="fnanchor">[197]</a>
+      We are never safe in reading his pages from the whirr and whistle of such
+      verbal fireworks. And yet it must be allowed that Marino's style is on the
+      whole freer from literary affectations than that of our own Euphuists. It
+      is only at intervals that the temptation to make a point by clever
+      trickery seems irresistible. When he is seriously engaged upon a topic
+      that stirs his nature to the depth, as in the eighth canto, description
+      flows on for stanza after stanza with limpid swiftness. Another kind of
+      artifice to which he has resort, is the repetition of a dominant word:
+    </p>
+    <div class="poem">
+      <div class="stanza">
+        <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB283" id="pageB283"></a>{283}</span>
+        <span>Con tai lusinghe il lusinghiero amante<br /> </span> <span>La
+        lusinghiera Dea lusinga e prega.<br /> </span>
+      </div>
+    </div>
+    <hr style="width: 45%;" />
+    <p>
+      <br /> <br />
+    </p>
+    <div class="poem">
+      <div class="stanza">
+        <span>Godiamci, amiamei. Amor d'amor mercede,<br /> </span> <span>Degno
+        cambio d'amore &egrave; solo amore.<br /> </span>
+      </div>
+    </div>
+    <p>
+      This play on a word sometimes passes over into a palpable pun, as in the
+      following pretty phrase:
+    </p>
+    <div class="poem">
+      <div class="stanza">
+        <span>O mia dorata ed adorata Dea.<br /> </span>
+      </div>
+    </div>
+    <p>
+      Still we feel that Shakespeare was guilty of precisely the same verbal
+      impertinences. It is only intensity of feeling which prevents such lines
+      as:
+    </p>
+    <div class="poem">
+      <div class="stanza">
+        <span>Take all my loves, my love, yea take them all;<br /> </span> <span>What
+        hast thou then more than thou hadst before?<br /> </span> <span>No love,
+        my love, that thou may'st true love call:<br /> </span> <span>All mine
+        was thine, before thou hadst this more:<br /> </span>
+      </div>
+    </div>
+    <p>
+      from being Marinistic. But it must be added that this intensity of feeling
+      renders the artifice employed sublimely natural. Here we lay our finger on
+      the crucial point at issue in any estimate of literary mannerism. What is
+      the force of thought, the fervor of emotion, the acute perception of truth
+      in nature and in man, which lies behind that manneristic screen? If, as in
+      the case of Shakespeare, sufficiency or superabundance of these essential
+      elements is palpable, we pardon, we ignore, the euphuism. But should the
+      quality of substance fail, then we repudiate it and despise it. Therefore
+      Marino, who is certainly not more euphuistic than Shakespeare, but who has
+      immeasurably less of potent stuff in him, wears the motley of his barocco
+      style in limbo bordering upon oblivion, <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageB284" id="pageB284"></a>{284}</span> while the Swan of Avon
+      parades the same literary livery upon both summits of Parnassus. So true
+      it is that poetry cannot be estimated apart from intellectual and moral
+      contents. Had Marino written:
+    </p>
+    <div class="poem">
+      <div class="stanza">
+        <span>Prick love for pricking, and you beat love down:<br /> </span>
+      </div>
+    </div>
+    <p>
+      or:
+    </p>
+    <div class="poem">
+      <div class="stanza">
+        <span class="i2">'twould anger him<br /> </span> <span>To raise a spirit
+        in his mistress' circle<br /> </span> <span>Of some strange nature,
+        letting it there stand<br /> </span> <span>Till she had laid it and
+        conjured it down:<br /> </span>
+      </div>
+    </div>
+    <p>
+      or:
+    </p>
+    <div class="poem">
+      <div class="stanza">
+        <span>The bawdy hand of the dial is now upon<br /> </span> <span>The
+        prick of noon:<br /> </span>
+      </div>
+    </div>
+    <p>
+      he would have furnished his accusers with far stronger diatribes against
+      words of double meaning and licentious conceits than his own pages offer.
+      But since it was out of the fullness of world-wisdom that Shakespeare
+      penned those phrases for Mercutio, and set them as pendants to the
+      impassioned descants upon love and death which he poured from the lips of
+      Romeo, they pass condoned and unperceived.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Only poverty of matter and insincerity of fancy damn in Marino those
+      literary affectations which he held in common with a host of writers&mdash;with
+      Gorgias, Aeschylus, Chaeremon, Philostratus, among Greeks; with Petrarch,
+      Boccaccio, Bembo, Aretino, Tasso, Guarini, among Italians; with Calderon
+      and Cervantes, not to mention Gongora, among Spaniards; with the foremost
+      French and English writers of the Renaissance; with all verbal artists in
+      any age, who have sought unduly to refine upon their material of <span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageB285" id="pageB285"></a>{285}</span>
+      language. In a word, Marino is not condemned by his so-called Marinism.
+      His true stigma is the inadequacy to conceive of human nature except under
+      a twofold mask of sensuous voluptuousness and sensuous ferocity. It is
+      this narrow and ignoble range of imagination which constitutes his real
+      inferiority, far more than any poetical extravagance in diction. The same
+      mean conception of humanity brands with ignominy the four generations over
+      which he dominated&mdash;that brood of eunuchs and courtiers, churchmen
+      and <i>Cavalieri serventi</i>, barocco architects and brigands, casuists
+      and bravi, grimacers, hypocrites, confessors, impostors, bastards of the
+      spirit, who controlled Italian culture for a hundred years.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      At a first glance we shall be astonished to find that this poet, who may
+      justly be regarded as the corypheus of Circean orgies in the seventeenth
+      century, left in MS. a grave lament upon the woes of Italy. Marino's <i>Pianto
+      d'Italia</i> has no trace of Marinism. It is composed with sobriety in a
+      pedestrian style of plainness, and it tells the truth without reserve.
+      Italy traces her wretchedness to one sole cause, subjection under Spanish
+      rule.
+    </p>
+    <div class="poem">
+      <div class="stanza">
+        <span>Lascio ch'un re che di real non tiene<br /> </span> <span>Altro che
+        il nome effemminato e vile<br /> </span> <span>A sua voglia mi reggi, e
+        di catene<br /> </span> <span>Barbare mi circondi il pi&egrave; servile.<br />
+        </span>
+      </div>
+    </div>
+    <p>
+      This tyrant foments jealousy and sows seeds of discord between the Italian
+      states. His viceroys <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB286" id="pageB286"></a>{286}</span>
+      are elected from the cruelest, the most unjust, the most rapacious, and
+      the most luxurious of the courtiers crawling round his throne. The College
+      of Cardinals is bought and sold. No prince dares move a finger in his
+      family or state without consulting the Iberian senate; still less can he
+      levy troops for self-defense. Yet throughout Europe Spanish victories have
+      been obtained by Italian generals; the bravest soldiers in foreign armies
+      are Italian exiles. Perhaps it may be argued that the empty titles which
+      abound in every petty city, the fulsome promises on which those miserable
+      vassals found their hopes, are makeweights for such miseries. Call them
+      rather chains to bind the nation, lures and birdlime such as snarers use.
+      There is but one quarter to which the widowed and discrowned Queen of
+      Nations can appeal for succor. She turns to Carlo Emmanuele, Duke of
+      Savoy, to the hills whence cometh help. It was not, however, until two
+      centuries after Marino penned these patriotic stanzas, that her prayer was
+      answered. And the reflection forced upon us when we read the <i>Pianto
+      d'Italia</i>, is that Marino composed it to flatter a patron who at that
+      moment entertained visionary schemes of attacking the Spanish hegemony.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      To make any but an abrupt transition from Marino to Chiabrera would be
+      impossible. It is like passing from some luxurious grove of oranges and
+      roses to a barren hill-top without prospect over sea or champaign. We are
+      fortunate in possessing a few <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB287"
+      id="pageB287"></a>{287}</span> pages of autobiography, from which all that
+      is needful to remember of Gabriello Chiabrera's personal history may be
+      extracted. He was born in 1552 at Savona, fifteen days after his father's
+      death. His mother made a second marriage, and left him to the care of an
+      uncle, with whom at the age of nine he went to reside in Rome. In the
+      house of this bachelor uncle the poor little orphan pined away. Fever
+      succeeded fever, until his guardian felt that companionship with boys in
+      play and study was the only chance of saving so frail a life as
+      Gabriello's. Accordingly he placed the invalid under the care of the
+      Jesuits in their Collegio Romano. Here the child's health revived, and his
+      education till the age of twenty throve apace. The Jesuits seem to have
+      been liberal in their course of training; for young Chiabrera benefited by
+      private conversation with Paolo Manuzio and Sperone Speroni, while he
+      attended the lectures of Muretus in the university.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      How different was this adolescence from that of Marino! Both youths grew
+      to manhood without domestic influences; and both were conspicuous in after
+      life for the want of that affection which abounds in Tasso. But here the
+      parallel between them ends. Marino, running wild upon the streets of
+      Naples, taking his fill of pleasure and adventure, picking up ill-digested
+      information at hap-hazard, and forming his poetic style as nature
+      prompted; Chiabrera, disciplined in piety and morals by Jesuit directors,
+      imbued with erudition by an arid scholar, a formal <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageB288" id="pageB288"></a>{288}</span> pedant and an accomplished
+      rhetorician, the three chief representatives of decadent Italian humanism:
+      no contrast can be imagined greater than that which marked these two lads
+      out for diverse paths in literature. The one was formed to be the poet of
+      caprice and license, openly ranking with those
+    </p>
+    <div class="poem">
+      <div class="stanza">
+        <span>Che la ragion sommettono al talento,<br /> </span>
+      </div>
+    </div>
+    <p>
+      and making <i>s'ei piace ei lice</i> his rule of conduct and of art. The
+      other received a rigid bent toward decorum, in religious observances, in
+      ethical severity, and in literature of a strictly scholastic type.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Yet Chiabrera was not without the hot blood of Italian youth. His uncle
+      died, and he found himself alone in the world. After spending a few years
+      in the service of Cardinal Cornaro, he quarreled with a Roman gentleman,
+      vindicated his honor by some act of violence, and was outlawed from the
+      city. Upon this he retired to Savona; and here again he met with similar
+      adventures. Wounded in a brawl, he took the law into his own hands, and
+      revenged himself upon his assailant. This punctilio proved him to be a
+      true child of his age; and if we may credit his own account of both
+      incidents, he behaved himself as became a gentleman of the period. It
+      involved him, however, in serious annoyances both at Rome and Savona, from
+      which he only extricated himself with difficulty and which impaired his
+      fortune. Up to the age of fifty he remained unmarried, and then took a
+      wife by whom he had no <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB289"
+      id="pageB289"></a>{289}</span> children. He lived to the ripe age of
+      eighty-four, always at Savona, excepting occasional visits to friends in
+      Italian cities, and he died unmolested by serious illness after his first
+      entrance into the Collegio Romano. How he occupied the leisure of that
+      lengthy solitude may be gathered from his published works&mdash;two or
+      three thick volumes of lyrics; four bulky poems of heroic narrative;
+      twelve dramas, including two tragedies; thirty satires or epistles; and
+      about forty miscellaneous poems in divers meters. In a word, he devoted
+      his whole life to the art of poetry, for which he was not naturally
+      gifted, and which he pursued in a gravely methodical spirit. It may be
+      said at once that the body of his work, with the exception of some simple
+      pieces of occasion, and a few chastely written epistles, is such as nobody
+      can read without weariness.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Before investigating Chiabrera's claim to rank among Italian poets, it may
+      be well to examine his autobiography in those points which touch upon the
+      temper of society. Short as it is, this document is precious for the light
+      it casts upon contemporary custom. As a writer, Chiabrera was
+      distinguished by sobriety of judgment, rectitude, piety, purity of
+      feeling, justice toward his fellow-workers in literature, and an earnest
+      desire to revive the antique virtues among his countrymen. There is no
+      reason to suppose that these estimable qualities did not distinguish him
+      in private life. Yet eight out of the eighteen pages of his biography are
+      devoted to <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB290" id="pageB290"></a>{290}</span>
+      comically solemn details regarding the honors paid him by Italian princes.
+      The Grand Duke of Florence, Ferdinand I., noticed him standing with
+      uncovered head at a theatrical representation in the Pitti Palace. He bade
+      the poet put his cap on and sit down. Cosimo, the heir apparent, showed
+      the same condescending courtesy. When he was at Turin, Carlo Emmanuele,
+      Duke of Savoy, placed a coach and pair at his disposal, and allowed him
+      300 lire for traveling expenses to and from Savona. But this prince
+      omitted to appoint him lodgings in the palace, nor did he invite him to
+      cover in the presence. This perhaps is one reason why Chiabrera refused
+      the duke's offer of a secretaryship at Court. Vincenzo Gonzaga, Duke of
+      Mantua, on the contrary, allotted him rooms and always suffered him to
+      keep his hat on. The Pope, who was an old college friend of Chiabrera,
+      made him handsome presents, and on one delightful occasion allowed him to
+      hear a sermon in the Papal pew. The Doge of Genoa, officially particular
+      in points of etiquette, always took care to bid him cover, although he was
+      a subject born of the Republic.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Basely insignificant as are these details, they serve to show what value
+      was then ascribed even by men of real respectability to trifling princely
+      favors. The unction with which Chiabrera relates them, warming his cold
+      style into a glow of satisfaction, is a practical satire upon his endeavor
+      to resuscitate the virtues of antique republics in that Italy. To <span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageB291" id="pageB291"></a>{291}</span> do this
+      was his principal aim as a moralist; to revive the grand style of Pindar
+      was his object as an artist. Each attempt involved impossibility, and
+      argued a visionary ambition dimly conscious of its scope. Without freedom,
+      without the living mythology of Hellas, without a triumphant national
+      cause, in the very death of independence, at the end of a long age of
+      glorious but artificial culture, how could Chiabrera dare to pose as
+      Pindar? Instead of the youth of Greece ascending with free flight and all
+      the future of the world before it, decrepit Italy, the Italy so rightly
+      drawn by Marino in his <i>Pianto</i>, lay groveling in the dust of
+      decaying thrones. Her lyrist had to sing of pallone-matches instead of
+      Panhellenic games; to celebrate the heroic conquest of two Turkish galleys
+      by a Tuscan fleet, instead of Marathon and Salamis; to praise S. Lucy and
+      S. Paul with tepid fervor, instead of telling how Rhodes swam at her god's
+      bidding upward from the waves.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      One example will serve as well as many to illustrate the false attitude
+      assumed by Chiabrera when he posed as a new Pindar in the midst of
+      seventeenth-century Italians. I will select the Ode to Don Cesare d'Este.
+      There is something pathetically ridiculous, in this would-be swan of the
+      Dircean fount, this apostle of pagan virtues, admonishing the heir of
+      Alfonso II to prove himself an obedient son of the Church by relinquishing
+      his Duchy of Ferrara to the Holy See. The poet asks him, in <span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageB292" id="pageB292"></a>{292}</span> fine
+      classic phrases, whether he could bear to look on desecrated altars,
+      confessionals without absolving priests, chapels without choristers, a
+      people barred with bolt and lock from Paradise. How trivial are earthly
+      compared with heavenly crowns! How vulgar is the love of power and gold!
+      The exhortation, exquisite enough in chastened style, closes with this
+      hypocritical appeal to Cesare's aristocratic prejudices:
+    </p>
+    <div class="poem">
+      <div class="stanza">
+        <span>Parli la plebe a suo volere, e pensi&mdash;<br /> </span> <span>Non
+        con la plebe hanno da gir gli Estensi.<br /> </span>
+      </div>
+    </div>
+    <p>
+      That is to say, nobility demands that the House of Este should desert its
+      subjects, sacrifice its throne, crawl at a Pontiff's feet, and starve
+      among a crowd of disthroned princes, wrapping the ragged purple of its
+      misery around it till it, too, mixes with the people it contemns.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Hopeless as the venture was, Chiabrera made it the one preoccupation of
+      his life, in these untoward circumstances, to remodel Italian poetry upon
+      the Greek pattern. It was a merit of the Sei Cento, a sign of grace, that
+      the Italians now at last threw orthodox aesthetic precepts to the winds,
+      and avowed their inability to carry the Petrarchistic tradition further.
+      The best of them, Campanella and Bruno, molded vulgar language like metal
+      in the furnace of a vehement imagination, making it the vehicle of
+      fantastic passion and enthusiastic philosophy. From their crucible the
+      Sonnet and the Ode emerged with no resemblance to academical <span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageB293" id="pageB293"></a>{293}</span>
+      standards. Grotesque, angular, gnarled, contorted, Gothic even, these
+      antiquated forms beneath their wayward touch were scarcely recognizable.
+      They had become the receptacles of burning, scalding, trenchant realities.
+      Salvator Rosa, next below the best, forced indignation to lend him wings,
+      and scaled Parnassus with brass-bound feet and fury. Marino, bent on
+      riveting attention by surprises, fervid with his own reality of lust,
+      employed the octave stanza as a Turkish Bey might use an odalisque. 'The
+      only rule worth thinking of,' he said, 'is to know how and when and where
+      to break all rules, adapting ourselves to current taste and the fashions
+      of the age.' His epic represents a successful, because a vivid, reaction
+      against conventionality. The life that throbs in it is incontestable, even
+      though that life may be nothing better than ephemeral. With like brutality
+      of instinct, healthy because natural, the barocco architects embraced
+      ugliness, discord, deformity, spasm, as an escape from harmony and
+      regularity with which the times were satiated. Prose-writers burst the
+      bonds of Bembo, trampled on Boccaccio, reveled in the stylistic
+      debaucheries of Bartolo. Painters, rendered academic in vain by those
+      Fabii of Bologna who had striven to restore the commonwealth of art by
+      temporizing, launched themselves upon a sea of massacre and murder, blood
+      and entrails, horrors of dark woods and Bacchanalia of chubby Cupids. The
+      popular Muse of Italy meanwhile emerged with furtive <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageB294" id="pageB294"></a>{294}</span> grace and inexhaustible
+      vivacity in dialectic poems, dances, Pulcinello, Bergamasque Pantaloon,
+      and what of parody and satire, Harlequinades, and carnival diversions, any
+      local soil might cherish.<a name="BFNanchor_198_198" id="BFNanchor_198_198"></a><a
+      href="#BFootnote_198_198" class="fnanchor">[198]</a> All this revolt
+      against precedent, this resurrection of primeval instinct, crude and
+      grinning, took place, let us remember, under the eyes of the Jesuits,
+      within the shadow of the Inquisition, in an age reformed and ordered by
+      the Council of Trent. Art was following Aretino, the reprobate and rebel.
+      He first amid the languors of the golden age&mdash;and this is Aretino's
+      merit&mdash;discerned that the only escape from its inevitable exhaustion
+      was by passing over into crudest naturalism.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      But for Chiabrera, the excellent gentleman, the patronized of princes,
+      scrupulous upon the point of honor, pupil of Jesuits, pious, twisted back
+      on humanism by his Roman tutors, what escape was left for him? Obey the
+      genius of his times he must. Innovate he must. He chose the least
+      indecorous sphere at hand for innovation; and felt therewith most
+      innocently happy. Without being precisely conscious of it, he had
+      discovered a way of adhering to time-honored precedent while following the
+      general impulse to discard precedent. He threw Petrarch overboard, but he
+      took on Pindar for his pilot. 'When I see anything eminently beautiful, or
+      hear something, or taste something that <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageB295" id="pageB295"></a>{295}</span> is excellent, I say: It is
+      Greek Poetry.' In this self-revealing sentence lies the ruling instinct of
+      the man as scholar. The highest praise he can confer upon Italian matters,
+      is to call them Greek Poetry. 'When I have to express my aims in verse, I
+      compare myself to Columbus, who said that he would discover a new world or
+      drown.' Again, in this self-revealing sentence, Chiabrera betrays the
+      instinct which in common with his period he obeyed. He was bound to
+      startle society by a discovery or to drown. For this, be it remembered,
+      was the time in which Pallavicino, like Marino, declared that poetry must
+      make men raise their eyebrows in astonishment. For Chiabrera, educated as
+      he had been, that new world toward which he navigated was a new Hellenic
+      style of Italian poetry; and the Theban was to guide him toward its
+      shores. But on the voyage Chiabrera drowned: drowned for eternity in
+      hyper-atlantic whirlpools of oblivion. Some critics, pitying so lofty, so
+      respectable an ambition, have whispered that he found a little Island of
+      the Blest and there planted modest myrtles of mediocre immortality. Yet
+      this is not the truth. On such a quest there was only failure or success.
+      He did not succeed. His cold mincemeat from Diocean tables, tepid historic
+      parallels, artificially concocted legends, could not create Greek poetry
+      again beneath the ribs of death. The age was destined to be saved by
+      music. License was its only liberty, as the <i>Adone</i> taught. Unmusical
+      Chiabrera, buckram'd <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB296" id="pageB296"></a>{296}</span>
+      up by old mythologies and sterling precepts, left its life untouched. His
+      antique virtues stood, like stucco gods and goddesses, on pedestals in
+      garden groves, and moldered. His Pindaric flights were such as a sparrow,
+      gazing upward at a hawk, might venture on. Those abrupt transitions,
+      whereby he sought to simulate the lordly <i>sprezzatura</i> of the Theban
+      eagle, 'soaring with supreme dominion in the azure depths of air,' remind
+      us mainly of the hoppings of a frog. Chiabrera failed: failed all the more
+      lamentably because he was so scholarly, so estimable. He is chiefly
+      interesting now as the example of a man devoted to the Church, a pupil of
+      Jesuits, a moralist, and a humanist, in some sense also a patriot, who
+      felt the temper of his time, and strove to innovate in literature. Devoid
+      of sincere sympathy with his academically chosen models, thinking he had
+      discovered a safe path for innovation, he fell flat in the slime and
+      perished.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Marino had human life and vulgar nature, the sensualities and frivolities
+      of the century, to help him. Chiabrera claimed none of these advantages.
+      What had Tassoni for his outfit? Sound common sense, critical acumen, the
+      irony of humor, hatred of tyrants and humbug, an acrid temper mollified by
+      genial love of letters, a manly spirit of independence. Last, but not
+      least, he inherited something of the old Elysian smile which played upon
+      the lips of Ariosto, from which Tasso's melancholy shrank discomfited,
+      which Marino smothered in the kisses of his courtesans, and<span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageB297" id="pageB297"></a>{297}</span>
+      Chiabrera banned as too ignoble for Dircean bards. This smile it was that
+      cheered Tassoni's leisure when, fallen on evil days, he penned the <i>Socchia
+      Rapita</i>.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Alessandro Tassoni was born in 1565 of a noble Modenese family. Before
+      completing his nineteenth year he won the degree of Doctor of Laws, and
+      afterwards spent twelve years in studying at the chief universities of
+      Lombardy. Between 1599 and 1603 he served the Cardinal Ascanio Colonna
+      both in Spain and Rome, as secretary. The insight he then gained into the
+      working of Spanish despotism made him a relentless enemy of that already
+      decadent monarchy. When Carlo Emmanuele, Duke of Savoy, sent back his
+      Collar of the Golden Fleece in 1613 and drew the sword of resistance
+      against Philip III., Tassoni penned two philippics against Spaniards,
+      which are the firmest, most embittered expression of patriotism as it then
+      existed. He had the acuteness to perceive that the Spanish state was no
+      longer in its prime of vigor, and the noble ingenuousness to dream that
+      Italian princes might be roused to sink their rancors in a common effort
+      after independence. As a matter of fact, Estensi, Medici, Farnesi,
+      Gonzaghi, all the reigning houses as yet unabsorbed by Church or Spain,
+      preferred the predominance of a power which sanctioned their local
+      tyrannies, irksome and degrading as that overlordship was, to the hegemony
+      of Piedmontese Macedon. And like all Italian patriots, strong in mind,
+      feeble in muscle, he failed to reckon with the <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageB298" id="pageB298"></a>{298}</span> actual soldierly
+      superiority of Spaniards. Italy could give generals at this epoch to her
+      masters; but she could not count on levying privates for her own defense.
+      Carlo Emmanuele rewarded the generous ardor of Tassoni by grants of
+      pensions which were never paid, and by offices at Court which involved the
+      poet-student in perilous intrigue. 'My service with the princes of the
+      House of Savoy,' so he wrote at a later period, 'did not take its origin
+      in benefits or favors received or expected. It sprang from a pure
+      spontaneous motion of the soul, which inspired me with love for the noble
+      character of Duke Charles.' When he finally withdrew from that service, he
+      had his portrait painted. In his hands he held a fig, and beneath the
+      picture ran a couplet ending with the words, 'this the Court gave me.'
+      Throughout his life Tassoni showed an independence rare in that century.
+      His principal works were published without dedications to patrons. In the
+      preface to his <i>Remarks on Petrarch</i> he expressed his opinion thus:
+      'I leave to those who like them the fruitless dedications, not to say
+      flatteries, which are customary nowadays. I seek no protection; for a lie
+      does not deserve it, and truth is indifferent to it. Let such as opine
+      that the shadow of great personages can conceal the ineptitude of authors,
+      make the most of this advantage.' Believing firmly in astrology, he judged
+      that his own horoscope condemned him to ill-success. It appears that he
+      was born under the influence of Saturn, when the sun <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageB299" id="pageB299"></a>{299}</span> and moon were in
+      conjunction; and he held that this combination of the heavenly bodies
+      boded 'things noteworthy, yet not felicitous.' It was, however, difficult
+      for a man of Tassoni's condition in that state of society to draw breath
+      outside the circle of a Court. Accordingly, in 1626, he entered the
+      service of the Pope's nephew, Cardinal Lodovisio. He did not find this
+      much to his liking: 'I may compare myself to P. Emilius Metellus, when he
+      was shod with those elegant boots which pinched his feet. Everybody said,
+      Oh what fine boots, how well they fit! But the wretch was unable to walk
+      in them.' On the Cardinal's death in 1632 Tassoni removed to the Court of
+      Francesco I. of Modena, and died there in 1635.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      As a writer, Tassoni, in common with the best spirits of his time, aimed
+      at innovation. It had become palpable to the Italians that the Renaissance
+      was over, and that they must break with the traditions of the past. This,
+      as I have already pointed out, was the saving virtue of the early
+      seventeenth century; but what good fruits it might have fostered, had not
+      the political and ecclesiastical conditions of the age been adverse,
+      remains a matter for conjecture. 'It is my will and object to utter new
+      opinions,' he wrote to a friend; and acting upon this principle, he
+      attacked the chief prejudices of his age in philosophy and literature. One
+      of his earliest publications was a miscellaneous collection of <i>Divers
+      Thoughts</i>, in which he derided Aristotle's Physics <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageB300" id="pageB300"></a>{300}</span> and propounded speculations
+      similar to those developed by Gassendi. He dared to cast scorn on Homer,
+      as rude and barbarous, poor in the faculty of invention, taxable with at
+      least five hundred flagrant defects. How little Tassoni really
+      comprehended Homer may be judged from his complacent assertion that the
+      episode of Luna and Endymion (<i>Secchia Rapita</i>, canto viii.) was
+      composed in the Homeric manner. In truth he could estimate the Iliad and
+      Odyssey no better than Chiabrera could the Pythians and Olympians of
+      Pindar. A just sense of criticism failed the scholars of that age, which
+      was too remote in its customs, too imperfect in its science of history, to
+      understand the essence of Greek art. With equally amusing candor Tassoni
+      passed judgments upon Dante, and thought that he had rivaled the Purgatory
+      in his description of the Dawn (<i>Secchia Rapita</i>, viii. 15, the
+      author's note). We must, however, be circumspect and take these criticisms
+      with a grain of salt; for one never knows how far Tassoni may be laughing
+      in his sleeve. There is no doubt, however, regarding the sincerity of his
+      strictures upon the Della Cruscan Vocabulary of 1612, or the more famous
+      inquiry into Petrarch's style. The <i>Considerazioni sopra le Rime del
+      Petrarca</i> were composed in 1602-3 during a sea voyage from Genoa to
+      Spain. They told what now must be considered the plain truth of common
+      sense about the affectations into which a servile study of the <i>Canzoniere</i>
+      had betrayed generations of Italian <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageB301" id="pageB301"></a>{301}</span> rhymesters. Tassoni had in
+      view Petrarch's pedantic imitators rather than their master; and when the
+      storm of literary fury, stirred up by his work, was raging round him, he
+      thus established his position: 'Surely it is allowable to censure
+      Petrarch's poems, if a man does this, not from malignant envy, but from a
+      wish to remove the superstitions and abuses which beget such evil effects,
+      and to confound the sects of the Rabbins hardened in their perfidy of
+      obsolete opinion, and in particular of such as think they cannot write
+      straight without the <i>falsariga</i> of their model.' I may observe in
+      passing that the points in this paragraph are borrowed from a sympathizing
+      letter which Marino addressed to the author on his essay. In another place
+      Tassoni stated, 'It was never my intention to speak evil of this poet
+      [Petrarch], whom I have always admired above any lyrist of ancient or
+      modern times.'
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      So independent in his conduct and so bold in his opinions was the author
+      of the <i>Secchia Rapita</i>. The composition of this poem grew out of the
+      disputes which followed Tassoni's <i>Remarks on Petrarch</i>. He found
+      himself assailed by two scurrilous libels, which were traced to the Count
+      Alessandro Brusantini, feudal lord of Culagna and Bismozza. Justice could
+      not be obtained upon the person of so eminent a noble. Tassoni, with true
+      Italian refinement, resolved to give himself the unique pleasure of
+      ingenious vengeance. The name of the Count's fief supplied him with a
+      standing dish of sarcasm. He <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB302"
+      id="pageB302"></a>{302}</span> would write a satiric poem, of which the
+      Conte Culagna should be the burlesque hero. After ten months' labor,
+      probably in the year 1615, the <i>Secchia Rapita</i> already went abroad
+      in MS.<a name="BFNanchor_199_199" id="BFNanchor_199_199"></a><a
+      href="#BFootnote_199_199" class="fnanchor">[199]</a> Tassoni sought to
+      pass it off as a product of his youth; but both the style and the
+      personalities which it contained rendered this impossible. Privately
+      issued, the poem had a great success. 'In less than a year,' writes the
+      author, 'more MS. copies were in circulation than are usually sent forth
+      from the press in ten years of the most famous works.' One professional
+      scribe made 200 ducats in the course of a few months by reproducing it;
+      and the price paid for each copy was eight crowns. It became necessary to
+      publish the <i>Secchia Rapita</i>. But now arose innumerable difficulties.
+      The printers of Modena and Padua refused; Giuliano Cassiani had been sent
+      to prison in 1617 for publishing some verses of Testi against Spain. The
+      Inquisition withheld its <i>imprimatur</i>. Attempts were made to have it
+      printed on the sly at Padua; but the craftsman who engaged to execute this
+      job was imprisoned. At last, in 1622, Tassoni contrived to have the poem
+      published in Paris. The edition soon reached Italy. In Rome it was
+      prohibited, but freely sold; and at last Gregory XV. allowed it to be
+      reprinted with some canceled passages. There is, in truth, nothing
+      prejudicial either to the Catholic creed or to general morality in the <i>Secchia
+      Rapita</i>. We note, meanwhile, with interest, <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageB303" id="pageB303"></a>{303}</span> that it first saw the light
+      at Paris, sharing thus the fortunes of the <i>Adone</i>, which it preceded
+      by one year. If the greatest living Italians at this time were exiles, it
+      appears that the two most eminent poems of their literature first saw the
+      light on foreign shores.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The <i>Secchia Rapita</i> is the first example of heroico-comic poetry.
+      Tassoni claims in print the honor of inventing this new species, and tells
+      his friends that 'though he will not pique himself on being a poet, still
+      he sets some store on having discovered a new kind of poem and occupied a
+      vacant seat.' The seat&mdash;and it was no Siege Perilous&mdash;stood
+      indeed empty and ready to be won by any free-lance of letters. Folengo had
+      burlesqued romance. But no one as yet had made a parody of that which
+      still existed mainly as the unaccomplished hope of literature. Trissino
+      with his <i>Italia Liberata</i>, Tasso with his <i>Gerusalemme Liberata</i>,
+      tried to persuade themselves and the world that they had succeeded in
+      delivering Italy in labor of an epic. But their maieutic ingenuity was
+      vain. The nation carried no epic in her womb. Trissino's <i>Italia</i> was
+      a weazened changeling of erudition, and Tasso's <i>Gerusalemme</i> a
+      florid bastard of romance. Tassoni, noticing the imposition of these two
+      eminent and worthy writers, determined to give his century an epic or
+      heroic poem in the only form which then was possible. Briefly, he produced
+      a caricature, modeled upon no existing work of modern art, but
+      corresponding to the lineaments of that Desired of the Nation <span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageB304" id="pageB304"></a>{304}</span> which
+      pedants had prophesied. Unity of action celestial machinery, races in
+      conflict, contrasted heroes, the wavering chance of war, episodes, bards,
+      heroines, and love subordinated to the martial motive&mdash;all these
+      features of the epic he viewed through the distorting medium of his comic
+      art.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      In the days of the second Lombard League, when Frederick II. was fighting
+      a losing battle with the Church, Guelf Bologna came into grim conflict
+      with her Ghibelline neighbor Modena. The territory of these two cities
+      formed the <i>champ clos</i> of a duel in which the forces of Germany and
+      nearly all Italy took part; and in one engagement, at Fossalta, the
+      Emperor's heir, King Enzo of Sardinia, was taken captive. How he passed
+      the rest of his days, a prisoner of the Bolognese, and how he begat the
+      semi-royal brood of Bentivogli, is matter of history and legend. During
+      this conflict memorable among the many municipal wars of Italy in the
+      middle ages, it happened that some Modenese soldiers, who had pushed their
+      way into the suburbs of Bologna, carried off a bucket and suspended it as
+      a trophy in the bell-tower of the cathedral, where it may still be seen.
+      One of the peculiarities of those mediaeval struggles which roused the
+      rivalry of towns separated from each other by a few miles of fertile
+      country, and which raged through generations till the real interests at
+      issue were confounded in blind animosity of neighbor against neighbor&mdash;was
+      the sense of humor and of sarcasm they encouraged. To hurl <span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageB305" id="pageB305"></a>{305}</span> dead
+      donkey against your enemy's town-wall passed for a good joke, and
+      discredited his honor more than the loss of a hundred fighting men in a
+      pitched battle. Frontier fortresses received insulting names, like the
+      Perugian <i>Becca di questo</i>, or like the Bolognese <i>Grevalcore</i>.
+      There was much, in fact, in these Italian wars which reminds one of the
+      hostilities between rival houses in a public school.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Such being the element of humor ready to hand in the annals of his
+      country, Tassoni chose the episode of the Bolognese bucket for the theme
+      of a mock-heroic epic. He made what had been an insignificant incident the
+      real occasion of the war, and grouped the facts of history around it by
+      ingenious distortions of the truth. The bucket is the Helen of his Iliad:<a
+      name="BFNanchor_200_200" id="BFNanchor_200_200"></a><a
+      href="#BFootnote_200_200" class="fnanchor">[200]</a>
+    </p>
+    <div class="poem">
+      <div class="stanza">
+        <span>Vedrai s'al cantar mio porgi l'orecchia,<br /> </span> <span>Elena
+        trasformarsi in una secchia.<br /> </span>
+      </div>
+    </div>
+    <p>
+      A mere trifle thus becomes a point of dispute capable of bringing gods,
+      popes, emperors, kings, princes, cities, and whole nations into conflict.
+      At the same time the satirist betrays his malice by departing as little as
+      possible from the main current of actual events. History lends
+      verisimilitude to the preposterous assumption that heaven and earth were
+      drawn into a squabble about a bucket: and if there is any moral to be
+      derived from the <i>Secchia Rapita</i> we have it here. At the end of the
+      conten<span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB306" id="pageB306"></a>{306}</span>
+      tion, when both parties are exhausted, it is found that the person of a
+      king weighs in the scale of nations no more than an empty bucket:<a
+      name="BFNanchor_201_201" id="BFNanchor_201_201"></a><a
+      href="#BFootnote_201_201" class="fnanchor">[201]</a>
+    </p>
+    <div class="poem">
+      <div class="stanza">
+        <span>Riserbando ne' patti a i Modanesi<br /> </span> <span>La secchia, e
+        'l re de'Sardi ai Bolognesi.<br /> </span>
+      </div>
+    </div>
+    <p>
+      Such is the main subject of the <i>Secchia Rapita</i>; and such is
+      Tassoni's irony, an irony worthy of Aristophanes in its far-reaching
+      indulgent contempt for human circumstance. But the poem has another
+      object. It was written to punish Count Alessandro Brusantini. The leading
+      episode, which occupies about three cantos of the twelve, is an elaborate
+      vilification of this personal enemy travestied as the contemptible Conte
+      di Culagna.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Tassoni's method of art corresponds to the irony of his inspiration. We
+      find his originality in a peculiar blending of serious and burlesque
+      styles, in abrupt but always well-contrived transitions from heroical
+      magniloquence to plebeian farce and from scurrility to poetic elevation,
+      finally in a frequent employment of the figure which the Greeks called
+      [Greek: para prosdokian]. His poem is a parody of the Aristophanic type.
+      'Like a fantastically ironical magic tree, the world-subversive idea which
+      lies at the root of it springs up with blooming ornament of thoughts, with
+      singing nightingales and climbing chattering apes.'<a
+      name="BFNanchor_202_202" id="BFNanchor_202_202"></a><a
+      href="#BFootnote_202_202" class="fnanchor">[202]</a> To seek a central
+      motive or a sober <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB307" id="pageB307"></a>{307}</span>
+      meaning in this caprice of the satirical imagination would be idle.
+      Tassoni had no intention, as some critics have pretended, to exhibit the
+      folly of those party wars which tore the heart of Italy three centuries
+      before his epoch, to teach the people of his day the miseries of foreign
+      interference, or to strike a death-blow at classical mythology. The lesson
+      which can be drawn from his cantos, that man in warfare disquiets himself
+      in vain for naught, that a bucket is as good a <i>casus belli</i> as
+      Helen, the moral which Southey pointed in his ballad of the Battle of
+      Blenheim, emerges, not from the poet's design, but from the inevitable
+      logic of his humor. Pique inspired the <i>Secchia Rapita</i>, and in the
+      despicable character of Count Culagna he fully revenged the slight which
+      had been put upon him. The revenge is savage, certainly; for the Count
+      remains 'immortally immerded' in the long-drawn episode which brought to
+      view the shame of his domestic life. Yet while Tassoni drew blood, he
+      never ceased to smile; and Count Culagna remains for us a personage of
+      comedy rather than of satire.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      In the next place, Tassoni meant to ridicule the poets of his time. He
+      calls the <i>Secchia Rapita</i> 'an absurd caprice, written to burlesque
+      the modern poets.' His genius was nothing if not critical, and literature
+      afforded him plenty of material for fun. Romance-writers with their jousts
+      and duels and armed heroines, would-be epic poets with their extra-mundane
+      machinery and pomp of phrase,<span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB308"
+      id="pageB308"></a>{308}</span> Marino and his hyperbolical conceits,
+      Tuscan purists bent on using only words of the Tre Cento, Petrarchisti
+      spinning cobwebs of old metaphors and obsolete periphrases, all felt in
+      turn the touch of his light lash. The homage paid to Petrarch's stuffed
+      cat at Arqu&agrave; supplied him with a truly Aristophanic gibe.<a
+      name="BFNanchor_203_203" id="BFNanchor_203_203"></a><a
+      href="#BFootnote_203_203" class="fnanchor">[203]</a> Society comes next
+      beneath his ferule. There is not a city of Italy which Tassoni did not
+      wring in the withers of its self-conceit. The dialects of Ferrara,
+      Bologna, Bergamo, Florence, Rome, lend the satirist vulgar phrases when he
+      quits the grand style and, taking Virgil's golden trumpet from his lips,
+      slides off into a <i>canaille</i> drawl or sluice of Billingsgate. Modena
+      is burlesqued in her presiding Potta, gibbeted for her filthy streets. The
+      Sienese discover that the world accounts them lunatics. The Florentines
+      and Perugians are branded for notorious vice. Roman foppery, fantastical
+      in feminine pretentiousness, serves as a foil to drag Culagna down into
+      the ditch of ignominy. Here and there, Tassoni's satire is both venomous
+      and pungent, as when he paints the dotage of the Empire, stabs Spanish
+      pride of sovereignty, and menaces the Papacy with insurrection. But for
+      the most part, like Horace in the phrase of Persius, he plays about the
+      vitals of the victims who admit him to their confidence&mdash;<i>admissus
+      circum praecordia ludit</i>.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      We can but regret that so clear-sighted, so <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageB309" id="pageB309"></a>{309}</span> urbane and so truly
+      Aristophanic a satirist had not a wider field to work in.
+      Seventeenth-century Italy was all too narrow for his genius; and if the <i>Secchia
+      Rapita</i> has lost its savor, this is less the poet's fault than the
+      defect of his material. He was strong enough to have brought the Athens of
+      Cleon, the France of Henri III., or the England of James I. within the
+      range of his distorting truth-revealing mirror. Yet, even as it was,
+      Tassoni opened several paths for modern humorists. Rabelais might have
+      owned that caricature of Mars and Bacchus rioting in a tavern bed with
+      Venus travestied as a boy, and in the morning, after breakfasting divinely
+      on two hundred restorative eggs, escaping with the fear of a scandalized
+      host and the police-court before their eyes. Yet Rabelais would hardly
+      have brought this cynical picture of crude debauchery into so fine a
+      contrast with the celestial environment of gods and goddesses. True to his
+      principle of effect by alternation, Tassoni sometimes sketches the deities
+      whom he derides, in the style of Volpato engravings after Guido. They move
+      across his canvas with ethereal grace. What can be more charming than
+      Diana visiting Endymion, and confessing to the Loves that all her past
+      career as huntress and as chaste had been an error? Venus, too, when she
+      takes that sensuously dreamy all-poetic journey across the blue
+      Mediterranean to visit golden-haired King Enzo in his sleep, makes us
+      forget her entrance into Modena disguised as a lad trained to play female
+      parts upon the stage.<span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB310" id="pageB310"></a>{310}</span>
+      This blending of true elegance with broad farce is a novelty in modern
+      literature. We are reminded of the songs of the Mystae on the meadows of
+      Elysium in the <i>Frogs</i>. Scarron and Voltaire, through the French
+      imitators of Tassoni, took lessons from his caricature of Saturn, the old
+      diseased senator traveling in a sedan chair to the celestial parliament,
+      with a clyster-pipe in front of him and his seat upon a close stool. Moli&egrave;re
+      and Swift, votaries of Cloacina, were anticipated in the climax of Count
+      Culagna's attempt to poison his wife, and in the invention of the
+      enchanted ass so formidable by Parthian discharges on its adversary. Over
+      these births of Tassoni's genius the Maccaronic Muse of Folengo and his
+      Bolognese predecessors presided. There is something Lombard, a smack of
+      sausage in the humor. But it remained for the Modenese poet to bring this
+      Mafelina into the comity of nations. We are not, indeed, bound to pay her
+      homage. Yet when we find her inspiring such writers as Swift, Voltaire,
+      Sterne and Heine, it is well to remember that Tassoni first evoked her
+      from Mantuan gutters and the tripe-shops of Bologna.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      'The fantastically ironical magic tree' of the <i>Secchia Rapita</i>
+      spread its green boughs not merely for chattering baboons. Nightingales
+      sang there. The monkey-like Culagna, with his tricks and antics,
+      disappears. Virtuous Renoppia, that wholesome country lass, the <i>bourgeois</i>
+      counterpart of Bradamante, withholds her slipper from the poet's head
+      <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB311" id="pageB311"></a>{311}</span>
+      when he is singing sad or lovely things of human fortune. Our eyes,
+      rendered sensitive by vulgar sights, dwell with unwonted pleasure on the
+      chivalrous beauty of King Enzo. Ernesto's death touches our sympathy with
+      pathos, in spite of the innuendo cast upon his comrade Jacon&igrave;a.
+      Paolo Malatesta rides with the shades of doom, the Dantesque cloud of love
+      and destiny, around his forehead, through that motley mock-heroic band of
+      burghers. Manfredi, consumed by an unholy passion for his sister, burns
+      for one moment, like a face revealed by lightning, on our vision and is
+      gone. Finally, when the mood seizes him (for Tassoni persuades us into
+      thinking he is but the creature of caprice), he tunes the soft idyllic
+      harp and sings Endymion's love-tale in strains soft as Marino's, sweet as
+      Tasso's, outdoing Marino in delicacy, Tasso in reserve. This episode moved
+      rigid Alfieri to admiration. It remains embedded in a burlesque poem, one
+      of the most perfectly outlined triumphs of refined Italian romantic art.
+      Yet such was the strength of the master's hand, so loyal was he to his
+      principle of contrast, that he cuts the melodious idyl short with a twang
+      of the guitar-strings, and strikes up a tavern ballad on Lucrezia. The
+      irony which ruled his art demanded this inversion of proprieties. Cynthia
+      wooing Endymion shows us woman in her frailty; Lucrece violated by Tarquin
+      is woman in her dignity. The ironical poet had to adorn the first story
+      with his choicest flowers of <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB312"
+      id="pageB312"></a>{312}</span> style and feeling, to burlesque the second
+      with his grossest realism.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      This antithesis between sustained poetry and melodiously-worded slang,
+      between radiant forms of beauty and grotesque ugliness, penetrates the <i>Secchia
+      Rapita</i> in every canto and in every detail. We pass from battle-scenes
+      worthy of Ariosto and Tasso at their best into ditches of liquid dung.
+      Ambassadors are introduced with touches that degrade them to the rank of
+      <i>commis voyageurs</i>. Before the senate the same men utter orations in
+      the style of Livy. The pomp of war is paraded, its machinery of catapults
+      is put in motion, to discharge a dead ass into a besieged town; and when
+      the beleagured garrison behold it flying through the air, they do not take
+      the donkey for a taunt, but for a heavenly portent. A tournament is held
+      and very brave in their attire are all the combatants. But according to
+      its rules the greatest sluggard wins the crown of honor. Even in the
+      similes, which formed so important an element of epic decoration, the same
+      principle of contrast is maintained. Fine vignettes from nature in the
+      style consecrated by Ariosto and Tasso introduce ludicrous incidents.
+      Vulgar details picked up from the streets prepare us for touches of pathos
+      or poetry.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Tassoni takes high rank as a literary artist for the firmness with which
+      he adhered to his principle of irony, and for the facility of vigor which
+      conceals all traces of effort in so difficult a task. I may be thought to
+      have pitched his praise too high. But <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageB313" id="pageB313"></a>{313}</span> those will forgive me who
+      enjoy the play of pure sharp-witted fancy, or who reflect upon the sadness
+      of the theme which occupies my pen in these two volumes.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Of the four poets to whom this chapter is devoted, Guarini, Marino, and
+      Tassoni were successful, Chiabrera was a respectable failure. The reason
+      of this difference is apparent. In the then conditions of Italian society,
+      at the close of a great and glorious period of varied culture, beneath the
+      shadow of a score of Spaniardizing princelings, with the spies of the
+      Inquisition at every corner, and the drill of the Tridentine Council to be
+      gone through under Jesuitical direction, there was no place for a second
+      Pindar. But there was scope for decorative art, for sensuous indulgence,
+      and for genial irony. Happy the man who paced his vineyards, dreaming
+      musically of Arcadia! Happy the man who rolled in Circe's pigsty! Happy
+      the man who sat in his study and laughed! Therefore the most meritorious
+      productions of the time, Boccalini's <i>Ragguagli di Parnaso</i>,
+      Bracciolini's <i>Scherno degli Dei</i>, have a touch of Tassoni's humor in
+      them; while Achillini and Preti limp somewhat feebly after Marino's
+      Alcibidean swagger, and endless pastorals pullulate from Guarini's
+      tragi-comedy. We need not occupy our minds with these secondary writers,
+      nor do more than indicate the scholarly niceness with which Filicaja in
+      the second half of the seventeenth century continued Chiabrera's
+      tradition. But one word <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB314"
+      id="pageB314"></a>{314}</span> must be said in honor of Fulvio Testi, the
+      Modenese poet and statesman, who paid for the fame of a Canzone with his
+      head. He has a double interest for us: first, because Leopardi esteemed
+      him the noblest of Italian lyrists after Petrarch; secondly, because his
+      fate proved that Tasso's dread of assassination was not wholly an
+      illusion. Reading the ode addressed to Count Raimondo Montecuccoli, <i>Ruscelletto
+      orgoglioso</i>, the ode which brought Testi to the block in a dungeon of
+      the Estensi, we comprehend what Leopardi meant by his high panegyric. It
+      is a piece of poetry, lofty in style, grave in movement, pregnant with
+      weighty thought, stern and rugged, steeped in a sublimity of gloom and
+      Stoicism which remind us of the author of <i>La Ginestra</i>. The century
+      produced little that bore a stamp so evident of dignity and greatness.
+    </p>
+    <hr style="width: 65%;" />
+    <h2>
+      <a name="CHAPTER_XII" id="CHAPTER_XII"></a>CHAPTER XII
+    </h2>
+    <p>
+      <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB315" id="pageB315"></a>{315}</span>
+    </p>
+    <h4>
+      PALESTRINA AND THE ORIGINS OF MODERN MUSIC
+    </h4>
+    <div class="blockquot">
+      <p>
+        Italy in Renaissance produces no National School of Music&mdash;Flemish
+        Composers in Rome&mdash;Singers and Orchestra&mdash;The Chaotic
+        Indecency of this Contrapuntal Style&mdash;Palestrina's Birth and Early
+        History&mdash;Decrees of the Tridentine Council upon Church Music&mdash;The
+        Mass of Pope Marcello&mdash;Palestrina Satisfies the Cardinals with his
+        New Style of Sacred Music&mdash;Pius IV. and his Partiality for Music&mdash;Palestrina
+        and Filippo Neri&mdash;His Motetts&mdash;The Song of Solomon set to
+        Melody&mdash;Palestrina, the Saviour of Music&mdash;The Founder of the
+        Modern Style&mdash;Florentine Essays in the Oratorio.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <p>
+      It is a singular fact that while Italy led all the European races in
+      scholarship and literature, in the arts of sculpture and painting, in
+      commerce and the sciences of life, she had developed no national school of
+      music in the middle of the sixteenth century. Native melody might indeed
+      be heard in abundance along her shores and hillsides, in city streets and
+      on the squares where men and girls danced together at evening. But such
+      melody was popular; it could not be called artistic or scientific. The
+      music which resounded through the Sistine Chapel, beneath the Prophets of
+      Michel Angelo, on high days and festivals, was not Italian. The composers
+      of it came for the most part from Flemish or French provinces, bearing the
+      names of Josquin Depr&egrave;s, of Andrew<span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageB316" id="pageB316"></a>{316}</span> Willaert, of Eleazar Genet,
+      of James Arkadelt, of Claude Gondimel; and the performers were in like
+      manner chiefly ultramontanes. Julius II. in 1513 founded a chapel in the
+      Vatican Basilica called the Cappella Giulia for the maintenance of twelve
+      male singers, twelve boys, and two masters of the choristers. In doing so
+      it was his object to encourage a Roman school of music and to free the
+      Chapter of S. Peter's from the inconvenience of being forced to engage
+      foreign choir-men. His scheme, however, had been only partially
+      successful. As late as 1540, we find that the principal composers and
+      musicians in Rome were still foreigners. To three Italians of repute,
+      there were five Flemings, three Frenchmen, three Spaniards, one German,
+      and one Portuguese.<a name="BFNanchor_204_204" id="BFNanchor_204_204"></a><a
+      href="#BFootnote_204_204" class="fnanchor">[204]</a>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The Flemish style of contrapuntal or figured harmony, which had enchanted
+      Europe by its novelty and grace when Josquin Depr&egrave;s, in the last
+      quarter of the fifteenth century, brought it into universal vogue, was
+      still dominant in Italy. But this style already showed unmistakable signs
+      of decadence and dissolution. It had become unfit for ecclesiastical uses,
+      and by the exaggeration of its qualities it was tending to anarchy. The
+      grand defect of Flemish music, considered as an art of expression, was
+      that it ignored propriety and neglected the libretto. Instead of
+      exercising original invention, instead of suiting melodies to words by
+      appropriate <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB317" id="pageB317"></a>{317}</span>
+      combinations of sound and sense, the composers chose any musical themes
+      that came to hand, and wrought them up into elaborate contrapuntal
+      structures without regard for their book. The first words of a passage
+      from the Creed, for instance, were briefly indicated at the outset of the
+      number: what followed was but a reiteration of the same syllables, and
+      divided in the most arbitrary manner to suit the complicated descant which
+      they had to serve. The singers could not adapt their melodic phrases to
+      the liturgical text, since sometimes passages of considerable length fell
+      upon a couple of syllables, while on the contrary a long sentence might
+      have no more than a bar or even less assigned to it. They were
+      consequently in the habit of drawling out or gabbling over the words,
+      regardless of both sense and sentiment. Nor was this all. The composers of
+      the Flemish school prided themselves on overloading their work with every
+      kind of intricate and difficult ornament, exhibiting their dexterity by
+      canons of many types, inversions, imitations, contrapuntal devices of
+      divers ingenious and distracting species. The verbal theme became a mere
+      basis for the utterance of scientific artifices and the display of vocal
+      gymnastics. The singers, for their part, were allowed innumerable
+      licenses. While the bass sustained the melody, the other voices indulged
+      in extempore descant (<i>composizione alla mente</i>) and in extravagances
+      of technical execution (<i>rifiorimenti</i>), regardless of the style of
+      the <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB318" id="pageB318"></a>{318}</span>
+      main composition, violating time, and setting even the fundamental tone at
+      defiance.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The composers, to advance another step in the analysis of this strange
+      medley, took particular delight in combining different sets of words,
+      melodies of widely diverse character, antagonistic rhythms and divergent
+      systems of accentuation in a single piece. They assigned these several
+      ingredients to several parts; and for the further exhibition of their
+      perverse skill, went even to the length of coupling themes in the major
+      and the minor.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The most obvious result of such practice was that it became impossible to
+      understand what words were being sung, and that instead of concord and
+      order in the choir, a confused discord and anarchy of dinning sounds
+      prevailed. What made the matter from an ecclesiastical point of view still
+      worse, was that these scholastically artificial compositions were
+      frequently based on trivial and vulgar tunes, suggesting the tavern, the
+      dancing-room, or even worse places, to worshipers assembled for the
+      celebration of a Sacrament. Masses bore titles adopted from the popular
+      melodies on which they were founded: such, for example, as 'Adieu mes
+      amours,' 'A l'ombre d'un buissonnet,' 'Baise-moi,' 'L'ami baudichon
+      madame,' 'Le vilain jaloux.' Even the words of love-ditties and obscene
+      ballads in French, Flemish, and Italian, were being squalled out by the
+      tenor while the bass gave utterance to an <i>Agnus</i> or a <i>Benedictus</i>,
+      and the soprano was engaged upon the <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageB319" id="pageB319"></a>{319}</span> verses of a Latin hymn.
+      Baini, who examined hundreds of these Masses and motetts in MS., says that
+      the words imported into them from vulgar sources 'make one's flesh creep
+      and one's hair stand on end.' He does not venture to do more than indicate
+      a few of the more decent of these interloping verses; but mentions one <i>Kyrie</i>,
+      in which the tenor sang <i>Je ne vis oncques la pareille</i>; a <i>Sanctus</i>,
+      in which he had to utter <i>gracieuse gente mounyere</i>; and a <i>Benedictus</i>,
+      where the same offender was employed on <i>Madame, faites moy s&ccedil;avoir</i>.
+      As an augmentation of this indecency, numbers from a Mass or motett which
+      started with the grave rhythm of a Gregorian tone, were brought to their
+      conclusion on the dance measure of a popular <i>ballata</i>, so that <i>Incarnatus
+      est</i> or <i>Kyrie eleison</i> went jigging off into suggestions of
+      Masetto and Zerlina at a village ball.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      To describe all the impertinences to which the customs of vocal execution
+      then in vogue gave rise, by means of flourishes, improvisations,
+      accelerations of time and multitudinous artifices derived from the <i>ad
+      libitum</i> abuses of the fugal machinery, would serve no purpose. But it
+      may be profitably mentioned that the mischief was not confined to the
+      vocal parts. Organ and orchestra of divers instruments were allowed the
+      same liberty of improvising on the given theme, embroidering these with
+      fanciful <i>capricci</i>, and indulging their own taste in symphonies
+      connected with the main structure by slight and artificial links.
+      Instrumental music had not yet <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB320"
+      id="pageB320"></a>{320}</span> taken an independent place in art. The
+      lute, the trumpet, or the stops of the organ, followed and imitated the
+      voice; and thus in this confusion a choir of stringed and wind instruments
+      was placed in competition with the singing choir.<a
+      name="BFNanchor_205_205" id="BFNanchor_205_205"></a><a
+      href="#BFootnote_205_205" class="fnanchor">[205]</a> It would appear that
+      the composer frequently gave but a ground-sketch of his plan, without
+      troubling himself to distribute written parts to the executants. The
+      efflorescences, excursuses and episodes to which I have alluded, were
+      supplied by artists whom long training in this kind of music enabled to
+      perform their separate sallies and to execute their several antics within
+      certain limits of recognized license. But since each vied with the other
+      to produce striking effects, the choir rivaling the orchestra, the tenor
+      competing with the bass, the organ with the viol, it followed that the din
+      of their accumulated efforts was not unjustly compared to that made by a
+      'sty of grunting pigs,' the builders of the Tower of Babel, or the
+      'squalling of cats in January.'<a name="BFNanchor_206_206"
+      id="BFNanchor_206_206"></a><a href="#BFootnote_206_206" class="fnanchor">[206]</a>
+      'All their happiness,' writes a contemporary critic, 'consisted in keeping
+      the bass singer to the fugue, while at the same time one voice was
+      shouting out <i>Sanctus</i>, another <i>Sabaoth</i>, a third <i>gloria tua</i>,
+      with howlings, bellowings and squealings that cannot be described.'<span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageB321" id="pageB321"></a>{321}</span>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      It must not be thought that this almost unimaginable state of things
+      indicated a defect either of intellectual capacity or of artistic skill.
+      It was due rather to the abuse of science and of virtuosity, both of which
+      had attained to a high degree of development. It manifested the decadence
+      of music in its immaturity, through over-confident employment of exuberant
+      resources on an end inadequate for the fulfillment of the art. Music, it
+      must be remembered, unlike literature and plastic art, had no antique
+      tradition to assimilate, no masterpieces of accomplished form to study. In
+      the modern world it was an art without connecting links to bind it to the
+      past. And this circumstance rendered it liable to negligent treatment by a
+      society that prided itself upon the recovery of the classics. The
+      cultivated classes abandoned it in practice to popular creators of melody
+      upon the one hand, and to grotesque scholastic pedants on the other. And
+      from the blending of those ill-accorded elements arose the chaos which I
+      have attempted to describe.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Learned composers in the style developed by the Flemish masters had grown
+      tired of writing simple music for four voices and a single choir. They
+      reveled in the opportunity of combining eight vocal parts and bringing
+      three choirs with accompanying orchestras into play at the same time. They
+      were proud of proving how by counterpoint the most dissimilar and
+      mutually-jarring factors could be wrought into a whole, intelligible to
+      the scientific <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB322" id="pageB322"></a>{322}</span>
+      musician, though unedifying to the public. In the neglect of their art,
+      considered as an art of interpretation and expression, they abandoned
+      themselves to intricate problems and to the presentation of incongruous
+      complexities.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The singers were expert in rendering difficult passages, in developing
+      unpromising motives, and in embroidering the arras-work of the composer
+      with fanciful extravagances of vocal execution. The instrumentalists were
+      trained in the art of copying effects of fugue or madrigal by lutes and
+      viols in concerted pieces. The people were used to dance and sing and
+      touch the mandoline together; in every house were found amateurs who could
+      with voice and string produce the studied compositions of the masters.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      What was really lacking, amid this exuberance of musical resources, in
+      this thick jungle of technical facilities, was a controlling element of
+      correct taste, a right sense of the proper function of music as an
+      interpretative art. On the very threshold of its modern development, music
+      had fallen into early decay owing to the misapplication of the means so
+      copiously provided by nature and by exercise. A man of genius and of
+      substantial intuition into the real ends of vocal music was demanded at
+      this moment, who should guide the art into its destined channel. And in
+      order to elicit such a creator of new impulses, such a Nomothetes of the
+      disordered state, it was requisite that external pressure should <span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageB323" id="pageB323"></a>{323}</span> be
+      brought to bear upon the art. An initiator of the right caliber was found
+      in Palestrina. The pressure from without was supplied by the Council of
+      Trent.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      It may here be parenthetically remarked that music, all through modern
+      history, has needed such legislators and initiators of new methods.
+      Considered as an art of expression, she has always tended to elude
+      control, to create for herself a domain extraneous to her proper function,
+      and to erect her resources of mere sound into self-sufficingness. What
+      Palestrina effected in the sixteenth century, was afterwards accomplished
+      on a wider platform by Gluck in the eighteenth, and in our own days the
+      same deliverance has been attempted by Wagner. The efforts of all these
+      epoch-making musicians have been directed toward restraining the
+      tendencies of music to assert an independence, which for herself becomes
+      the source of weakness by reducing her to co-operation with insignificant
+      words, and which renders her subservient to merely technical dexterities.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Giovanni Pier Luigi, called Palestrina from his birthplace in one of the
+      Colonna fiefs near Rome, the ancient Praeneste, was born of poor parents,
+      in the year 1524, He went to Rome about 1540, and began his musical career
+      probably as a choir-boy in one of the Basilicas. Claude Goudimel, the
+      Besan&ccedil;on composer, who subsequently met a tragic death at Lyons in
+      a massacre of Huguenots, had <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB324"
+      id="pageB324"></a>{324}</span> opened a school of harmony in Rome, where
+      Palestrina learned the first rudiments of that science. What Palestrina
+      owed to Goudimel, is not clear. But we have the right to assume that the
+      Protestant part-songs of the French people which Goudimel transferred to
+      the hymn-books of the Huguenots, had a potent influence upon the formation
+      of his style. They may have been for him what the Chorales of Germany were
+      for the school of Bach.<a name="BFNanchor_207_207" id="BFNanchor_207_207"></a><a
+      href="#BFootnote_207_207" class="fnanchor">[207]</a> Externally,
+      Palestrina's life was a very uneventful one, and the records collected
+      with indefatigable diligence by his biographer have only brought to light
+      changes from one post to another in several Basilicas, and unceasing
+      industry in composition. The vast number of works published by Palestrina
+      in his lifetime, or left in MS. at his death, or known to have been
+      written and now lost, would be truly astonishing were it not a fact that
+      very eminent creative genius is always copious, and in no province of the
+      arts more fertile than in that of music. Palestrina lived and died a poor
+      man. In his dedications he occasionally remarks with sober pathos on the
+      difficulty of pursuing scientific studies in the midst of domestic
+      anxiety. His pay was very small, and the expense of publishing his works,
+      which does not seem to have been defrayed by patrons, was at that time
+      very great. Yet he enjoyed an uncontested reputa<span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageB325" id="pageB325"></a>{325}</span> tion as the first of living
+      composers, the saviour of Church music, the creator of a new style; and on
+      his tomb, in 1594, was inscribed this title: <i>Princeps Musicae</i>.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The state of confusion into which ecclesiastical music had fallen,
+      rendered it inevitable that some notice of so grave a scandal should be
+      taken by the Fathers of the Tridentine Council in their deliberations on
+      reform of ritual. It appears, therefore, that in their twenty-second
+      session (September 17, 1562) they enjoined upon the Ordinaries to 'exclude
+      from churches all such music as, whether through the organ or the singing,
+      introduces anything of impure or lascivious, in order that the house of
+      God may truly be seen to be and may be called the house of prayer.'<a
+      name="BFNanchor_208_208" id="BFNanchor_208_208"></a><a
+      href="#BFootnote_208_208" class="fnanchor">[208]</a> In order to give
+      effect to this decree of the Tridentine Council, Pius IV. appointed a
+      congregation of eight Cardinals upon August 2, 1564, among whom three
+      deserve especial mention&mdash;Michele Ghislieri, the Inquisitor, who was
+      afterwards Pope Pius V.; Carlo Borromeo, the sainted Archbishop of Milan;
+      and Vitellozzo Vitellozzi. It was their business, among other matters of
+      reform, to see that the Church music of Rome was instantly reduced to
+      proper order in accordance with the decree of the Council. Carlo Borromeo
+      was nephew and chief minister of the reigning Pope. Vitellozzo Vitellozzi
+      was a young man of thirty-three years, who possessed a singular passion
+      for music.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB326" id="pageB326"></a>{326}</span> To
+      these two members of the congregation, as a sub-committee, was deputed the
+      special task of settling the question of ecclesiastical music, it being
+      stipulated that they should by all means see that sufficient clearness was
+      introduced into the enunciation of the liturgical words by the singers.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      I will here interrupt the thread of the narration, in order to touch upon
+      the legendary story which connects Palestrina incorrectly with what
+      subsequently happened. It was well known that on the decisions of the
+      sub-committee of the congregation hung the fate of Church music. For some
+      while it seemed as though music might be altogether expelled from the
+      rites of the Catholic Ecclesia. And it soon became matter of history that
+      Palestrina had won the cause of his art, had maintained it in its eminent
+      position in the ritual of Rome, and at the same time had opened a new
+      period in the development of modern music by the production of his Mass
+      called the <i>Mass of Pope Marcellus</i> at this critical moment. These
+      things were true; and when the peril had been overpassed, and the actual
+      circumstances of the salvation and revolution of Church music had been
+      forgotten, the memory of the crisis and the title of the victorious Mass
+      remained to form a mythus. The story ran that the good Pope Marcellus, who
+      occupied the Holy See for only twenty-two days, in the year 1555,
+      determined on the abolition of all music but Plain Song in the Church;
+      hearing of which resolve,<span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB327"
+      id="pageB327"></a>{327}</span> Palestrina besought him to suspend his
+      decree until he had himself produced and presented a Mass conformable to
+      ecclesiastical propriety. Marcello granted the chapel-master this request;
+      and on Easter Day, the Mass, which saved Church music from destruction,
+      was performed with the papal approval and the applause of Rome. It is not
+      necessary to point out the many impossibilities and contradictions
+      involved in this legend, since the real history of the Mass which wrought
+      salvation for Church music, lies before us plainly written in the prolix
+      pages of Baini. Yet it would have vexed me to pass by in silence so
+      interesting and instructive an example of the mode by which the truth of
+      history is veiled in legend.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Truth is always more interesting than fiction, and the facts of this
+      important episode in musical history are not without their element of
+      romance. There is no doubt that there was a powerful party in the Catholic
+      Church imbued with a stern ascetic or puritanical spirit, who would gladly
+      have excluded all but Plain Song from her services. Had Michele Ghislieri
+      instead of the somewhat worldly Angelo de'Medici been on the Papal throne,
+      or had the decision of the musical difficulty been delegated to him by the
+      congregation of eight Cardinals in 1564, Palestrina might not have
+      obtained that opportunity of which he so triumphantly availed himself. But
+      it happened that the reigning Pope was a lover of the art, and had a
+      special reason for being almost <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB328"
+      id="pageB328"></a>{328}</span> superstitiously indulgent to its
+      professors. While he was yet a Cardinal, in the easy-going days of Julius
+      III., Angelo de'Medici had been invited with other princes of the Church
+      to hear the marvelous performances upon the lute and the incomparable
+      improvisations of a boy called Silvio Antoniano. The meeting took place at
+      a banquet in the palace of the Venetian Cardinal Pisani. When the guests
+      were assembled, the Cardinal Rannuccio Farnese put together a bouquet of
+      flowers, and presenting these to the musician, bade him give them to that
+      one of the Cardinals who should one day be chosen Pope. Silvio without
+      hesitation handed the flowers to Angelo de'Medici, and taking up his lute
+      began to sing his praises in impassioned extempore verse. After his
+      election to the Papacy, with the title of Pius IV., Angelo de'Medici took
+      Silvio into his service, and employed him in such honorable offices that
+      the fortunate youth was finally advanced to the dignity of Cardinal under
+      the reign of Clement VIII., in 1598.<a name="BFNanchor_209_209"
+      id="BFNanchor_209_209"></a><a href="#BFootnote_209_209" class="fnanchor">[209]</a>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      It was therefore necessary for the congregation of musical reform to take
+      the Pope's partiality for this art into consideration; and they showed
+      their good will by choosing his own nephew, together with a notorious
+      amateur of music, for their sub-committee. The two Cardinals applied to
+      the College of Pontifical Singers for advice; and these <span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageB329" id="pageB329"></a>{329}</span> deputed
+      eight of their number&mdash;three Spaniards, one Fleming, and four
+      Italians&mdash;to act as assistants in the coming deliberations. It was
+      soon agreed that Masses and motetts in which different verbal themes were
+      jumbled, should be prohibited; that musical motives taken from profane
+      songs should be abandoned; and that no countenance should be given to
+      compositions or words invented by contemporary poets. These three
+      conditions were probably laid down as indispensable by the Cardinals in
+      office before proceeding to the more difficult question of securing a
+      plain and intelligible enunciation of the sacred text. When the Cardinals
+      demanded this as the essential point in the proposed reform, the singers
+      replied that it would be impossible in practice. They were so used to the
+      complicated structure of figured music, with its canons, fugal
+      intricacies, imitations and inversions, that they could not even imagine a
+      music that should be simple and straightforward, retaining the essential
+      features of vocal harmony, and yet allowing the words on which it was
+      composed to be distinctly heard. The Cardinals rebutted these objections
+      by pointing to the Te Deum of Costanzo Festa (a piece which has been
+      always sung on the election of a new Pope from that day to our own times)
+      and to the Improperia of Palestrina, which also holds its own in the
+      service of the Sistine. But the singers answered that these were
+      exceptional pieces, which, though they might fulfill the requirements of
+      the<span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB330" id="pageB330"></a>{330}</span>
+      Congregation of Reform, could not be taken as the sole models for
+      compositions involving such variety and length of execution as the Mass.
+      Their answer proved conclusively to what extent the contrapuntal style had
+      dissociated itself from the right object of all vocal music, that of
+      interpreting, enforcing, and transfiguring the words with which it deals,
+      and how it had become a mere art for the scientific development of
+      irrelevant and often impertinent melodic themes.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      In order to avoid an absolute deadlock, which might have resulted in the
+      sacrifice of ecclesiastical harmony, and have inflicted a death-blow on
+      modern music, the committee agreed to refer their difficulties to
+      Palestrina. On the principle of <i>solvitur ambulando</i>, he was invited
+      to study the problem, and to produce a trial piece which should satisfy
+      the conditions exacted by the Congregation as well as the requirements of
+      the artists. Literally, he received commission to write a Mass in sober
+      ecclesiastical style, free from all impure and light suggestions in the
+      themes, the melodies and the rhythms, which should allow the sacred words
+      in their full sense to be distinctly heard, without sacrificing vocal
+      harmony and the customary interlacing of fugued passages. If he succeeded,
+      the Cardinals promised to make no further innovation; but if he failed,
+      Carlo Borromeo warned him that the Congregation of Reform would disband
+      the choral establishments of the Pontifical Chapel and the Ro<span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageB331" id="pageB331"></a>{331}</span> man
+      churches, and prohibit the figured style in vogue, in pursuance of the
+      clear decision of the Tridentine Council.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      This was a task of Hercules imposed on Palestrina. The art to which he had
+      devoted his lifetime, the fame which he had acquired as a composer, the
+      profession by which he and all his colleagues gained their daily bread,
+      depended on his working out the problem. He was practically commanded to
+      discover a new species of Church music, or to behold the ruin of himself
+      and his companions, the extinction of the art and science he so
+      passionately loved. Truly may his biographer remark: 'I am deliberately of
+      opinion that no artist either before or since has ever found himself in a
+      parallel strait.'
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      We have no exact record of the spirit in which he approached this labor.<a
+      name="BFNanchor_210_210" id="BFNanchor_210_210"></a><a
+      href="#BFootnote_210_210" class="fnanchor">[210]</a> But he was a man of
+      sincere piety, a great and enthusiastic servant of art. The command he had
+      received came from a quarter which at that period and in Rome had almost
+      divine authority. He knew that music hung trembling in the balance upon
+      his failure or success.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB332" id="pageB332"></a>{332}</span>
+      And these two motives, the motive of religious zeal and the motive of
+      devotion to art, inspired him for the creation of a new musical world.
+      Analysis of his work and comparison of it with the style which he was
+      called on to supersede, show pretty clearly what were the principles that
+      governed him. With a view to securing the main object of rendering the
+      text intelligible to the faithful, he had to dispense with the complicated
+      Flemish system of combined melodies in counterpoint, and to employ his
+      scientific resources of fugue and canon with parsimony, so that in future
+      they should subserve and not tyrannize over expression. He determined to
+      write for six voices, two of which should be bass, in order that the
+      fundamental themes should be sustained with dignity and continuity. But
+      what he had principally in view, what in fact he had been called on to
+      initiate, was that novel adaptation of melody and science to verbal phrase
+      and sense, whereby music should be made an art interpretative of religious
+      sentiment, powerful to clothe each shade of meaning in the text with
+      appropriate and beautiful sound, instead of remaining a merely artificial
+      and mechanical structure of sounds disconnected from the words employed in
+      giving them vocal utterance.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Palestrina set to work, and composed three Masses, which were performed
+      upon April 28, 1565, before the eight Cardinals of the congregation in the
+      palace of Cardinal Vitellozzi. All three were <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageB333" id="pageB333"></a>{333}</span> approved of; but the first
+      two still left something to be desired. Baini reports that they preserved
+      somewhat too much of the cumbrous Flemish manner; and that though the
+      words were more intelligible, the fugal artifices overlaid their clear
+      enunciation. In the third, however, it was unanimously agreed that
+      Palestrina had solved the problem satisfactorily. 'Its style is always
+      equal, always noble, always alive, always full of thought and sincere
+      feeling, rising and ascending to the climax; not to understand the words
+      would be impossible; the melodies combine to stimulate devotion; the
+      harmonies touch the heart; it delights without distracting; satisfies
+      desire without tickling the senses; it is beautiful in all the beauties of
+      the sanctuary.' So writes Palestrina's enthusiastic biographer; so
+      apparently thought the Cardinals of the congregation; and when this Mass
+      (called the <i>Mass of Pope Marcellus</i>, out of grateful tribute to the
+      Pontiff, whose untimely death had extinguished many sanguine expectations)
+      was given to the world, the whole of Italy welcomed it with a burst of
+      passionate applause. Church music had been saved. Modern music had been
+      created. A new and lovely-form of art had arisen like a star.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      It was not enough that the <i>Mass of Pope Marcellus</i> should have
+      satisfied the congregation. It had next to receive the approval of the
+      Pope, who heard it on June 19. On this occasion, if the Court Chronicle be
+      correct, Pius made a pretty speech, <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageB334" id="pageB334"></a>{334}</span> declaring that 'of such
+      nature must have been the harmonies of the new song heard by John the
+      Apostle in the heavenly Jerusalem, and that another John had given us a
+      taste of them in the Jerusalem of the Church Militant.' He seems, indeed,
+      to have been convinced that the main problem of preserving clearness of
+      enunciation in the uttered words had been solved, and that there was now
+      no reason to deprive the faithful of the artistic and devotional value of
+      melodious music. He consequently appointed Palestrina to the post of
+      composer for the Papal Chapel, and created a monopoly for the performance
+      of his works. This measure, which roused considerable jealousy among
+      musicians at the moment, had the salutary effect of rendering the new
+      style permanent in usage.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Of Palestrina's voluminous compositions this is not the place to speak. It
+      is enough to have indicated the decisive part which he took in the
+      reformation of Church music at a moment when its very existence was
+      imperiled, and to have described the principles upon which he laid down
+      new laws for the art. I must not, however, omit to dwell upon his
+      subsequent connection with S. Filippo Neri, since the music he composed
+      for the Oratory of that saint contributed much toward the creation of a
+      semi-lyrical and semi-dramatic style to which we may refer the origins of
+      the modern Oratorio. Filippo Neri was the spiritual director of
+      Palestrina, and appointed him composer to his devout confraternity.<span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageB335" id="pageB335"></a>{335}</span> For the
+      use of that society the master wrote a series of <i>Arie Divote</i> on
+      Italian words. They were meant to be sung by the members, and to supersede
+      the old usages of Laud-music, which had chiefly consisted in adapting
+      popular street-tunes to sacred words.<a name="BFNanchor_211_211"
+      id="BFNanchor_211_211"></a><a href="#BFootnote_211_211" class="fnanchor">[211]</a>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      To the same connection with the Oratory we owe one of the most remarkable
+      series of Palestrina's compositions. These were written upon the words of
+      an Italian Canzone in thirty octave stanzas, addressed as a prayer to the
+      Virgin. Palestrina set each stanza, after the fashion of a Madrigal, to
+      different melodies; and the whole work proved a manual of devotional
+      music, in the purest artistic taste, and the most delicately sentimental
+      key of feeling. Together with this collection of spiritual songs should be
+      mentioned Palestrina's setting of passages from the Song of Solomon in a
+      series of motetts; which were dedicated to Gregory XIII., in 1584. They
+      had an enormous success. Ten editions between that date and 1650 were
+      poured out from the presses of Rome and Venice, to satisfy the impatience
+      of thousands who desired to feed upon 'the nectar of their sweetness.'
+      Palestrina chose for the motives of his compositions such voluptuous
+      phrases of the Vulgate as the following: <i>Fasciculus myrrhae dilectus
+      meus mihi.</i> <i>Fulcite me floribus, stipate me malis, quia amore
+      langueo.</i> <i>Vulnerasti cor meum, soror, sponsa mea.</i> This was the
+      period <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB336" id="pageB336"></a>{336}</span>
+      when Italy was ringing with the secular sweetnesses of Tasso's <i>Aminta</i>
+      and of Guarini's <i>Pastor fido</i>; when the devotion of the cloister was
+      becoming languorous and soft; when the cult of the Virgin was assuming the
+      extravagant proportions satirized by Pascal; finally, when manners were
+      affecting a tone of swooning piety blent with sensuous luxuriousness.
+      Palestrina's setting of the Canticle and of the Hymn to Mary provided the
+      public with music which, according to the taste of that epoch, transferred
+      terrestrial emotions into the regions of paradisal bliss, and justified
+      the definition of music as the <i>Lamento dell'amore o la preghiera agli
+      dei</i>. The great creator of a new ecclesiastical style, the 'imitator of
+      nature,' as Vincenzo Galilei styled him, the 'prince of music,' as his
+      epitaph proclaimed him, lent his genius to an art, vacillating between
+      mundane sensuality and celestial rapture, which, however innocently
+      developed by him in the sphere of music, was symptomatic of the most
+      unhealthy tendencies of his race and age. While singing these madrigals
+      and these motetts the youth of either sex were no longer reminded, it is
+      true, of tavern ditties or dance measures. But the emotions of luxurious
+      delight or passionate ecstasy deep in their own natures were drawn forth,
+      and sanctified by application to the language of effeminate devotion.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      I have dwelt upon these two sets of compositions, rather than upon the
+      masses of strictly and severely <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB337"
+      id="pageB337"></a>{337}</span> ecclesiastical music which Palestrina
+      produced with inexhaustible industry, partly because they appear to have
+      been extraordinarily popular, and partly because they illustrate those
+      tendencies in art and manners which the sentimental school of Bolognese
+      painters attempted to embody. They belong to that religious sphere which
+      the Jesuit Order occupied, governed, and administered upon the lines of
+      their prescribed discipline. These considerations are not merely
+      irrelevant. The specific qualities of Italian music for the next two
+      centuries were undoubtedly determined by the atmosphere of sensuous
+      pietism in which it flourished, at the very time when German music was
+      striking far other roots in the Chorales of the Reformation epoch. What
+      Palestrina effected was to substitute in Church music the clear and
+      melodious manner of the secular madrigal for the heavy and scholastic
+      science of the Flemish school, and to produce masterpieces of religious
+      art in his motetts on the Canticles which confounded the lines of
+      demarcation between pious and profane expression. He taught music to utter
+      the emotions of the heart; but those emotions in his land and race were
+      already tending in religion toward the sentimental and voluptuous.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      There is no doubt that the peril to which music was exposed at the time of
+      the Tridentine Council was a serious and real one. When we remember how
+      intimate was the connection between the higher kinds of music and the
+      ritual of the Church, this <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB338"
+      id="pageB338"></a>{338}</span> will be apparent. Nor is it too much to
+      affirm that the art at that crisis, but for the favor shown to it by Pius
+      IV. and for Palestrina's intervention, might have been well-nigh
+      extinguished in Italy. How fatal the results would then have been for the
+      development of modern music, can be estimated by considering the decisive
+      part played by the Italians in the formation of musical style from the end
+      of the sixteenth century onwards to the age of Gluck, Handel, Haydn and
+      Mozart. Had the music of the Church in Italy been confined at that epoch
+      to Plain Song, as the Congregation of Reform threatened, the great Italian
+      school of vocalization would not have been founded, the Conservatories of
+      Naples and the Scuole of Venice would have been silent, and the style upon
+      which, dating from Palestrina's inventions, the evolution of all species
+      of the art proceeded, would have passed into oblivion.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      That this proposition is not extravagant, the history of music in England
+      will suffice to prove. Before the victory of Puritan principles in Church
+      and State, the English were well abreast of other races in this art.
+      During the sixteenth century, Tallis, Byrd, Morland, Wilbye, Dowland and
+      Orlando Gibbons could hold their own against Italian masters. The musical
+      establishments of cathedrals, royal and collegiate chapels, and noble
+      houses were nurseries for artists. Every English home, in that age, like
+      every German home in the eighteenth century, abounded in amateurs who were
+      <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB339" id="pageB339"></a>{339}</span>
+      capable of performing part-songs and concerted pieces on the lute and viol
+      with correctness. Under the <i>r&eacute;gime</i> of the Commonwealth this
+      national growth of music received a check from which it never afterwards
+      recovered. Though the seventeenth century witnessed the rising of one
+      eminent composer, Purcell; though the eighteenth was adorned with
+      meritorious writers of the stamp of Blow and Boyce; yet it is obvious that
+      the art remained among us unprogressive, at a time when it was making
+      gigantic strides in Italy and Germany. It is always dangerous to attribute
+      the decline of art in a nation to any one cause. Yet I think it can
+      scarcely be contested that the change of manners and of temperament
+      wrought in England by the prevalence of Puritan opinion, had much to
+      answer for in this premature decay of music. We may therefore fairly argue
+      that if the gloomy passion of intolerant fanaticism which burned in men
+      like Caraffa and Ghislieri had prevailed in Italy&mdash;a passion
+      analogous in its exclusiveness to Puritanism&mdash;or if no composer, in
+      the place of Palestrina, had satisfied the requirements of the Council and
+      the congregation, the history of music in Italy and Europe to us-wards
+      would have been far different.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      These considerations are adduced to justify the importance attached by me
+      to the episode of which Palestrina was the hero. Yet it should not be
+      forgotten that other influences were at work at the <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageB340" id="pageB340"></a>{340}</span> same time in Italy, which
+      greatly stimulated the advance of music. If space permitted, it would be
+      interesting to enlarge upon the work of Luca Marenzio, the prince of
+      madrigal-writers, and on the services rendered by Vincenzo Galileo, father
+      of the greatest man of science in his age, in placing the practice of
+      stringed instruments on a sound basis. It should also be remembered that
+      in the society of Filippo Neri at Rome, the Oratorio was taking shape, and
+      emerging from the simple elements of the Spiritual Laud and <i>Aria Divota</i>.
+      This form, however, would certainly have perished if the austere party in
+      the Church had prevailed against the lenient for the exclusion of figured
+      music, from religious exercises.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      There was, moreover, an interesting contemporary movement at Florence,
+      which deserves some detailed mention. A private academy of amateurs and
+      artists formed itself for the avowed purpose of reviving the musical
+      declamation of the Greeks. As the new ecclesiastical style created by
+      Palestrina grew out of the Counter-Reformation embodied in the decrees of
+      the Tridentine Council, so this movement, which eventually resulted in the
+      Opera, attached itself to the earlier enthusiasms of the Classical
+      Revival. The humanists had restored Latin poetry; the architects had
+      perfected a neo-Latin manner; sculptors and painters had profited by the
+      study of antique fragments, and had reproduced the <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageB341" id="pageB341"></a>{341}</span> bas-reliefs and arabesques
+      of Roman palaces. It was now, much later in the day, the turn of the
+      musicians to make a similar attempt. Their quest was vague and visionary.
+      Nothing remained of Greek or Roman music. To guide these explorers, there
+      was only a dim instinct that the ancients had declaimed dramatic verse
+      with musical intonation. But, as the alchemists sought the philosopher's
+      stone, and founded modern chemistry; as, according to an ancient proverb,
+      they who search for silver find gold; so it happened that, from the
+      pedantic and ill-directed attempts of this academy proceeded the system on
+      which the modern Oratorio and Opera were based. What is noticeable in
+      these experiments is, that a new form of musical expression, declamatory
+      and continuous, therefore dramatic, as opposed to the lyrical and fugal
+      methods of the contrapuntists, was in process of elaboration. Claudio
+      Monteverde, who may be termed the pioneer of <i>recitativo</i>, in his
+      opera of <i>Orfeo</i>; Giacomo Carissimi, in whose <i>Jephtha</i> the form
+      of the Oratorio it already outlined, were the most eminent masters of the
+      school which took its origin in the Florentine Academy of the Palazzo
+      Vernio.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      To pursue the subject further, would be to transgress the chronological
+      limits of my subject. It is enough to have attempted in this chapter to
+      show how the destinies of Italian music were secured and its species
+      determined in the last quarter of the <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageB342" id="pageB342"></a>{342}</span> sixteenth century. How that
+      art at its climax in the eighteenth century affected the manners,
+      penetrated the whole life, and influenced the literature of the Italians,
+      may be read in an English work of singular ability and originality.<a
+      name="BFNanchor_212_212" id="BFNanchor_212_212"></a><a
+      href="#BFootnote_212_212" class="fnanchor">[212]</a>
+    </p>
+    <hr style="width: 65%;" />
+    <h2>
+      <a name="CHAPTER_XIII" id="CHAPTER_XIII"></a>CHAPTER XIII
+    </h2>
+    <p>
+      <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB343" id="pageB343"></a>{343}</span>
+    </p>
+    <h4>
+      THE BOLOGNESE SCHOOL OF PAINTERS
+    </h4>
+    <div class="blockquot">
+      <p>
+        Decline of Plastic Art&mdash;Dates of the Eclectic Masters&mdash;The
+        Mannerists&mdash;Baroccio&mdash;Reaction started by Lodovico Caracci&mdash;His
+        Cousins Annibale and Agostino&mdash;Their Studies&mdash;Their Academy at
+        Bologna&mdash;Their Artistic Aims&mdash;Dionysius Calvaert&mdash;Guido
+        Reni&mdash;The Man and His Art&mdash;Domenichino&mdash;Ruskin's
+        Criticism&mdash;Relation of Domenichino to the Piety of His Age&mdash;Caravaggio
+        and the Realists&mdash;Ribera&mdash;Lo Spagna&mdash;Guercino&mdash;His
+        qualities as Colorist&mdash;His Terribleness&mdash;Private Life&mdash;Digression
+        upon Criticism&mdash;Reasons why the Bolognese Painters are justly now
+        neglected.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <p>
+      After tracing the origin of modern music at its fountain head in
+      Palestrina, it requires some courage to approach the plastic arts at this
+      same epoch.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Music was the last real manifestation of the creative genius in Italy.
+      Rarefied to evanescent currents of emotional and sensuous out-breathings,
+      the spirit of the race exhaled itself in song from human throats, in
+      melody on lute and viol, until the whole of Europe thrilled with the
+      marvel and the mystery of this new language of the soul. Music was the
+      fittest utterance for the Italians of the Counter-Reformation period.
+      Debarred from political activity, denied the liberty of thought and
+      speech, that gifted people found an inarticulate vehicle of expression in
+      tone; tone which conveys all mean<span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB344"
+      id="pageB344"></a>{344}</span> ings to the nerves that feel, advances
+      nothing to the mind that reasons, says everything without formulating a
+      proposition.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Only a sense of duty to my subject, which demands completion, makes me
+      treat of painting in the last years of the sixteenth century. The great
+      Italian cycle, rounded by Lionardo, Raffaello, Michelangelo, Correggio and
+      Tiziano, was being closed at Venice by Tintoretto. After him invention
+      ceased. But there arose at Bologna a school, bent on resuscitating the
+      traditions of an art which had already done its utmost to interpret mind
+      to mind through mediums of lovely form and color. The founders of the
+      Bolognese Academy, like Medea operating on decrepit Aeson, chopped up the
+      limbs of painting which had ceased to throb with organic life, recombined
+      them by an act of intellect and will, and having pieced them together, set
+      the composite machine in motion on the path of studied method. Their aim
+      was analogous to that of the Church in its reconstitution of Catholicism;
+      and they succeeded, in so far as they achieved a partial success, through
+      the inspiration which the Catholic Revival gave them. These painters are
+      known as the Eclectics and this title sufficiently indicates their effort
+      to revive art by recomposing what lay before them in disintegrated
+      fragments. They did not explore new territory or invent fresh vehicles of
+      expression. They sought to select the best points of Graeco-Roman and
+      Italian style, unconscious that <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB345"
+      id="pageB345"></a>{345}</span> the physical type of the Niobids, the
+      voluptuous charm of Correggio, the luminous color of Titian, the
+      terribleness of Michelangelo, and the serenity of Raphael, being the
+      ultimate expressions of distinct artistic qualities, were incompatible. A
+      still deeper truth escaped their notice&mdash;namely, that art is
+      valueless unless the artist has something intensely felt to say, and that
+      where this intensity of feeling exists, it finds for itself its own
+      specific and inevitable form.
+    </p>
+    <div class="poem">
+      <div class="stanza">
+        <span>'Poems distilled from other poems pass away,<br /> </span> <span>The
+        swarms of reflectors and the polite pass, and leave ashes;<br /> </span>
+        <span>Admirers, importers, obedient persons,<br /> </span> <span>make but
+        the soil of literature.'<br /> </span>
+      </div>
+    </div>
+    <p>
+      These profound sentences are the epitaph, not only of imitative poetry,
+      but also of such eclectic art as the Caracci instituted. Very little of it
+      bears examination now. We regard it with listlessness or loathing. We turn
+      from it without regret. We cannot, or do not, wish to keep it in our
+      memory.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Yet no student of Italian painting will refuse the Caracci that tribute of
+      respect which is due to virile effort. They were in vital sympathy with
+      the critical and analytical spirit of their age&mdash;an age mournfully
+      conscious that its scepter had departed&mdash;that
+    </p>
+    <div class="poem">
+      <div class="stanza">
+        <span>'Nothing can bring back the hour<br /> </span> <span>Of splendor in
+        the grass, of glory in the flower;'<br /> </span>
+      </div>
+    </div>
+    <p>
+      an age incapable as yet of acquiescing in this gloom, strenuously eager by
+      study and by labor to regain <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB346"
+      id="pageB346"></a>{346}</span> the kingdom which belongs alone to
+      inspiration. Science and industry enabled them to galvanize the corpse of
+      art; into this they breathed the breath of the religion <i>&agrave; la
+      mode</i>, of fashionable sensuousness and prevalent sentimentality.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Michelangelo died in 1564, Paolo Veronese in 1588, Tintoretto in 1594.
+      These were the three latest survivors of the great generation, and each of
+      them had enjoyed a life of activity prolonged into extreme old age. Their
+      intellectual peers had long ago departed; Lionardo in 1520, Raphael in
+      1522, Correggio in 1534.
+    </p>
+    <div class="poem">
+      <div class="stanza">
+        <span>'Theirs was the giant race, before the flood.'<br /> </span>
+      </div>
+    </div>
+    <p>
+      These dates have to be kept in mind; for the painters of the Bolognese
+      School were all born after 1550, born for the most part at that decisive
+      epoch of the Tridentine Council which might be compared to a watershed of
+      time between the Renaissance and the Counter-Reformation&mdash;Lodovico
+      Caracci in 1555, Agostino in 1558, Annibale in 1560, Guido Reni in 1574,
+      Lionello Spada in 1576, Francesco Albani in 1578, Domenichino in 1581,
+      Guercino in 1590.<a name="BFNanchor_213_213" id="BFNanchor_213_213"></a><a
+      href="#BFootnote_213_213" class="fnanchor">[213]</a> With the last of
+      these men the eclectic impulse was exhausted; and a second generation,
+      derived in part from them, linked the painters of the Renaissance <span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageB347" id="pageB347"></a>{347}</span> to those
+      of modern times. It is sufficient to mention Nicholas and Gaspar Poussin,
+      Claude Lorraine, Salvator Rosa, Luca Giordano, and Canaletto as chief
+      representatives of this secondary group.<a name="BFNanchor_214_214"
+      id="BFNanchor_214_214"></a><a href="#BFootnote_214_214" class="fnanchor">[214]</a>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      On examining the dates which I have given, it will be noticed that the
+      Bolognese Eclectics, intervening between the age of Michelangelo and the
+      age of Nicholas Poussin, worked during the first fervor of the Catholic
+      Revival. Their art may therefore be taken as fairly representative of the
+      religious temper and the profane culture of the Italians in the period
+      influenced by the Council of Trent. It represents that temper and that
+      culture before the decline of the same influence, when the Counter
+      Reformation was in active progress and the Papal pretensions to absolute
+      dominion had received no check.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      We should be wrong, however, to treat the Eclectics as though they
+      succeeded without interruption to that 'giant race, before the flood.'
+      Their movement was emphatically one of revival; and revival implies
+      decadence. After 1541, when Michelangelo finished the Last Judgment, and
+      before 1584, when the Caracci were working on their frescoes in the
+      Palazzo Fava at Bologna&mdash;that is to say, between the last of the
+      genuine Renaissance paintings and the first of the Revival&mdash;nearly
+      half a century elapsed, during which art sank into a <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageB348" id="pageB348"></a>{348}</span> slough of slovenly and
+      soulless putrescence.<a name="BFNanchor_215_215" id="BFNanchor_215_215"></a><a
+      href="#BFootnote_215_215" class="fnanchor">[215]</a> Every city of Italy
+      swarmed with artists, adequately educated in technical methods, and apt at
+      aping the grand style of their masters. But in all their work there is
+      nothing felt, nothing thought out, nothing expressed, nothing imagined. It
+      is a vast vacuity of meaningless and worthless brush-play, a wilderness of
+      hollow trickery and futile fumbling with conventional forms. The
+      Mannerists, as they were called, covered acres of palace and church walls
+      with allegories, histories, and legends, carelessly designed, rapidly
+      executed, but pleasing the eye with crowds of figures and with gaudy
+      colors. Their colors are now faded. Their figures are now seen to be
+      reminiscences of Raphael's, Correggio's, Buonarroti's draughtsmanship. Yet
+      they satisfied the patrons of that time, who required hasty work, and had
+      not much money wherewith to reward the mature labors of a conscientious
+      student. In relation, moreover, to the spiritless and insincere
+      architecture then coming into vogue, this art of the Mannerists can
+      scarcely be judged out of place. When I divulge the names of Giorgio
+      Vasari, Giuseppe Cesari (Cav. d'Arpino), Tempesta, Fontana, Tibaldi, the
+      Zuccari, the Procaccini, the Campi of Cremona, the scholars of Perino del
+      Vaga, I shall probably call up before the reluctant eyes of many of my
+      readers visions of dreary wanderings through weariful saloons <span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageB349" id="pageB349"></a>{349}</span> and of
+      disconsolate starings up at stuccoed cupolas in Rome and Genoa, in
+      Florence and Naples, and in all the towns of Lombardy.<a
+      name="BFNanchor_216_216" id="BFNanchor_216_216"></a><a
+      href="#BFootnote_216_216" class="fnanchor">[216]</a>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      In an earlier volume I briefly sketched the development of this pernicious
+      mannerism, which now deluged the arts of Italy. Only one painter, outside
+      Venice, seems to have carried on a fairly good tradition. This was
+      Federigo Baroccio (1528-1612), who feebly continued the style of
+      Correggio, with a certain hectic originality, infusing sentimental pietism
+      into that great master's pagan sensuousness. The mixture is disagreeable;
+      and when one is obliged to mention Baroccio as the best in a bad period,
+      this accentuates the badness of his contemporaries. He has however,
+      historical value from another point of view, inasmuch as nothing more
+      strongly characterizes the eclecticism of the Caracci than their
+      partiality for Correggio.<a name="BFNanchor_217_217" id="BFNanchor_217_217"></a><a
+      href="#BFootnote_217_217" class="fnanchor">[217]</a> Though I have no
+      reason to suppose that Baroccio, living chiefly as he did at Urbino,
+      directly influenced their style, the similarity between his ideal and
+      theirs is certainly striking. It seems to point at something inevitable in
+      the direction taken by the Eclectics.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Such was the state of art in Italy when Lodovico Caracci, the son of a
+      Bolognese butcher, conceived <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB350"
+      id="pageB350"></a>{350}</span> his plan of replacing it upon a sounder
+      system.<a name="BFNanchor_218_218" id="BFNanchor_218_218"></a><a
+      href="#BFootnote_218_218" class="fnanchor">[218]</a> Instinct led him to
+      Venice, where painting was still alive. The veteran Tintoretto warned him
+      that he had no vocation. But Lodovico obstinately resolved to win by
+      industry what nature seemed to have denied him. He studied diligently at
+      Florence, Parma, Mantua, and Venice, founding his style upon those of
+      Andrea del Sarto, Correggio, Titian, Parmigiano, Giulio Romano, and
+      Primaticcio. When he again settled at Bologna, he induced his two cousins,
+      Agostino and Annibale, the sons of a tailor, to join him in the serious
+      pursuit of art. Agostino was a goldsmith by trade, already expert in the
+      use of the burin, which he afterwards employed more frequently than the
+      brush.<a name="BFNanchor_219_219" id="BFNanchor_219_219"></a><a
+      href="#BFootnote_219_219" class="fnanchor">[219]</a> Of the three Caracci
+      he was the most versatile, and perhaps the most gifted. There is a note of
+      distinction and attainment in his work. Annibale, the youngest, was a
+      rough, wild, hasty, and hot-tempered lad, of robust build and vigorous
+      intellect, but boorish in his manners, <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageB351" id="pageB351"></a>{351}</span> fond of low society, and
+      eaten up with jealousy. They called him the <i>ragazzaccio</i>, or 'lout
+      of a boy,' when he began to make his mark at Bologna. Agostino presented a
+      strong contrast to his brother, being an accomplished musician, an
+      excellent dancer, a fair poet, fit to converse with noblemen, and
+      possessed of very considerable culture. Lodovico, the eldest of the
+      cousins, acted as mentor and instructor to the others. He pacified their
+      quarrels, when Annibale's jealousy burst out; set them upon the right
+      methods of study, and passed judgment on their paintings.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Like Lodovico, the brothers served their first apprenticeship in art at
+      Parma and Venice. Annibale's letters from the former place show how
+      Correggio subdued him, and the large copies he there made still preserve
+      for us some shadows of Correggio's time-ruined frescoes. At Venice he
+      executed a copy of Titian's Peter Martyr. This picture, the most dramatic
+      of Titian's works, and the most elaborate in its landscape, was destined
+      to exercise a decisive influence over the Eclectic school. From the
+      Caracci to Domenichino we are able to trace the dominant tone and
+      composition of that masterpiece. No less decisive, as I have already
+      observed, was the influence of Correggio's peculiar style in the choice of
+      type, the light and shade, and the foreshortenings of the Bolognese
+      painters. In some degree, the manner of Paolo Veronese may also be
+      discerned. The Caracci avoided Tintoretto, and <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageB352" id="pageB352"></a>{352}</span> at the beginning of their
+      career they derived but little from Raphael or Michelangelo. Theirs was at
+      first a mainly Veneto-Lombardic eclecticism, dashed with something
+      absorbed from Giulio Romano and something from the later Florentines. It
+      must not however, be supposed that they confined their attention to
+      Italian painters. They contrived to collect casts from antique marbles,
+      coins, engravings of the best German and Italian workmanship, books on
+      architecture and perspective, original drawings, and similar academical
+      appliances. Nor were they neglectful of drawing from the nude, or of
+      anatomy. Indeed, their days and nights were spent in one continuous round
+      of study, which had for its main object the comparison of dead and living
+      nature with the best specimens of art in all ages. It may seem strange
+      that this assiduity and thoroughness of method did not produce work of
+      higher quality. Yet we must remember that even enthusiastic devotion to
+      art will not give inspiration, and that the most thorough science cannot
+      communicate charm. Though the Caracci invented fresh attitudes and showed
+      complete mastery of the human form, their types remained commonplace.
+      Though their chiaroscuro was accurately based on that of Correggio, it
+      lacked his a&euml;rial play of semitones. Though they went straight to
+      Titian for color, they never approached Venetian lucidity and glow. There
+      was something vulgar in their imagination, prosaic in their feeling,
+      leaden in their frigid touch on legend.<span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageB353" id="pageB353"></a>{353}</span> Who wants those countless
+      gods and goddesses of the Farnese Gallery, those beblubbered saints and
+      colossal Sibyls of the Bolognese Pinacoteca, those chubby cherubs and
+      buxom nymphs, those Satyrs and S. Sebastians, to come down from the walls
+      and live with us? The grace of Raphael's Galatea, the inspiration of
+      Michelangelo's Genii of the Sistine, the mystery of Lionardo's Faun-S.
+      John, the wilding grace of Correggio's Diana, the voluptuous fascination
+      of Titian's Venus, the mundane seductiveness of Veronese's Europa, the
+      golden glory of Tintoretto's Bacchus,&mdash;all have evanesced, and in
+      their place are hard mechanic figures, excellently drawn, correctly posed,
+      but with no touch of poetry. Where, indeed, shall we find 'the light that
+      never was on sea or land' throughout Bologna?<a name="BFNanchor_220_220"
+      id="BFNanchor_220_220"></a><a href="#BFootnote_220_220" class="fnanchor">[220]</a>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Part of this failure must be ascribed to a radically false conception of
+      the way to combine studies of nature with studies of art. The Eclectics in
+      general started with the theory that a painter ought to form mental ideals
+      of beauty, strength, dignity, ferocity, and so forth, from the observation
+      of characteristic individuals and acknowledged master<span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageB354" id="pageB354"></a>{354}</span> pieces. These ideal types
+      he has to preserve in his memory, and to use living persons only as
+      external means for bringing them into play. Thus, it was indifferent who
+      sat to him as model. He believed that he could invest the ugliest lump of
+      living flesh with the loveliest fancy. Lodovico supplied Annibale Caracci
+      with the fleshy back of a naked Venus. Guido Reni painted his Madonna's
+      heads from any beardless pupil who came handy, and turned his deformed
+      color-grinder&mdash;a man 'with a muzzle like a renegado'&mdash;into the
+      penitent Magdalen.<a name="BFNanchor_221_221" id="BFNanchor_221_221"></a><a
+      href="#BFootnote_221_221" class="fnanchor">[221]</a> It was inevitable
+      that forms and faces thus evolved should bear the stamp of mediocrity,
+      monotony, and dullness on them. Few, very few, painters&mdash;perhaps only
+      Michelangelo&mdash;have been able to give to purely imagined forms the
+      value and the individuality of persons; and he succeeded best in this
+      perilous attempt when he designed the passionate Genii of the Sistine
+      frescoes. Such flights were far beyond the grasp of the Eclectics. Seeking
+      after the 'grand style,' they fell, as I shall show in the sequel of this
+      chapter, into commonplace vacuity, which makes them now insipid.<a
+      name="BFNanchor_222_222" id="BFNanchor_222_222"></a><a
+      href="#BFootnote_222_222" class="fnanchor">[222]</a><span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageB355" id="pageB355"></a>{355}</span>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      There was at this time a native of Antwerp named Dionysius Calvaert, a
+      coarse fellow of violent manners, who kept open school in Bologna. The
+      best of the Caracci's pupils&mdash;Guido Reni, Domenichino and Albani&mdash;emigrated
+      to their academy from this man's workshop. Something, as it seems to me,
+      peculiar in the method of handling oil paint, which all three have in
+      common, may perhaps be ascribed to early training under their Flemish
+      master. His brutality drove them out of doors; and, having sought the
+      protection of Lodovico Caracci, they successively made such progress in
+      the methods of painting as rendered them the most distinguished
+      representatives of the Bolognese Revival. All three were men of immaculate
+      manners. Guido Reni, beautiful as a Sibyl in youth, with blonde hair, blue
+      eyes, and fair complexion, was, to the end of his illustrious career,
+      reputed a virgin. Albani, who translated into delicate oil-painting the
+      sensuousness of the <i>Adone</i>, studied the forms of Nymphs and Venuses
+      from his lovely wife, and the limbs of Amorini from the children whom she
+      bore him regularly every year. Domenichino, a man of shy, retiring habits,
+      preoccupied with the psychological problems which he strove to translate
+      into dramatic pictures, doted on one woman, whom he married, and who lived
+      to deplore his death (as she believed) by poison. Guido was specially
+      characterized by devotion to Madonna. He was a singular child. On every
+      Christmas eve, for seven successive years, <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageB356" id="pageB356"></a>{356}</span> ghostly knockings were
+      heard upon his chamber door; and, every night, when he awoke from sleep,
+      the darkness above his bed was illuminated by a mysterious egg-shaped
+      globe of light.<a name="BFNanchor_223_223" id="BFNanchor_223_223"></a><a
+      href="#BFootnote_223_223" class="fnanchor">[223]</a> His eccentricity in
+      later life amounted to insanity, and at last he gave himself up wholly to
+      the demon of the gaming-table. Domenichino obeyed only one passion, if we
+      except his passion for the wife he loved so dearly, and this was music. He
+      displayed some strangeness of temperament in a morbid dislike of noise and
+      interruptions. Otherwise, nothing disturbed the even current of an
+      existence dedicated to solving questions of art. Albani mixed more freely
+      in the world than Domenichino, enjoyed the pleasures of the table and of
+      sumptuous living, but with Italian sobriety, and expatiated in those
+      spheres of literature which supplied him with motives for his coldly
+      sensual pictures. Yet he maintained the credit of a thoroughly domestic,
+      soundly natured, and vigorously wholesome man.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      I have thought it well thus to preface what I have to say about these
+      masters, partly because critics of the modern stamp, trusting more to
+      their subjective impressions than to authoritative records, have painted
+      the moral characters of Guido and Domenichino in lurid colors, and also
+      because there is cer<span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB357" id="pageB357"></a>{357}</span>
+      tainly something in their work which leaves a painful memory of unhealthy
+      sentiment, impassiveness to pain, and polished carnalism on the mind. It
+      may incidentally be recorded that Lodovico Caracci, Guido Reni, and
+      Francesco Albani are all of them, on very good authority, reported to have
+      been even prudishly modest in their use of female models. They never
+      permitted a woman to strip entirely, and Guido carried his reserve to such
+      a pitch that he preferred to leave his studio door open while drawing from
+      a woman.<a name="BFNanchor_224_224" id="BFNanchor_224_224"></a><a
+      href="#BFootnote_224_224" class="fnanchor">[224]</a> Malevolence might
+      suggest that this was only part and parcel of post-Tridentine hypocrisy;
+      and probably there is truth in the suggestion. I certainly do not reckon
+      such solicitous respect for garments entirely to their credit. But it
+      helps us to understand the eccentric compound of sentiment, sensuality,
+      piety, and uneasy morality which distinguished the age, and which is
+      continually perplexing the student of its art.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Of these three men, Guido was the most genially endowed. He alone derived
+      a true spark from the previous age of inspiration. He wearies us indeed
+      with his effeminacy, and with the reiteration of a physical type
+      sentimentalized from the head and bust of Niobe. But thoughts of real
+      originality and grace not seldom visited his meditations; and he alone
+      deserved the name of colorist among the <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageB358" id="pageB358"></a>{358}</span> painters I have as yet
+      ascribed to the Bolognese School.<a name="BFNanchor_225_225"
+      id="BFNanchor_225_225"></a><a href="#BFootnote_225_225" class="fnanchor">[225]</a>
+      Guido affected a cool harmony of blue, white, and deadened gold, which in
+      the best pictures of his second manner&mdash;the Fortune, the Bacchus and
+      Ariadne of S. Luke's in Rome, the Crucifixion at Modena&mdash;has a charm
+      akin to that of Metastasio's silvery lyrics. The samson at Bologna rises
+      above these works both in force of conception and glow of color. The
+      Aurora of the Rospigliosi Casino attempts a wider scheme of hues, and is
+      certainly, except for some lack of refinement in the attendant Hours, a
+      very noble composition. The S. Michael of the Cappuccini is seductive by
+      its rich bravura style; and the large Piet&agrave; in the Bolognese
+      Gallery impresses our mind by a monumental sadness and sobriety of tone.
+      The Massacre of the Innocents, though one of Guido's most ambitious
+      efforts, and though it displays an ingenious adaptation of the Niobe to
+      Raphael's mannerism, fails by falling between two aims&mdash;the aim to
+      secure dramatic effect, and the aim to treat a terrible subject with
+      harmonious repose.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Of Albani nothing need be said in detail. Most people knew his pictures of
+      the Four Elements, so neatly executed in a style adapting Flemish
+      smoothness of surface to Italian suavity of line. This sort of art
+      delighted the cardinals and Monsignori of the <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageB359" id="pageB359"></a>{359}</span> seventeenth century. But it
+      has nothing whatsoever to say to and human soul.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      On Domenichino's two most famous pictures at Bologna Mr. Ruskin has
+      written one of his over-poweringly virulent invectives.<a
+      name="BFNanchor_226_226" id="BFNanchor_226_226"></a><a
+      href="#BFootnote_226_226" class="fnanchor">[226]</a> It is worth inserting
+      here at length. More passionate words could hardly be chosen to express
+      the disgust inspired in minds attuned to earlier Italian art by these once
+      worshiped paintings. Mr. Ruskin's obvious injustice, intemperance, and
+      ostentatious emphasis will serve to point the change of opinion which has
+      passed over England since Sir Joshua Reynolds wrote. His denunciation of
+      the badness of Domenichino's art, though expressed with such a clangor of
+      exaggeration, fairly represents the feeling of modern students. 'The man,'
+      he says, 'who painted the Madonna del Rosario and Martyrdom of S. Agnes in
+      the gallery of Bologna, is palpably incapable of doing anything good,
+      great, or right in any field, way, or kind whatsoever.... This is no rash
+      method of judgment, sweeping and hasty as it may appear. From the
+      weaknesses of an artist, or failures, however numerous, we have no right
+      to conjecture his total inability; a time may come when he shall rise into
+      sudden strength, or an instance occur when his efforts shall be
+      successful. But there are some pictures which rank not under the head of
+      failures, but of perpetrations or commissions; some things which a man
+      cannot do or say without seal<span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB360"
+      id="pageB360"></a>{360}</span> ing forever his character and capacity. The
+      angel holding the cross with his finger in his eye, the roaring, red-faced
+      children about the crown of thorns, the blasphemous (I speak deliberately
+      and determinedly) head of Christ upon the handkerchief, and the mode in
+      which the martyrdom of the saint is exhibited (I do not choose to use the
+      expressions which alone could characterize it), are perfect, sufficient,
+      incontrovertible proofs that whatever appears good in any of the doings of
+      such a painter must be deceptive, and that we may be assured that our
+      taste is corrupted and false whenever we feel disposed to admire him. I am
+      prepared to support this position, however uncharitable it may seem; a man
+      may be tempted into a gross sin by passion, and forgiven; and yet there
+      are some kinds of sins into which only men of a certain kind can be
+      tempted, and which cannot be forgiven. It should be added, however, that
+      the artistical qualities of these pictures are in every way worthy of the
+      conceptions they realize. I do not recollect any instance of color or
+      execution so coarse and feelingless.'
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      We have only to think of the S. Agnes by Tintoretto, or of Luini's St.
+      Catherine, in order to be well aware how far Domenichino, as a painter,
+      deviated from the right path of art.<a name="BFNanchor_227_227"
+      id="BFNanchor_227_227"></a><a href="#BFootnote_227_227" class="fnanchor">[227]</a>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB361" id="pageB361"></a>{361}</span>
+      Yet we are bound to acquit him, as a man, of that moral obliquity which
+      Mr. Ruskin seems to impute. Indeed, we know Domenichino to have been an
+      unaffectedly good fellow. He was misled by his dramatic bias, and also by
+      the prevalent religious temper of his age. Jesuitry had saturated the
+      Italian mind; and in a former chapter I have dwelt upon the concrete
+      materialism which formed the basis of the Jesuitical imagination. In
+      portraying the martyrdom of S. Agnes as he has done, Domenichino was only
+      obeying the rules of Loyola's <i>Exercitia</i>. That he belonged to a
+      school which was essentially vulgar in its choice of type, to a city never
+      distinguished for delicacy of taste, and to a generation which was rapidly
+      losing the sense of artistic reserve, suffices to explain the crude
+      brutality of the conceptions which he formed of tragic episodes.<a
+      name="BFNanchor_228_228" id="BFNanchor_228_228"></a><a
+      href="#BFootnote_228_228" class="fnanchor">[228]</a> The same may be said
+      about all those horrible pictures of tortures, martyrdoms, and acts of
+      violence which were produced by the dozen in Italy at this epoch. We turn
+      from them with loathing. They inspire neither terror nor pity, only the
+      sickness of the shambles. And yet it would be unjust to ascribe their
+      unimaginative ghastliness to any special love of cruelty. This evil
+      element may be rationally deduced from false dramatic instinct and
+      perverted habits of brooding sensuously on our Lord's Passion, in minds
+      deprived of the right feeling for artistic beauty.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB362" id="pageB362"></a>{362}</span>
+      Probably Domenichino thought that he was surpassing Titian's Peter Martyr
+      when he painted his hard and hideous parody of that great picture. Yet
+      Titian had already touched the extreme verge of allowable realization, and
+      his work belonged to the sphere of higher pictorial art mainly by right of
+      noble treatment. Of this noble treatment, and of the harmonious coloring
+      which shed a sanctifying splendor over the painful scene, Domenichino
+      stripped his master's design. What he added was grimace, spasm, and the
+      expression of degrading physical terror.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      That Domenichino could be, in his own way, stately, is proved by the
+      Communion of S. Jerome, in which he rehandled Agostino Caracci's fine
+      conception. Though devoid of charm, this justly celebrated painting
+      remains a monument of the success which may be achieved by the vigorous
+      application of robust intellectual powers to the working out of a
+      well-conceived and fully developed composition. Domenichino's gigantic
+      saints and Sibyls, with their fleshy limbs, red cheeks, and upturned eyes,
+      though famous enough in the last century, do not demand a word of comment
+      now.<a name="BFNanchor_229_229" id="BFNanchor_229_229"></a><a
+      href="#BFootnote_229_229" class="fnanchor">[229]</a> So strangely has
+      taste altered, that to our eyes they seem scarcely decorative.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      While the Caracci were reviving art at Bologna in the way that I have
+      described, Caravaggio in Rome opposed the Mannerists after his own and a
+      <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB363" id="pageB363"></a>{363}</span>
+      very different fashion.<a name="BFNanchor_230_230" id="BFNanchor_230_230"></a><a
+      href="#BFootnote_230_230" class="fnanchor">[230]</a> The insipidities of
+      men like Cesari drove him into a crude realism. He resolved to describe
+      sacred and historical events just as though they were being enacted in the
+      Ghetto by butchers and fishwives. This reaction against flimsy emptiness
+      was wholesome; and many interesting studies from the taverns of Italy,
+      portraits of gamesters, sharpers, <i>bravi</i> and the like, remain to
+      prove Caravaggio's mastery over scenes of common life.<a
+      name="BFNanchor_231_231" id="BFNanchor_231_231"></a><a
+      href="#BFootnote_231_231" class="fnanchor">[231]</a> But when he applied
+      his principles to higher subjects, their vulgarity became apparent. Only
+      in one picture, the Entombment in the Vatican, did he succeed in affecting
+      imagination forcibly by the evident realization of a tragic scene. His
+      martyrdoms are inexpressibly revolting, without appeal to any sense but
+      savage blood-lust. It seems difficult for realism, either in literature or
+      art, not to fasten upon ugliness, vice, pain, and disease, as though these
+      imperfections of our nature were more real than beauty, goodness,
+      pleasure, and health. Therefore Caravaggio, the leader of a school which
+      the Italians christened Naturalists, may be compared to Zola.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      A Spaniard, settled at Naples&mdash;Giuseppe Ribera, nicknamed Lo
+      Spagnoletto&mdash;carried on Caravaggio's tradition. Spagnoletto surpassed
+      his master in <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB364" id="pageB364"></a>{364}</span>
+      the brutally realistic expression of physical anguish. His Prometheus
+      writhing under the beak of the vulture, his disembowelled martyrs and
+      skinless S. Bartholomews, are among the most nauseous products of a
+      masculine nature blessed with robust health. Were they delirious or
+      hysterical, they would be less disgusting. But no; they are merely
+      vigorous and faithful representations of what anybody might have
+      witnessed, when a traitor like Ravaillac or a Lombard <i>untore</i> was
+      being put to death in agony. His firm mental grip on cruelty, and the
+      somber gloom with which he invested these ghastly transcripts from the
+      torture-chamber, prove Ribera true to his Spanish origin. Caravaggio
+      delighted in color, and was indeed a colorist of high rank, considering
+      the times in which he lived. Spagnoletto rejoiced in somber shadows, as
+      though to illustrate the striking sonnet I have quoted in another place
+      from Campanella.<a name="BFNanchor_232_232" id="BFNanchor_232_232"></a><a
+      href="#BFootnote_232_232" class="fnanchor">[232]</a>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      This digression upon the Naturalists was needed partly to illustrate the
+      nature of the attempted revival of the art of painting at this epoch, and
+      partly to introduce two notable masters of the Bolognese school. Lionello
+      Spada, a street-arab of Bologna, found his way into the studio of the
+      Caracci, where he made himself a favorite by roguish ways and ready wit.
+      He afterwards joined Caravaggio, and, when he reappeared in Lombardy, he
+      had formed a manner of his own, more resplen<span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageB365" id="pageB365"></a>{365}</span> dent in color and more
+      naturalistic than that of the Caracci, but with less of realism than his
+      Roman teacher's. If I could afford space for anecdotical details, the
+      romance of Spada's life would furnish much entertaining material. But I
+      must press on toward Guercino, who represents in a more famous personality
+      this blending of the Bolognese and Naturalistic styles. Giovanni Francesco
+      Barbieri got his nickname of Il Guercino, or the 'Squintling,' from an
+      accident which distorted his right eye in babyhood. Born of poor parents,
+      he was apprenticed to indifferent painters in Bologna at an early age, his
+      father agreeing to pay for the boy's education by a load of grain and a
+      vat of grapes delivered yearly. Thus Guercino owed far less to academical
+      studies than to his own genius. Being Lodovico Caracci's junior by
+      thirty-five years, and Annibale's by thirty, he had ample opportunities
+      for studying the products of their school in Bologna, without joining the
+      Academy. A generation lay between him and the first Eclectics. Nearly the
+      same space of time separated Guercino from the founder of the Naturalists,
+      and it was universally admitted in his lifetime that he owed to Caravaggio
+      in coloring no less than he derived from the Caracci in sobriety and
+      dignity of conception. These qualities of divergent schools Guercino
+      combined in a manner marked by salient individuality. As a colorist, he
+      approached the Tenebrosi&mdash;those lovers of surcharged shadows and
+      darkened hues, whose gloom culminated in<span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageB366" id="pageB366"></a>{366}</span> Ribera. But we note a fat
+      and buttery <i>impasto</i> in Guercino, which distinguishes his work from
+      the drier and more meager manner of the Roman-Neapolitan painters. It is
+      something characteristic of Bologna, a richness which we might flippantly
+      compare to sausage, or a Flemish smoothness, indicating Calvaert's
+      influence. More than this, Guercino possessed a harmony of tones peculiar
+      to himself, and strongly contrasted with Guido's silver-gray gradations.
+      Guido's coloring, at its best, often reminds one of olive branches set
+      against a blue sea and pale horizon in faintly amber morning light. The
+      empurpled indigoes, relieved by smouldering Venetian red, which Guercino
+      loved, suggest thunder-clouds, dispersed, rolling away through dun subdued
+      glare of sunset reflected upward from the west. And this scheme of color,
+      vivid but heavy, luminous but sullen, corresponded to what contemporaries
+      called the Terribilit&agrave; of Guercino's conception. Terribleness was a
+      word which came into vogue to describe Michelangelo's grand manner. It
+      implied audacity of imagination, dashing draughtsmanship, colossal scale,
+      something demonic and decisive in execution.<a name="BFNanchor_233_233"
+      id="BFNanchor_233_233"></a><a href="#BFootnote_233_233" class="fnanchor">[233]</a>
+      The terrible takes in Guercino's work far lower flights than in the
+      Sistine Chapel. With Michelangelo it soared like an eagle; with Guercino
+      it flitted like a bat. His brawny saints are ponderous, not awe-inspiring.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB367" id="pageB367"></a>{367}</span>
+      Yet we feel that the man loved largeness, massiveness, and volume; that he
+      was preoccupied with intellectual problems; planning deeply, and
+      constructing strongly, under conditions unfavorable to spiritual freedom.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Guercino lived the life of an anchorite, absorbed in studies, unwived,
+      sober, pious, truthful, sincere in his commerce with the world,
+      unaffectedly virtuous, devoted to his art and God. Some of his pictures
+      bring forcibly before our minds the religious <i>milieu</i> created by the
+      Catholic Revival. I will take the single instance of a large oil-painting
+      in the Bolognese Gallery. It represents the reception of a Duke of
+      Aquitaine into monastic orders by S. Bernard. The knightly quality of the
+      hero is adequately portrayed; his piety is masculine. But an accessory to
+      the main subject of the composition arrests attention. A monk, earnestly
+      pleading, emphatically gesticulating, addresses himself to the task of
+      converting a young squire. Perugino, or even Raphael, would have brought
+      the scene quite otherwise before us. The Duke's consecration would of
+      course have occupied a commanding place in the picture. But the episodes
+      would have been composed of comely groups or animated portraits. Guercino,
+      obedient to the religious spirit of the Counter-Reformation, compels
+      sympathy with ecclesiastical propaganda.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Guido exercised a powerful influence over his immediate successors.
+      Guercino felt it when he painted that soulless picture of Abraham and<span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageB368" id="pageB368"></a>{368}</span> Hagar,
+      in the Brera&mdash;the picture which excited Byron's admiration, which has
+      been praised for its accurate delineation of a teardrop, and which, when
+      all is reckoned, has just nothing of emotion in it but a frigid
+      inhumanity. He competed with Guido in the fresco of the Lodovisi Aurora, a
+      substantial work certainly, yet one that lacks the saving qualities of the
+      Rospigliosi ceiling&mdash;grace and geniality of fancy.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      In the history of criticism there are few things more perplexing than the
+      vicissitudes of taste and celebrity, whereby the idols of past generations
+      crumble suddenly to dust, while the despised and rejected are lifted to
+      pinnacles of glory. Successive waves of aesthetical preference, following
+      one upon the other with curious rapidity, sweep ancient fortresses of fame
+      from their venerable basements, and raise upon the crests of wordy foam
+      some delicate seashell that erewhile lay embedded in oblivious sand.
+      During the last half-century, taste has been more capricious,
+      revolutionary, and apparently anarchical than at any previous epoch. The
+      unity of orthodox opinion has broken up. Critics have sought to display
+      originality by depreciating names famous in former ages, and by exalting
+      minor stars to the rank of luminaries of the first magnitude. A man, yet
+      in middle life, can remember with what reverence engravings after Raphael,
+      the Caracci, and Poussin were treated in his boyhood; how Fra Angelico and
+      Perugino ruled at a somewhat later period; how one set of eloquent writers
+      <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB369" id="pageB369"></a>{369}</span>
+      discovered Blake, another Botticelli, and a third Carpaccio; how
+      Signorelli and Bellini and Mantegna received tardy recognition; and now,
+      of late years, how Tiepolo has bidden fair to obtain the European <i>grido</i>.
+      He will also bear in mind that the conditions of his own development&mdash;studies
+      in the Elgin marbles, the application of photography to works of art, the
+      publications of the Arundel Society, and that genius of new culture in the
+      air which is more potent than all teaching, rendered for himself each
+      oracular utterance interesting but comparatively unimportant&mdash;as it
+      were but talk about truths evident to sight.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Meanwhile, amid this gabble of 'sects and schisms,' this disputation which
+      makes a simple mind take refuge in the epigram attributed to Swift on
+      Handel and Bononcini,<a name="BFNanchor_234_234" id="BFNanchor_234_234"></a><a
+      href="#BFootnote_234_234" class="fnanchor">[234]</a> criticism and popular
+      intelligence have been unanimous upon two points, first, in manifesting a
+      general dislike for Italian art after the date of Raphael's third manner,
+      and a particular dislike for the Bolognese painters; secondly, in an
+      earnest effort to discriminate and exhibit what is sincere and beautiful
+      in works to which our forefathers were unintelligibly irresponsive. A
+      wholesome reaction, in one word, has taken place against academical
+      dogmatism; and the study of art has been based upon appreciably better
+      historical and aesthetical principles.<span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageB370" id="pageB370"></a>{370}</span>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The seeming confusion of the last half-century ought not, therefore, to
+      shake our confidence in the possibility of arriving at stable laws of
+      taste. Radical revolutions, however salutary, cannot be effected without
+      some injustice to ideals of the past and without some ill-grounded
+      enthusiasm for the ideals of the moment. Nor can so wide a region as that
+      of modern European art be explored except by divers pioneers, each biassed
+      by personal predilections and peculiar sensibilities, each liable to
+      changes of opinion under the excitement of discovery, each followed by a
+      coterie sworn to support their master's <i>ipse dixit</i>.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The chief thing is to obtain a clear conception of the mental atmosphere
+      in which sound criticism has to live and move and have its being. 'The
+      form of this world passes; and I would fain occupy myself only with that
+      which constitutes abiding relations.' So said Goethe; and these words have
+      much the same effect as that admonition of his 'to live with steady
+      purpose in the Whole, the Good, the Beautiful.' The true critic must
+      divert his mind from what is transient and ephemeral, must fasten upon
+      abiding relations, <i>bleibende Verh&auml;ltnisse</i>. He notes that one
+      age is classical, another romantic; that <i>this</i> swears by Giotto, <i>that</i>
+      by the Caracci. Meanwhile, he resolves to maintain that classics and
+      romantics, the Caracci and Giotto, are alike only worthy of regard in so
+      far as they exemplify the qualities which bring art into the sphere of
+      abiding relations. One writer <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB371"
+      id="pageB371"></a>{371}</span> is eloquent for Fra Angelico, another for
+      Rubens; the one has personal sympathy for the Fiesolan monk, the other for
+      the Flemish courtier. Our true critic renounces idiosyncratic whims and
+      partialities, striving to enter with firm purpose into the understanding
+      of universal goodness and beauty. In so far as he finds truth in Angelico
+      and Rubens, will he be appreciative of both.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Aristotle laid it down as an axiom that the ultimate verdict in matters of
+      taste is 'what the man of enlightened intelligence would decide.' The
+      critic becomes a man of enlightened intelligence, a [Greek: phronimos], by
+      following the line of Goethe's precepts. In working out self-culture, he
+      will derive assistance by the way from the commanding philosophical
+      conception of our century. All things with which we are acquainted are in
+      evolutionary process. Everything belonging to human nature is in a state
+      of organic transition&mdash;passing through necessary phases of birth,
+      growth, decline, and death. Art, in any one of its specific manifestations&mdash;Italian
+      painting for example&mdash;avoids this law of organic evolution, arrests
+      development at the fairest season of growth, averts the decadence which
+      ends in death, no more than does an oak. The oak, starting from an acorn,
+      nourished by earth, air, light, and water, offers indeed a simpler problem
+      than so complex an organism as Italian painting, developed under
+      conditions of manifold diversity. Yet the dominant law controls both
+      equally.<span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB372" id="pageB372"></a>{372}</span>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      It is not, however, in evolutions that we must seek the abiding relations
+      spoken of by Goethe. The evolutionary conception does not supply those to
+      students of art, though it unfolds a law which is permanent and of
+      universal application in the world at large. It forces us to dwell on
+      necessary conditions of mutability and transformation. It leads the critic
+      to comprehend the whole, and encourages the habit of scientific tolerance.
+      We are saved by it from uselessly fretting ourselves because of the
+      ungodly and the inevitable; from mourning over the decline of Gothic
+      architecture into Perpendicular aridity and flamboyant feebleness, over
+      the passage of the scepter from Sophocles to Euripides or from Tasso to
+      Marino, over the chaos of Mannerism, Eclecticism and Naturalism into which
+      Italian painting plunged from the height of its maturity. This toleration
+      and acceptance of unavoidable change need not imply want of discriminative
+      perception. We can apply the evolutionary canon in all strictness without
+      ignoring that adult manhood is preferable to senile decrepitude, that
+      Pheidias surpasses the sculptors of Antinous, that one Madonna of Gian
+      Bellini is worth all the pictures of the younger Palma, and that Dossi's
+      portrait of the Ferrarese jester is better worth having than the whole of
+      Annibale Caracci's Galleria Farnesina.<a name="BFNanchor_235_235"
+      id="BFNanchor_235_235"></a><a href="#BFootnote_235_235" class="fnanchor">[235]</a>
+      It will even lead us to select for models those works which bear <span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageB373" id="pageB373"></a>{373}</span> the mark
+      of adolescence or vigorous maturity, as supplying more fruitful sources
+      for our own artistic education.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Nevertheless, not in evolution, but in man's soul, his intellectual and
+      moral nature, must be sought those abiding relations which constitute
+      sound art, and are the test of right aesthetic judgment. These are such as
+      truth, simplicity, sobriety, love, grace, patience, modesty,
+      thoughtfulness, repose, health, vigor, brain-stuff, dignity of
+      imagination, lucidity of vision, purity, and depth of feeling. Wherever
+      the critic finds these&mdash;whether it be in Giotto at the dawn or in
+      Guido at the evensong of Italian painting, in Homer or Theocritus at the
+      two extremes of Greek poetry&mdash;he will recognize the work as ranking
+      with those things from which the soul draws nourishment. At the same time,
+      he may not neglect the claims of craftsmanship. Each art has its own
+      vehicle of expression, and exacts some innate capacity for the use of that
+      vehicle from the artist. Therefore the critic must be also sufficiently
+      versed in technicalities to give them their due value. It can, however, be
+      laid down, as a general truth, that while immature or awkward workmanship
+      is compatible with aesthetic excellence, technical dexterity, however
+      skillfully applied, has never done anything for a soulless painter.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Criticism, furthermore, implies judgment; and that judgment must be
+      adjusted to the special nature of the thing criticised. Art is different
+      from ethics, <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB374" id="pageB374"></a>{374}</span>
+      from the physical world, from sensuality, however refined. It will not,
+      therefore, in the long run do for the critic of an art to apply the same
+      rules as the moralist, the naturalist, or the hedonist. It will not do for
+      him to be contented with edification, or differentiation of species, or
+      demonstrable delightfulness as the test-stone of artistic excellence. All
+      art is a presentation of the inner human being, his thought and feeling,
+      through the medium of beautiful symbols in form, color, and sound. Our
+      verdict must therefore be determined by the amount of thought, the amount
+      of feeling, proper to noble humanity, which we find adequately expressed
+      in beautiful aesthetic symbols. And the man who shall pronounce this
+      verdict is, now as in the days of Aristotle, the man of enlightened
+      intelligence, sound in his own nature and open to ideas. Even his verdict
+      will not be final; for no one is wholly free from partialities due to the
+      age in which he lives, and to his special temperament. Still, a consensus
+      of such verdicts eventually forms that voice of the people which,
+      according to an old proverb, is the voice of God. Slowly, and after many
+      successive siftings, the cumulative votes of the <i>phronimoi</i> decide.
+      Insurgents against their judgment, in the case of acknowledged masters
+      like Pheidias, Michelangelo, Shakespeare, are doomed to final defeat,
+      because this judgment is really based upon abiding relations between art
+      and human nature.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Our hope with regard to the unity of taste in the future then is, that,
+      all sentimental or academical <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB375"
+      id="pageB375"></a>{375}</span> seekings after the ideal having been
+      abandoned, momentary theories founded upon idiosyncratic or temporary
+      partialities exploded, and nothing accepted but what is solid and
+      positive, the scientific spirit shall make men progressively more and more
+      conscious of those <i>bleibende Verh&auml;ltnisse</i>, more and more
+      capable of living in the whole; also that, in proportion as we gain a
+      firmer hold upon our own place in the world, we shall come to comprehend
+      with more instinctive certitude what is simple, natural, and honest,
+      welcoming with gladness all artistic products that exhibit these
+      qualities. The perception of the enlightened man will then be the taste of
+      a healthy person who has made himself acquainted with the laws of
+      evolution in art and in society, and is able to test the excellence of
+      work in any stage, from immaturity to decadence, by discerning what there
+      is of truth, sincerity, and natural vigor in it.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      This digression was forced upon me by the difficulty of properly
+      appreciating the Bolognese Eclectics now. What would be the amused
+      astonishment of Sir Joshua Reynolds, if he returned to London at the
+      present moment, and beheld the Dagon of his esteemed Caracci dashed to
+      pieces by the ark of Botticelli&mdash;Carpaccio enthroned&mdash;Raffaello
+      stigmatized as the stone of stumbling and the origin of evil? Yet Reynolds
+      had as good a right to his opinion as any living master of the brush, or
+      any living masters of language. There is no doubt that the Bolognese
+      painters sufficed for the <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB376"
+      id="pageB376"></a>{376}</span> eighteenth century, whose taste indeed they
+      had created.<a name="BFNanchor_236_236" id="BFNanchor_236_236"></a><a
+      href="#BFootnote_236_236" class="fnanchor">[236]</a> There is equally no
+      doubt that for the nineteenth they are insufficient.<a
+      name="BFNanchor_237_237" id="BFNanchor_237_237"></a><a
+      href="#BFootnote_237_237" class="fnanchor">[237]</a> The main business of
+      a critic is to try to answer two questions: first why did the epoch
+      produce such art, and why did it rejoice in it?&mdash;secondly, has this
+      art any real worth beyond a documentary value for the students of one
+      defined historical period; has it enduring qualities of originality,
+      strength, beauty, and inspiration? To the first of these questions I have
+      already given some answer by showing under what conditions the Caracci
+      reacted against mannerism. In the due consideration of the second we are
+      hampered by the culture of our period, which has strongly prejudiced all
+      minds against the results of that reaction.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The painting of the Eclectics was not spontaneous art. It was art
+      mechanically revived during a period of critical hesitancy and declining
+      enthusiasms. It was produced at Bologna, 'la dotta' or 'la grassa,' by
+      Bolognese craftsmen. This is worth remember<span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageB377" id="pageB377"></a>{377}</span> ing; for except Guido
+      Guinicelli and Francesco Raibolini, no natives of Bologna were eminently
+      gifted for the arts. And Bologna was the city famous for her ponderous
+      learning, famous also for the good cheer of her table, neither erudition
+      nor savory meats being essential to the artist's temperament. The painting
+      which emerged there at the close of the sixteenth century embodied
+      religion and culture, both of a base alloy. The Christianity of the age
+      was not na&iuml;ve, simple, sincere, and popular, like that of the
+      thirteenth century; but hysterical, dogmatic, hypocritical, and
+      sacerdotal. It was not Christianity indeed, but Catholicism galvanized by
+      terror into reactionary movement. The culture of the age was on the wane.
+      Men had long lost their first clean perception of classical literature,
+      and the motives of the mediaeval past were exhausted. Therefore, though
+      the Eclectics went on painting the old subjects, they painted all alike
+      with frigid superficiality. If we examine the lists of pictures turned out
+      by the Caracci and Guercino, we shall find a pretty equal quantity of
+      saints and Susannas, Judiths and Cleopatras, Davids and Bacchuses,
+      Jehovahs and Jupiters, anchorites and Bassarids, Faiths and Fortunes,
+      cherubs and Cupids. Artistically, all are on the same dead level of
+      inspiration. Nothing new or vital, fanciful or imaginative, has been
+      breathed into antique mythology. What has been added to religious
+      expression is repellent. Extravagantly ideal in ecstatic Magdalens and
+      Maries, extravagantly <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB378"
+      id="pageB378"></a>{378}</span> realistic in martyrdoms and torments,
+      extravagantly harsh in dogmatic mysteries and the ecclesiastical parade of
+      power, extravagantly soft in sentimental tenderness and tearful piety,
+      this new religious element, the element of the Inquisition, the Tridentine
+      Council, and the Jesuits, contradicts the true gospel of Christ. The
+      painting which embodies it belongs to a spirit at strife with what was
+      vital and progressive in the modern world. It is therefore naturally
+      abhorrent to us now; nor can it be appreciated except by those who yearn
+      for the triumph of ultramontane principles.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      If we turn from the intellectual content of this art to its external
+      manifestation, we shall find similar reasons for its failure to delight or
+      satisfy. The ambition of the Caracci was to combine in one the salient
+      qualities of earlier masters. This ambition doomed their style to the
+      sterility of hybrids. Moreover, in selecting, they omitted just those
+      features which had given grace and character to their models. The
+      substitution of generic types for portraiture, the avoidance of
+      individuality, the contempt for what is simple and natural in details,
+      deprived their work of attractiveness and suggestion. It is noticeable
+      that they never painted flowers. While studying Titian's landscapes, they
+      omitted the iris and the caper-blossom and the columbine which star the
+      grass beneath Ariadne's feet. The lessons of the rocks and chestnut-trees
+      of his S. Jeromes Solitude were lost on them. They began the false <span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageB379" id="pageB379"></a>{379}</span> system
+      of depicting ideal foliage and ideal precipices&mdash;that is to say,
+      trees which are not trees, and cliffs which cannot be distinguished from
+      cork or stucco. In like manner, the clothes wherewith they clad their
+      personages were not of brocade or satin or broadcloth, but of that empty
+      lie called drapery. The purpled silks of Titian's Lilac Lady, in the
+      Pitti, the embroidered hems of Boccaccini da Cremona, the crimson velvet
+      of Raphael's Joanna of Aragon, Veronese's cloth of silver and shot
+      taffety, are replaced by one monotonous nondescript stuff, differently
+      dyed in dull or glaring colors, but always shoddy. Characteristic costumes
+      have disappeared. We shall not find in any of their Massacres of the
+      Innocents a soldier like Bonifazio's Dall'Armi. In lieu of gems with
+      flashing facets, or of quaint jewels from the Oreficeria, they adorn their
+      kings and princesses with nothing less elevated than polished gold and
+      ropes of pearls. After the same fashion, furniture, utensils, houses,
+      animals, birds, weapons, are idealized&mdash;stripped, that is to say, of
+      what in these things is specific and vital.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      It would be incorrect to say that there are no exceptions in Eclectic
+      painting to this evil system. Yet the sweeping truth remains that the
+      Caracci returned, not to what was best in their predecessors, but to what
+      was dangerous and misleading.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The 'grand style,' in Sir Joshua's sense of that phrase, denoting style
+      which eliminates specific and characteristic qualities from objects,
+      replacing them <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB380" id="pageB380"></a>{380}</span>
+      by so-called 'ideal' generalities, had already made its appearance in
+      Raphael, Correggio, and Buonarroti We even find it in Da Vinci's Last
+      Supper. Yet in Raphael it comes attended with divine grace; in Correggio
+      with faun-like radiancy of gladness; in Buonarroti with Sinaitic
+      sublimity; in Da Vinci with penetrative force of psychological
+      characterization. The Caracci and their followers, with a few exceptions&mdash;Guido
+      at his best being the notablest&mdash;brought nothing of these saving
+      virtues to the pseudo-grand style.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      It was this delusion regarding nobility and elevation in style which
+      betrayed so genial a painter as Reynolds into his appreciation of the
+      Bolognese masters. He admired them; but he admired Titian, Raphael,
+      Correggio, and Buonarroti more. And he admired the Eclectics because they
+      developed the perilous part of the great Italian tradition. Just as
+      Coleridge recommended young students of dramatic verse to found their
+      style at first on Massinger rather than on Shakespeare, so Reynolds
+      thought that the Caracci were sound models for beginners in the science of
+      idealization. Shakespeare and Michelangelo are inimitable; Massinger and
+      the Caracci exhibit the one thing needful to be learned, upon a scale not
+      wholly unattainable by industry and talent. That was the line of argument;
+      and, granted that the pseudo-grand style is a <i>sine qu&acirc; non</i> of
+      painting, Reynolds's position was logical.<a name="BFNanchor_238_238"
+      id="BFNanchor_238_238"></a><a href="#BFootnote_238_238" class="fnanchor">[238]</a><span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageB381" id="pageB381"></a>{381}</span>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The criticism and the art-practice of this century have combined to shake
+      our faith in the grand style. The spirit of the Romantic movement,
+      penetrating poetry first, then manifesting itself in the reflective
+      writings of Rio and Lord Lindsay, Ruskin and Gautier, producing the
+      English landscape-painters and pre-Raphaelites, the French Realists and
+      Impressionists, has shifted the center of gravity in taste. Science, too,
+      contributes its quota. Histories of painting, like Kugler's, and Crowe and
+      Cavalcaselle's, composed in an impartial and searching spirit of
+      investigation, place students at a point of view removed from prejudice
+      and academical canons of perfection. Only here and there, under special
+      reactionary influences, as in the Dusseldorf and Munich schools of
+      religious purists, has anything approaching to the eighteenth-century
+      'grand style' delusion reappeared.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Why, therefore, the Eclectics are at present pining in the shade of
+      neglect is now sufficiently apparent. We dislike their religious
+      sentiments. We repudiate their false and unimaginative ideality. We
+      recognize their touch on antique mythology to be cold and lifeless.
+      Superficial imitations of Niobe and the Belvedere Apollo have no
+      attraction for a generation educated by the marbles of the Parthenon. Dull
+      reproductions of Raphael's manner at his worst cannot delight men satiated
+      with Raphael's manner <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB382"
+      id="pageB382"></a>{382}</span> at his best. Whether the whirligig of time
+      will bring about a revenge for the Eclectics yet remains to be seen. Taste
+      is so capricious, or rather the conditions which create taste are so
+      complex and inscrutable, that even this, which now seems impossible, may
+      happen in the future. But a modest prediction can be hazarded that nothing
+      short of the substitution of Catholicism for science and of Jesuitry for
+      truth in the European mind will work a general revolution in their favor.
+    </p>
+    <hr style="width: 65%;" />
+    <h2>
+      <a name="CHAPTER_XIV" id="CHAPTER_XIV"></a>CHAPTER XIV
+    </h2>
+    <p>
+      <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB383" id="pageB383"></a>{383}</span>
+    </p>
+    <h4>
+      CONCLUSION
+    </h4>
+    <div class="blockquot">
+      <p>
+        The main Events of European History&mdash;Italy in the Renaissance&mdash;Germany
+        and Reformation&mdash;Catholic Reaction&mdash;Its Antagonism to
+        Renaissance and Reformation&mdash;Profound Identity of Renaissance and
+        Reformation&mdash;Place of Italy in European Civilization&mdash;Want of
+        Sympathy between Latin and Teutonic Races&mdash;Relation of Rome to
+        Italy&mdash;Macaulay on the Roman Church&mdash;On Protestantism&mdash;Early
+        Decline of Renaissance Enthusiasms&mdash;Italy's Present and Future.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <p>
+      I.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The four main events of European history since the death of Christ are the
+      decline of Graeco-Roman civilization, the triumph of Christianity as a new
+      humanizing agency, the intrusion of Teutonic and Slavonic tribes into the
+      comity of nations, and the construction of the modern world of thought by
+      Renaissance and Reformation.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      As seems to be inevitable in the progress of our species, each of these
+      changes involved losses, compensated by final gains; for humanity moves
+      like a glacier, plastically, but with alternating phases of advance and
+      retreat, obeying laws of fracture and regelation.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      It would thus be easy to deplore the collapse of that mighty and
+      beneficent organism which we call <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB384"
+      id="pageB384"></a>{384}</span> the Roman Empire. Yet without this collapse
+      how could the Catholic Church have supplied inspiration to peoples gifted
+      with fresh faculties, endowed with insight differing from that of Greeks
+      and Romans?
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      It is tempting to lament the extinction of arts letters, and elaborated
+      habits of civility, which followed the barbarian invasions. Yet without
+      such extinction, how can we imagine to ourselves the growth of those new
+      arts, original literatures, and varied modes of social culture, to which
+      we give the names of mediaeval, chivalrous, or feudal?
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      It is obvious that we can quarrel with the Renaissance for having put an
+      end to purely Christian arts and letters by imposing a kind of pagan
+      mannerism on the spontaneous products of the later mediaeval genius. But
+      without this reversion to the remaining models of antique culture, how
+      could the European races have become conscious of historical continuity;
+      how could the corrupt system of Papal domination have been broken by
+      Reform; how, finally, could Science, the vital principle of our present
+      civilization, have been evolved?
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      In all these instances it appears that the old order must yield place to
+      the new, not only because the new is destined to incorporate and supersede
+      it, but also because the old has become unfruitful. Thus, the Roman
+      Empire, having discharged its organizing function, was decrepit, and
+      classical civilization, after exhibiting its strength in season, was
+      decaying when the Latin priesthood and the bar<span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageB385" id="pageB385"></a>{385}</span> barians entered that closed
+      garden of antiquity, and trampled it beneath their feet. Mediaeval
+      religion and modes of thought, in like manner, were at the point of
+      ossifying, when Humanism intervened to twine the threads of past and
+      present into strands that should be strong as cables for the furtherance
+      of future energy.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      It is incontestable that the Reformation and the Counter-Reformation, each
+      of them on different grounds antagonistic to the Renaissance, appear to
+      have retarded that emancipation of the reason, begun by Humanism, which is
+      still in progress. Nevertheless, the strife of Protestantism and
+      Catholicism was needed for preserving moral and religious elements which
+      might have been too lightly dropped, and for working these into the staple
+      of the modern consciousness. The process of the last three centuries,
+      attended as it has been by serious drawbacks to the Spanish and Italian
+      peoples, and by a lamentable waste of vigor to the Teutonic nations, has
+      yet resulted in a permeation of the modern compost with the leaven of
+      Christianity. Unchecked, it is probable that the Renaissance would have
+      swept away much that was valuable and deserved to be permanent. Nor,
+      without the flux and reflux of contending principles by which Europe was
+      agitated in the Counter-Reformation period, could the equipoise of
+      reciprocally attracting and repelling States, which constitutes the modern
+      as different from the ancient or the mediaeval groundwork of political
+      existence, have been so efficiently established.<span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageB386" id="pageB386"></a>{386}</span>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      II.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Permanence and homogeneity are not to be predicated of 'anything that's
+      merely ours and mortal.' We have missed the whole teaching of history if
+      we wail aloud because Greek and Roman culture succumbed to barbarism, out
+      of which mediaeval Christianity emerged; because the revival of learning
+      diverted arts and letters in each Occidental nation from their home-plowed
+      channels; because Protestant theologians and Spanish Jesuits impeded that
+      self-evolution of the reason which Italian humanists inaugurated. No less
+      futile were it to waste declamatory tears upon the strife of absolutism
+      with new-fledged democracy, or to vaticinate a reign of socialistic terror
+      for the immediate future. We have to recognize that man cannot be other
+      than what he makes himself; and he makes himself in obedience to immutable
+      although unwritten laws, whereof he only of late years became dimly
+      conscious. It is well, then, while reflecting on the lessons of some
+      deeply studied epoch in world-history, to regard the developments with
+      which we have been specially occupied, no less than the ephemeral activity
+      of each particular individual, as factors in a universal process, whereof
+      none sees the issue, but which, willing or unwilling, each man helps to
+      further. We shall then acknowledge that a contest between Conservatism and
+      Liberalism, between established order and the order that is destined to
+      replace it, <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB387" id="pageB387"></a>{387}</span>
+      between custom and innovation, constitutes the essence of vitality in
+      human affairs. The nations by turns are protagonists in the drama of
+      progress; by turns are doomed to play the part of obstructive agents.
+      Intermingled in conflict which is active life, they contribute by their
+      phases of declension and resistance, no less than by their forward
+      movements, to the growth of an organism which shall probably in the far
+      future be coextensive with the whole human race.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      III.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      These considerations are suggested to us by the subject I have handled in
+      this work. The first five volumes were devoted to showing how Italy, in
+      the Renaissance, elaborated a new way of regarding man and the world, a
+      new system of education, new social manners, and a new type of culture for
+      herself and Europe. This was her pioneer's work in the period of
+      transition from the middle ages; and while she was engaged in it, all
+      classes, from popes and princes down to poetlings and pedants, seemed for
+      a while to have lost sight of Catholic Christianity. They were equally
+      indifferent to that corresponding and contemporary movement across the
+      Alps, which is known as Reformation. They could not discern the close link
+      of connection which binds Renaissance to Reformation. Though at root
+      identical in tendency towards freedom, these stirrings of the modern <span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageB388" id="pageB388"></a>{388}</span> spirit
+      assumed externally such diverse forms as made them reciprocally repellent.
+      Only one European nation received both impulses simultaneously. That was
+      England, which adopted Protestantism and produced the literature of
+      Spenser, Bacon, and Shakespeare at the same epoch. France, earlier than
+      England, felt Renaissance influences, and for some while seemed upon the
+      point of joining the Reformation. But while the French were hesitating,
+      Spain proclaimed herself the uncompromising enemy of Protestantism, and
+      Rome, supported by this powerful ally, dragged Italy into the Catholic
+      reaction. That effort aimed at galvanizing a decrepit Church into the
+      semblance of vital energy, and, while professing the reformation of its
+      corrupt system, stereotyped all that was antagonistic in its creed and
+      customs to the spirit of the modern world. The Catholic Revival
+      necessitated vigorous reaction, not only against Protestantism, but also
+      against the Liberalism of the Renaissance and the political liberties of
+      peoples. It triumphed throughout Southern Europe chiefly because France
+      chose at length the Catholic side. But the triumph was only partial,
+      condemning Spain and Italy indeed to intellectual barrenness for a season,
+      but not sufficing to dominate and suppress the development of rationalism.
+      The pioneer's work of Italy was over. She joined the ranks of
+      obscurantists and obstructives. Germany, having failed to accomplish the
+      Reformation in time, was distracted by the Catholic reaction, which <span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageB389" id="pageB389"></a>{389}</span> plunged
+      her into a series of disastrous wars. It remained for England and Holland,
+      not, however, without similar perturbations in both countries, to lead the
+      van of progress through two centuries; after which this foremost post was
+      assigned to France and the United States.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      IV.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The views which I have maintained throughout my work upon the Renaissance
+      will be found, I think, to be coherent. They have received such varied
+      illustrations that it is difficult to recapitulate the principles on which
+      they rest, without repetition. The main outline of the argument, however,
+      is as follows. During the middle ages, Western Christendom recognized, in
+      theory at least, the ideal of European unity under the dual headship of
+      the Papacy and Empire. There was one civil order and one Church. Emperor
+      and Pope, though frequently at strife, were supposed to support each other
+      for the common welfare of Christendom. That mediaeval conception has now,
+      in the centuries which we call modern, passed into oblivion; and the
+      period in which it ceased to have effective value we denote as the period
+      of the Renaissance and the Reformation. So long as the ideal held good, it
+      was possible for the Papacy to stamp out heresies and to stifle the
+      earlier stirrings of antagonistic culture. Thus the precursory movements
+      to which<span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB390" id="pageB390"></a>{390}</span>
+      I alluded in the first chapter of my 'Age of the Despots,' seemed to be
+      abortive; and no less apparently abortive were the reformatory efforts of
+      Wyclif and Huss. Yet Europe was slowly undergoing mental and moral
+      changes, which announced the advent of a new era. These changes were more
+      apparent in Italy than elsewhere, through the revival of arts and letters
+      early in the fourteenth century. Cimabue, Giotto, and the Pisani, Dante,
+      Petrarch, and Boccaccio, set culture forward on fresh paths divergent from
+      previous mediaeval tradition. The gradual enfeeblement of the Empire and
+      the distraction of the Church during the Great Schism prepared the means
+      whereby both Renaissance and Reformation were eventually realized. The
+      Council of Constance brought the Western nations into active diplomatical
+      relations, and sowed seeds of thought which afterwards sprang up in
+      Luther.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Meanwhile a special nidus had been created in the South. The Italian
+      communes freed themselves from all but titular subjection to the Empire,
+      and were practically independent of the Papacy during its exile in
+      Avignon. They succumbed to despots, and from Italian despotism emerged the
+      Machiavellian conception of the State. This conception, modified in
+      various ways, by Sarpi's theory of Church and State, by the Jesuit theory
+      of Papal Supremacy, by the counter-theory of the Divine Right of Kings, by
+      theories of Social Contract and the Divine Right of Nations, superseded
+      the elder ideal of Universal<span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB391"
+      id="pageB391"></a>{391}</span> Monarchy. It grew originally out of the
+      specific conditions of Italy in the fifteenth century, and acquired force
+      from that habit of mind, fostered by the Classical Revival, which we call
+      humanism. Humanism had flourished in Italy since the days of Petrarch, and
+      had been communicated by Italian teachers to the rest of Europe. As in the
+      South it generated the new learning and the new culture which I have
+      described in the first five volumes of my work, and acted as a solvent on
+      the mediaeval idea of the Empire, so in the North it generated a new
+      religious enthusiasm and acted as a solvent on the mediaeval idea of the
+      Church. All through the middle ages, nothing seemed more formidable to the
+      European mind than heresy. Any sacrifices were willingly made in order to
+      secure the unity of the Catholic Communion. But now, by the Protestant
+      rebellion, that spell was broken, and the right of peoples to choose their
+      faith, in dissent from a Church declared corrupt, was loudly proclaimed.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      So long as we keep this line of reasoning in view, we shall recognize why
+      it is not only uncritical, but also impossible, to separate the two
+      movements severally called Renaissance and Reformation. Both had a common
+      root in humanism, and humanism owed its existence on the one hand to the
+      recovery of antique literature, on the other to the fact that the Papacy,
+      instead of striving to stamp it out as it had stamped out Proven&ccedil;al
+      civilization, viewed it at first with approval. The new learning, as our
+      an<span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB392" id="pageB392"></a>{392}</span>
+      cestors were wont to call it, involved, in Michelet's pregnant formula,
+      the discovery of the world and man, and developed a spirit of revolt
+      against mediaevalism in all its manifestations. Its fruits were speedily
+      discerned in bold exploratory studies, sound methods of criticism,
+      audacious speculation, and the free play of the intellect over every field
+      of knowledge. This new learning had time and opportunity for full
+      development in Italy, and for adequate extension to the Northern races,
+      before its real tendencies were suspected. When that happened, the
+      transition from the mediaeval to the modern age had been secured. The
+      Empire was obsolete. The Church was forced into reaction. Europe became
+      the battle-field of progressive and retrogressive forces, the scene of a
+      struggle between two parties which can best be termed Liberalism and
+      Conservatism.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Stripping the subject of those artistic and literary associations which we
+      are accustomed to connect with the word Renaissance, these seem to me the
+      most essential points to bear in mind about this movement. Then, when we
+      have studied the diverse antecedent circumstances of the German and
+      Italian races, when we take into account their national qualities, and
+      estimate the different aims and divergent enthusiasms evoked in each by
+      humanistic ardor, we shall perceive how it came to pass that Renaissance
+      and Reformation clashed together in discordant opposition to the Catholic
+      Revival.<span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB393" id="pageB393"></a>{393}</span>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      V.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Italy, through the Roman Republic, the Roman Empire, and the Roman Church,
+      gave discipline, culture, and religion to the Western world. But, during
+      the course of this civilizing process, a force arose in Northern Europe
+      which was destined to transfer the center of gravity from the
+      Mediterranean basin northwards. The Teutonic tribes effaced the Western
+      Empire, adopted Christianity, and profoundly modified what still survived
+      of Latin civility among the Occidental races. A new factor was thus
+      introduced into the European community, which had to be assimilated to the
+      old; and the genius of the Italian people never displayed itself more
+      luminously than in the ability with which the Bishops of Rome availed
+      themselves of this occasion. They separated the Latin from the Greek
+      Church, and, by the figment of the Holy Roman Empire, cemented Southern
+      and Northern Europe into an apparently cohesive whole. After the year A.D.
+      800, Europe, from the Baltic to the Mediterranean, acknowledged a dual
+      headship; Papacy and Empire ranking as ideals under which the unity of
+      Christendom subsisted in a multiplicity of separate and self-evolving
+      nations.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The concordat between Latin Church and German Empire, the one representing
+      traditions of antique intelligence and southern habits of State
+      organization, the other introducing the young energies of half-cultivated
+      peoples and the chivalry of <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB394"
+      id="pageB394"></a>{394}</span> the North, was never perfect. Yet,
+      incomplete as the fusion between Roman and Teuton actually was, it had a
+      common basis in religion, and it enabled the federated peoples to maintain
+      recognized international relations. What we now call Renaissance and
+      Reformation revealed still unreconciled antagonisms between Southern and
+      Northern, Latin and German, factors in this mediaeval Europe. Italy, freed
+      for a while from both Papacy and Empire, expressed her intellectual energy
+      in the Revival of Learning, developing that bold investigating spirit to
+      which the names of Humanism or of Rationalism may be given. The new
+      learning, the new enthusiasm for inquiry, the new study of the world and
+      man, as subjects of vital interest irrespective of our dreamed-of life
+      beyond the grave, stimulated in Italy what we know as Renaissance; while
+      in Germany it led to what we know as Reformation. The Reformation must be
+      regarded as the Teutonic counterpart to the Italian Renaissance. It was
+      what emerged from the core of that huge barbarian factor, which had sapped
+      the Roman Empire, and accepted Catholicism; which lent its vigor to the
+      mediaeval Empire, and which now participated in the culture of the
+      classical Revival. As Italy restored freedom to human intelligence and the
+      senses by arts and letters and amenities of refined existence, so Germany
+      restored freedom to the soul and conscience by strenuous efforts after
+      religious sincerity and political independence. The one people aim<span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageB395" id="pageB395"></a>{395}</span> ing at a
+      restoration of pagan civility beneath the shadow of Catholicism, the other
+      seeking after a purer Christianity in antagonism to the Papal hierarchy,
+      initiated from opposite points of view that complete emancipation of the
+      modern mind which has not yet been fully realized.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      If we inquire why the final end to which both Renaissance and Reformation
+      tended&mdash;namely, the liberation of the spirit from mediaeval
+      prepossessions and impediments&mdash;has not been more perfectly attained,
+      we find the cause of this partial failure in the contradictory conceptions
+      formed by South and North of a problem which was at root one. Both
+      Renaissance and Reformation had their origin in the revival of learning,
+      or rather in that humanistic enthusiasm which was its vital essence. But
+      the race-differences involved in these two movements were so
+      irreconcilable, the objects pursued were so divergent, that Renaissance
+      and Reformation came into the conflict of chemical combination, producing
+      a ferment out of which the intellectual unity of Europe has not as yet
+      clearly emerged. The Latin race, having created a new learning and a new
+      culture, found itself at strife with the Teutonic race, which at the same
+      period developed new religious conceptions and new political energies.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The Church supplied a battle-field for these hostilities. The Renaissance
+      was by no means favorable to the principles of Catholic orthodoxy; and the
+      Italians showed themselves to be Christians <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageB396" id="pageB396"></a>{396}</span> by convention and tradition
+      rather than by conviction in the fifteenth century. Yet Italy was well
+      content to let the corrupt hierarchy of Papal Rome subsist, provided Rome
+      maintained the attitude which Leo X. had adopted toward the liberal spirit
+      of the Classical Revival. The Reformation, on the other hand, was openly
+      antagonistic to the Catholic Church. Protestantism repudiated the
+      toleration professed by skeptical philosophers and indulgent free-thinkers
+      in the South, while it repelled those refined persons by theological
+      fervor and moral indignation which they could not comprehend. Thus the
+      Italian and the German children of humanism failed to make common cause
+      against Catholicism, with which the former felt no sympathy and which the
+      latter vehemently attacked. Meanwhile the Church awoke to a sense of her
+      peril. The Papacy was still a force of the first magnitude; and it only
+      required a vigorous effort to place it once more in an attitude of
+      domination and resistance. This effort it made by reforming the
+      ecclesiastical hierarchy, defining Catholic dogma, and carrying on a war
+      of extermination against the twofold Liberalism of Renaissance and
+      Reformation.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      That reactionary movement against the progress of free thought which
+      extinguished the Italian Renaissance and repelled the Reformation, has
+      formed the subject of the two preceding volumes of my work. It could not
+      have been conducted by the Court of Rome without the help of Spain. The
+      Spanish nation, at this epoch paramount in Europe, declared <span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageB397" id="pageB397"></a>{397}</span> itself
+      fanatically and unanimously for the Catholic Revival. In Italy it lent the
+      weight of arms and overlordship to the Church for the suppression of
+      popular liberties. It provided the Papacy with a spiritual militia
+      specially disciplined to meet the exigencies of the moment. Yet the center
+      of the reaction was still Rome; and the Spanish hegemony enabled the Roman
+      hierarchy to consolidate an organism which has long survived its own
+      influence in European affairs.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      VI.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      After the close of the Great Schism Rome began to obey the national
+      impulses of the Italians, entered into their confederation as one of the
+      five leading powers, and assumed externally the humanistic culture then in
+      vogue. But the Church was a cosmopolitan institution. Its interests
+      extended beyond the Alps, beyond the Pyrenees, beyond the oceans traversed
+      by Portuguese and Spanish navigators. The Renaissance so far modified its
+      structure that the Papacy continued politically to rank as an Italian
+      power. Its headquarters could not be removed from the Tiber, and by the
+      tacit consent of Latin Catholicism the Supreme Pontiff was selected from
+      Italian prelates. Yet now, in 1530, it began to play a new part more
+      consonant with its mediaeval functions and pretensions. Rome indeed had
+      ceased to be the imperial capital of Europe, where the secular head of
+      Christendom assumed the crown of Empire <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageB398" id="pageB398"></a>{398}</span> from his peer the spiritual
+      chieftain. The Eternal City in this new phase of modern history, which
+      lasted until Vittorio Emmanuele's entrance into the Quirinal in 1870, gave
+      the Pope a place among Catholic sovereigns. From his throne upon the seven
+      hills he conducted with their approval and assistance the campaign of the
+      Counter-Reformation. Instead of encouraging and developing what yet
+      remained of Renaissance in Italy, instead of directing that movement of
+      the self-emancipating mind beyond the stage of art and humanism into the
+      stage of rationalism and science, the Church used its authority to bring
+      back the middle ages and to repress national impulses. It made common
+      cause with Spain for a common object&mdash;the maintenance of Italy in a
+      state of political and intellectual bondage, and the subjugation of such
+      provinces in Europe as had not been irretrievably lost to the Catholic
+      cause. The Italians, as a nation, remained passive, but not altogether
+      unwilling or unapproving spectators of the drama which was being enacted
+      under Papal leadership beyond their boundaries. Once again their activity
+      was merged in that of Rome&mdash;in the action of that State which had
+      first secured for them the Empire of the habitable globe, and next the
+      spiritual hegemony of the Western races, and from the predominance of
+      which they had partially disengaged themselves during the fourteenth and
+      fifteenth centuries. It was the Papacy's sense of its own danger as a
+      cosmopolitan institution, combined <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB399"
+      id="pageB399"></a>{399}</span> with the crushing superiority of Spain in
+      the peninsula, which determined this phase of Italian history.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      The Catholic Revival, like the Renaissance, may in a certain sense be
+      viewed as a product of Italian genius. This is sufficiently proved by the
+      diplomatic history of the Tridentine Council, and by the dedication of the
+      Jesuits to Papal service. It must, however, be remembered that while the
+      Renaissance emanated from the race at large, from its confederation of
+      independent republics and tyrannies, the Catholic Revival emanated from
+      that portion of the race which is called Rome, from the ecclesiastical
+      hierarchy imbued with world-wide ambitions in which national interests
+      were drowned. There is nothing more interesting to the biographer of the
+      Italians than the complicated correlation in which they have always stood
+      to the cosmopolitan organism of Rome, itself Italian. In their antique
+      days of greatness Rome subdued them, and by their native legions won the
+      overlordship of the world. After the downfall of the Empire the Church
+      continued Roman traditions in an altered form, but it found itself unable
+      to dispense with the foreign assistance of Franks and Germans. The price
+      now paid by Italy for spiritual headship in Europe was subjection to
+      Teutonic suzerains and perpetual intriguing interference in her affairs.
+      During the Avignonian captivity and the Great Schism, Italy developed
+      intellectual and confederative unity, imposing her laws of culture and of
+      state-craft even on the Papacy when it returned to Rome.<span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageB400" id="pageB400"></a>{400}</span> But
+      again at the close of the Renaissance, when Italian independence had
+      collapsed, the Church aspired to spiritual supremacy; and at this epoch
+      she recompensed her Spanish ally by aiding and abetting in the enslavement
+      of the peninsula. Still the Roman Pontiff, who acted as generalissimo of
+      the Catholic armies throughout Europe, was now more than ever recognized
+      as an Italian power.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      VII.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      In his review of Ranke's <i>History of the Popes</i> Lord Macaulay insists
+      with brilliant eloquence upon the marvelous vitality and longevity of the
+      Roman Catholic Church. He describes the insurrection of the intellect
+      against her rule in Provence, and her triumph in the Crusade which
+      sacrificed a nation to the conception of mediaeval religious unity. He
+      dwells on her humiliation in exile at Avignon, her enfeeblement during the
+      Great Schism, and her restoration to splendor and power at the close of
+      the Councils. Then he devotes his vast accumulated stores of learning and
+      his force of rhetoric to explain the Reformation, the Catholic Revival,
+      and the Counter-Reformation. He proves abundantly what there was in the
+      organism of the Catholic Church and in the temper of Papal Rome, which
+      made these now reactionary powers more than a match for Protestantism. 'In
+      fifty years from the day on which Luther publicly renounced communion with
+      the Papacy, and burned the bull of Leo before <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageB401" id="pageB401"></a>{401}</span> the gates of Wittenberg,
+      Protestantism attained its highest ascendency, an ascendency which it soon
+      lost, and which it never regained.' This sentence forms the theme for Lord
+      Macaulay's survey of the Catholic Revival. Dazzling and fascinating as
+      that survey is, it fails through misconception of one all-important point.
+      Lord Macaulay takes for granted that conflict in Europe, since the
+      publication of Luther's manifesto against Rome, has been between
+      Catholicism and Protestantism. Even after describing the cataclysm of the
+      French Revolution, he winds up his argument with these words: 'We think it
+      a most remarkable fact that no Christian nation, which did not adopt the
+      principles of the Reformation before the end of the sixteenth century,
+      should ever have adopted them. Catholic communities have, since that time,
+      become infidel and Catholic again; but none has become Protestant.' This
+      is tantamount to regarding Protestantism as something fixed and final in
+      itself, as a permanent and necessary form of Christianity. Here lies the
+      fallacy which makes his reasoning, in spite of all its eloquence, but
+      superficial. Protestantism, in truth, has never been more than a half-way
+      house or halting-place between Catholicism and what may variously be
+      described as free thought or science or rationalism. Being in its origin
+      critical&mdash;being, as its name implies, a protest and an opposition&mdash;Protestantism
+      was doomed to sterility, whenever it hardened into one or other of its
+      dogmatic forms.<span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB402" id="pageB402"></a>{402}</span>
+      As critics and insurgents, Luther and Calvin rank among the liberators of
+      the modern intellect. As founders of intolerant and mutually hostile
+      Christian sects, Luther and Calvin rank among the retarders of modern
+      civilization. In subsequent thinkers of whom both sects have disapproved,
+      we may recognize the veritable continuators of their work in its best
+      aspect. The Lutheran and Calvinist Churches are but backwaters and
+      stagnant pools, left behind by the subsidence of rivers in flood,
+      separated from the tidal stress of cosmic forces. Macaulay's misconception
+      of the true character of Protestantism, which is to Catholicism what the
+      several dissenting bodies are to the English Establishment, has diverted
+      his attention from the deeper issues involved in the Counter-Reformation.
+      He hardly touches upon Rome's persecution of free thought, upon her
+      obstinate opposition to science. Consequently, he is not sufficiently
+      aware that Copernicus and Bruno were, even in the sixteenth century, far
+      more dangerous foes to Catholicism than were the leaders of the Reformed
+      Churches. Copernicus and Bruno, the lineal ancestors of Helmholtz and
+      Darwin, headed that opposition to Catholicism which has been continuous
+      and potent to the present day, which has never retreated into backwaters
+      or stagnated in slumbrous pools. From this opposition the essence of
+      Christianity, the spirit which Christ bequeathed to his disciples, has
+      nothing to fear. But Catholicism and<span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageB403" id="pageB403"></a>{403}</span> Protestantism alike, in so
+      far as both are dogmatic and reactionary, clinging to creeds which will
+      not bear the test of scientific investigation, to myths which have lost
+      their significance in the light of advancing knowledge, and to methods of
+      interpreting the Scriptures at variance with the canons of historical
+      criticism, have very much to fear from this opposition. Lord Macaulay
+      thinks it a most remarkable fact that no Christian nation has adopted the
+      principles of the Reformation since the end of the sixteenth century. He
+      does not perceive that, in every race of Europe, all enlightened thinkers,
+      whether we name Bacon or Descartes, Spinoza or Leibnitz, Goethe or
+      Mazzini, have adopted and carried forward those principles in their
+      essence. That they have not proclaimed themselves Protestants unless they
+      happened to be born Protestants, ought not to arouse his wonder, any more
+      than that Washington and Heine did not proclaim themselves Whigs. For
+      Protestantism, when it became dogmatic and stereotyped itself in sects,
+      ceased to hold any vital relation to the forward movement of modern
+      thought. The Reformation, in its origin, was, as I have tried to show, the
+      Northern and Teutonic manifestation of that struggle after intellectual
+      freedom, which in Italy and France had taken shape as Renaissance. But
+      Calvinism, Lutheranism, Zwinglianism, and Anglicanism renounced that
+      struggle only less decidedly than Catholicism; and in some of their
+      specific phases, in Puritanism <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB404"
+      id="pageB404"></a>{404}</span> for example, they showed themselves even
+      more antagonistic to liberal culture and progressive thought than did the
+      Roman Church.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Whatever may be thought about the future of Catholicism (and no prudent
+      man will utter prophecies upon such matters), there can be no doubt that
+      the universal mind of the Christian races, whether Catholic or Protestant,
+      has been profoundly penetrated and permeated with rationalism, which,
+      springing simultaneously in Reformation and Renaissance out of humanism,
+      has supplied the spiritual life of the last four centuries. This has
+      created science in all its branches. This has stimulated critical and
+      historical curiosity. This has substituted sound for false methods of
+      inquiry, the love of truth for attachment to venerable delusion. This has
+      sustained the unconquerable soul of man in its persistent effort after
+      liberty and its revolt against the tyranny of priests and princes. At
+      present, civilization seems threatened by more potent foes than the Roman
+      Church, nor is it likely that these foes will seek a coalition with
+      Catholicism.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      As a final remark upon this topic, it should be pointed out that
+      Protestantism, in spite of the shortcomings I have indicated, has, on the
+      whole, been more favorable to intellectual progress than Catholicism. For
+      Protestantism was never altogether oblivious of its origin in revolt
+      against unjust spiritual domination, while Catholicism has steadily <span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageB405" id="pageB405"></a>{405}</span>
+      maintained its conservative attitude of self-defense by repression. This
+      suffices to explain another point insisted on by Lord Macaulay&mdash;namely,
+      that those nations in which Protestantism took root have steadily
+      advanced, while the decay of Southern Europe can be mainly ascribed to the
+      Catholic Revival. The one group of nations have made progress, not indeed
+      because they were Protestants, but because they were more obedient to the
+      Divine Mind, more in sympathy with the vital principle of movement, more
+      open to rationalism. The other group of nations have declined, because
+      Catholicism after the year 1530, wilfully separated itself from truth and
+      liberty and living force, and obstinately persisted in serving the false
+      deities of an antiquated religion.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      VIII.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Few periods in history illustrate the law of reaction and retrogression,
+      to which all processes of civil progress are subject, more plainly and
+      more sadly than the one with which I have been dealing in these volumes.
+      The Renaissance in Italy started with the fascination of a golden dream;
+      and like the music of a dream, it floated over Europe. But the force which
+      had stimulated humanity to this delightful reawakening of senses and
+      intelligence, stirred also the slumbering religious conscience, and a
+      yearning after personal emancipation. Protestantism arose like a stern
+      reality, plunging the nations into <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB406"
+      id="pageB406"></a>{406}</span> confused and deadly conflict, arousing
+      antagonisms in established orders, unleashing cupidities and passions
+      which had lurked within the breasts of manifold adventurers. The fifteenth
+      century closed to a solemn symphony. After the middle of the sixteenth,
+      discord sounded from every quarter of the Occidental world. Italy lay
+      trampled on and dying. Spain reared her dragon's crest of menacing
+      ambition and remorseless fanaticism. France was torn by factions and
+      devoured by vicious favorites of corrupt kings. Germany heaved like a huge
+      ocean in the grip of a tumultuous gyrating cyclone. England passed through
+      a complex revolution, the issue of which, under the sway of three Tudor
+      monarchs, appeared undecided, until the fourth by happy fate secured the
+      future of her people. It is not to be wondered that, in these
+      circumstances, a mournful discouragement should have descended on the age;
+      that men should have become more dubitative; that arts and letters should
+      have seemed to pine upon unfertile ground. The nutriment they needed was
+      absorbed by plants of fiercer and ranker growth, religious hatreds,
+      political greeds, relentless passions burning in the hearts of princes and
+      of populations.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      IX.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Italy had already given so much of mental and social civilization to
+      Europe, that her quiescence at this epoch can scarcely supply a
+      substantial theme for <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB407"
+      id="pageB407"></a>{407}</span> rhetorical lamentations. Marino and Guido
+      Reni prove that the richer veins of Renaissance art and poetry had been
+      worked out. The lives of Aldus the younger and Muretus show that humanism
+      was well-nigh exhausted on its native soil. This will not, however,
+      prevent us from deploring the untimely frost cast by persecution on
+      Italy's budding boughs of knowledge. While we rejoice in Galileo, we must
+      needs shed tears of fiery wrath over the passion of Campanella and the
+      stake of Bruno. Meanwhile the tree of genius was ever green and vital in
+      that Saturnian land of culture. Poetry, painting, sculpture, and
+      architecture, having borne their flowers and fruits, retired to rest.
+      Scholarship faded; science was nipped in its unfolding season by unkindly
+      influences. But music put forth lusty shoots and flourished, yielding a
+      new paradise of harmless joy, which even priests could grudge not to the
+      world, and which lulled tyranny to sleep with silvery numbers.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      Thanks be to God that I who pen these pages, and that you who read them,
+      have before us in this year of grace the spectacle of a resuscitated
+      Italy! In this last quarter of the nineteenth century, the work of her
+      heroes, Vittorio Emmanuele, Mazzini, Garibaldi, and Cavour, stands firmly
+      founded. The creation of united Italy, that latest birth of the Italian
+      genius, that most impossible of dreamed-of triumphs through long ages of
+      her glory and greatness, compensates for all that she has borne in these
+      <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB408" id="pageB408"></a>{408}</span>
+      three hundred years. Now that Rome is no longer the seat of a cosmopolitan
+      theocracy, but the capital of a regenerated people; now that Venice joins
+      hands with Genoa, forgetful of Curzola and Chioggia; now that Florence and
+      Pisa and Siena stand like sisters on the sacred Tuscan soil, while Milan
+      has no strife with Naples, and the Alps and sea-waves gird one harmony of
+      cities who have drowned their ancient spites in amity,&mdash;the student
+      of the splendid and the bitter past may pause and bow his head in
+      gratitude to Heaven and swear that, after all, all things are well.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      X.
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      There is no finality in human history. It is folly to believe that any
+      religions, any social orders, any scientific hypotheses, are more than
+      provisional, and partially possessed of truth. Let us assume that the
+      whole curve of human existence on this planet describes a parabola of some
+      twenty millions of years in duration.<a name="BFNanchor_239_239"
+      id="BFNanchor_239_239"></a><a href="#BFootnote_239_239" class="fnanchor">[239]</a>
+      Of this we have already exhausted unreckoned centuries in the evolution of
+      pre-historic man, and perhaps five thousand years in the ages of historic
+      records. How much of time remains in front? Through that past period of
+      five thousand years preserved for purblind retrospect in records, what
+      changes of opinion, what peripeties of empire, may we not observe and
+      ponder! How many theologies, cosmological conceptions, polities, moralities,
+      <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB409" id="pageB409"></a>{409}</span>
+      dominions, ways of living and of looking upon life, have followed one upon
+      another! The space itself is brief; compared with the incalculable
+      longevity of the globe, it is but a bare 'scape in oblivion.' And, however
+      ephemeral the persistence of humanity may be in this its earthly
+      dwelling-place, the conscious past sinks into insignificance before those
+      aeons of the conscious future, those on-coming and out-rolling waves of
+      further evolution which bear posterity forward. Has any solid gain of man
+      been lost on the stream of time to us-ward? We doubt that. Has anything
+      final and conclusive been arrived at? We doubt that also. The river
+      broadens, as it bears us on. But the rills from which it gathered, and the
+      ocean whereto it tends, are now, as ever in the past, inscrutable. It is
+      therefore futile to suppose, at this short stage upon our journey, while
+      the infant founts of knowledge are still murmuring to our ears, that any
+      form of faith or science has been attained as permanent; that any Pillars
+      of Hercules have been set up against the Atlantic Ocean of experience and
+      exploration. Think of that curve of possibly twenty million years, and of
+      the five thousand years remembered by humanity! How much, how incalculably
+      much longer is the space to be traversed than that which we have left
+      behind! It seems, therefore, our truest, as it is our humblest, wisdom to
+      live by faith and love. 'And now abideth faith, hope, charity, these
+      three; but the greatest of these is charity.' Love <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageB410" id="pageB410"></a>{410}</span> is the greatest; and
+      against love man has sinned most in the short but blood-bedabbled annals
+      of his past. Hope is the virtue from which a faithful human being can best
+      afford to abstain, unless hope wait as patient handmaid upon faith. Faith
+      is the steadying and sustaining force, holding fast by which each one of
+      us dares defy change, and gaze with eyes of curious contemplation on the
+      tide which brought us, and is carrying, and will bear us where we see not.
+      'I know not how I came of you and I know not where I go with you; but I
+      know I came well and I shall go well.' Man can do no better than live in
+      Eternity's Sunrise, as Blake put it. To live in the eternal sunrise of
+      God's presence, ever rising, not yet risen, which will never reach its
+      meridian on this globe, seems to be the destiny, as it should also be the
+      blessing, of mankind.
+    </p>
+    <hr style="width: 65%;" />
+    <h2>
+      <a name="INDEX" id="INDEX"></a>INDEX
+    </h2>
+    <p>
+      <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB411" id="pageB411"></a>{411}</span>
+    </p>
+    <p>
+      A<br /> <br /> ACADEMIES, Italian, the flourishing time of, i.<a
+      href="#pageA52">52</a>.<br /> <br /> ACCIAIUOLI, Roberto, i.<a
+      href="#pageB33"></a><a href="#pageB33">33</a>.<br /> <br /> ACCOLTI,
+      Benedetto, conspirator against Pius IV., i. <a href="#pageA132"></a>.<br />
+      <br /> ACCORAMBONI, Claudio (father of Vittoria), i.<a href="#pageA356"></a>356.<br />
+      <br /> ---Marcello (brother of Vittoria):<br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">intrigues for the marriage of his sister with
+      the</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">Duke of Bracciano, i. <a
+      href="#pageA358">358</a> <i>sqq.</i>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">procures the murder of her husband, <a
+      href="#pageA362"></a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">employs
+      a Greek enchantress to brew love-philters, <a href="#pageA365">365</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">his death, <a href="#pageA372">372</a>.</span><br />
+      <br /> ---Tarquinia (mother of Vittoria), i. <a href="#pageA356">356</a>.<br />
+      <br /> ---Vittoria, the story of, i. <a href="#pageA355">355</a> <i>sqq.</i>;<br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">her birth and parentage, <a
+      href="#pageA356">356</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">marriage
+      with Felice Peretti, <a href="#pageA357">357</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">intrigue with the Duke of Bracciano, <a
+      href="#pageA360">360</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">the
+      murder of her husband, <a href="#pageA362">362</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">her marriage with Bracciano, <a href="#pageA364">364</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">annulled by the Pope, <a href="#pageB364">364</a>,
+      <a href="#pageA366">366</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">the
+      union renounced by the Duke, <a href="#pageA365">365</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">put on trial for the murder of Peretti, <i>ib.</i>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">their union publicly ratified by the Duke,
+      <a href="#pageA366">366</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">flight
+      from Rome, <i>ib.</i>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">death
+      of Bracciano, <a href="#pageA367">367</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">her murder procured by Lodovico Orsini, <a
+      href="#pageA369">369</a>.</span><br /> <br /> 'ACTS of Faith,' i. <a
+      href="#pageA107">107</a>, <a href="#pageA176">176</a>, <a href="#pageA187">187</a>.<br />
+      <br /> ADMINISTRATOR, the (Jesuit functionary), i. <a href="#pageA273">273</a>.<br />
+      <br /> 'ADONE,' Marino's:<br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">its
+      publication, ii. <a href="#pageB264">264</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">critique of the poem, <a href="#pageB266">266</a>
+      <i>sqq.</i></span><br /> <br /> ALBANI, Francesco, Bolognese painter, ii. <a
+      href="#pageB355">355</a>, <a href="#pageB358">358</a>.<br /> <br />
+      ALEXANDER VI., Pope, parallel between, and Pope Paul IV., i. <a
+      href="#pageA106">106</a>.<br /> <br /> ALFONSO II., Duke of Ferrara:<br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">sketch of his Court, ii. <a href="#pageB28">28</a>
+      <i>sqq.</i>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">his second
+      marriage, <a href="#pageB30">30</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">treatment of Tasso, <a href="#pageB38">38</a>,
+      <a href="#pageB51">51</a>, <a href="#pageB53">53</a>, <a href="#pageB58">58</a>,
+      <a href="#pageB60">60</a> <i>sqq.</i>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">his third marriage, <a href="#pageB66">66</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">estimate of the reasons why he imprisoned
+      Tasso, <a href="#pageB66">66</a> <i>sqq.</i></span><br /> <br /> ALFONSO the
+      Magnanimous:<br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">arrangements under his
+      will, i. <a href="#pageA4">4</a>.</span><br /> <br /> ALIDOSI, Cardinal
+      Francesco, murder of, i. <a href="#pageA36">36</a>.<br /> <br /> ALLEGORY,
+      hypocrisy of the, exemplified in Tasso, ii.
+
+<a href="#pageB44">44</a>;<br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">in Marino,
+
+
+<a href="#pageA119">119</a> <i>n.</i><br />
+      <br /> ALVA, Duke of, defeat of the Duke of Guise by, i.
+
+<a href="#pageA103">103</a>.<br />
+      <br /> 'AMADIS of Gaul,' the favorite book of Loyola in his youth, i. <a
+      href="#pageA232">232</a>.<br /> <br /> AMIAS, Beatrice, mother of Francesco
+      Cenci, i. <a href="#pageA346">346</a>.<br /> <br /> 'AMINTA,' Tasso's
+      pastoral drama, first production of, ii. <a href="#pageB39">39</a>;<br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">its style, <a href="#pageB114">114</a>.</span><br />
+      <br /> ANGELUZZO, Giovanni, Tasso's first teacher, ii. <a href="#pageB12">12</a>.<br />
+      <br /> ANIMA Mundi, Bruno's doctrine of, ii. <a href="#pageB177">177</a>.<br />
+      <br /> ANTONIANO, a censor of the <i>Gerusalemme Liberata</i>, ii. <a
+      href="#pageB43">43</a>.<br /> <br /> ---Silvio, a boy <i>improvvisatore</i>,
+      anecdote of, ii. <a href="#pageB328">328</a>.<br /> <br /> AQUAVIVA, the
+      fifth General of the Jesuits, i. <a href="#pageA248">248</a>.<br /> <span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageB412" id="pageB412"></a>{412}</span><br />
+      AQUITAINE, Duke of, Guercino's painting of in Bologna, ii. <a
+      href="#pageB367">367</a>.<br /> <br /> ARAGONESE Dynasty, the, in Italy, i.
+      <a href="#pageA4">4</a>.<br /> <br /> ARBUES, Peter, Saint of the
+      Inquisition in Aragon, i. <a href="#pageA161">161</a>, <a href="#pageA178">178</a>.<br />
+      <br /> ARETINO, Pietro, i. <a href="#pageA42">42</a>, <a href="#pageB70">70</a>;<br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">satire of on Paul IV., <a href="#pageA108">108</a>.</span><br />
+      <br /> 'ARIE Divote,' Palestrina's, ii. <a href="#pageB335">335</a>.<br />
+      <br /> ARISTOTLE'S Axiom on Taste, ii. <a href="#pageB371">371</a>, <a
+      href="#pageB374">374</a>.<br /> <br /> ARMADA, Spanish, i. <a
+      href="#pageA149">149</a>.<br /> <br /> ARMI, Lodovico dall', a <i>bravo</i>
+      of noble family, i. <a href="#pageA409">409</a>;<br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">accredited at Venice as Henry VIII.'s 'Colonel,'
+      <a href="#pageA410">410</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">his
+      career of secret diplomacy, <a href="#pageA411">411</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">negotiations between Lord Wriothesley and Venice
+      regarding</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">the ban issued
+      against him, <a href="#pageA412">412</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">his downfall, <a href="#pageA413">413</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">personal appearance, <a href="#pageA414">414</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">execution, <a href="#pageB415">415</a>.</span><br />
+      <br /> ARNOLFINI, Massimiliano, paramour of Lucrezia Buonvisi, i. <a
+      href="#pageA331">331</a>;<br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">procures
+      the assassination of her husband, <a href="#pageA332">332</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">flight from justice, <a href="#pageA332">332</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">outlawed, <a href="#pageA336">336</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">his wanderings and wretched end, <a
+      href="#pageA339">339</a>.</span><br /> <br /> ART of Memory, Bruno's, ii. <a
+      href="#pageB139">139</a>.<br /> <br /> ART of Poetry, Tasso's Dialogues on
+      the, ii. <a href="#pageB22">22</a>, <a href="#pageB24">24</a>;<br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">influence of its theory on Tasso's own work, <a
+      href="#pageB25">25</a>.</span><br /> <br /> ASSISTANTS, the (Jesuit
+      functionaries), i. <a href="#pageA273">273</a>.<br /> <br /> ASTORGA,
+      Marquis of, i. <a href="#pageA22">22</a>.<br /> <br /> AURORA, the Ludovisi
+      fresco of, ii. <a href="#pageB368">368</a>.<br /> <br /> AVILA, Don Luigi
+      d', i. <a href="#pageA128">128</a>.<br /> <br /> <br /> B<br /> <br />
+      BAGLIONI, Malatesta, i. <a href="#pageA46">46</a>.<br /> <br /> BAINI'S <i>Life
+      of Palestrina</i>, ii. <a href="#pageB316">316</a> <i>sqq.</i><br /> <br />
+      BALBI, Cesare, on Italian decadence, ii. <a href="#pageB3">3</a>.<br />
+      <br /> BANDITTI, tales illustrative of, i. <a href="#pageA388">388</a> <i>sqq.</i><br />
+      <br /> 'BANDO' (of outlawry), recitation of the terms of a, i. <a
+      href="#pageA328">328</a>.<br /> <br /> BARBIERI, Giovanni Francesco, <i>see</i>
+      IL GUERCINO.<br /> <br /> BARCELONA, the Treaty of, i. <a href="#pageA15">15</a>.<br />
+      <br /> BARNABITES, Order of the:<br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">their
+      foundation, i. <a href="#pageA80">80</a>.</span><br /> <br /> BAROCCIO,
+      Federigo, ii. <a href="#pageB349">349</a>.<br /> <br /> BAROZZA, a Venetian
+      courtezan, i. <a href="#pageA394">394</a>, <a href="#pageA396">396</a>.<br />
+      <br /> BASEL, Council of, i. <a href="#pageA94">94</a>.<br /> <br /> BEARD,
+      unshorn, worn in sign of mourning, i. <a href="#pageA36">36</a>.<br />
+      <br /> BEDELL, William (Bishop of Kilmore), on Fra Paolo and<br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">Fra Fulgenzio, ii. <a href="#pageB231">231</a>.</span><br />
+      <br /> BEDMAR'S conspiracy, ii. <a href="#pageB186">186</a>.<br /> <br />
+      BELLARMINO, Cardinal, on the inviolability of the Vulgate, i. <a
+      href="#pageA212">212</a>;<br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">relations
+      of, with Fra Paolo Sarpi, ii. <a href="#pageB213">213</a>, <a
+      href="#pageB222">222</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">his
+      censure of the <i>Pastor Fido</i>, <a href="#pageB251">251</a>.</span><br />
+      <br /> BELRIGUARDO, the villa of, Tasso at, ii. <a href="#pageB53">53</a>.<br />
+      <br /> BEMBO, Pietro, i. <a href="#pageA30">30</a>, <a href="#pageB41">41</a>.<br />
+      <br /> BENDEDEI, Taddea, wife of Guarini, ii. <a href="#pageB245">245</a>.<br />
+      <br /> BENTIVOGLI, the semi-royal offspring of King Enzo of Sardinia, ii.
+      <a href="#pageB304">304</a>.<br /> <br /> BIBBONI, Cecco:<br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">his account of how he murdered Lorenzino
+      de'Medici, i. <a href="#pageA388">388</a> <i>sqq.</i>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">his associate, Bebo, details of the life of a <i>bravo</i>,
+      <a href="#pageA389">389</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">tracking
+      an outlaw, <a href="#pageA392">392</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">the wages of a tyrannicide, <a href="#pageA394">394</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">the <i>bravo's</i> patient watching, <a
+      href="#pageA395">395</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">the
+      murder, <a href="#pageB397">397</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">flight of the assassins, <a href="#pageA399">399</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">their reception by Count Collalto, <a
+      href="#pageA401">401</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">they
+      seek refuge at the Spanish embassy, <a href="#pageA402">402</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">protected by Charles V.'s orders, <a
+      href="#pageA403">403</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">conveyed
+      to Pisa, <a href="#pageA404">404</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">well provided for their future life, <i>ib.</i></span><br />
+      <br /> BITONTO. Pasquale di, one of the assassins of Sarpi, ii. <a
+      href="#pageB212">212</a>.<br /> <br /> BLACK garments of Charles V., the, i.
+      <a href="#pageA43">43</a>.<br /> <br /> BLACK Pope, the, i. <a
+      href="#pageA275">275</a>.<br /> <br /> BLOIS, Treaty of, i. <a
+      href="#pageA12">12</a>.<br /> <br /> BOBADILLA, Nicholas, associate of
+      Ignatius Loyola, i. <a href="#pageA240">240</a>;<br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">his work as a Jesuit in Bavaria, <a
+      href="#pageA258">258</a>.</span><br /> <br /> BOLOGNA and Modena, humors of
+      the conflict between, ii. <a href="#pageB304">304</a>.<br /> <br />
+      BOLOGNESE school of painters, the, ii. <a href="#pageB343">343</a> <i>sqq.</i>;<br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">why their paintings are now neglected, <a
+      href="#pageB375">375</a> <i>sqq.</i>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">mental condition of Bolognese art, <a
+      href="#pageB376">376</a>.</span><br /> <br /> BONELLI, Michele, nephew of
+      Pius V., i. <a href="#pageA147">147</a>.<br /> <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageB413" id="pageB413"></a>{413}</span><br /> BONIFAZIO of
+      Montferrat, Marquis, one of the Paleologi, i. <a href="#pageA23">23</a>.<br />
+      <br /> BORGIA, Francis (Duke of Gandia), third General of the Jesuits, i.
+      <a href="#pageA256">256</a>;<br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">prevented
+      by Loyola from accepting a Cardinal's hat, <a href="#pageB260">260</a>.</span><br />
+      <br /> BORROMEO, Carlo:<br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">his character,
+      i. <a href="#pageA115">115</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">a
+      possible successor to Pius IV., <a href="#pageA135">135</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">ruled in Rome by the Jesuits, <a
+      href="#pageA142">142</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">his
+      intimacy with Sarpi, ii. <a href="#pageA194">194</a>.</span><br /> <br />
+      ---Federigo, i. <a href="#pageA115">115</a>;<br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">letter of, forbidding soldiers' visits to
+      convents, <a href="#pageA316">316</a> <i>n.</i></span><br /> <br />
+      BRANCACCIO, Diana, treachery of, towards the Duchess of Palliano, i. <a
+      href="#pageA378">378</a>;<br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">her murder,
+      <a href="#pageA379">379</a>.</span><br /> <br /> 'BRAVI,' maintenance of by
+      Italian nobles, i. <a href="#pageA313">313</a>;<br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">tales illustrative of, <a href="#pageA388">388</a>
+      <i>sqq.</i>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">relations of
+      trust between <i>bravi</i> and foreign Courts, <a href="#pageA409">409</a>.</span><br />
+      <br /> BRIGANDAGE in Italy, i. <a href="#pageA416">416</a>.<br /> <br />
+      BROWN, Mr. H.F., his researches in the Venetian archives, i. <a
+      href="#pageA189">189</a> <i>n.</i><br /> <br /> BRUCCIOLI, Antonio,
+      translator of the Bible into Italian, i. <a href="#pageA76">76</a>.<br />
+      <br /> BRUNO, Giordano:<br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">his birth, and
+      training as a Dominican, ii. <a href="#pageB129">129</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">early speculative doubts, <a
+      href="#pageB130">130</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>Il
+      Candelajo</i>, <a href="#pageB131">131</a>, <a href="#pageB183">183</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">early studies, <a href="#pageB133">133</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">prosecution for heresy, <a href="#pageB134">134</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">a wandering student, <a href="#pageB135">135</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">at Geneva, <a href="#pageB136">136</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">Toulouse, <a href="#pageB137">137</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">at the Sorbonne, <a href="#pageB138">138</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">the Art of Memory, <a href="#pageB139">139</a>,
+      <a href="#pageB154">154</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>De
+      Umbris Idearum</i>, <i>ib.</i>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">relations
+      with Henri III., <a href="#pageB140">140</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">Bruno's person and conversation, <a
+      href="#pageB141">141</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">in
+      England, <i>ib.</i>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">works
+      printed in London, <a href="#pageB142">142</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">descriptions of London life, <i>ib.</i>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">opinion of Queen Elizabeth, <a
+      href="#pageB143">143</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">lecturer
+      at Oxford, <a href="#pageB144">144</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">address to the Vice-Chancellor, <a
+      href="#pageB146">146</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">academical
+      opposition, <a href="#pageB147">147</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">the Ash-Wednesday Supper, <i>ib.</i>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">in the family of Castelnau, <a
+      href="#pageB148">148</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">in
+      Germany, <a href="#pageB149">149</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">Bruno's opinion of the Reformers, <i>ib.</i>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">the <i>De Monade</i> and <i>De Triplici
+      Minimo</i>, <a href="#pageB150">150</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">Bruno in a monastery at Frankfort, <a
+      href="#pageB151">151</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">invited
+      to Venice, <a href="#pageB153">153</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">a guest of Mocenigo there, <a href="#pageB154">154</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">his occupations, <a href="#pageB156">156</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">denounced by Mocenigo and imprisoned by
+      the Inquisition, <a href="#pageB157">157</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">the heads of the accusation, <a href="#pageB157">157</a>
+      <i>sqq.</i>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">trial, <a
+      href="#pageB159">159</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">recantation,
+      <a href="#pageB160">160</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">estimate
+      of Bruno's apology, <a href="#pageB161">161</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">his removal to and long imprisonment at Rome, <a
+      href="#pageB163">163</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">his
+      execution, <a href="#pageB164">164</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">evidence of his martyrdom, <a href="#pageB164">164</a>
+      <i>sqq.</i>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">Schoppe's
+      account, <a href="#pageB165">165</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">details of Bruno's treatment in Rome, <a
+      href="#pageB167">167</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">the
+      burning at the stake, <a href="#pageB167">167</a> <i>sq.</i>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">Bruno a martyr, <a href="#pageB168">168</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">contrast with Tasso, <a href="#pageB169">169</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">Bruno's mental attitude, <a
+      href="#pageB170">170</a> <i>sq.</i>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">his championship of the Copernican system, <a
+      href="#pageB172">172</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">his
+      relation to modern science and philosophy, <a href="#pageB173">173</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">conception of the universe, <a
+      href="#pageB173">173</a> <i>sqq.</i>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">his theology, <a href="#pageB175">175</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">the <i>Anima Mundi</i>, <a href="#pageB177">177</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">anticipations of modern thought, <a
+      href="#pageB178">178</a>, <a href="#pageB182">182</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">his want of method, <a href="#pageB180">180</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">the treatise on the Seven Arts, <a
+      href="#pageB182">182</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">Bruno's
+      literary style, <a href="#pageB182">182</a> <i>sqq.</i>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">his death contrasted with that of Sarpi, <a
+      href="#pageB239">239</a> <i>n.</i></span><br /> <br /> BRUSANTINI, Count
+      Alessandro (Tassoni's 'Conte Culagna'), ii. <a href="#pageB301">301</a>,
+      <a href="#pageB306">306</a>.<br /> <br /> BUCKET, the Bolognese, ii. <a
+      href="#pageB305">305</a>.<br /> <br /> BUONCOMPAGNO, Giacomo, bastard, son
+      of Gregory XIII., i. <a href="#pageA150">150</a>.<br /> <br /> ---Ugo, <i>see</i>
+      GREGORY XIII.<br /> <br /> BUONVISI, Lucrezia, story of, i. <a
+      href="#pageA330">330</a>;<br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">intrigue
+      with Arnolfini, <a href="#pageA331">331</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">murder of her husband, <a href="#pageA332">332</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">Lucrezia suspected of complicity, <a
+      href="#pageA334">334</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">becomes
+      a nun (Sister Umilia), <i>ib.</i>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">the case against her, <a href="#pageA338">338</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">amours of inmates of her convent, <a
+      href="#pageA340">340</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">Umilia's
+      intrigue with Samminiati, <i>ib.</i>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">discovery of their correspondence, <a
+      href="#pageA341">341</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">trial
+      and sentences of the nuns, <a href="#pageA344">344</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">Umilia's last days, <a href="#pageA345">345</a>.</span><br />
+      <br /> ---Lelio, assassination of, i. <a href="#pageA332">332</a>.<br />
+      <br /> BURGUNDIAN diamond of Charles the Bold, the, i. <a href="#pageA38">38</a>.<br />
+      <br /> <br /> C<br /> <br /> CALCAGNINI, Celio, letter of, on religious
+      controversies, i. <a href="#pageA74">74</a>.<br /> <br /> CALVAERT,
+      Dionysius, a Flemish painter in Bologna, ii. <a href="#pageB355">355</a>.<br />
+      <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB414" id="pageB414"></a>{414}</span><br />
+      CALVETTI, Olimpio (one of the assassins of Francesco Cenci), i. <a
+      href="#pageA350">350</a>.<br /> <br /> CALVIN, i. <a href="#pageA73">73</a>;<br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">his relation to modern civilization, ii.
+      <a href="#pageB402">402</a>.</span><br /> <br /> CAMBRAY, Treaty of (the
+      Paix des Dames), i. <a href="#pageB9">9</a>, <a href="#pageA15">15</a>.<br />
+      <br /> CAMERA Apostolica, the, venality of, i. <a href="#pageA140">140</a>.<br />
+      <br /> CAMERINO, Duchy of, i. <a href="#pageA86">86</a>.<br /> <br />
+      CAMPANELLA, on the black robes of the Spaniards in Italy, i. <a
+      href="#pageA44">44</a>.<br /> <br /> CAMPEGGI, Cardinal Lorenzo, i. <a
+      href="#pageA21">21</a>.<br /> <br /> CAMPIREALI, Elena, the tale of, i. <a
+      href="#pageA428">428</a>.<br /> <br /> CANELLO, U.A., on Italian society in
+      the sixteenth century, i. <a href="#pageA304">304</a> <i>n.</i><br /> <br />
+      CANISIUS, lieutenant of Loyola in Austria, i. <a href="#pageA259">259</a>;<br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">appointed to the administration of the see
+      of Vienna, <a href="#pageA260">260</a>.</span><br /> <br /> CANOSSA,
+      Antonio, conspirator against Pius IV., i. <a href="#pageA132">132</a>.<br />
+      <br /> CAPELLO, Bianca, the story of, i. <a href="#pageA382">382</a>.<br />
+      <br /> CAPPELLA, Giulia (Rome), school for training choristers, ii. <a
+      href="#pageB316">316</a>.<br /> <br /> CARACCI, the, Bolognese painters, ii.
+      <a href="#pageB345">345</a>, <a href="#pageB349">349</a> <i>sqq.</i><br />
+      <br /> CARAFFA, Cardinal, condemned to death by Pius IV., i. <a
+      href="#pageA115">115</a>.<br /> <br /> ---Giovanni Pietro (afterwards Pope
+      Paul IV.),<br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">causes the rejection of
+      Contarini's</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">arrangement with
+      the Lutherans, i. <a href="#pageA78">78</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">helps to found the Theatines, <a href="#pageA79">79</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">made Cardinal by Paul III., <a
+      href="#pageA88">88</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">hatred
+      of Spanish ascendency, <a href="#pageA89">89</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">becomes Pope Paul IV., <a href="#pageA102">102</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">quarrel with Philip II., <a
+      href="#pageB102">102</a> <i>sqq.</i>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">opens negotiations with Soliman, <a
+      href="#pageA103">103</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">reconciliation
+      with Spain, <a href="#pageA104">104</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">nepotism, <i>ib.</i>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">indignation against the misdoings of his
+      relatives, <a href="#pageA106">106</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">ecclesiastical reforms, <a href="#pageA107">107</a>
+      <i>sq.</i>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">zeal for the Holy
+      Office, <a href="#pageA107">107</a> <i>n.</i>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">personal character, <a href="#pageA108">108</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">his death, <i>ib.</i>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">his earlier relations with Ignatius Loyola, <a
+      href="#pageA242">242</a>.</span><br /> <br /> CARAFFESCHI, evil character of
+      the, i. <a href="#pageA105">105</a>;<br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">four
+      condemned to death by Pius IV., <a href="#pageA115">115</a>, <a
+      href="#pageA318">318</a>.</span><br /> <br /> CARAVAGGIO, Michelangelo
+      Amerighi da, Italian Realist painter, ii. <a href="#pageB363">363</a> <i>n.</i><br />
+      <br /> CARDINE, Aliffe and Leonardo di (Caraffeschi),<br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">condemned to death by Pius IV., i. <a
+      href="#pageA115">115</a>.</span><br /> <br /> CARDONA, Violante de (Duchess
+      of Palliano), story of, i. <a href="#pageA373">373</a> <i>sqq.</i>;<br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">her accomplishments, <a href="#pageA374">374</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">character, <i>ib.</i>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">passion of Marcello Capecce for her, <i>ib.</i>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">her character compromised through Diana
+      Brancaccio, <a href="#pageA378">378</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">murder of Marcello and Diana by the Duke, <i>ib.</i>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">death of Violante at the hands of her
+      brother, <a href="#pageA380">380</a>.</span><br /> <br /> CARLI, Orazio:<br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">description of his being put to the
+      torture, i. <a href="#pageA333">333</a> <i>sq.</i></span><br /> <br /> CARLO
+      Emmanuele of Savoy, Italian hopes founded on, ii. <a href="#pageB246">246</a>,
+      <a href="#pageB286">286</a>;<br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">friend
+      of Marino, <a href="#pageB262">262</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">kindness to Chiabrera, <a href="#pageB290">290</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">treatment of Tassoni, <a href="#pageB298">298</a>.</span><br />
+      <br /> CARNESECCHI, condemned by the Roman Inquisition to be burned, i. <a
+      href="#pageA145">145</a>.<br /> <br /> CARPI, attached to Ferrara, i. <a
+      href="#pageA40">40</a>.<br /> <br /> CARRANZA, Archbishop of Toledo,
+      condemned by the<br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">Roman Inquisition to
+      be burned, i. <a href="#pageA145">145</a>.</span><br /> <br /> CASA,
+      Giovanni della (author of the <i>Capitolo del Forno</i>), i. <a
+      href="#pageA393">393</a>, <a href="#pageB395">395</a>.<br /> <br />
+      CASTELNAU, Michel de, kindness of towards Giordano Bruno, ii. <a
+      href="#pageB141">141</a>, <a href="#pageB148">148</a>.<br /> <br /> ---Marie
+      de, Bruno's admiration for, ii. <a href="#pageB148">148</a>.<br /> <br />
+      ---Pierre de, the first Saint of the Inquisition, i. <a href="#pageA161">161</a>.<br />
+      <br /> CATALANI, Marzio (one of the assassins of Francesco Cenci), i. <a
+      href="#pageA350">350</a>.<br /> <br /> CATEAU Cambr&eacute;sis, the Peace
+      of, i. <a href="#pageA48">48</a>.<br /> <br /> CATHOLIC Revival, the
+      inaugurators of, at Bologna, i. <a href="#pageA16">16</a>;<br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">transition from the Renaissance to, <a
+      href="#pageA65">65</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">new
+      religious spirit in Italy, <a href="#pageA67">67</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">the Popes and the Council of Trent, <a
+      href="#pageA96">96</a> <i>sqq.</i>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">a Papal triumph, <a href="#pageA130">130</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">the Catholic Reaction generated the
+      Counter-Reformation, <a href="#pageA133">133</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">its effect on social and domestic morals, <a
+      href="#pageA301">301</a> <i>sqq.</i></span><br /> <br /> CELEBRITY,
+      vicissitudes of, ii. <a href="#pageB368">368</a>.<br /> <br /> CELIBACY,
+      clerical, the question of, at Trent, i. <a href="#pageA123">123</a>.<br />
+      <br /> CELLANT, Contessa di, the model of Luini's S. Catherine, ii. <a
+      href="#pageB360">360</a> <i>n.</i><br /> <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageB415" id="pageB415"></a>{415}</span><br /> 'CENA delle Ceneri,
+      La,' Bruno's, i. <a href="#pageA85">85</a> <i>n.</i>; ii. <a
+      href="#pageA140">140</a>, <a href="#pageA142">142</a>, <a href="#pageA183">183</a>.<br />
+      <br /> CENCI, Beatrice, examination of the legend of, i. <a href="#pageA351">351</a>
+      <i>sqq.</i><br /> <br /> ---Francesco: bastard son of Cristoforo Cenci, i.
+      <a href="#pageB346">346</a>;<br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">his
+      early life, <i>ib.</i>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">disgraceful
+      charges against him, <a href="#pageA348">348</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">compounds by heavy money payment for his crimes,
+      <i>ib.</i>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">violent deaths of
+      his sons, <i>ib.</i>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">severity
+      towards his children, <a href="#pageA349">349</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">his assassination procured by his wife and three
+      children, <a href="#pageA350">350</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">the murderers denounced, <i>ib.</i>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">their trial and punishments, <a
+      href="#pageA351">351</a>.</span><br /> <br /> ---Msgr. Christoforo, father
+      of Francesco Cenci, i. <a href="#pageA346">346</a>.<br /> <br /> CENTINI,
+      Giacomo: story of his attempts by sorcery on the<br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">life of Urban VIII., i. <a href="#pageA425">425</a>.</span><br />
+      <br /> CESI, Msgr., invites Tasso to Bologna, ii. <a href="#pageB22">22</a>.<br />
+      <br /> CHARLES V., his compact with Clement VII., i. <a href="#pageA15">15</a>;<br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">Emperor Elect, <a href="#pageA16">16</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">relations with Andrea Doria, <a
+      href="#pageA17">17</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">at
+      Genoa, <a href="#pageA18">18</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">his journey to Bologna, <a href="#pageA20">20</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">his reception there, <a href="#pageA22">22</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">the meeting with Clement, <a
+      href="#pageA23">23</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">mustering
+      of Italian princes, <a href="#pageA25">25</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">negotiations on Italian affairs, <a
+      href="#pageA26">26</a> <i>sqq.</i>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">a treaty of peace signed, <a href="#pageA31">31</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">the difficulty with Florence, <a
+      href="#pageA32">32</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">the
+      question of the two crowns, <a href="#pageA34">34</a> <i>sqq.</i>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">description of the coronation, <a
+      href="#pageA37">37</a> <i>sqq.</i>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">the events that followed, <a href="#pageA39">39</a>
+      <i>sqq.</i>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">the net results
+      of Charles's administration of Italian affairs, <a href="#pageA45">45</a>
+      <i>sqq.</i>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">his relations
+      with Paul III., <a href="#pageA100">100</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">his abdication, <a href="#pageA102">102</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">he protects the assassins of Lorenzino
+      de'Medici, <a href="#pageA403">403</a>.</span><br /> <br /> CHARLES VIII.,
+      of France: his invasion of Italy, i. <a href="#pageA8">8</a>.<br /> <br />
+      CHIABRERA, Gabriello: his birth, ii. <a href="#pageB287">287</a>;<br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">educated by the Jesuits, <i>ib.</i>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">his youth, <a href="#pageB288">288</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">the occupations of a long life, <a
+      href="#pageB289">289</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">courtliness,
+      <a href="#pageB290">290</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">ode
+      to Cesare d'Este, <a href="#pageB291">291</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">Chiabrera's aim to remodel Italian poetry on a
+      Greek pattern. <a href="#pageB292">292</a> <i>sqq.</i>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">would-be Pindaric flights, <a href="#pageB296">296</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">comparison with Marino and Tassoni, <i>ib.</i></span><br />
+      <br /> CIOTTO, Giambattista, relations of, with Giordano Bruno, ii. <a
+      href="#pageB152">152</a> <i>sqq.</i><br /> <br /> CISNEROS, Garcia de,
+      author of a work which suggested<br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">S.
+      Ignatius's <i>Exercitia</i>, i. <a href="#pageA236">236</a>.</span><br />
+      <br /> CLEMENT VII.: a prisoner in S. Angelo, i. <a href="#pageA14">14</a>;<br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">compact with Charles V., <a href="#pageA15">15</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">their meeting at Bologna, <a
+      href="#pageA16">16</a> <i>sqq.</i>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">negotiations with the Emperor Elect, <a
+      href="#pageA26">26</a> <i>sqq.</i>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">peace signed, <a href="#pageA31">31</a>.</span><br />
+      <br /> CLEMENT VIII.: his Concordat with Venice, i. <a href="#pageA193">193</a>;<br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">Index of Prohibited Books issued by him,
+      <i>ib.</i>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">his rules for the
+      censorship of books, <a href="#pageA198">198</a> <i>sqq.</i>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">he confers a pension on Tasso, ii. <a
+      href="#pageA76">76</a>.</span><br /> <br /> CLOUGH, Mr., lines of, on
+      'Christianized' monuments in Papal Rome, i. <a href="#pageA154">154</a>.<br />
+      <br /> COADJUTORS, Temporal and Spiritual (Jesuit grades), i. <a
+      href="#pageA271">271</a>.<br /> <br /> COLLALTO, Count Salici da, patron of
+      the <i>bravo</i> Bibboni, i. <a href="#pageA400">400</a>.<br /> <br />
+      COLONNA, the, reduced to submission to the Popes, i. <a href="#pageA7">7</a>.<br />
+      <br /> ---Vespasiano, Duke of Palliano, i. <a href="#pageA77">77</a>.<br />
+      <br /> ---Vittoria, i. <a href="#pageA77">77</a>;<br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">letter to, from Tasso in his childhood, ii. <a
+      href="#pageB15">15</a>.</span><br /> <br /> COMANDINO, Federigo, Tasso's
+      teacher, ii. <a href="#pageB19">19</a>.<br /> <br /> COMPANY OF JESUS, <i>see</i>
+      JESUITS.<br /> <br /> CONCLAVES, external influences on, in the election of
+      Popes, i. <a href="#pageA134">134</a>.<br /> <br /> CONFEDERATION between
+      Clement VII. and Charles V., i. <a href="#pageA31">31</a>.<br /> <br />
+      'CONFIRMATIONS,' Fra Fulgenzio's, ii. <a href="#pageB201">201</a>.<br />
+      <br /> CONSERVATISM and Liberalism, necessary contest between, ii. <a
+      href="#pageB386">386</a>.<br /> <br /> 'CONSIDERATIONS on the Censures,'
+      Sarpi's, ii. <a href="#pageB201">201</a>.<br /> <br /> CONSTANCE, Council
+      of, i. <a href="#pageA92">92</a>.<br /> <br /> CONTARINI, Gasparo: his
+      negotiations between Catholics<br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">and
+      Protestants, i. <a href="#pageA30">30</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">treatment of his writings by Inquisitors, <a
+      href="#pageA31">31</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">suspected
+      of heterodoxy, <a href="#pageA72">72</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">intimacy with Gaetano di Thiene, <a
+      href="#pageA76">76</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">his
+      concessions to the Reformers repudiated by the Curia, <a href="#pageA78">78</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">memorial on ecclesiastical abuses, <a
+      href="#pageA79">79</a>.</span><br /> <br /> ---Simeone: his account of a
+      plague at Savigliano, i. <a href="#pageA419">419</a> <i>sq.</i><br /> <span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageB416" id="pageB416"></a>{416}</span><br />
+      'CONTRIBUTIONS of the Clergy, Discourse upon the,' Sarpi's, ii. <a
+      href="#pageB221">221</a>.<br /> <br /> COPERNICAN system, the, Bruno's
+      championship of, ii. <a href="#pageB172">172</a>.<br /> <br /> COREGLIA, one
+      of the assassins of Lelio Buonvisi, i. <a href="#pageA333">333</a> <i>sqq.</i><br />
+      <br /> CORONATION of Charles V., description of, i. <a href="#pageA34">34</a>
+      <i>sqq.</i>;<br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">notable people present
+      at, <a href="#pageA39">39</a> <i>sqq.</i></span><br /> <br /> CORSAIRS,
+      Tunisian and Algerian, raids of, on Italian coasts, i. <a href="#pageA417">417</a>.<br />
+      <br /> COSCIA, Giangiacopo, guardian of Tasso's sister, ii. <a
+      href="#pageB16">16</a>.<br /> <br /> COSIMO I. of Tuscany, the rule of, i.
+      <a href="#pageA46">46</a>, <a href="#pageA47">47</a>.<br /> <br />
+      COSTANTINI, Antonio, Tasso's last letter written to, ii. <a href="#pageB77">77</a>;<br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">sonnet on the poet, <a href="#pageB78">78</a>.</span><br />
+      <br /> COTERIES, religious, in Rome, Venice, Naples, i. <a href="#pageA75">75</a>
+      <i>sqq.</i><br /> <br /> COUNTER-REFORMATION: its intellectual and moral
+      character, i. <a href="#pageA63">63</a>;<br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">the term defined, <a href="#pageA64">64</a> <i>n.</i>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">decline of Renaissance impulse, <a
+      href="#pageA65">65</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">criticism
+      and formalism in Italy, <i>ib.</i>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">contrast with the development of other European
+      races, <a href="#pageA66">66</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">transition to the Catholic Revival, <a
+      href="#pageA67">67</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">attitudes
+      of Italians towards the German Reformation, <a href="#pageA71">71</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">free-thinkers, <a href="#pageA73">73</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">the Oratory of Divine Love, <a
+      href="#pageA76">76</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">the
+      Moderate Reformers, <i>ib.</i>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">Gasparo
+      Contarini, <a href="#pageA78">78</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">new Religious Orders, <a href="#pageA79">79</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">the Council of Trent, <a href="#pageB97">97</a>,
+      <a href="#pageA119">119</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">Tridentine
+      Reforms, <a href="#pageB107">107</a>, <a href="#pageB134">134</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">asceticism fashionable in Rome, <a
+      href="#pageA108">108</a>, <a href="#pageA142">142</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">active hostilities against Protestantism, <a
+      href="#pageA148">148</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">the
+      new spirit of Roman polity, <a href="#pageA149">149</a> <i>sqq.</i>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">work of the Inquisition, <a
+      href="#pageB159">159</a> <i>sqq.</i>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">the Index, <a href="#pageA195">195</a> <i>sqq.</i>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">twofold aim of Papal policy, <a
+      href="#pageA226">226</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">the
+      Jesuits, <a href="#pageA229">229</a> <i>sqq.</i>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">an estimate of the results of the Reformation</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">and of the Counter-Reformation, ii. <a
+      href="#pageA385">385</a> <i>sqq.</i></span><br /> <br /> COURIERS, daily
+      post of, between the Council of Trent<br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">and
+      the Vatican, i. <a href="#pageA121">121</a>.</span><br /> <br /> COURT life
+      in Italy, i. <a href="#pageA20">20</a>, <a href="#pageA37">37</a>, <a
+      href="#pageA41">41</a>, <a href="#pageA51">51</a>; ii. <a href="#pageA17">17</a>,
+      <a href="#pageA29">29</a>, <a href="#pageA65">65</a>, <a href="#pageA201">201</a>,
+      <a href="#pageA251">251</a>.<br /> <br /> CRIMES of violence, in Italy in
+      the sixteenth century, i. <a href="#pageA304">304</a> <i>sqq.</i><br />
+      <br /> CRIMINAL procedure, of Italian governments in the sixteenth<br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">century, i. <a href="#pageA308">308</a> <i>sqq.</i></span><br />
+      <br /> CRITICISM, fundamental principles of, ii. <a href="#pageB370">370</a>;<br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">the future of, <a href="#pageB374">374</a>.</span><br />
+      <br /> CROWNS, the iron and the golden, of the Emperor, i. <a
+      href="#pageA34">34</a>.<br /> <br /> CULAGNA, Conte di, <i>see</i>
+      BRUSANTINI.<br /> <br /> CURIA, the, complicity of, with the attempts on
+      Sarpi's life, ii. <a href="#pageB213">213</a>.<br /> <br /> <br /> D<br />
+      <br /> 'DATATARIO:' amount and sources of its income, i. <a href="#pageA140">140</a>.<br />
+      <br /> DATI, Giovanbattista, amount of, with nuns, i. <a href="#pageA341">341</a>
+      <i>sq.</i><br /> <br /> 'DECAMERONE,' Boccaccio's expurgated editions of,
+      issued<br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">in Rome, i. <a href="#pageA224">224</a>
+      <i>sq.</i></span><br /> <br /> DELLA CRUSCANS, the, attack of, on Tasso's
+      poetry, ii. <a href="#pageB35">35</a>, <a href="#pageB72">72</a>, <a
+      href="#pageB117">117</a> <i>n.</i><br /> <br /> 'DE Monade,' Bruno's, ii. <a
+      href="#pageB150">150</a>, <a href="#pageB152">152</a> <i>n.</i>, <a
+      href="#pageB167">167</a>.<br /> <br /> DEPRES, Josquin, the leader of the
+      contrapuntal style in music, ii. <a href="#pageB316">316</a>.<br /> <br />
+      'DE Triplici Minimo,' Bruno's, ii. <a href="#pageB150">150</a>, <a
+      href="#pageB152">152</a> <i>n.</i>, <a href="#pageB167">167</a>.<br />
+      <br /> 'DE Umbris Idearum,' Bruno's, ii. <a href="#pageB139">139</a>.<br />
+      <br /> DEZA, Diego, Spanish Inquisitor, i. <a href="#pageA182">182</a>.<br />
+      <br /> DIACATHOLICON, the, meaning of the term as used by Sarpi, i. <a
+      href="#pageA231">231</a>; ii. <a href="#pageA202">202</a>.<br /> <br />
+      DIALOGUES, Tasso's, ii. <a href="#pageB22">22</a>, <a href="#pageB112">112</a>.<br />
+      <br /> DIRECTORIUM, the (Lainez' commentary on the constitution<br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">of the Jesuits), i. <a href="#pageA249">249</a>.</span><br />
+      <br /> DIVINE Right of sovereigns, the: why it found favor<br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">among Protestants, i. <a href="#pageA296">296</a>.</span><br />
+      <br /> DOMENICHINO, Bolognese painter, ii. <a href="#pageB355">355</a>;<br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">critique of Mr. Ruskin's invectives
+      against his work, <a href="#pageB359">359</a> <i>sqq.</i></span><br />
+      <br /> DOMINICANS, the, ousted as theologians by the Jesuits at Trent, i.
+      <a href="#pageA101">101</a>;<br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">their
+      reputation for learning, ii. <a href="#pageB130">130</a>.</span><br />
+      <br /> DOMINIS, Marcantonio de, publishes in England<br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">Sarpi's <i>History of the Council of Trent</i>,
+      ii. <a href="#pageB223">223</a>.</span><br /> <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageB417" id="pageB417"></a>{417}</span><br /> DONATO, Leonardo, Doge
+      of Venice, ii. <a href="#pageB198">198</a>.<br /> <br /> DORIA, Andrea:<br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">his relations with Charles V., i. <a
+      href="#pageA18">18</a>.</span><br /> <br /> ---Cardinal Girolamo, i. <a
+      href="#pageA21">21</a>.<br /> <br /> <br /> E<br /> <br /> ECLECTICISM in
+      painting, ii. <a href="#pageB345">345</a> <i>sqq.</i>, <a href="#pageA375">375</a>
+      <i>sqq.</i><br /> <br /> ECONOMICAL stagnation in Italy, i. <a
+      href="#pageA423">423</a>.<br /> <br /> ELIZABETH, Queen (of England),
+      Bruno's admiration of, ii. <a href="#pageB143">143</a>.<br /> <br />
+      EMANCIPATION of the reason, retarded by both the Reformation and the<br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 2em;">Counter-Reformation, ii. <a
+      href="#pageB385">385</a> <i>sqq.</i></span><br /> <br /> EMIGRANTS from
+      Italy, regulations of the Inquisition regarding, i. <a href="#pageA227">227</a>.<br />
+      <br /> ENZO, King (of Sardinia), a prisoner at Bologna, ii. <a
+      href="#pageB304">304</a>.<br /> <br /> EPIC poetry, Italian speculations on,
+      ii. <a href="#pageB24">24</a>;<br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">Tasso's
+      Dialogues on, <a href="#pageB26">26</a>.</span><br /> <br /> 'EROICI Furori,
+      Gli,' Bruno's, ii. <a href="#pageB142">142</a>, <a href="#pageB183">183</a>.<br />
+      <br /> ESPIONAGE, system of among the Jesuits, i. <a href="#pageA273">273</a>.<br />
+      <br /> ESTE, Alfonso d' (Duke of Ferrara), relations of, with Charles V.,
+      i. <a href="#pageA40">40</a>.<br /> <br /> ---Cardinal Ippolito d', i. <a
+      href="#pageA127">127</a> <i>sq.</i><br /> <br /> ---Cardinal Luigi d', Tasso
+      in the service of, ii. <a href="#pageB12">12</a>, <a href="#pageB27">27</a>.<br />
+      <br /> ---Don Cesare d', Chiabrera's Ode to, ii. <a href="#pageB291">291</a>.<br />
+      <br /> ---House of, their possessions in Italy, i. <a href="#pageA45">45</a>.
+      <a href="#pageA48">48</a>.<br /> <br /> ---Isabella d', at the coronation of
+      Charles V., i. <a href="#pageA21">21</a>.<br /> <br /> ---Leonora d', the
+      nature of Tasso's attachment to, ii. <a href="#pageB31">31</a> <i>sqq.</i>,
+      <a href="#pageB36">36</a>, <a href="#pageB40">40</a>,<br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 2em;"><a href="#pageB51">51</a>, <a href="#pageB54">54</a>
+      <i>n.</i>, <a href="#pageB56">56</a>, <a href="#pageB68">68</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">her death, <a href="#pageB71">71</a>.</span><br />
+      <br /> ---Lucrezia d', Tasso's attachment to, ii. <a href="#pageB32">32</a>,
+      <a href="#pageB39">39</a>;<br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">her
+      marriage, <a href="#pageB35">35</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">her death, <a href="#pageB40">40</a> <i>n.</i></span><br />
+      <br /> EVOLUTION in relation to Art, ii. <a href="#pageB371">371</a> <i>sqq.</i><br />
+      <br /> 'EXERCITIA Spiritualia' (Loyola's), i. <a href="#pageA236">236</a>;<br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">manner of their use, <a href="#pageA267">267</a>
+      <i>sqq.</i></span><br /> <br /> EXTINCTION of republics in Italy, i. <a
+      href="#pageA45">45</a> <i>sqq.</i><br /> <br /> <br /> F<br /> <br /> FABER,
+      Peter, associate of Loyola, i. <a href="#pageA239">239</a>;<br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">his work as a Jesuit in Spain, <a
+      href="#pageA258">258</a>.</span><br /> <br /> FARNESE, Alessandro, <i>see</i>
+      PAUL III.<br /> <br /> ---Giulia, mistress of Alexander VI., i. <a
+      href="#pageA81">81</a>.<br /> <br /> ---Ottavio (grandson of Paul III.),
+      Duke of Camerino, i. <a href="#pageA86">86</a>.<br /> <br /> ---Pier Luigi
+      (son of Paul III.), Duke of Parma, i. <a href="#pageA86">86</a>.<br />
+      <br /> FEDERATION, Italian, the five members of the, i. <a href="#pageA3">3</a>
+      <i>sqq.</i>;<br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">how it was broken up, <a
+      href="#pageA11">11</a>.</span><br /> <br /> FERDINAND, Emperor, successor of
+      Charles V., i. <a href="#pageA102">102</a>, <a href="#pageA118">118</a>;<br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">his relations with Canisius and the
+      Jesuits, <a href="#pageA259">259</a>.</span><br /> <br /> FERRARA, i. <a
+      href="#pageA7">7</a>;<br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">settlement of
+      the Duchy of, by Charles V., i. <a href="#pageA40">40</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">life at the Court of, ii. <a
+      href="#pageB29">29</a>, <a href="#pageB65">65</a>, <a href="#pageB247">247</a>,
+      <a href="#pageB251">251</a>.</span><br /> <br /> FERRUCCI, Francesco, i. <a
+      href="#pageA46">46</a>.<br /> <br /> FESTA, Costanzo, the <i>Te Deum</i> of,
+      ii. <a href="#pageB329">329</a>.<br /> <br /> FINANCES of the Papacy under
+      Sixtus V., i. <a href="#pageA152">152</a>.<br /> <br /> FIORENZA, Giovanni
+      di, one of the assassins of Sarpi, ii. <a href="#pageB212">212</a>.<br />
+      <br /> FLAMINIO, Marcantonio, i. <a href="#pageA76">76</a>.<br /> <br />
+      FLEMISH musicians in Rome, ii. <a href="#pageB316">316</a> <i>sqq.</i><br />
+      <br /> FLORENCE:<br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">condition of the
+      Republic in 1494, i. <a href="#pageA10">10</a>.</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">Siege of the town (1530), <a href="#pageA30">30</a>
+      <i>sq.</i>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">capitulation, <a
+      href="#pageA46">46</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">under
+      the rule of Spain, <i>ib.</i>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">extinction
+      of the Republic, <a href="#pageA47">47</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">the rule of Cosimo I., <a href="#pageA49">49</a>.</span><br />
+      <br /> FORMALISM, the development of, i. <a href="#pageA66">66</a>.<br />
+      <br /> FOSCARI, Francesco, the dogeship of, i. <a href="#pageA9">9</a>.<br />
+      <br /> FRANCIS I.: his capture at Pavia, i. <a href="#pageA9">9</a>, <a
+      href="#pageA13">13</a>.<br /> <br /> FRECCI, Maddal&ograve; de', the
+      betrayer of Tasso's love-affairs, ii. <a href="#pageB51">51</a>.<br />
+      <br /> FREDERICK II., Emperor: his edicts against heresy, i. <a
+      href="#pageA163">163</a>.<br /> <br /> FREETHINKERS, Italian, i. <a
+      href="#pageA73">73</a> <i>sq.</i><br /> <br /> FULGENZIO, Fra, the preaching
+      of at Venice, ii. <a href="#pageB207">207</a>;<br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">his biography of Sarpi, <i>ib.</i></span><br />
+      <br /> FULKE GREVILLE, a supper at the house of, described<br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">by Giordano Bruno, ii. <a href="#pageB142">142</a>,
+      <a href="#pageB147">147</a>.</span><br /> <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageB418" id="pageB418"></a>{418}</span><br /> <br /> G<br /> <br />
+      GALLICAN CHURCH, the: its interests in the Council of Trent, i. <a
+      href="#pageA126">126</a>.<br /> <br /> GALLUZZI'S record of Jesuit attempts
+      to seduce youth, i. <a href="#pageA284">284</a>.<br /> <br /> GATTINARA,
+      Cardinal, Grand Chancellor of the Empire, i. <a href="#pageA31">31</a>.<br />
+      <br /> GAMBARA, Veronica, i. <a href="#pageA41">41</a>.<br /> <br /> GENERAL
+      Congregation of the Jesuits, functions of the, i. <a href="#pageA273">273</a>.<br />
+      <br /> GENERAL of the Jesuits, position of, in regard to the Order, i. <a
+      href="#pageA272">272</a>.<br /> <br /> GENOA, becomes subject to Spain, i.
+      <a href="#pageA18">18</a>.<br /> <br /> GENTILE, Valentino, i. <a
+      href="#pageA73">73</a>.<br /> <br /> GERSON'S <i>Considerations upon Papal
+      Excommunications</i>,<br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">translated by
+      Sarpi, ii. <a href="#pageB200">200</a>.</span><br /> <br /> 'GERUSALEMME
+      Conquistata,' Tasso's, ii. <a href="#pageB75">75</a>, <a href="#pageB114">114</a>
+      <i>sq.</i>, <a href="#pageB124">124</a>.<br /> <br /> 'GERUSALEMME
+      Liberata:' at first called <i>Gottifredo</i>, ii. <a href="#pageB35">35</a>;<br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">its dedication, <a href="#pageB38">38</a>,
+      <a href="#pageB47">47</a> <i>sq.</i>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">submitted by Tasso to censors, <a href="#pageB43">43</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">their criticisms, <a href="#pageB43">43</a>
+      <i>sq.</i>, <a href="#pageB50">50</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">successful publication of the poem, <a
+      href="#pageB71">71</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">its
+      subject-matter, <a href="#pageB92">92</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">the romance of the epic, <a href="#pageB93">93</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">Tancredi, the hero, <a href="#pageB94">94</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">imitations of Dante and Virgil, <a
+      href="#pageB95">95</a> <i>sqq.</i>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">artificiality, <a href="#pageB100">100</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">pompous cadences, <a href="#pageB101">101</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">oratorical dexterity, <a href="#pageB102">102</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">the similes and metaphors, <i>ib.</i>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">Armida, the heroine, <a href="#pageB106">106</a>.</span><br />
+      <br /> GHISLIERI, Michele, <i>see</i> PIUS V.<br /> <br /> ---Paolo, a
+      relative of Pius V., i. <a href="#pageA147">147</a>.<br /> <br /> GIBERTI,
+      Gianmatteo, Bishop of Verona, i. <a href="#pageA19">19</a>.<br /> <br />
+      GILLOT, Jacques, letter from Sarpi to, on the relations<br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">of Church and State, ii. <a href="#pageB203">203</a>.</span><br />
+      <br /> GIOVANNI FRANCESCO, Fra, an accomplice in the attacks on Sarpi, ii.
+      <a href="#pageB214">214</a>.<br /> <br /> 'GLI ETEREI,' Academy of, at
+      Padua, ii. <a href="#pageB26">26</a>.<br /> <br /> GOLDEN crown, the,
+      significance of, i. <a href="#pageA34">34</a>.<br /> <br /> GONGORISM, i. <a
+      href="#pageA66">66</a>.<br /> <br /> GONZAGA, Cardinal Ercole, ambassador
+      from Clement VII.<br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">to Charles V., i.
+      <a href="#pageA19">19</a>.</span><br /> <br /> ---Cardinal Scipione, a
+      friend of Tasso, ii. <a href="#pageB26">26</a>, <a href="#pageB42">42</a>,
+      <a href="#pageB46">46</a>, <a href="#pageB67">67</a>, <a href="#pageB73">73</a>.<br />
+      <br /> ---Don Ferrante, i. <a href="#pageA25">25</a>.<br /> <br />
+      ---Eleanora Ippolita, Duchess of Urbino, i. <a href="#pageA37">37</a>.<br />
+      <br /> ---Federigo, Marquis of Mantua, i. <a href="#pageA26">26</a>.<br />
+      <br /> ---Vincenzo, obtains Tasso's release, ii. <a href="#pageB73">73</a>;<br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">the circumstances of his marriage, i. <a
+      href="#pageB386">386</a>.</span><br /> <br /> 'GOTTIFREDO.' Tasso's first
+      title for the <i>Gerusalemme Liberata</i>, ii. <a href="#pageB35">35</a>.<br />
+      <br /> GOUDIMEL, Claude: his school of music at Rome, ii. <a
+      href="#pageB323">323</a>.<br /> <br /> GRANADA, Treaty of, i. <a
+      href="#pageA12">12</a>.<br /> <br /> GRAND style (in art), the so-called,
+      ii. <a href="#pageB379">379</a>.<br /> <br /> GREGORY XIII., Pope (Ugo
+      Buoncompagno): his early career<br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">and
+      election, i. <a href="#pageA149">149</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">manner of life, <a href="#pageA150">150</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">treatment of his relatives, <a
+      href="#pageA151">151</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">revival
+      of obsolete rights of the Church, <a href="#pageA152">152</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">consequent confusion in the Papal States,
+      <i>ib.</i></span><br /> <br /> GRISON mercenaries in Italy, i. <a
+      href="#pageA103">103</a> <i>n.</i><br /> <br /> GUARINI, on the death of
+      Tasso, ii. <a href="#pageB69">69</a> <i>n.</i>;<br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">publishes a revised edition of Tasso's lyrics,
+      <a href="#pageB72">72</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">Guarini's
+      parentage, <a href="#pageB244">244</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">at the Court of Alfonso II. of Ferrara, <a
+      href="#pageB245">245</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">a
+      rival of Tasso, <i>ib.</i>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">engaged
+      on foreign embassies, <a href="#pageB246">246</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">appointed Court poet, <a href="#pageB247">247</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">domestic troubles, <a href="#pageB249">249</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">his last years, <a href="#pageB251">251</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">his death, <i>ib.</i>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">argument of the <i>Pastor Fido</i>, <i>ib.</i>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">satire upon the Court of Ferrara, <a
+      href="#pageB254">254</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">critique
+      of the poem, <a href="#pageB255">255</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">its style, <a href="#pageB256">256</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">comparison with Tasso's <i>Aminta</i>, <a
+      href="#pageB275">275</a>.</span><br /> <br /> GUELF and Ghibelline
+      contentions: how they ended in Italy, i. <a href="#pageA57">57</a>.<br />
+      <br /> GUICCIARDINI, Francesco, i. <a href="#pageA33">33</a>.<br /> <br />
+      GUISE, Duke of: his defeat by Alva, i. <a href="#pageA103">103</a>;<br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">his murder, <a href="#pageA129">129</a>.</span><br />
+      <br /> GUZMAN, Domenigo de (S. Dominic), founder of the Dominican Order, i.
+      <a href="#pageA162">162</a>.<br /> <br /> <br /> H<br /> <br /> HEGEMONY,
+      Spanish, economical and social condition of<br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">the Italians under, i. <a href="#pageA50">50</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">the evils of, <a href="#pageB61">61</a>.</span><br />
+      <br /> HENCHENEOR, Cardinal William, i. <a href="#pageA36">36</a>.<br />
+      <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB419" id="pageB419"></a>{419}</span><br />
+      HENRI III., favor shown to Giordano Bruno by, ii. <a href="#pageB139">139</a>.<br />
+      <br /> HENRI IV., the murder of, i. <a href="#pageA297">297</a>.<br /> <br />
+      HENRY VIII.: his divorce from Katharine of Aragon, i. <a href="#pageA44">44</a>.<br />
+      <br /> HEROICO-comic poetry, Tassoni's <i>Secchia Rapita</i>,<br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">the first example of, ii. <a href="#pageB303">303</a>.</span><br />
+      <br /> 'HISTORY of the Council of Trent,' Sarpi's, ii. <a href="#pageB222">222</a>
+      <i>sqq.</i><br /> <br /> HOLY Office, <i>see</i> INQUISITION.<br /> <br />
+      HOLY Roman Empire, the, ii. <a href="#pageB393">393</a>.<br /> <br />
+      HOMATA, Benedetta, attempted murder of by Gianpaolo Osio, i. <a
+      href="#pageA323">323</a> <i>sqq.</i><br /> <br /> HOMICIDE, lax morality of
+      the Jesuits in regard to, i. <a href="#pageA306">306</a> <i>n.</i><br />
+      <br /> HOSIUS, Cardinal, legate at Trent, i. <a href="#pageA118">118</a>.<br />
+      <br /> HUMANISM, the work of, ii. <a href="#pageB385">385</a>, <a
+      href="#pageB391">391</a>;<br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">what it
+      involved, <a href="#pageB392">392</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">Rationalism, its offspring, <a href="#pageB404">404</a>.</span><br />
+      <br /> HUMANITY, the past and future of, ii. <a href="#pageB408">408</a> <i>sqq.</i><br />
+      <br /> <br /> I<br /> <br /> IL BORGA, a censor of the <i>Gerusalemme Liberata</i>,
+      ii. <a href="#pageB43">43</a>.<br /> <br /> 'IL Candelajo,' Giordano Bruno's
+      comedy, ii. <a href="#pageB131">131</a>, <a href="#pageB183">183</a>.<br />
+      <br /> IL GUERCINO (G.F. Barbieri), Bolognese painter, ii. <a
+      href="#pageB365">365</a>;<br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">his
+      masterpieces, <a href="#pageB367">367</a>.</span><br /> <br /> 'IL PADRE di
+      Famiglio,' Tasso's Dialogue, ii. <a href="#pageB63">63</a>.<br /> <br /> 'IL
+      Pentito,' Tasso's name as one of Gli Eterei, ii. <a href="#pageB26">26</a>.<br />
+      <br /> INGEGNERI, Antonio, a friend of Tasso, ii. <a href="#pageB64">64</a>;<br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">publishes the <i>Gerusalemme</i>, <a
+      href="#pageB71">71</a>.</span><br /> <br /> INDEX Expurgatorius:<br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">its first publication at Venice, i. <a
+      href="#pageA192">192</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">effects
+      on the printing trade there, <a href="#pageA193">193</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">the Index in concert with the Inquisition,
+      <a href="#pageA194">194</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">origin
+      of the Index, <a href="#pageA195">195</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">local lists of prohibited books, <i>ib.</i>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">establishment of the Congregation of the
+      Index, <a href="#pageA197">197</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">Index of Clement VIII., <a href="#pageA198">198</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">its preambles, <i>ib.</i>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">regulations, <a href="#pageB199">199</a>
+      <i>sq.</i>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">details of the
+      censorship and correction of books, <a href="#pageB201">201</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">rules as to printers, publishers, and
+      booksellers, <a href="#pageB203">203</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">responsibility of the Holy Office, <a
+      href="#pageA204">204</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">annoyances
+      arising from delays and ignorance on the part of censors, <a
+      href="#pageB205">205</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">spiteful
+      delators of charges of heresy, <a href="#pageA207">207</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">extirpation of books, <a href="#pageA208">208</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">proscribed literature, <a href="#pageA209">209</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">garbled works by Vatican students, <a
+      href="#pageA210">210</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">effect
+      of the Tridentine decree about the Vulgate, <a href="#pageB212">212</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">influence of the Index on schools and
+      lecture-rooms, <a href="#pageB213">213</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">decline of humanism, <a href="#pageA218">218</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">the statutes on the <i>Ratio Status</i>,
+      <a href="#pageA220">220</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">their
+      object and effect, <a href="#pageA221">221</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">the treatment of lewd and obscene publications,
+      <a href="#pageA223">223</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">expurgation
+      of secular books, <a href="#pageA224">224</a>.</span><br /> <br />
+      INQUISITION, the, i. <a href="#pageA159">159</a> <i>sqq.</i>;<br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">the first germ of the Holy Office, <a
+      href="#pageA161">161</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">developed
+      during the crusade against the Albigenses, <i>ib.</i>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">S. Dominic its founder, <a href="#pageA162">162</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">introduced into Lombardy, etc., <a
+      href="#pageA164">164</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">the
+      stigma of heresy, <a href="#pageA165">165</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">three types of Inquisition, <a href="#pageA166">166</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">the number of victims, <a href="#pageB166">166</a>
+      <i>n.</i>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">the crimes of which
+      it took cognizance, <a href="#pageA167">167</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">the methods of the Apostolical Holy Office, <a
+      href="#pageA168">168</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">treatment
+      of the New Christians in Castile, <a href="#pageA169">169</a>, <a
+      href="#pageB171">171</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">origin
+      of the Spanish Holy Office, <a href="#pageA170">170</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">opposition of Queen Isabella, <a href="#pageA171">171</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">exodus of New Christians, <a
+      href="#pageA172">172</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">the
+      punishments inflicted, <i>ib.</i>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">futile appeals to Rome, <a href="#pageA173">173</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">constitution of the Inquisition, <a
+      href="#pageA174">174</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">its
+      two most formidable features, <a href="#pageA175">175</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">method of its judicial proceedings, <a
+      href="#pageA176">176</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">the
+      sentence and its execution, <a href="#pageA177">177</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">the holocausts and their pageant, <i>ib.</i>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">Torquemada's insolence, <a href="#pageA179">179</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">the body-guard of the Grand Inquisitor, <a
+      href="#pageA180">180</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">number
+      of Torquemada's victims, <a href="#pageA181">181</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">exodus of Moors from Castile, <a href="#pageA182">182</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">victims under Torquemada's successors, <i>ib.</i>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">an Aceldama at Madrid, <a href="#pageA184">184</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">the Roman Holy Office, <i>ib.</i>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">remodelled by Giov. Paolo Caraffa, <a
+      href="#pageA185">185</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">'Acts
+      of Faith' in Rome, <a href="#pageA186">186</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">numbers of the victims, <a href="#pageA187">187</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">in other parts of Italy, <a
+      href="#pageA188">188</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">the
+      Venetian Holy Office, <a href="#pageA190">190</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">dependent on</span><br /> the State, <i>ib.</i>;<br />
+      <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB420" id="pageB420"></a>{420}</span>
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">Tasso's dread of the Inquisition, ii. <a
+      href="#pageB42">42</a>, <a href="#pageB45">45</a>, <a href="#pageB49">49</a>,
+      <a href="#pageB51">51</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">the
+      case of Giordano Bruno, <a href="#pageB134">134</a>, <a href="#pageB157">157</a>
+      <i>sqq.</i>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">Sarpi denounced
+      to the Holy Office, <a href="#pageB195">195</a>.</span><br /> <br />
+      INTELLECTUAL and social activity in Italian cities, i. <a href="#pageA51">51</a>.<br />
+      <br /> INTERDICT of Venice (1606), ii. <a href="#pageB198">198</a> <i>sqq.</i>;<br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">the compromise, <a href="#pageB205">205</a>.</span><br />
+      <br /> INVASION, wars of, in Italy, i. <a href="#pageA11">11</a> <i>sqq.</i><br />
+      <br /> IRON crown, the, sent from Monza to Bologna, i. <a href="#pageA36">36</a>.<br />
+      <br /> 'ITALIA Liberata,' Trissino's, ii. <a href="#pageB24">24</a>, <a
+      href="#pageB303">303</a>.<br /> <br /> ITALIA Unita, ii. <a href="#pageB407">407</a>.<br />
+      <br /> ITALY:<br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">its political conditions
+      in 1494, i. <a href="#pageA2">2</a> <i>sqq.</i>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">the five members of its federation, <a
+      href="#pageA3">3</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">how the
+      federation was broken up, <a href="#pageA11">11</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">the League between Clement VII. and Charles V.,
+      <a href="#pageA31">31</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">review
+      of the settlement of Italy effected by Emperor</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">and Pope, <a href="#pageB45">45</a> <i>sqq.</i>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">extinction of republics, <a href="#pageA47">47</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">economical and social condition of the
+      Italians under</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">Spanish
+      hegemony, <a href="#pageA48">48</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">intellectual life, <a href="#pageA51">51</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">predominance of Spain and Rome, <a
+      href="#pageA53">53</a> <i>sqq.</i>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">Italian servitude, <a href="#pageA58">58</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">the evils of Spanish rule, <a
+      href="#pageB59">59</a> <i>sqq.</i>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">seven Spanish devils in Italy, <a href="#pageA61">61</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">changes wrought by the
+      Counter-Reformation, <a href="#pageA64">64</a> <i>sqq.</i>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">criticism and formalism, <a href="#pageA65">65</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">transition from the Renaissance to the
+      Catholic Revival, <i>ib.</i>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">attitude
+      of Italians towards the German Reformation, <a href="#pageA71">71</a>.</span><br />
+      <br /> <br /> J<br /> <br /> JESUITS, Order of:<br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">its importance in the Counter-Reformation, i. <a
+      href="#pageA229">229</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">the
+      Diacatholicon, <a href="#pageA231">231</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">works on the history of the Order, <a
+      href="#pageA231">231</a> <i>n.</i>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">sketch of the life of Ignatius Loyola, <a
+      href="#pageA231">231</a> <i>sqq.</i>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">the first foundation of the <i>Exercitia</i>, <a
+      href="#pageA236">236</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">Peter
+      Faber and Francis Xavier, <a href="#pageA239">239</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">the vows taken by Ignatius and his neophytes at
+      Paris, <a href="#pageB240">240</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">their proposed mission to the Holy Land, <a
+      href="#pageA241">241</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">their
+      visits to Venice and Rome, <a href="#pageA242">242</a> <i>sq.</i>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">the name of the Order, <a href="#pageA244">244</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">negotiations in Rome, <a href="#pageA245">245</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">the fourth vow, <a href="#pageA246">246</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">the constitutions approved by Paul III.,
+      <a href="#pageA247">247</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">the
+      Directorium of Lainez, <a href="#pageA249">249</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">the original limit of the number of members, <i>ib.</i>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">Loyola's administration, <a
+      href="#pageA250">250</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">asceticism
+      deprecated, <a href="#pageA251">251</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">worldly wisdom of the founder, <a
+      href="#pageA253">253</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">rapid
+      spread of the Order, <a href="#pageA254">254</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">the Collegium Romanum, <a href="#pageA255">255</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">Collegium Germanicum, <i>ib.</i>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">the Order deemed rivals by the Dominicans
+      in Spain, <i>ib.</i>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">successes
+      in Portugal, <a href="#pageA256">256</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">difficulties in France, <a href="#pageA257">257</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">in the Low Countries, <i>ib.</i>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">in Bavaria and Austria, <a href="#pageA258">258</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">Loyola's dictatorship, <a href="#pageA259">259</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">his adroitness in managing distinguished
+      members of his Order, <a href="#pageB260">260</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">statistics of the Jesuits at Loyola's death, <i>ib.</i>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">the autocracy of the General, <a
+      href="#pageA261">261</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">Jesuit
+      precepts on obedience, <a href="#pageA263">263</a> <i>sq.</i>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">addiction to Catholicism, <a
+      href="#pageA266">266</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">the
+      spiritual drill of the <i>Exercitia Spiritualia</i>, <a href="#pageB267">267</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">materialistic imagination, <a
+      href="#pageA268">268</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">psychological
+      adroitness of the method, <a href="#pageA269">269</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">position and treatment of the novice, <a
+      href="#pageA270">270</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">the
+      Jesuit Hierarchy, <a href="#pageA271">271</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">the General, <a href="#pageA272">272</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">five sworn spies to watch him, <a
+      href="#pageA273">273</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">a
+      system of espionage through the Order, <a href="#pageA274">274</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">position of a Jesuit, <i>ib.</i>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">the Black Pope, <a href="#pageA275">275</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">the working of the Jesuit vow of poverty,
+      <a href="#pageA275">275</a> <i>sq.</i>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">revision of the Constitutions by Lainez, <a
+      href="#pageA277">277</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">the
+      question about the <i>Monita Secreta</i>, <a href="#pageA277">277</a> <i>sqq.</i>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">estimate of the historical importance of
+      the Jesuits, <a href="#pageA280">280</a> <i>sq.</i>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">their methods of mental tyranny, <a
+      href="#pageA281">281</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">Jesuitical
+      education, <a href="#pageA282">282</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">desire to gain the control of youth, <a
+      href="#pageA283">283</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">their
+      general aim the aggrandizement of the Order, <a href="#pageB284">284</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">treatment of <i>&eacute;tudes fortes</i>,
+      <i>ib.</i>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">admixture of
+      falsehood and truth, <a href="#pageA285">285</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">sham learning and sham art, <a href="#pageA286">286</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">Jesuit morality, <a href="#pageA287">287</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">manipulation of the conscience, <a
+      href="#pageA288">288</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">casuistical
+      ethics, <a href="#pageA290">290</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">system of confession and direction, <a
+      href="#pageA293">293</a>;</span><br /> political intrigues and doctrines,
+      <a href="#pageA294">294</a> <i>sqq.</i>;<br /> <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageB421" id="pageB421"></a>{421}</span> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">the theory of the sovereignty of the people, <a
+      href="#pageA296">296</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">Jesuit
+      connection with political plots, <a href="#pageA297">297</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">suspected in regard to the deaths of
+      Popes, <a href="#pageA298">298</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">the Order expelled from various countries, <a
+      href="#pageA299">299</a> <i>n.</i>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">relations of Jesuits to Rome, <a href="#pageA299">299</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">their lax morality in regard to homicide,
+      <a href="#pageA306">306</a> <i>n.</i>, <a href="#pageB314">314</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">their support of the Interdict of Venice,
+      ii. <a href="#pageB198">198</a> <i>sqq.</i></span><br /> <br /> JEWS,
+      Spanish, wealth and influence of, i. <a href="#pageA169">169</a>;<br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">adoption of Christianity, <i>ib.</i>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">attacked by the Inquisition, <a
+      href="#pageA170">170</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">the
+      edict for their expulsion, <a href="#pageA171">171</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">its results, <a href="#pageA172">172</a>.</span><br />
+      <br /> JULIUS II.:<br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">results of his
+      martial energy, i. <a href="#pageA7">7</a>.</span><br /> <br /> ---III.,
+      Pope (Giov. Maria del Monte), i. <a href="#pageA101">101</a>.<br /> <br />
+      <br /> K<br /> <br /> KEPLER, high opinion of Bruno's speculations held by,
+      ii. <a href="#pageB164">164</a>.<br /> <br /> KINGDOMS and States of Italy
+      in 1494, enumeration of, i. <a href="#pageB3">3</a>.<br /> <br /> <br /> L<br />
+      <br /> 'LA Cuccagna,' a satire by Marino, ii. <a href="#pageB263">263</a>.<br />
+      <br /> LAINEZ, James, associate of Ignatius Loyola, i. <a href="#pageA240">240</a>;<br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">his influence on the development of the
+      Jesuits, <a href="#pageA248">248</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">his commentary on the Constitutions (the
+      Directorium), <a href="#pageA249">249</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">his work in Venice, etc., <a href="#pageA254">254</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">abject submission to Loyola, <a
+      href="#pageA262">262</a>.</span><br /> <br /> LATERAN, Council of the, i. <a
+      href="#pageA95">95</a>.<br /> <br /> LATIN and Teutonic factors in European
+      civilization, ii. <a href="#pageB393">393</a> <i>sqq.</i><br /> <br />
+      LATINI, Latino, on the extirpation of books by the Index, i. <a
+      href="#pageA208">208</a>.<br /> <br /> LEGATES, Papal, at Trent, i. <a
+      href="#pageA97">97</a> <i>n.</i>, <a href="#pageA119">119</a>.<br /> <br />
+      LE JAY, Claude, associate of Ignatius Loyola, i. <a href="#pageA240">240</a>;<br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">his work as a Jesuit at Ferrara, <a
+      href="#pageA254">254</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">in
+      Austria. <a href="#pageA258">258</a>.</span><br /> <br /> LEONI,
+      Giambattista, employed by Sarpi to write against<br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">the Jesuits, ii. <a href="#pageB200">200</a>.</span><br />
+      <br /> LEPANTO, battle of, i. <a href="#pageA149">149</a>.<br /> <br />
+      LESCHASSIER, Sarpi's letters to, ii. <a href="#pageB229">229</a>, <a
+      href="#pageB235">235</a>.<br /> <br /> 'LE Sette Giornate,' Tasso's, ii. <a
+      href="#pageB75">75</a>, <a href="#pageB115">115</a>, <a href="#pageB124">124</a>.<br />
+      <br /> LEYVA, Antonio de, at Bologna, i. <a href="#pageA22">22</a>.<br />
+      <br /> ---Virginia Maria de (the Lady of Monza):<br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">birth and parentage, i. <a href="#pageA317">317</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">a nun in a convent of the Umiliate, <a
+      href="#pageA318">318</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">her
+      seduction by Gianpaolo Osio, <a href="#pageA318">318</a> <i>sqq.</i>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">birth of her child, <a href="#pageA321">321</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">murder of her waiting-woman by Osio, <a
+      href="#pageA322">322</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">the
+      intrigue discovered, <a href="#pageA323">323</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">attempted murder by Osio of two of her
+      associates, <a href="#pageA324">324</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">Virginia's punishment and after-life, <a
+      href="#pageA329">329</a>.</span><br /> <br /> LONDON, Bruno's account of the
+      life of the people of, ii. <a href="#pageB142">142</a>;<br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">social life in, <a href="#pageB143">143</a>.</span><br />
+      <br /> LORENTE'S History of the Inquisition, cited, <a href="#pageB171">171</a>
+      <i>sqq.</i>;<br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">his account of the
+      number of victims of the Holy Office, i. <a href="#pageA181">181</a>, <a
+      href="#pageB183">183</a> <i>n.</i></span><br /> <br /> LORRAINE, Cardinal:<br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">his influence in the Council of Trent, i.
+      <a href="#pageA125">125</a> <i>sq.</i></span><br /> <br /> LO SPAGNOLETTO
+      (Giuseppe Ribera), Italian Realist painter, ii. <a href="#pageB363">363</a>.<br />
+      <br /> LOUISA of Savoy, one of the arrangers of the Paix des Dames, i. <a
+      href="#pageA16">16</a>.<br /> <br /> LOUIS XII.: his descent into Lombardy,
+      and its results, i. <a href="#pageA9">9</a>;<br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">allied with the Austrian Emperor and the King of
+      Spain, i. <a href="#pageA12">12</a>.</span><br /> <br /> LOYOLA, Ignatius,
+      founder of the Jesuits:<br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">his birth and
+      childhood, i. <a href="#pageA231">231</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">his youth and early training, <i>ib.</i>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">illness at Pampeluna, <a href="#pageA232">232</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">pilgrimage to Montserrat, <a
+      href="#pageA234">234</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">retreat
+      at Manresa, <i>ib.</i>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">his
+      romance and discipline, <a href="#pageA235">235</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">journey to the Holy Land, <a href="#pageA237">237</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">his apprenticeship to his future calling,
+      <i>ib.</i>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">imprisoned by the
+      Inquisition, <a href="#pageA238">238</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">studies theology in Paris, <i>ib.</i>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">gains disciples there, <a href="#pageA239">239</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">his methods with them, <i>ib.</i>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">with ten companions takes the vows of
+      chastity and poverty, <a href="#pageA240">240</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">Ignatius at Venice, <a href="#pageA241">241</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">his relations with Caraffa and the
+      Theatines, <a href="#pageA242">242</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">in Rome, <a href="#pageB243">243</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">the name of the new Order, <a
+      href="#pageA244">244</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">its
+      military organization, <a href="#pageA245">245</a>;</span><br /> the
+      project favored by Paul III., <i>ib.</i>;<br /> <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageB422" id="pageB422"></a>{422}</span> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">the Constitution approved by the Pope, <a
+      href="#pageA247">247</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">his
+      worldly wisdom, <a href="#pageA248">248</a> <i>n.</i>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">Loyola's creative force, <a href="#pageA249">249</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">his administration, <a href="#pageA250">250</a>
+      <i>sq.</i>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">dislike of the
+      common forms of monasticism, <a href="#pageA251">251</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">his aims and principles, <a
+      href="#pageA252">252</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">comparison
+      with Luther, <a href="#pageA253">253</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">rapid spread of the Order, <a href="#pageA254">254</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">special desire of Ignatius to get a firm
+      hold on Germany, <a href="#pageB258">258</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">his dictatorship, <a href="#pageA259">259</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">adroitness in managing his subordinates,
+      <a href="#pageA260">260</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">autocratic
+      administration, <a href="#pageA261">261</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">insistence on the virtue of obedience, <a
+      href="#pageA263">263</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">devotion
+      to the Roman Church, <a href="#pageA265">265</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">the <i>Exercitia Spiritualia</i>, <a
+      href="#pageA267">267</a> <i>sqq.</i>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">Loyola's dislike of asceticism, <a
+      href="#pageA270">270</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">his
+      interpretation of the vow of poverty, <a href="#pageA275">275</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">his instructions as to the management of
+      consciences, <a href="#pageB287">287</a> <i>sq.</i>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">his doctrine on the fear of God, <a
+      href="#pageA304">304</a> <i>n.</i></span><br /> <br /> LUCERO EL TENEBROSO,
+      the Spanish Inquisitor, i. <a href="#pageA180">180</a>.<br /> <br /> LUINI'S
+      picture of S. Catherine, ii. <a href="#pageB360">360</a>.<br /> <br />
+      LULLY, Raymond:<br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">his Art of Memory and
+      Classification of the Sciences,</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">adapted
+      by Giordano Bruno, ii. <a href="#pageB139">139</a>.</span><br /> <br />
+      LUNA, Don Juan de, i. <a href="#pageA47">47</a>.<br /> <br /> LUTHER,
+      Bruno's high estimate of, ii. <a href="#pageB149">149</a>;<br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">his relation to modern civilization, <a
+      href="#pageB402">402</a>.</span><br /> <br /> LUTHERAN soldiers in Italy, i.
+      <a href="#pageA44">44</a>.<br /> <br /> LUTHERANISM in Italy, i. <a
+      href="#pageA185">185</a>.<br /> <br /> <br /> M<br /> <br /> MACAULAY, Lord, on
+      Sarpi's religious opinions, ii. <a href="#pageB227">227</a> <i>n.</i>;<br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">critique of his survey of the Catholic
+      Revival, <a href="#pageB400">400</a> <i>sqq.</i></span><br /> <br /> MAIN
+      events in modern history, the, ii. <a href="#pageB383">383</a> <i>sqq.</i><br />
+      <br /> MALATESTA, Roberto, leader of bandits in the Papal States, i. <a
+      href="#pageA152">152</a>.<br /> <br /> MALIPIERO, Alessandro, a friend of
+      Sarpi, ii. <a href="#pageB210">210</a>.<br /> <br /> MALVASIA, Count C.C.,
+      writings of, on the Bolognese painters, ii. <a href="#pageB350">350</a> <i>n.</i><br />
+      <br /> MANRESA, Ignatius Loyola at, i. <a href="#pageA234">234</a>.<br />
+      <br /> MANRIQUE, Thomas, Master of the Sacred Palace, an expurgated<br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">edition of the <i>Decamerone</i> issued
+      by, i. <a href="#pageA224">224</a>.</span><br /> <br /> MANSO, Marquis:<br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">his <i>Life of Tasso</i>, ii. <a
+      href="#pageB54">54</a>, <a href="#pageB56">56</a>, <a href="#pageB58">58</a>,
+      <a href="#pageB64">64</a>, <a href="#pageB70">70</a>, <a href="#pageB115">115</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">friend of Marino in his youth, <a
+      href="#pageB261">261</a>.</span><br /> <br /> MANTUA, raised to the rank of
+      a duchy, i. <a href="#pageA27">27</a>.<br /> <br /> MANUZIO, Aldo (the
+      younger), ill-treatment of, in Rome, i. <a href="#pageA217">217</a> <i>sq.</i><br />
+      <br /> ---Paolo:<br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">works produced at his
+      press in Rome, i. <a href="#pageA220">220</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">a friend of Chiabrera, ii. <a href="#pageB287">287</a>.</span><br />
+      <br /> MARCELLUS II., Pope (Marcello Cervini), i. <a href="#pageA97">97</a>,
+      <a href="#pageA101">101</a>.<br /> <br /> MARGARET of Austria, one of the
+      arrangers of the Paix des Dames, i. <a href="#pageA16">16</a>.<br /> <br />
+      MARIANAZZO, a robber chief, refusal of pardon by, i. <a href="#pageA309">309</a>.<br />
+      <br /> MARIGNANO, Marquis of (Gian Giacomo Medici), i. <a href="#pageA109">109</a>,
+      <a href="#pageA115">115</a>.<br /> <br /> MARINISM, i. <a href="#pageA66">66</a>;
+      ii. <a href="#pageB299">299</a>, <a href="#pageB302">302</a>.<br /> <br />
+      MARINO, Giovanni Battista:<br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">his birth
+      and parentage, ii. <a href="#pageB260">260</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">escapades of his youth in Naples, <a
+      href="#pageB261">261</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">at
+      the Court of Carlo Emanuele, <a href="#pageB262">262</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">his life in Turin, <i>ib.</i>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">at the Court of Maria de'Medici, <a
+      href="#pageB263">263</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">successful
+      publication of the <i>Adone</i>, <a href="#pageB264">264</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">return to Naples, <a href="#pageB265">265</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">critique of the <i>Adone</i>, <a
+      href="#pageB266">266</a> <i>sq.</i>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">the Epic of Voluptuousness, <a href="#pageB268">268</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">its effeminate sensuality, <a
+      href="#pageB268">268</a> <i>sq.</i>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">cynical hypocrisy, <a href="#pageB270">270</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">the character of Adonis, <a
+      href="#pageB272">272</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">ugliness
+      and discord, <a href="#pageB273">273</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">Marino's poetic gifts, <a href="#pageB274">274</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">great variety of episodes, <a
+      href="#pageB276">276</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">unity
+      of theme, <a href="#pageB277">277</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">purity of poetic style rarely attained, <a
+      href="#pageB279">279</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">false
+      rhetoric, <a href="#pageB280">280</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">Marinism, <a href="#pageB281">281</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">verbal fireworks, <a href="#pageB282">282</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">Marino's real inadequacy, <a
+      href="#pageB285">285</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">the
+      <i>Pianto d'Italia</i>, <a href="#pageB286">286</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">comparison of Marino with Chiabrera, <a
+      href="#pageB296">296</a>.</span><br /> <br /> MARTELLI, Giovan Battista, a
+      <i>bravo</i> attendant on<br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">Lorenzino
+      de'Medici, i. <a href="#pageA396">396</a>.</span><br /> <br /> <span
+      class="pagenum"><a name="pageB423" id="pageB423"></a>{423}</span>
+      MARTUCCIA, a notorious Roman courtesan, i. <a href="#pageA375">375</a>.<br />
+      <br /> MASANIELLO, cause of the rising of, in Naples, i. <a href="#pageA49">49</a>.<br />
+      <br /> MASSACRE of S. Bartholomew, i. <a href="#pageA55">55</a>, <a
+      href="#pageA149">149</a>.<br /> <br /> MASSIMI, Eufrosina (second wife of
+      Lelio Massimi), the<br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">murder of, i. <a
+      href="#pageA354">354</a> <i>sq.</i></span><br /> <br /> ---Lelio: violent
+      deaths of the five sons whom he cursed, i. <a href="#pageA355">355</a> <i>sq.</i><br />
+      <br /> 'MATERIE Beneficiarie, Delle,' Sarpi's, ii. <a href="#pageB219">219</a>.<br />
+      <br /> MAXIMILIAN, Emperor, allied against Venice with Louis XII., i. <a
+      href="#pageA12">12</a>.<br /> <br /> MAZZOLA, Francesco (Il Parmigianino),
+      i. <a href="#pageA42">42</a>.<br /> <br /> MEDA, Caterina da (waiting-woman
+      of Virginia de Leyva), murder of, i. <a href="#pageA322">322</a>.<br />
+      <br /> MEDIAEVAL habits, survival of, in Italy in the sixteenth century, i.
+      <a href="#pageA306">306</a>.<br /> <br /> MEDICI, de', family of:<br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">their advances towards Despotism, i. <a
+      href="#pageA10">10</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">violent
+      deaths of members, <a href="#pageA382">382</a> <i>sqq.</i>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">eleven murdered in a half-century, <a
+      href="#pageA387">387</a>.</span><br /> <br /> ---Alessandro, Duke of
+      Florence, i. <a href="#pageA19">19</a>, <a href="#pageA46">46</a>, <a
+      href="#pageA388">388</a>.<br /> <br /> ---Cosimo, i. <a href="#pageA46">46</a>;<br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">made Grand Duke of Tuscany, <a
+      href="#pageA47">47</a>.</span><br /> <br /> ---Giovanni, i. <a
+      href="#pageA11">11</a>.<br /> <br /> ---Ippolito, i. <a href="#pageA19">19</a>.<br />
+      <br /> ---Lorenzino, assassination of his cousin Alessandro<br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">(Duke of Florence) by, i. <a href="#pageA388">388</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">details of his own murder, <a
+      href="#pageA389">389</a> <i>sqq.</i></span><br /> <br /> ---Lorenzo, i. <a
+      href="#pageA10">10</a>.<br /> <br /> ---Maria, the Court of, as Regent of
+      France, ii. <a href="#pageB263">263</a>.<br /> <br /> ---Piero, i. <a
+      href="#pageA10">10</a>.<br /> <br /> MEDICI, Gian Giacomo (brother of Pius
+      IV.), i. <a href="#pageA50">50</a>, <a href="#pageA109">109</a>.<br />
+      <br /> ---Giovanni Angelo, <i>see</i> PIUS IV.<br /> <br /> ---Margherita
+      (sister of Pius IV.), mother of Carlo Borromeo, i. <a href="#pageA115">115</a>
+      <i>n.</i><br /> <br /> MENDOZA, Don Hurtado de, i. <a href="#pageA47">47</a>.<br />
+      <br /> MERSENNE, evidence of, as to the burning of Giordano Bruno, ii. <a
+      href="#pageB164">164</a> <i>n.</i><br /> <br /> METAPHYSICAL speculators in
+      Italy, i. <a href="#pageA73">73</a>.<br /> <br /> METAURUS, the, Tasso's ode
+      to, ii. <a href="#pageB63">63</a>.<br /> <br /> METEMPSYCHOSIS, Bruno's
+      doctrine of, ii. <a href="#pageB160">160</a>.<br /> <br /> MEXICO, the early
+      Jesuits in, i. <a href="#pageA260">260</a>.<br /> <br /> MIANI, Girolamo,
+      founder of the congregation of the Somascans, i. <a href="#pageA79">79</a>;<br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">his relations with Loyola, <a
+      href="#pageA242">242</a>.</span><br /> <br /> MICANZI, Fulgenzio, <i>see</i>
+      FULGENZIO, FRA.<br /> <br /> MILAN, Duchy of:<br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">its state in 1494, i. <a href="#pageA8">8</a>.</span><br />
+      <br /> MOCENIGO, Giovanni:<br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">his
+      character, ii. <a href="#pageB152">152</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">invites Giordano Bruno to Venice, <a
+      href="#pageB153">153</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">the
+      object of the invitation, <a href="#pageB154">154</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">their intercourse, <a href="#pageB155">155</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">Bruno denounced to the Inquisition by
+      Mocenigo, <a href="#pageB157">157</a>.</span><br /> <br /> ---Luigi, on the
+      relations between Pius IV. and Cardinal Morone, i. <a href="#pageA110">110</a>
+      <i>n.</i><br /> <br /> MODENA and Bologna, humors of the conflict between,
+      ii. <a href="#pageB304">304</a>.<br /> <br /> MONOPOLIES, system of, in
+      Italy, i. <a href="#pageA49">49</a>.<br /> <br /> MONTALTO, Cardinal, nephew
+      of Sixtus V., i. <a href="#pageA157">157</a>.<br /> <br /> MONTEBELLO,
+      Baron, the tale of, i. <a href="#pageA428">428</a>.<br /> <br />
+      MONTECATINO, Antonio, an enemy of Tasso at Ferrara, ii. <a href="#pageB48">48</a>,
+      <a href="#pageB50">50</a>, <a href="#pageB60">60</a>, <a href="#pageB62">62</a>;<br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">his downfall, <a href="#pageB66">66</a>.</span><br />
+      <br /> MONTE OLIVETO, the monastery of, Tasso at, ii, <a href="#pageB74">74</a>.<br />
+      <br /> MONZA, the Lady of, <i>see</i> LEYVA, VIRGINIA MARIA DE.<br /> <br />
+      MORALS, social and domestic, in Italy, effect of the<br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">Catholic Revival on, i. <a href="#pageA301">301</a>
+      <i>sqq.</i>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">outcome of the
+      Tridentine decrees, <a href="#pageA302">302</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">hypocrisy and ceremonial observances, <a
+      href="#pageA303">303</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">sufferings
+      of the lower classes, <i>ib.</i>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">increase of crimes of violence, <a
+      href="#pageA304">304</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">mistrust
+      between the aristocracy and the <i>bourgeoisie</i>, <a href="#pageA306">306</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">survival of mediaeval habits, <i>ib.</i>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">brigandage, <a href="#pageA307">307</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">criminal procedure, <a href="#pageA308">308</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">mutual jealousy of States afforded
+      security to refugee homicides, <a href="#pageA309">309</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">toleration of outlaws, <a href="#pageA310">310</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">the Lucchese army of bandits, <a
+      href="#pageA311">311</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">honorable
+      murder, <a href="#pageA312">312</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">maintenance of <i>bravi</i>, <i>ib.</i>;</span><br />
+      social violence countenanced by the Church, <a href="#pageA314">314</a>;<br />
+      <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB424" id="pageB424"></a>{424}</span>
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">sexual morality, <a href="#pageA315">315</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">state of convents, <a href="#pageA316">316</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">profligate fanaticism, <i>ib.</i>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">convent intrigues, <a href="#pageA318">318</a>
+      <i>sqq.</i></span><br /> <br /> MORATO, Peregrino, letter from Celio
+      Calcagnini to, i. <a href="#pageA74">74</a>.<br /> <br /> MORNAY, Duplessis,
+      Sarpi's letters to, ii. <a href="#pageB229">229</a>.<br /> <br /> MORONE,
+      Cardinal, i. <a href="#pageA26">26</a>;<br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">Papal legate at Trent, <a href="#pageA97">97</a>
+      <i>n.</i>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">imprisoned by Paul
+      IV., <a href="#pageA110">110</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">relations with Pius IV., <i>ib.</i>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">liberal thinkers among his associates, <a
+      href="#pageA111">111</a> <i>n.</i>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">his work in connection with the Council of
+      Trent, <a href="#pageA127">127</a>.</span><br /> <br /> ---Girolamo, i. <a
+      href="#pageA26">26</a>, <a href="#pageB72">72</a>.<br /> <br /> MUNICIPAL
+      wars, Italian, ii. <a href="#pageB304">304</a>.<br /> <br /> MURDERS in
+      Italy in the sixteenth century, i. <a href="#pageA305">305</a> <i>sqq.</i><br />
+      <br /> MURETUS:<br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">his difficulties as a
+      professor in Rome, i. <a href="#pageA214">214</a>, <a href="#pageB216">216</a>.</span><br />
+      <br /> MURTOLA, Gasparo, attempted assassination of the poet Marino by, ii.
+      <a href="#pageB263">263</a>.<br /> <br /> MUSIC, Italian, decadence of, in
+      the sixteenth century, ii. <a href="#pageB315">315</a>;<br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">foreign musicians in Rome, <a href="#pageB316">316</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">the contrapuntal style, <a href="#pageB317">317</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">licenses allowed to performers, <i>ib.</i>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">the medleys prepared by composers, <i>ib.</i>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">disgraceful condition of Church music, <a
+      href="#pageB318">318</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">orchestral
+      <i>ricercari</i>, <a href="#pageB320">320</a> <i>n.</i>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">Savonarola's opinion of the Church music of his
+      time, <i>ib.</i>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">musical
+      aptitude of the people, <a href="#pageB322">322</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">lack of a controlling element of correct taste,
+      <i>ib.</i>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">advent of
+      Palestrina, <i>ib.</i>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">the
+      Congregation for the Reform of Music, <a href="#pageB325">325</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">rise of the Oratorio, <a href="#pageB334">334</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">music in England in the sixteenth century,
+      <a href="#pageB338">338</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">rise
+      of the Opera, <a href="#pageB340">340</a>.</span><br /> <br /> MUSICIANS,
+      Italian, of the seventeenth cenutry, ii. <a href="#pageB243">243</a>.<br />
+      <br /> <br /> N<br /> <br /> NAPLES, kingdom of, separated from Sicily, i. <a
+      href="#pageA4">4</a>;<br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">its extent, <i>ib.</i>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">in the hands of Spain, <a href="#pageA12">12</a>.</span><br />
+      <br /> NASSAU, Count of, i. <a href="#pageA38">38</a>.<br /> <br /> NATURE,
+      the study of, among Italian philosophers, ii. <a href="#pageB128">128</a>.<br />
+      <br /> NEPOTISM, Papal:<br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">the Caraffas,
+      i. <a href="#pageA104">104</a> <i>sq.</i>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">the Borromeos, <a href="#pageA115">115</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">the Ghislieri, <a href="#pageA147">147</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">Gregory XIII.'s relatives, <a
+      href="#pageA151">151</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">estimate
+      of the incomes of Papal nephews, <a href="#pageA156">156</a> <i>sqq.</i></span><br />
+      <br /> NEW Christians, the, in Spain, <i>see</i> JEWS.<br /> <br /> NOBILI,
+      Flaminio de', a censor of the <i>Gerusalemme Liberata</i>, ii. <a
+      href="#pageB43">43</a>.<br /> <br /> NOLA, survival of Greek customs in, ii.
+      <a href="#pageB132">132</a>.<br /> <br /> NOVICES, Jesuit, position of, i.
+      <a href="#pageA271">271</a>.<br /> <br /> NUNNERIES, state of, in the
+      sixteenth century, i. <a href="#pageA315">315</a> <i>sqq.</i><br /> <br />
+      <br /> O<br /> <br /> OMERO, Fuggiguerra, sobriquet chosen by Tasso in his
+      wanderings, ii. <a href="#pageB64">64</a>.<br /> <br /> OPERA, rise of the,
+      in Florence, ii. <a href="#pageB341">341</a>.<br /> <br /> ORANGE, Prince
+      of, leader of the Spanish army in<br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">the
+      siege of Florence, i. <a href="#pageA18">18</a>.</span><br /> <br />
+      ORATORIO (Musical), the:<br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">its origins
+      in Rome, ii. <a href="#pageB334">334</a>.</span><br /> <br /> ORATORY of
+      Divine Love, the, i. <a href="#pageA76">76</a>.<br /> <br /> ORSINI, the,
+      reduced to submission to the Popes, i. <a href="#pageA7">7</a>.<br /> <br />
+      ---Paolo Giordano (Duke of Bracciano):<br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">his
+      passion for Vittoria Accoramboni, i. <a href="#pageA358">358</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">his gigantic stature and corpulence, <a
+      href="#pageA359">359</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">poisons
+      his first wife, <a href="#pageA360">360</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">treatment by Sixtus V., <a href="#pageA363">363</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">secret marriage with Vittoria, <a
+      href="#pageA364">364</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">renounces
+      the marriage, <a href="#pageA365">365</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">ratifies the union by public marriage, <a
+      href="#pageA366">366</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">flight
+      from Rome, <i>ib.</i>:</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">death
+      of the Duke, <a href="#pageA367">367</a>.</span><br /> <br /> ---Prince
+      Lodovico:<br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">procures the murder of
+      Vittoria Accoramboni and her brother, i. <a href="#pageA368">368</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">siege of his palace, <a href="#pageA370">370</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">his violent death, <a href="#pageA371">371</a>.</span><br />
+      <br /> ---Troilo, lover of the Duchess of Bracciano, i. <a href="#pageA360">360</a>;<br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">details of his murder by Ambrogio
+      Tremazzi, <a href="#pageA405">405</a> <i>sqq.</i></span><br /> <br /> OSIO,
+      Gianpaolo:<br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">his intrigue with Virginia
+      de Leyva, i. <a href="#pageA318">318</a> <i>sqq.</i>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">murders her waiting-woman, <a href="#pageA322">322</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">attempts to murder two other nuns, <a
+      href="#pageA324">324</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">his
+      letter of defence to Cardinal Federigo Borromeo, <a href="#pageB326">326</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">condemned to death and outlawed, <a
+      href="#pageA327">327</a>;</span><br /> <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageB425" id="pageB425"></a>{425}</span> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">terms of the <i>Bando</i>, <a href="#pageA328">328</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">his end, <a href="#pageB329">329</a>.</span><br />
+      <br /> OSORIO, Don Alvaro, Grand Marshal of Spain, i. <a href="#pageA22">22</a>.<br />
+      <br /> OUTLAWRY in Italy in the sixteenth century, i. <a href="#pageA307">307</a>
+      <i>sqq.</i><br /> <br /> OXFORD, Giordano Bruno's reception at, ii. <a
+      href="#pageB144">144</a>.<br /> <br /> <br /> P<br /> <br /> PACHECO, Cardinal,
+      the foe of the Caraffeschi, i. <a href="#pageA105">105</a>.<br /> <br />
+      PADUAN school of scepictism, the, influence of, on Tasso, ii. <a
+      href="#pageB20">20</a>.<br /> <br /> PAGANELLO, Conte, assassin of Vittoria
+      Accoramboni, i. <a href="#pageA371">371</a>.<br /> <br /> PAINTING in the
+      late years of the sixteenth century, ii. <a href="#pageB344">344</a>;<br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">Eclecticism, <a href="#pageB345">345</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">influence of the Tridentine Council, <a
+      href="#pageB347">347</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">the
+      Mannerists, <a href="#pageB348">348</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">Baroccio, <a href="#pageB349">349</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">the Caracci, <a href="#pageB350">350</a>
+      <i>sqq.</i>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">studies of the
+      Bolognese painters, <a href="#pageB352">352</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">academical ideality, <a href="#pageB354">354</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">Guido, Albani, Domenichino, <a
+      href="#pageB355">355</a> <i>sqq.</i>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">criticism of Domenichino's work, <a
+      href="#pageB359">359</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">the
+      Italian Realists, <a href="#pageB363">363</a> <i>sqq.</i>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">Lo Spada, <a href="#pageB364">364</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">Il Guercino, <a href="#pageB365">365</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">critical reaction against the Eclectics,
+      <a href="#pageB368">368</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">fundamental
+      principles of criticism, <a href="#pageB370">370</a> <i>sqq.</i></span><br />
+      <br /> PAIX des Dames, i. <a href="#pageA9">9</a>, <a href="#pageA16">16</a>.<br />
+      <br /> PALAZZO Vernio, Academy (musical) of the, ii. <a href="#pageB340">340</a>;<br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">distinguished composers of its school, <a
+      href="#pageB341">341</a>.</span><br /> <br /> PALEARIO, Aonio:<br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">his opinion of the Index, i. <a href="#pageA197">197</a>,
+      <a href="#pageB214">214</a>.</span><br /> <br /> PALESTRINA, Giovanni Pier
+      Luigi:<br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">his birth and early musical
+      training, ii. <a href="#pageB323">323</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">uneventful life of the <i>Princeps Musicae</i>,
+      <a href="#pageB324">324</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">relations
+      with the Congregation for Musical Reform, <a href="#pageB325">325</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">the legend and the facts about</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>Missa Papae Marcelli</i>, <a
+      href="#pageB326">326</a> <i>sqq.</i>, <a href="#pageB331">331</a> <i>n.</i>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">Palestrina's commission, <a
+      href="#pageB331">331</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">the
+      three Masses in competition, <a href="#pageB332">332</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">the award by the Congregation and the
+      Pope, <a href="#pageB334">334</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">Palestrina's connection with S. Filippo Neri, <a
+      href="#pageB334">334</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>Arie
+      Divote</i> composed for the Oratory, <a href="#pageB335">335</a> <i>sq.</i>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">character of the new music, <a
+      href="#pageB335">335</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">influence
+      of Palestrina on Italian music, <a href="#pageB336">336</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">estimate of the general benefit derived by
+      music from him, <a href="#pageB337">337</a> <i>sq.</i></span><br /> <br />
+      PALLAVICINI, on Paul IV.'s seal for the Holy Office, i. <a href="#pageA107">107</a>
+      <i>n.</i><br /> <br /> PALLAVICINO, Matteo, murder of, by Marcello
+      Accoramboni, i. <a href="#pageA358">358</a>.<br /> <br /> PALLIANO, Duchess
+      of, <i>see</i> CARDONA, VIOLANTE DE.<br /> <br /> ---Duke of (nephew of Paul
+      IV.), murders committed by, i. <a href="#pageA379">379</a>;<br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">his execution, <a href="#pageA380">380</a>.</span><br />
+      <br /> PANCIROLI, Guido, Tasso's master in the study of law, ii. <a
+      href="#pageB20">20</a>.<br /> <br /> PAPACY, the, its position after the
+      sack of Rome, i. <a href="#pageA13">13</a>;<br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">tyranny of, arising from the instinct of
+      self-preservation, <a href="#pageA54">54</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">dislike of, for General Councils, <a
+      href="#pageA90">90</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">manipulation
+      of the Council of Trent, <a href="#pageA97">97</a> <i>sqq.</i>, <a
+      href="#pageA119">119</a> <i>sqq.</i>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">its supremacy founded by that Council, <a
+      href="#pageA131">131</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">later
+      policy of the Popes, <a href="#pageA149">149</a> <i>sqq.</i>, <a
+      href="#pageA226">226</a>.</span><br /> <br /> PAPAL States, the:<br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">their condition in, i. <a href="#pageA5">5</a></span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">attempts to consolidate them into a
+      kingdom, <a href="#pageA6">6</a>.</span><br /> <br /> PARMA and Piacenza,
+      creation of the Duchy of, by Paul III., i. <a href="#pageA86">86</a>.<br />
+      <br /> PARMA, Duchy of, added to the States of the Church, i. <a
+      href="#pageA7">7</a>.<br /> <br /> PARMIGIANINO, Il, painting of Charles V.
+      by, i. <a href="#pageA42">42</a>.<br /> <br /> PARRASIO, Alessandro, one of
+      the assassins of Sarpi, ii. <a href="#pageB212">212</a>.<br /> <br />
+      PART-SONGS, French Protestant, influence of, on Palestrina, ii. <a
+      href="#pageB324">324</a>.<br /> <br /> PASSARI, Pietro, amours of, with the
+      nuns of S. Chiara, Lucca, i. <a href="#pageA340">340</a> <i>sq.</i><br />
+      <br /> 'PASTOR Fido,' Guarini's, critique of, ii. <a href="#pageB252">252</a>
+      <i>sqq.</i><br /> <br /> PAUL III., Pope, sends Contarini to the conference
+      at Rechensburg, i. <a href="#pageA78">78</a>;<br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">receives a memorial on ecclesiastical abuses, <a
+      href="#pageA79">79</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">establishes
+      the Roman Holy Office, <a href="#pageA80">80</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">sanctions the Company of Jesus, <i>ib.</i>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">his early life and education, <a
+      href="#pageA81">81</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">love
+      of splendor, <a href="#pageA82">82</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">peculiarity of his position, <i>ib.</i>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">the Pope of the transition, <a
+      href="#pageA84">84</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">jealous
+      of Spanish ascendency in Italy, <a href="#pageA85">85</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">creates the Duchy of Parma for his son, <a
+      href="#pageA86">86</a> <i>sqq.</i>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">members of the moderate reforming party made
+      Cardinals, <a href="#pageB88">88</a>;</span><br /> <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageB426" id="pageB426"></a>{426}</span> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">his repugnance to a General Council, <a
+      href="#pageA90">90</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">indiction
+      of a Council to be held at Trent, <a href="#pageA97">97</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">difficulties of his position, <a
+      href="#pageA100">100</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">his
+      death, <a href="#pageB101">101</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">his connection with the founding of the Jesuit
+      Order, <a href="#pageB245">245</a>.</span><br /> <br /> PAUL IV., Pope, <i>see</i>
+      CARAFFA, GIOV. PIETRO.<br /> <br /> PAUL V., Pope:<br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">details of his nepotism, i. <a href="#pageA157">157</a>
+      <i>n.</i>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">places Venice under
+      an interdict, ii. <a href="#pageB198">198</a>.</span><br /> <br /> PAVIA,
+      the battle of, <a href="#pageB13">13</a>.<br /> <br /> PELLEGRINI, Cammillo,
+      panegyrist of Tasso, ii. <a href="#pageB72">72</a>.<br /> <br /> PEPERARA,
+      Laura, Tasso's relations with, ii. <a href="#pageB31">31</a>.<br /> <br />
+      PERETTI, Felice (nephew of Sixtus V.), husband of Vittoria<br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">Accoramboni, i. <a href="#pageA357">357</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">his murder, <a href="#pageB358">358</a>.</span><br />
+      <br /> PESCARA, Marquis of, husband of Vittoria Colonna, i. <a
+      href="#pageA25">25</a>.<br /> <br /> 'PESTE di S. Carlo, La,' i. <a
+      href="#pageA421">421</a>.<br /> <br /> 'PETRARCA, Considerazioni sopra le
+      Rime, del,' Tassoni's, ii. <a href="#pageB298">298</a>, <a href="#pageB300">300</a>.<br />
+      <br /> PETRONI, Lucrezia, second wife of Francesco Cenci, i. <a
+      href="#pageA348">348</a> <i>sq.</i><br /> <br /> PETRONIO, S., Bologna,
+      reception of Charles V. by Clement VII. at, i. <a href="#pageA23">23</a>;<br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">the Emperor's coronation at, <a
+      href="#pageA37">37</a> <i>sqq.</i></span><br /> <br /> PETRUCCI, Pandolfo,
+      seduction of two sons of, by the Jesuits, i. <a href="#pageA284">284</a>.<br />
+      <br /> PHILIP II. of Spain:<br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">his
+      quarrel with Paul IV., i. <a href="#pageA102">102</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">the reconciliation, <a href="#pageA104">104</a>.</span><br />
+      <br /> PHILOSOPHERS of Southern Italy in the sixteenth century, ii. <a
+      href="#pageB126">126</a> <i>sqq.</i><br /> <br /> PIACENZA, added to the
+      States of the Church, i. <a href="#pageA7">7</a>.<br /> <br /> PICCOLOMINI,
+      Alfonso, leader of bandits in the Papal States, i. <a href="#pageA152">152</a>.<br />
+      <br /> 'PIETRO Soave Polano,' anagram of 'Paolo Sarpi Veneto,' ii. <a
+      href="#pageB223">223</a>.<br /> <br /> PIGNA (secretary to the Duke of
+      Ferrara), a rival of Tasso, ii. <a href="#pageB34">34</a>, <a
+      href="#pageB45">45</a>, <a href="#pageB48">48</a>.<br /> <br /> PINDAR, the
+      professed model of Chiabrera's poetry, ii. <a href="#pageB291">291</a>, <a
+      href="#pageB294">294</a>.<br /> <br /> PIRATES, raids of, on Italy, i. <a
+      href="#pageA417">417</a>.<br /> <br /> PISA, first Council of, i. <a
+      href="#pageA92">92</a>;<br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">the second,
+      <a href="#pageB95">95</a>.</span><br /> <br /> PIUS IV., Pope (Giov. Angelo
+      Medici):<br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">his parentage, i. <a
+      href="#pageA109">109</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">Caraffa's
+      antipathy to him, <a href="#pageA110">110</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">makes Cardinal Morone his counsellor, <i>ib.</i>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">negotiations with the autocrats of Europe,
+      <a href="#pageA111">111</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">his
+      diplomatic character, <a href="#pageA112">112</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">the Tridentine decrees, <i>ib.</i>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">keen insight into the political conditions
+      of his time, <a href="#pageB113">113</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">independent spirit, <a href="#pageA115">115</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">treatment of his relatives, <i>ib.</i>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">his brother's death helped him to the
+      Papacy, <i>ib.</i>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">the
+      felicity of his life, <a href="#pageA116">116</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">the religious condition of Northern Europe in
+      his reign, <a href="#pageB117">117</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">re-opening of the Council of Trent, <a
+      href="#pageA119">119</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">his
+      management of the difficulties connected with the Council, <a
+      href="#pageB127">127</a> <i>sqq.</i>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">use of cajoleries and menaces, <a
+      href="#pageA129">129</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">success
+      of the Pope's plans, <a href="#pageA130">130</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">his Bull of ratification of the Tridentine
+      decrees, <a href="#pageB131">131</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">his last days, <a href="#pageA132">132</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">estimate of the work of his reign, <a
+      href="#pageA133">133</a> <i>sqq.</i>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">his lack of generosity, <a href="#pageA142">142</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">coldness in religious exercises, <a
+      href="#pageA144">144</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">love
+      of ease and good companions, <a href="#pageA147">147</a>.</span><br />
+      <br /> PIUS V., Pope (Michele Ghislieri):<br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">his election, i. <a href="#pageA137">137</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">influence of Carlo Borromeo on him, <a
+      href="#pageA137">137</a>, <a href="#pageB145">145</a>, <a href="#pageA147">147</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">ascetic virtues, <a href="#pageA145">145</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">zeal for the Holy Office, <a
+      href="#pageA145">145</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">edict
+      for the expulsion of prostitutes from Rome, <a href="#pageA146">146</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">his exercise of the Papal Supremacy, <a
+      href="#pageA148">148</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">his
+      Tridentine Profession of Faith, <i>ib.</i>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">advocates rigid uniformity, <a href="#pageA148">148</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">promotes attacks on Protestants, <i>ib.</i></span><br />
+      <br /> PLAGUES:<br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">in Venice, i. <a
+      href="#pageA418">418</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">at
+      Naples and in Savoy, <i>ib.</i>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">statistics of the mortality, <a href="#pageA418">418</a>
+      <i>n.</i>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">disease supposed to
+      be wilfully spread by malefactors, <a href="#pageB420">420</a>.</span><br />
+      <br /> POETRY, Heroic, the problem of creating, in Italy, ii. <a
+      href="#pageB80">80</a>.<br /> <br /> POLAND, the crown of, sought by Italian
+      princes, ii. <a href="#pageB246">246</a>.<br /> <br /> POLE, Cardinal
+      Reginald, i. <a href="#pageA76">76</a>;<br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">Papal legate at Trent, <a href="#pageA97">97</a>
+      <i>n.</i></span><br /> <br /> POMA, Ridolfo, one of the assassins of Sarpi,
+      ii. <a href="#pageB212">212</a>.<br /> <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageB427" id="pageB427"></a>{427}</span><br /> POMPONIUS LAETUS, the
+      teacher of Paul III., i. <a href="#pageA81">81</a>, <a href="#pageA82">82</a>.<br />
+      <br /> POPULAR melodies employed in Church music in the<br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">sixteenth century, ii. <a href="#pageB318">318</a>.</span><br />
+      <br /> PORTRAIT of Charles V. by Titian, i. <a href="#pageA42">42</a>.<br />
+      <br /> 'PRESS, Discourse upon the,' Sarpi's, ii. <a href="#pageB220">220</a>.<br />
+      <br /> 'PRINCEPS Musicae,' the title inscribed on Palestrina's tomb, ii. <a
+      href="#pageB325">325</a>.<br /> <br /> PRINTING:<br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">effects of the Index Expurgatorius on the trade
+      in Venice, i. <a href="#pageA192">192</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">firms denounced by name by Paul IV., <a
+      href="#pageA198">198</a>, <a href="#pageA208">208</a>.</span><br /> <br />
+      PROFESSED of three and of four vows (Jesuit grades), i. <a href="#pageA271">271</a>
+      <i>sq.</i><br /> <br /> PROLETARIATE, the Italian, social morality of in the<br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">sixteenth century, i. <a href="#pageA224">224</a>
+      <i>sqq.</i></span><br /> <br /> PROSTITUTES, Roman, expulsion of by Pius V.,
+      i. <a href="#pageA146">146</a>.<br /> <br /> PROTESTANT Churches in Italy,
+      persecution of, i. <a href="#pageA186">186</a>.<br /> <br /> PROTESTANTISM
+      in Italy, i. <a href="#pageA71">71</a>.<br /> <br /> PROVINCES, Jesuit,
+      enumeration of the, i. <a href="#pageA161">161</a>.<br /> <br /> PUNCTILIO
+      in the Sei Cento, ii. <a href="#pageB288">288</a>.<br /> <br /> PURISTS,
+      Tuscan, Tassoni's ridicule of, ii. <a href="#pageB308">308</a>.<br /> <br />
+      PUTEO, Cardinal, legate at Trent, i. <a href="#pageA119">119</a>.<br />
+      <br /> <br /> Q<br /> <br /> QUEMADERO, the Inquisition's place of punishment
+      at Seville, i. <a href="#pageA178">178</a>.<br /> <br /> QUENTIN, S., battle
+      of, i. <a href="#pageA103">103</a>.<br /> <br /> QUERRO, Msgr., an associate
+      of the Cenci family, i. <a href="#pageA349">349</a>, <a href="#pageA350">350</a>,
+      <a href="#pageA352">352</a>.<br /> <br /> <br /> R<br /> <br /> 'RAGGUAGLI di
+      Parnaso,' Boccalini's, ii. <a href="#pageB313">313</a>.<br /> <br />
+      RANGONI, the, friends of Tasso and of his father, ii. <a href="#pageB6">6</a>,
+      <a href="#pageB23">23</a>.<br /> <br /> 'RATIO Status,' statutes of the
+      Index on the, i. <a href="#pageA220">220</a>.<br /> <br /> RATIONALISM, the
+      real offspring of Humanism, ii. <a href="#pageB404">404</a>.<br /> <br />
+      RAVENNA, exarchate of, i. <a href="#pageA7">7</a>.<br /> <br /> REALISTS,
+      Italian school of painters, ii. <a href="#pageB363">363</a> <i>sqq.</i><br />
+      <br /> RECHENSBURG, the conference at, i. <a href="#pageA78">78</a>, 88<br />
+      <br /> 'RECITATIVO,' Claudio Monteverde the pioneer of, ii. <a
+      href="#pageB341">341</a>.<br /> <br /> REFORMATION, the: position of
+      Italians towards its doctrines, i. <a href="#pageA72">72</a>.<br /> <br />
+      REFORMING theologians in Italy, i. <a href="#pageA76">76</a> <i>sq.</i><br />
+      <br /> RELIGIOUS Orders, new, foundation of, in Italy, i. <a href="#pageA79">79</a>
+      <i>sq.</i><br /> <br /> RELIGIOUS spirit of the Italian Church in the
+      sixteenth century, i. <a href="#pageA71">71</a>.<br /> <br /> RENAISSANCE
+      and Reformation: the impulses of both<br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">simultaneously
+      received by England, ii. <a href="#pageB388">388</a>.</span><br /> <br />
+      REN&Eacute;E of France, Duchess of Ferrara, i. <a href="#pageA77">77</a>.<br />
+      <br /> RENI, Guido, Bolognese painter, ii. <a href="#pageB355">355</a>;<br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">his masterpieces, <a href="#pageB358">358</a>.</span><br />
+      <br /> REPUBLICAN governments in Italy, i. <a href="#pageA5">5</a>.<br />
+      <br /> RETROSPECT over the Renaissance, ii. <a href="#pageB389">389</a> <i>sqq.</i><br />
+      <br /> REYNOLDS, Sir Joshua, admiration of, for the Bolognese<br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">painters, ii. <a href="#pageB359">359</a>, <a
+      href="#pageB375">375</a>.</span><br /> <br /> RIBERA, Giuseppe, <i>see</i>
+      LO SPAGNOLETTO.<br /> <br /> RICEI, Ottavia, attempted murder of, by
+      Gianpaolo Osio, i. <a href="#pageA323">323</a> <i>sqq.</i><br /> <br />
+      'RICERCARI,' employment of, in Italian music, ii. <a href="#pageB343">343</a>.<br />
+      <br /> RINALDO, Tasso's, first appearance of, ii. <a href="#pageB22">22</a>;<br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">its preface, <a href="#pageB82">82</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">its subject-matter, <a href="#pageB84">84</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">its religious motive, <a href="#pageB86">86</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">its style, <a href="#pageB86">86</a> <i>sqq.</i></span><br />
+      <br /> RODRIGUEZ d'Azevedo, Simon, associate of Ignatius Loyola, i. <a
+      href="#pageA240">240</a>;<br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">his work as
+      a Jesuit in Portugal, <a href="#pageA256">256</a>, <a href="#pageB262">262</a>.</span><br />
+      <br /> ROMAN University, the, degraded condition of, in the sixteenth<br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">century, i. <a href="#pageA216">216</a>.</span><br />
+      <br /> ROME, fluctuating population of, i. <a href="#pageA137">137</a>;<br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">eleemosynary paupers, <a href="#pageA139">139</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">reform of Roman manners after the Council
+      of Trent, <a href="#pageA141">141</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">expulsion of prostitutes, <a href="#pageA146">146</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">Roman society in Gregory XIII.'s reign, <a
+      href="#pageA152">152</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">the
+      headquarters of Catholicism, ii. <a href="#pageA397">397</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">relations with the Counter-Reformation, <a
+      href="#pageA398">398</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">the
+      complicated correlation of Italians with Papal Rome, <a href="#pageA399">399</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">the capital of a regenerated people, <a
+      href="#pageA408">408</a>.</span><br /> <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageB428" id="pageB428"></a>{428}</span><br /> RONDINELLI, Ercole,
+      Tasso's instructions to, in regard to his MSS., ii. <a href="#pageB35">35</a>.<br />
+      <br /> ROSSI, Bastiano de', a critic of the <i>Gerusalemme Liberata</i>,
+      ii. <a href="#pageB72">72</a>.<br /> <br /> ---Porzia de' (mother of
+      Torquato Tasso):<br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">her parentage, ii.
+      <a href="#pageB5">5</a>, <a href="#pageB7">7</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">her marriage, <a href="#pageB7">7</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">her death, probably by poison, <a
+      href="#pageB9">9</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">her
+      character, <a href="#pageB12">12</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">Torquato's love for her, <a href="#pageB15">15</a>.</span><br />
+      <br /> ---Vittorio de':<br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">his
+      description of the ill-treatment of Aldo Manuzio in Rome, i. <a
+      href="#pageA217">217</a> <i>sq.</i></span><br /> <br /> ROVERE, Francesco
+      della (Duke of Urbino), account of, i. <a href="#pageA36">36</a>.<br />
+      <br /> RUBBIERA, a fief of the Empire, i. <a href="#pageA40">40</a>.<br />
+      <br /> RUSKIN, Mr., on the cause of the decline of Venice, i. <a
+      href="#pageA423">423</a> <i>n.</i>;<br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">invectives
+      of, against Domenichino's work, ii. <a href="#pageB359">359</a>.</span><br />
+      <br /> <br /> S<br /> <br /> SACRED Palace, the Master of the:<br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">censor of books in Rome, i. <a href="#pageA201">201</a>.</span><br />
+      <br /> SALMERON, Alfonzo, associate of Ignatius Loyola, i. <a
+      href="#pageA240">240</a>;<br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">in Naples
+      and Sicily, <a href="#pageA254">254</a>.</span><br /> <br /> SALUZZO ceded
+      to Savoy, i. <a href="#pageA56">56</a>.<br /> <br /> SALVIATI, Leonardo, a
+      critic of the <i>Gerusalemme Liberata</i>, ii. <a href="#pageB72">72</a>.<br />
+      <br /> SAMMINIATI, Tommaso, intrigue and correspondence of, with<br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">Sister Umilia (Lucrezia Buonvisi), i. <a
+      href="#pageA341">341</a> <i>sqq.</i>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">banished from Lucca, <a href="#pageA344">344</a>.</span><br />
+      <br /> S. ANNA, the hospital of, Tasso's confinement at, ii. <a
+      href="#pageB66">66</a> <i>sqq.</i><br /> <br /> SAN BENITO, the costume of
+      persons condemned by the Inquisition, i. <a href="#pageA177">177</a>.<br />
+      <br /> SANSEVERINO, Amerigo, a friend of Bernardo Tasso, ii. <a
+      href="#pageB14">14</a>.<br /> <br /> ---Ferrante di, Prince of Salerno, i.
+      <a href="#pageA38">38</a>; ii. <a href="#pageB6">6</a> <i>sqq.</i><br />
+      <br /> SANTA CROCE, Ersilia di, first wife of Francesco Cenci, i. <a
+      href="#pageA347">347</a>.<br /> <br /> SANVITALE, Eleonora, Tasso's
+      love-affair with, ii. <a href="#pageB48">48</a>.<br /> <br /> SARDINIA, the
+      island of, a Spanish province, i. <a href="#pageA45">45</a>.<br /> <br />
+      SARPI, Fra Paolo:<br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">his birth and
+      parentage, ii. <a href="#pageB185">185</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">his position in the history of Venice, <a
+      href="#pageB186">186</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">his
+      physical constitution, <a href="#pageB189">189</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">moral temperament, <a href="#pageB190">190</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">mental perspicacity, <a href="#pageB191">191</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">discoveries in magnetism and optics, <a
+      href="#pageB192">192</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">studies
+      and conversation, <a href="#pageB193">193</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">early entry into the Order of the Servites, <i>ib.</i>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">his English type of character, <a
+      href="#pageB194">194</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">denounced
+      to the Inquisition, <a href="#pageB195">195</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">his independent attitude, <a href="#pageB196">196</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">his great love for Venice, <a
+      href="#pageB197">197</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">the
+      interdict of 1606, href='#pageB198'&gt;198 <i>sqq.</i>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">Sarpi's defence of Venice against the Jesuits,
+      <a href="#pageB199">199</a> <i>sqq.</i>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">pamphlet warfare, <a href="#pageB201">201</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">importance of this episode, <a
+      href="#pageB202">202</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">Sarpi's
+      theory of Church and State, <a href="#pageB203">203</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">boldness of his views, <a href="#pageB205">205</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">compromise of the quarrel of the
+      interdict, <i>ib.</i>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">Sarpi's
+      relations with Fra Fulgenzio, <a href="#pageB207">207</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">Sarpi warned by Schoppe of danger to his
+      life, <a href="#pageB208">208</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">attacked by assassins, <a href="#pageB209">209</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">the <i>Stilus Romanae Curiae</i>, <a
+      href="#pageB211">211</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">history
+      of the assassins, <a href="#pageB212">212</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">complicity of the Papal Court, <a
+      href="#pageB213">213</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">other
+      attempts on Sarpi's life, <a href="#pageB214">214</a> <i>sq.</i>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">his opinion of the instigators, <a
+      href="#pageB216">216</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">his
+      so called heresy, <a href="#pageB218">218</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">his work as Theologian to the Republic, <a
+      href="#pageB219">219</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">his
+      minor writings, <a href="#pageB221">221</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">his opposition to Papal Supremacy, <i>ib.</i>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">the <i>History of the Council of Trent</i>,
+      <a href="#pageB222">222</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">its
+      sources, <a href="#pageB223">223</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">its argument, <a href="#pageB224">224</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">deformation, not reformation, wrought by
+      the Council, <a href="#pageB225">225</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">Sarpi's impartiality, <a href="#pageB226">226</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">was Sarpi a Protestant? <a href="#pageB228">228</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">his religious opinions, <a href="#pageB229">229</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">views on the possibility of uniting
+      Christendom, <a href="#pageB230">230</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">hostility to ultra-papal Catholicism, <a
+      href="#pageB231">231</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">critique
+      of Jesuitry, <a href="#pageB233">233</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">of ultramontane education, <a href="#pageB235">235</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">the Tridentine Seminaries, <a
+      href="#pageB235">235</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">Sarpi's
+      dread lest Europe should succumb to Rome, <a href="#pageB237">237</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">his last days, <a href="#pageB238">238</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">his death contrasted with that of Giordano
+      Bruno, <a href="#pageB239">239</a> <i>n.</i>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">his creed, <a href="#pageB239">239</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">Sarpi a Christian Stoic, <a
+      href="#pageB240">240</a>.</span><br /> <br /> SARPI, citations from his
+      writings, on the Papal<br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">interpretation
+      of the Tridentine decrees, i. <a href="#pageA131">131</a> <i>n.</i>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">details of the nepotism of the Popes, <a
+      href="#pageA156">156</a> <i>n.</i>, <a href="#pageB157">157</a> <i>n.</i>;</span><br />
+      denunciation of the Index, <a href="#pageB197">197</a> <i>n.</i>, <a
+      href="#pageA206">206</a>, <a href="#pageB208">208</a> <i>n.</i>;<br />
+      <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB429" id="pageB429"></a>{429}</span>
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">on the revival of polite learning, <a
+      href="#pageA215">215</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">on
+      the political philosophy of the statutes of the Index, <a href="#pageB221">221</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">on the Inquisition rules regarding
+      emigrants from Italy, <a href="#pageB227">227</a> <i>sq.</i>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">his invention of the name 'Diacatholicon,'
+      <a href="#pageA231">231</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">on
+      the deflection of Jesuitry from Loyola's spirit and intention, <a
+      href="#pageB248">248</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">on
+      the secret statutes of the Jesuits, <a href="#pageA278">278</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">denunciations of Jesuit morality, <a
+      href="#pageA289">289</a> <i>n.</i>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">on the murder of Henri IV., <a href="#pageA297">297</a>
+      <i>n.</i>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">on the instigators
+      of the attempts on his own life, ii. <a href="#pageB215">215</a> <i>n.</i>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">on the attitude of the Roman Court towards
+      murder, <a href="#pageB216">216</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">on the literary polemics of James I., <a
+      href="#pageA229">229</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">on
+      Jesuit education and the Tridentine Seminaries, <a href="#pageB237">237</a>.</span><br />
+      <br /> SAVONAROLA'S opinion of the Church music of his time, ii. <a
+      href="#pageB320">320</a> <i>n.</i><br /> <br /> SAVOY, the house of:<br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">its connection with important events in
+      Italy, i. <a href="#pageA16">16</a> <i>n.</i>, <a href="#pageB38">38</a>,
+      <a href="#pageA56">56</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">becomes
+      an Italian dynasty, <a href="#pageA58">58</a>.</span><br /> <br /> 'SCHERNO
+      DEGLI DEI,' Bracciolini's, ii. <a href="#pageB313">313</a>.<br /> <br />
+      SCHOLASTICS (Jesuit grade), i. <a href="#pageA271">271</a>.<br /> <br />
+      SCHOPPE (Scioppius), Gaspar:<br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">sketch
+      of his career, ii. <a href="#pageB165">165</a>, <a href="#pageB208">208</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">his account of Bruno's heterodox opinions,
+      <a href="#pageB166">166</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">description
+      of the last hours of Bruno, <a href="#pageB167">167</a>.</span><br /> <br />
+      'SECCHIA RAPITA, LA,' Tassoni's, ii. <a href="#pageB301">301</a> <i>sqq.</i><br />
+      <br /> SECONDARY writers of the Sei Cento, ii. <a href="#pageB313">313</a>.<br />
+      <br /> SEI CENTO, the, decline of culture in Italy in, ii. <a
+      href="#pageB242">242</a>;<br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">its
+      musicians, <a href="#pageB243">243</a>.</span><br /> <br /> SEMINARIES,
+      Tridentine, ii. <a href="#pageB235">235</a>.<br /> <br /> SERIPANDO,
+      Cardinal, legate at Trent, i. <a href="#pageA118">118</a>.<br /> <br />
+      SERSALE, Alessandro and Antonio, Tasso's nephews, ii. <a href="#pageB72">72</a>.<br />
+      <br /> ---Cornelia (sister of Tasso), ii. <a href="#pageB7">7</a>, <a
+      href="#pageB9">9</a>, <a href="#pageB15">15</a> <i>sq.</i>, <a
+      href="#pageB55">55</a>, <a href="#pageB64">64</a>;<br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">her children, <a href="#pageB72">72</a>.</span><br />
+      <br /> SERVITES, General of the, complicity of, in the attempts on<br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">Sarpi's life, ii. <a href="#pageB214">214</a>.</span><br />
+      <br /> SETTLEMENT of Italy effected by Charles V. and Clement VII.,<br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">net results of, i. <a href="#pageA45">45</a>
+      <i>sqq.</i></span><br /> <br /> 'SEVEN Liberal Arts, On the,' a lost
+      treatise by Giordano<br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">Bruno, ii. <a
+      href="#pageB156">156</a>, <a href="#pageB182">182</a>.</span><br /> <br />
+      SFORZA, Francesco Maria, his relations with Charles V., i. <a
+      href="#pageA28">28</a>.<br /> <br /> ---Lodovico (Il Moro, ruler of Milan),
+      invites Charles VIII.<br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">into Italy, i.
+      <a href="#pageA8">8</a>.</span><br /> <br /> SICILY, separated from Naples,
+      i. <a href="#pageA4">4</a>.<br /> <br /> SIENA, republic of, subdued by
+      Florence, i. <a href="#pageA47">47</a>.<br /> <br /> 'SIGNS of the Times,
+      The,' a lost work by Giordano Bruno, ii. <a href="#pageB136">136</a>.<br />
+      <br /> SIGONIUS: his <i>History of Bologna</i> blocked by the Index, i. <a
+      href="#pageA207">207</a>.<br /> <br /> SIMONETA, Cardinal, legate at Trent,
+      i. <a href="#pageA118">118</a>, <a href="#pageA118">121</a>.<br /> <br />
+      SIXTUS V., Pope:<br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">short-sighted
+      hoarding of treasure by, i. <a href="#pageA153">153</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">his enactments against brigandage, <a
+      href="#pageA152">152</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">accumulation
+      of Papal revenues, <i>ib.</i>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">public
+      works, <a href="#pageA153">153</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">animosity against pagan art, <i>ib.</i>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">works on and about S. Peter's, <a
+      href="#pageA154">154</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">methods
+      of increasing revenue, <a href="#pageA155">155</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">nepotism, <a href="#pageB157">157</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">development of the Papacy in his reign, <a
+      href="#pageA158">158</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">his
+      death predicted by Bellarmino, <a href="#pageA298">298</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">his behavior after the murder of his
+      nephew (Felice Peretti), <a href="#pageA362">362</a>.</span><br /> <br />
+      SODERINI, Alessandro, assassinated together with his nephew<br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">Lorenzino de'Medici, i. <a href="#pageA398">398</a>.</span><br />
+      <br /> SOLIMAN, Paul IV.'s negotiations with, i. <a href="#pageA103">103</a>.<br />
+      <br /> SOMASCAN Fathers, Congregation of the, i. <a href="#pageA79">79</a>.<br />
+      <br /> S. ONOFRIO, Tasso's death at, ii. <a href="#pageB78">78</a>;<br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">the mask of his face at, <a
+      href="#pageB116">116</a>.</span><br /> <br /> SORANZO, on the character of
+      Pius IV., i. <a href="#pageA111">111</a> <i>n.</i>;<br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">on Carlo Borromeo, <a href="#pageA116">116</a>
+      <i>n.</i>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">on the changes in
+      Roman society in 1565, <a href="#pageA143">143</a>.</span><br /> <br />
+      'SPACCIO della Bestia Trionfante, Lo,' Giordano Bruno's,<br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">ii. <a href="#pageB132">132</a> <i>n.</i>, <a
+      href="#pageB140">140</a>, <a href="#pageB165">165</a>, <a href="#pageB183">183</a>
+      <i>sq.</i></span><br /> <br /> SPADA, Lionello, Bolognese painter, ii. <a
+      href="#pageB364">364</a>.<br /> <span class="pagenum"><a name="pageB430"
+      id="pageB430"></a>{430}</span><br /> SPAIN:<br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">its position in Italy after the battle of Pavia,
+      i. <a href="#pageB14">14</a>.</span><br /> <br /> SPANIARDS of the sixteenth
+      century, character of, i. <a href="#pageA59">59</a>.<br /> <br /> SPERONI,
+      Sperone:<br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">his criticism of Tasso's <i>Gerusalemme</i>,
+      ii. <a href="#pageB44">44</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">a
+      friend of Chiabrera, <a href="#pageB287">287</a>.</span><br /> <br />
+      SPHERE, the, Giordano Bruno's doctrine of, ii. <a href="#pageB135">135</a>,
+      <a href="#pageB144">144</a> <i>sq.</i><br /> <br /> STENDHAL, De (Henri
+      Beyle):<br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">his <i>Chroniques et
+      Nouvelles</i> cited:</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 2em;">on the
+      Cenci, i. <a href="#pageA351">351</a> <i>sq.</i>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 2em;">the Duchess of Palliano, <a href="#pageA373">373</a>.</span><br />
+      <br /> STERILITY of Protestantism, ii. <a href="#pageB401">401</a>.<br />
+      <br /> STROZZI, Filippo, i. <a href="#pageA46">46</a>.<br /> <br /> ---Piero,
+      i. <a href="#pageA47">47</a>.<br /> <br /> <br /> T<br /> <br /> TASSO,
+      Bernardo (father of Torquato), i. <a href="#pageA38">38</a>;<br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">his birth and parentage, ii. <a href="#pageA5">5</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">the <i>Amadigi</i>, <a href="#pageB7">7</a>,
+      <a href="#pageA11">11</a>, <a href="#pageB18">18</a>, <a href="#pageA35">35</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">his youth and marriage, <a href="#pageA7">7</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">misfortunes, <i>ib.</i>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">exile and poverty, <a href="#pageA8">8</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">death of his wife, <a href="#pageA9">9</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">his death, <a href="#pageB10">10</a>, <a
+      href="#pageA35">35</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">his
+      character, <i>ib.</i>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">his <i>Floridante</i>,
+      <a href="#pageA35">35</a>.</span><br /> <br /> ---Christoforo (cousin of
+      Torquato), ii. <a href="#pageB14">14</a>.<br /> <br /> ---Torquato:<br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">his relation to his epoch, ii. <a
+      href="#pageB2">2</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">to the
+      influences of Italian decadence, <a href="#pageB4">4</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">his father's position, <a href="#pageB6">6</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">Torquato's birth, <a href="#pageB7">7</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">the death of his mother, <a href="#pageB9">9</a>,
+      <a href="#pageB15">15</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">what
+      Tasso inherited from his father, <a href="#pageB11">11</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">Bernardo's treatment of his son, <i>ib.</i>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">Tasso's precocity as a child, <a
+      href="#pageB12">12</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">his
+      early teachers, <i>ib.</i>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">pious
+      ecstasy in his ninth year, <a href="#pageB13">13</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">with his father in Rome, <a href="#pageB14">14</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">his first extant letter, <a href="#pageB15">15</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">his education, <a href="#pageB16">16</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">with his father at the Court of Urbino, <a
+      href="#pageB17">17</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">mode
+      of life here, <a href="#pageB18">18</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">acquires familiarity with Virgil, <a
+      href="#pageB19">19</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">studies
+      and annotates the <i>Divina Commedia</i>, <i>ib.</i>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">metaphysical studies and religious doubts, <a
+      href="#pageB20">20</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">reaction,
+      <i>ib.</i>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">the appearance of
+      the <i>Rinaldo</i>, <a href="#pageB21">21</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">leaves Padua for Bologna, <i>ib.</i>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">Dialogues on the Art of Poetry, <a
+      href="#pageB22">22</a>, <a href="#pageB24">24</a>, <a href="#pageB26">26</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">flight to Modena, <a href="#pageB22">22</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">speculations upon Poetry, <a
+      href="#pageB23">23</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">Tasso's
+      theory of the Epic, <a href="#pageB24">24</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">he joins the Academy 'Gli Eterei' at Padua, as
+      'Il Pentito,' <a href="#pageB26">26</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">enters the service of Luigi d'Este, <a
+      href="#pageB27">27</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">life
+      at the Court of Ferrara, <a href="#pageB28">28</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">Tasso's love-affairs, <a href="#pageB31">31</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">the problem of his relations with Leonora
+      and Lucrezia</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">d'Este, <a
+      href="#pageB32">32</a> <i>sqq.</i>, <a href="#pageB48">48</a>, <a
+      href="#pageB51">51</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">quarrel
+      with Pigna, <a href="#pageB34">34</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">his want of tact, <i>ib.</i>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">edits his <i>Floridante</i>, <a href="#pageB35">35</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">visit to Paris, <i>ib.</i>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">the <i>Gottifredo</i> (<i>Gerusalemme
+      Liberata</i>), <a href="#pageB35">35</a>, <a href="#pageB38">38</a>, <a
+      href="#pageB42">42</a>, <a href="#pageB48">48</a>, <a href="#pageB50">50</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">his instructions to Rondinelli, <i>ib.</i>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">life at the Court of Charles IX., <a
+      href="#pageB36">36</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">rupture
+      with Luigi d'Este, <a href="#pageB38">38</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">enters the service of Alfonso, Duke of Ferrara,
+      <i>ib.</i>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">renewed relations
+      with Leonora, <i>ib.</i>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">production
+      and success of <i>Aminta</i>, <a href="#pageB39">39</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">relations with Lucrezia d'Este (Duchess of
+      Urbino), <i>ib.</i>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">his
+      letters to Leonora, <a href="#pageB41">41</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">his triumphant career, <i>ib.</i>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">submits the <i>Gerusalemme</i> to seven
+      censors, <a href="#pageB43">43</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">their criticisms, <i>ib.</i>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">literary annoyances, <a href="#pageB44">44</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">discontent with Ferrara, <a href="#pageB45">45</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">Tasso's sense of his importance, <i>ib.</i>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">the beginning of his ruin, <a
+      href="#pageB46">46</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">he
+      courts the Medici, <a href="#pageB47">47</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">action of his enemies at Ferrara, <a
+      href="#pageB48">48</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">doubts
+      as to his sanity, <a href="#pageB49">49</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">his dread of the Inquisition, <i>ib.</i>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">persecution by the courtiers, <a
+      href="#pageB50">50</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">revelation
+      of his love affairs by Maddal&ograve; de'Frecci, <a href="#pageB51">51</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">Tasso's fear of being poisoned, <i>ib.</i>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">outbreak of mental malady, <a
+      href="#pageB52">52</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">temporary
+      imprisonment, <i>ib.</i>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">estimate
+      of the hypothesis that Tasso feigned madness, <a href="#pageB53">53</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">his escape from the Convent of S. Francis,
+      <a href="#pageB54">54</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">with
+      his sister at Sorrento, <a href="#pageB55">55</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">hankering after Ferrara, <a href="#pageB56">56</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">his attachment to the House of Este, <a
+      href="#pageB57">57</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">terms
+      on which he is received back, <a href="#pageB58">58</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">second flight from Ferrara, <a href="#pageB61">61</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">at Venice, Urbino, Turin, <a
+      href="#pageB63">63</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">'Omero
+      Fuggiguerra,' <a href="#pageB64">64</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">recall to Ferrara, <a href="#pageB65">65</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">imprisoned at S. Anna, <a href="#pageB66">66</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">reasons for his arrest, <a href="#pageB67">67</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">nature of his malady, <a href="#pageB69">69</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">life in the hospital, <a href="#pageB71">71</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">release and wanderings, <a href="#pageB73">73</a>;</span><br />
+      the <i>Torrismondo</i>, <i>ib.</i>;<br /> <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageB431" id="pageB431"></a>{431}</span> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">work on the <i>Gerusalemme Conquistata</i> and</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">the <i>Sette Giornate</i>, <a
+      href="#pageB75">75</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">last
+      years at Naples and Rome, <a href="#pageB76">76</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">at S. Onofrio, <a href="#pageB76">76</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">death, <a href="#pageB78">78</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">imaginary Tassos, <a href="#pageB79">79</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">condition of romantic and heroic poetry in
+      Tasso's youth, <a href="#pageB80">80</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">his first essay in poetry, <a href="#pageB81">81</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">the preface to <i>Rinaldo</i>, <a
+      href="#pageB82">82</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">subject-matter
+      of the poem, <a href="#pageB84">84</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">its religious motive, <a href="#pageB86">86</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">Latinity of diction, <i>ib.</i>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">weak points of style, <a href="#pageB88">88</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">lyrism and idyll, <a href="#pageB89">89</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">subject of the <i>Gerusalemme Liberata</i>,
+      <a href="#pageB92">92</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">its
+      romance, <a href="#pageB94">94</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">imitation of Virgil, <a href="#pageB97">97</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">of Dante, <a href="#pageB97">97</a>, <a
+      href="#pageB99">99</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">rhetorical
+      artificiality, <a href="#pageB100">100</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">sonorous verses, <a href="#pageB101">101</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">oratorical dexterity, <a href="#pageB102">102</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">similes and metaphors, <i>ib.</i>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">majestic simplicity, <a href="#pageB104">104</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">the heroine, <a href="#pageB106">106</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">Tasso, the poet of Sentiment, <a
+      href="#pageB108">108</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">the
+      <i>Non so che</i>, <a href="#pageB109">109</a> <i>sq.</i>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">Sofronia, Erminia, Clorinda, <a
+      href="#pageB109">109</a> <i>sqq.</i>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">the Dialogues and the tragedy <i>Torrismondo</i>,
+      <a href="#pageB113">113</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">the
+      <i>Gerusalemme Conquistata</i> and</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>Le Sette Giornate</i>, <a href="#pageB115">115</a>,
+      <a href="#pageB124">124</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">personal
+      appearance of Tasso, <a href="#pageB115">115</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">general survey of his character, <a
+      href="#pageB116">116</a> <i>sqq.</i>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">his relation to his age, <a href="#pageB120">120</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">his mental attitude, <a href="#pageB122">122</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">his native genius, <a href="#pageB124">124</a>.</span><br />
+      <br /> TASSONI, Alessandro:<br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">his birth,
+      ii. <a href="#pageB297">297</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">treatment by Carlo Emmanuele, <a href="#pageB298">298</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">his independent spirit, <i>ib.</i>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">aim at originality of thought, <a
+      href="#pageB299">299</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">his
+      criticism of Dante and Petrarch, <a href="#pageB300">300</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">the <i>Secchia Rapita</i>:</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 2em;">its origin and motive, <a href="#pageB301">301</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 2em;">its circulation in manuscript copies, <a
+      href="#pageB302">302</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">Tassoni
+      the inventor of heroico-comic poetry, <a href="#pageB303">303</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">humor and sarcasm in Italian municipal
+      wars, <a href="#pageB304">304</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">the episode of the Bolognese bucket, <i>ib.</i>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">irony of the <i>Secchia Rapita</i>, <a
+      href="#pageB306">306</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">method
+      of Tassoni's art, <i>ib.</i>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">ridicule
+      of contemporary poets, <a href="#pageB307">307</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">satire and parody, <a href="#pageB308">308</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">French imitators of Tasso, <a
+      href="#pageB310">310</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">episodes
+      of pure poetry, <a href="#pageB311">311</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">sustained antithesis between poetry and
+      melodiously-worded slang, <a href="#pageB312">312</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">Tassoni's rank as a literary artist, <i>ib.</i></span><br />
+      <br /> TAXATION, the methods of, adopted by Spanish Viceroys in Italy, i.
+      <a href="#pageB49">49</a>.<br /> <br /> TENEBROSI, the (school of painters),
+      ii. <a href="#pageB365">365</a>.<br /> <br /> TESTI, Fulvio, Modenese poet,
+      ii. <a href="#pageB314">314</a>.<br /> <br /> TEUTONIC tribes, relations of
+      with the Italians, ii. <a href="#pageB393">393</a>;<br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">unreconciled antagonisms, <a href="#pageB394">394</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">divergence, <a href="#pageB395">395</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">the Church, the battle-field of
+      Renaissance and Reformation, <a href="#pageB395">395</a>.</span><br />
+      <br /> THEATINES, foundation of the Order of, i. <a href="#pageA79">79</a>.<br />
+      <br /> THEORY, Italian love of, in Tasso's time, ii. <a href="#pageB25">25</a>;<br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">critique of Tasso's theory of poetry, <a
+      href="#pageB26">26</a>, <a href="#pageB42">42</a>.</span><br /> <br />
+      THIENE, Gaetano di, founder of the Theatines, i. <a href="#pageA76">76</a>.<br />
+      <br /> THIRTY Divine Attributes, Bruno's doctrine of, ii. <a
+      href="#pageB139">139</a>.<br /> <br /> TINTORETTO'S picture of S. Agnes, ii.
+      <a href="#pageB361">361</a>.<br /> <br /> TITIAN, portrait of Charles V. by,
+      i. <a href="#pageA42">42</a>.<br /> <br /> TOLEDO, Don Pietro di, Viceroy of
+      Naples, i. <a href="#pageA38">38</a>; ii. <a href="#pageA7">7</a>.<br />
+      <br /> ---Francesco da, confessor of Gregory XIII., i. <a href="#pageA150">150</a>.<br />
+      <br /> TORQUEMADA, the Spanish Inquisitor, i. <a href="#pageA173">173</a>,
+      <a href="#pageA179">179</a>, <a href="#pageA181">181</a>.<br /> <br />
+      TORRE, Delia, the family of, ancestors, of the Tassi, ii. <a href="#pageB5">5</a>.<br />
+      <br /> 'TORRISMONDO,' Tasso's tragedy of, ii. <a href="#pageB73">73</a>, <a
+      href="#pageB113">113</a> <i>sq.</i><br /> <br /> TORTURE, cases of witnesses
+      put to, i. <a href="#pageA333">333</a> <i>sqq.</i><br /> <br /> TOUCH, the
+      sense of, Marino's praises of, ii. <a href="#pageB270">270</a>.<br /> <br />
+      TOULOUSE, power of the Inquisition in, ii. <a href="#pageB137">137</a>.<br />
+      <br /> TRAGIC narratives circulated in manuscript in the<br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, i. <a
+      href="#pageA372">372</a>.</span><br /> <br /> 'TREATISE on the Inquisition,'
+      Sarpi's, ii. <a href="#pageB220">220</a>.<br /> <br /> ---'on the
+      Interdict,' Sarpi's, ii. <a href="#pageB201">201</a>.<br /> <br /> TREMAZZI,
+      Ambrogio:<br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">his own report of how he
+      wrought the murder of Troilo</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">Orsini,
+      i. <a href="#pageA405">405</a> <i>sqq.</i>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">his notions about his due reward, <a
+      href="#pageA406">406</a>.</span><br /> <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageB432" id="pageB432"></a>{432}</span><br /> TRENT, Council of:<br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">Indiction of, by Paul III., i. <a
+      href="#pageA116">116</a>97;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">numbers
+      of its members, <a href="#pageA116">116</a>97 <i>n.</i>, <a
+      href="#pageA116">116</a>119 <i>n.</i>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">diverse objects of the Spanish, French, and
+      German</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">representatives, <a
+      href="#pageA116">116</a>98, <a href="#pageA116">116</a>122;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">the articles which it confirmed, <a
+      href="#pageA116">116</a>98;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">method
+      of procedure, <a href="#pageA116">116</a>99, <a href="#pageA116">116</a>120;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">the Council transferred to Bologna, <a
+      href="#pageA116">116</a>100;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">Paul
+      IV.'s measures of ecclesiastical reform, <a href="#pageA116">116</a>107;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">the Council's decrees actually settled in
+      the four Courts, <a href="#pageB112">112</a>, <a href="#pageB119">119</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">its organization by Pius IV., <a
+      href="#pageA116">116</a>118 <i>sqq.</i>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">inauspicious commencement, <a href="#pageA116">116</a>119;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">the privileges of the Papal legates, <a
+      href="#pageA120">120</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">daily
+      post of couriers to the Vatican, <a href="#pageA116">116</a>121;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">arts of the Roman Curia, <a
+      href="#pageA116">116</a>122;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">Spanish,
+      French, Imperial Opposition, <a href="#pageA116">116</a>123;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">clerical celibacy and Communion under both
+      forms, <i>ib.</i>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">packing the
+      Council with Italian bishops, <a href="#pageA116">116</a>125;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">the interests of the Gallican Church, <a
+      href="#pageA116">116</a>126;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">interference
+      of the Emperor Ferdinand, <i>ib.</i>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">confusion in the Council, <a href="#pageA116">116</a>126
+      <i>n.</i>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">envoys to France
+      and the Emperor, <a href="#pageA116">116</a>127;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">cajoleries and menaces, <a href="#pageA116">116</a>129;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">action of the Court of Spain, <a
+      href="#pageA116">116</a>130;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">firmness
+      of the Spanish bishops, <a href="#pageA116">116</a>130 <i>n.</i>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">Papal Supremacy decreed, <a
+      href="#pageA116">116</a>131;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">reservation
+      in the Papal Bull of ratification, <a href="#pageA116">116</a>131 <i>and
+      note</i>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">Tridentine
+      Profession of Faith (Creed of Pius V.), <a href="#pageA116">116</a>148.</span><br />
+      <br /> TUSCANY, creation of the Grand Duchy of, i. <a href="#pageA47">47</a>.<br />
+      <br /> TWO SICILIES, the kingdom of the, i. <a href="#pageA45">45</a>.<br />
+      <br /> 'TYRANNY of the kiss,' the, exemplified in the <i>Rinaldo</i>, ii.
+      <a href="#pageB90">90</a>;<br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">in the <i>Pastor
+      Fido</i>, <a href="#pageB255">255</a>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">in the <i>Adone</i>, <a href="#pageB272">272</a>.</span><br />
+      <br /> <br /> U<br /> <br /> UNIVERSAL Monarchy, end of the belief in, i. <a
+      href="#pageA34">34</a>.<br /> <br /> UNIVERSE, Bruno's conception of the,
+      ii. <a href="#pageB173">173</a> <i>sqq.</i><br /> <br /> UNIVERSITIES,
+      Italian, i. <a href="#pageA51">51</a>.<br /> <br /> 'UNTORI, La Peste
+      degli,' i. <a href="#pageA421">421</a>;<br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">trial of the <i>Untoti</i>, <a href="#pageA116">116</a>.</span><br />
+      <br /> URBAN VIII., fantastic attempt made against the life of, i. <a
+      href="#pageA426">426</a> <i>sq.</i><br /> <br /> URBINO, the Court of, life
+      at, ii. <a href="#pageB17">17</a> <i>sq.</i><br /> <br /> <br /> V<br /> <br />
+      VALDES, Juan:<br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">his work <i>On the
+      Benefits of Christ's Death</i>, i. <a href="#pageA76">76</a>.</span><br />
+      <br /> VALORI, Baccio, i. <a href="#pageA33">33</a>.<br /> <br /> VASTO,
+      Marquis of, i. <a href="#pageA25">25</a>.<br /> <br /> VENETIAN ambassadors'
+      despatches cited:<br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">on the manners of
+      the Roman Court in 1565, i. <a href="#pageA142">142</a>, <a
+      href="#pageB147">147</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">the
+      expulsion of prostitutes from Rome, <a href="#pageA146">146</a>.</span><br />
+      <br /> VENICE, the Republic of, its possessions in the fifteenth century,
+      i. <a href="#pageA9">9</a>;<br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">relations
+      with Spain in 1530, href='#pageA45'&gt;45;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">rise of a contempt for commerce in, <a
+      href="#pageA49">49</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">the
+      constitution of its Holy Office, <a href="#pageA190">190</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">Concordat with Clement VIII., <a
+      href="#pageA193">193</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">Tasso
+      at, ii. <a href="#pageB19">19</a> <i>sq.</i>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">its condition in Sarpi's youth, <a
+      href="#pageA185">185</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">political
+      indifference of its aristocracy, <a href="#pageA186">186</a>;</span><br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">put under interdict by Paul V., <a
+      href="#pageA198">198</a>.</span><br /> <br /> VENIERO, Maffeo, on Tasso's
+      mental malady, ii. <a href="#pageB52">52</a>, <a href="#pageB63">63</a>.<br />
+      <br /> VERONA, Peter of (Peter Martyr), Italian Dominican Saint<br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">of the Inquisition, i. <a href="#pageA161">161</a>.</span><br />
+      <br /> VERVINS, the Treaty of, i. <a href="#pageA48">48</a>, <a
+      href="#pageB56">56</a>.<br /> <br /> VETTORI, Francesco, i. <a
+      href="#pageA33">33</a>.<br /> <br /> VIRGIL, Tasso's admiration of, ii. <a
+      href="#pageB25">25</a>;<br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">translations
+      and adaptations from, <a href="#pageB98">98</a>.</span><br /> <br />
+      VISCONTI, the dynasty of, i. <a href="#pageA8">8</a>.<br /> <br />
+      ---Valentina, grandmother of Louis XII. of France, i. <a href="#pageA8">8</a>.<br />
+      <br /> VITELLI, Alessandro, i. <a href="#pageA46">46</a>.<br /> <br />
+      VITELLOZZI, Vitellozzo, influence of, in the reform of<br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">Church music, ii. <a href="#pageB325">325</a>.</span><br />
+      <br /> VITI, Michele, one of the assassins of Sarpi, ii. <a href="#pageB212">212</a>.<br />
+      <br /> 'VOCERO,' the, i. <a href="#pageA332">332</a>.<br /> <br /> VOLTERRA,
+      Bebo da, associate of Bibboni in the murder of<br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">Lorenzino de'Medici, i. <a href="#pageB390">390</a>
+      <i>sqq.</i></span><br /> <br /> VULGATE, the:<br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">results of its being declared inviolable, i. <a
+      href="#pageA210">210</a>.</span><br /> <span class="pagenum"><a
+      name="pageB433" id="pageB433"></a>{433}</span><br /> <br /> W<br /> <br />
+      WALDENSIANS in Calabria, the, i. <a href="#pageB188">188</a>.<br /> <br />
+      WITCHCRAFT, chiefly confined to the mountain regions of Italy, i. <a
+      href="#pageA425">425</a>;<br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">mainly used
+      as a weapon of malice, <i>ib.</i>;</span><br /> <span
+      style="margin-left: 1em;">details of the sorcery practised by Giacomo
+      Centini, <a href="#pageB425">425</a> <i>sqq.</i></span><br /> <br />
+      WIFE-MURDERS in Italy in the sixteenth century, i. <a href="#pageB380">380</a>
+      <i>sq.</i>, <a href="#pageB385">385</a>.<br /> <br /> <br /> X<br /> <br />
+      XAVIER, Francis, associate of Ignatius Loyola, i. <a href="#pageB239">239</a>;<br />
+      <span style="margin-left: 1em;">his work as a Jesuit in Portugal, <a
+      href="#pageA256">256</a>;</span><br /> <span style="margin-left: 1em;">his
+      mission to the Indies, <a href="#pageA260">260</a>.</span><br /> <br />
+      XIMENES, Cardinal, as Inquisitor General, i. <a href="#pageB182">182</a>.<br />
+      <br /> <br /> Z<br /> <br /> ZANETTI, Guido, delivered over to the Roman
+      Inquisition, i. <a href="#pageA145">145</a>.<br />
+    </p>
+    <h2>
+      <a id="BFOOTNOTES" name="BFOOTNOTES"></a>FOOTNOTES
+    </h2>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_1_1" id="BFootnote_1_1"></a><a href="#BFNanchor_1_1"><span
+        class="label">[1]</span></a> This is doubtful. Serrassi believed that
+        Bernardo's mother was also a Tasso.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_2_2" id="BFootnote_2_2"></a><a href="#BFNanchor_2_2"><span
+        class="label">[2]</span></a> He speaks in his letters of the difficulty
+        'di sottrarre il collo all difficile noioso arduo giogo della servit&ugrave;
+        dei Principi.' <i>Lettere Ined.</i> Bologna, Romagnoli, p. 34.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_3_3" id="BFootnote_3_3"></a><a href="#BFNanchor_3_3"><span
+        class="label">[3]</span></a> <i>Lett. Ined</i>. p. 100
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_4_4" id="BFootnote_4_4"></a><a href="#BFNanchor_4_4"><span
+        class="label">[4]</span></a> <i>Letter di Torquato Tasso</i>, February
+        15, 1556, vol. II. p. 157.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_5_5" id="BFootnote_5_5"></a><a href="#BFNanchor_5_5"><span
+        class="label">[5]</span></a> 'Sentendo in me non so qual nuova insolita
+        contentezza,' 'non so qual segreta divozione.' <i>Lettere</i>, vol. ii.
+        p. 90.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_6_6" id="BFootnote_6_6"></a><a href="#BFNanchor_6_6"><span
+        class="label">[6]</span></a> Bernardo's <i>Letter to Cav. Giangiacopo
+        Tasso</i>, December 6, 1554.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_7_7" id="BFootnote_7_7"></a><a href="#BFNanchor_7_7"><span
+        class="label">[7]</span></a> Dated February 13, 1556.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_8_8" id="BFootnote_8_8"></a><a href="#BFNanchor_8_8"><span
+        class="label">[8]</span></a> See <i>Opere</i>, vol. iv. p. 100, for
+        Tasso's description of the farewell to his mother, which he remembered
+        deeply, even in later life.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_9_9" id="BFootnote_9_9"></a><a href="#BFNanchor_9_9"><span
+        class="label">[9]</span></a> <i>Lettere</i>, vol. i. p. 6.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_10_10" id="BFootnote_10_10"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_10_10"><span class="label">[10]</span></a> Cardinal
+        Ferdinando de'Medici succeeded in a like position to the Grand Duchy of
+        Tuscany. But Luigi d'Este did not survive his brother.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_11_11" id="BFootnote_11_11"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_11_11"><span class="label">[11]</span></a> See <i>Lettere</i>,
+        vol. ii. p. 80: to Giacomo Buoncompagno.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_12_12" id="BFootnote_12_12"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_12_12"><span class="label">[12]</span></a> 'Egli mi
+        disse, allor che suo mi fece: Tu canta, or che se' 'n ozio.'
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_13_13" id="BFootnote_13_13"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_13_13"><span class="label">[13]</span></a> This is how
+        he wrote in his Diary about Lucrezia. 'Finally the Duke decided upon his
+        marriage with Donna Lucrezia d'Este, which took place, though little to
+        his taste, for she was old enough to have been his mother.' 'The Duchess
+        wished to return to Ferrara, where she subsequently chose to remain, a
+        resolution which gave no annoyance to her husband; for, as she was
+        unlikely to bring him a family, her absence mattered little.' 'February
+        15, 1598. Heard that Madame Lucrezia d'Este, Duchess of Urbino, my wife,
+        died at Ferrara during the night of the 11th.' (Dennistoun's <i>Dukes of
+        Urbino</i>, vol. iii. pp. 127, 146, 156.) Francesco Maria had been
+        attached in Spain to a lady of unsuitable condition, and his marriage
+        with Lucrezia was arranged to keep him out of a <i>m&eacute;salliance</i>.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_14_14" id="BFootnote_14_14"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_14_14"><span class="label">[14]</span></a> <i>Lettere</i>,
+        vol. i, p. 47. The sonnet begins, 'Sdegno, debil guerrier.'
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_15_15" id="BFootnote_15_15"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_15_15"><span class="label">[15]</span></a> Tasso
+        consulted almost every scholar he could press into his service. But the
+        official tribunal of correction was limited to the above named four
+        acting in concert with Scipione Gonzaga.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_16_16" id="BFootnote_16_16"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_16_16"><span class="label">[16]</span></a> <i>Lettere</i>,
+        vol. i. p. 114.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_17_17" id="BFootnote_17_17"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_17_17"><span class="label">[17]</span></a> <i>Ib</i>.
+        vol. i. p. 192.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_18_18" id="BFootnote_18_18"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_18_18"><span class="label">[18]</span></a> Vol. i. pp.
+        55-215.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_19_19" id="BFootnote_19_19"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_19_19"><span class="label">[19]</span></a> <i>Lettere</i>,
+        vol. iii. p. 41, iv. p. 332.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_20_20" id="BFootnote_20_20"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_20_20"><span class="label">[20]</span></a> <i>Lettere</i>,
+        vol. iii. p. 164, v. p. 6.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_21_21" id="BFootnote_21_21"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_21_21"><span class="label">[21]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i>
+        vol. iii. pp. 85, 86, 88, 163, iv. pp. 8, 166, v. p. 87.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_22_22" id="BFootnote_22_22"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_22_22"><span class="label">[22]</span></a> Letter to
+        Fabio Gonzaga in 1590 (vol. iv. p. 296).
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_23_23" id="BFootnote_23_23"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_23_23"><span class="label">[23]</span></a> <i>Lettere</i>,
+        vol. iii. p. viii.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_24_24" id="BFootnote_24_24"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_24_24"><span class="label">[24]</span></a> <i>Lettere</i>,
+        vol. iii. p. xxx. note 34.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_25_25" id="BFootnote_25_25"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_25_25"><span class="label">[25]</span></a> Guarino, in
+        a sonnet, hinted at the second supposition. See Rosini's <i>Saggio sugli
+        Amori</i>, &amp;c. vol. xxxiii. of his edition of Tasso, p. 51.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_26_26" id="BFootnote_26_26"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_26_26"><span class="label">[26]</span></a> <i>Lettere</i>,
+        vol. iii. p. xxxi.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_27_27" id="BFootnote_27_27"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_27_27"><span class="label">[27]</span></a> <i>Lettere</i>,
+        vol. i. p. 139.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_28_28" id="BFootnote_28_28"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_28_28"><span class="label">[28]</span></a> <i>Lettere</i>,
+        vol. i. p. 228.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_29_29" id="BFootnote_29_29"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_29_29"><span class="label">[29]</span></a> This is
+        Rosini's hypothesis in the Essay cited above. The whole of his elaborate
+        and ingenious theory rests upon the supposition that Alfonso at
+        Belriguardo extorted from Tasso an acknowledgment of his <i>liaison</i>
+        Leonora, and spared his life on the condition of his playing a fool's
+        part before the world. But we have no evidence whatever adequate to
+        support the supposition.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_30_30" id="BFootnote_30_30"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_30_30"><span class="label">[30]</span></a> <i>Lettere</i>,
+        vol. i. 257-262.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_31_31" id="BFootnote_31_31"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_31_31"><span class="label">[31]</span></a> Those who
+        adhere to the belief that all Tasso's troubles came upon him through his
+        <i>liaison</i> with Leonora, are here of course justified in arguing
+        that on <i>this</i> point he could not write openly to the Duke. Or they
+        may question the integrity of the document.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_32_32" id="BFootnote_32_32"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_32_32"><span class="label">[32]</span></a> Rosini's
+        edition of Tasso, vol. xxx. p. 144.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_33_33" id="BFootnote_33_33"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_33_33"><span class="label">[33]</span></a> Manso, <i>ib.</i>
+        p. 46.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_34_34" id="BFootnote_34_34"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_34_34"><span class="label">[34]</span></a> Manso, <i>ib.</i>
+        p. 147.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_35_35" id="BFootnote_35_35"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_35_35"><span class="label">[35]</span></a> <i>Lettere</i>,
+        vol. i. p. 275.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_36_36" id="BFootnote_36_36"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_36_36"><span class="label">[36]</span></a> <i>Lettere</i>,
+        vol. i. p. 278, ii. p. 26.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_37_37" id="BFootnote_37_37"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_37_37"><span class="label">[37]</span></a> Manso, p.
+        147. Here again the believers in the Leonora <i>liaison</i> may argue
+        that by prison he meant love-bondage, hopeless servitude to the lady
+        from whom he could expect nothing now that her brother was acquainted
+        with the truth.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_38_38" id="BFootnote_38_38"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_38_38"><span class="label">[38]</span></a> <i>Lettere</i>,
+        vol. i. p. 233.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_39_39" id="BFootnote_39_39"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_39_39"><span class="label">[39]</span></a> <i>Lettere</i>,
+        i. pp. 271-290.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_40_40" id="BFootnote_40_40"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_40_40"><span class="label">[40]</span></a> <i>Lettere</i>,
+        ibid. p. 289.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_41_41" id="BFootnote_41_41"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_41_41"><span class="label">[41]</span></a> <i>Lettere</i>,
+        ibid. p. 233.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_42_42" id="BFootnote_42_42"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_42_42"><span class="label">[42]</span></a> Tasso
+        declares his inability to live outside the Court. 'Se fra i mali de
+        l'animo, uno de'pi&ugrave; gravi &egrave; l'ambizione, egli ammal&ograve;
+        di questo male gi&agrave; molti anni sono, n&egrave; mai &egrave;
+        risanato in modo ch'io abbia potuto sprezzare affatto i favori e gli
+        onori del mondo, e chi pu&ograve; dargli' (<i>Lettere</i>, vol. iii. p.
+        56). 'Io non posso acquetarmi in altra fortuna di quella ne la quale gi&agrave;
+        nacqui' (<i>Ibid.</i> p. 243).
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_43_43" id="BFootnote_43_43"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_43_43"><span class="label">[43]</span></a> It is
+        addressed to the Metaurus, and begins: 'O del grand, Apennino.'
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_44_44" id="BFootnote_44_44"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_44_44"><span class="label">[44]</span></a> <i>Op. cit.</i>
+        p. 143.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_45_45" id="BFootnote_45_45"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_45_45"><span class="label">[45]</span></a> <i>Lettere</i>,
+        vol. i. p. 268.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_46_46" id="BFootnote_46_46"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_46_46"><span class="label">[46]</span></a> From the
+        sonnet, <i>Sposa regal</i> (<i>Opere</i> vol. iii. p. 218).
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_47_47" id="BFootnote_47_47"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_47_47"><span class="label">[47]</span></a> <i>Lettere</i>,
+        vol. ii. p. 67.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_48_48" id="BFootnote_48_48"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_48_48"><span class="label">[48]</span></a> <i>Lettere</i>,
+        vol. ii. 34.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_49_49" id="BFootnote_49_49"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_49_49"><span class="label">[49]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>
+        pp. 7-62, 80-93.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_50_50" id="BFootnote_50_50"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_50_50"><span class="label">[50]</span></a> We are met
+        here as elsewhere in the perplexing problem of Tasso's misfortunes with
+        the difficulty of having to deal with mutilated documents. Still the
+        mere fact that Tasso was allowed to correspond freely with friends and
+        patrons, shows that Alfonso dreaded no disclosures, and confirms the
+        theory that he only kept Tasso locked up out of harm's way.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_51_51" id="BFootnote_51_51"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_51_51"><span class="label">[51]</span></a> A letter
+        written by Guarini, the old friend, rival and constant Court-companion
+        of Tasso at Ferrara, upon the news of his death in 1595, shows how a man
+        of cold intellect judged his case. 'The death by which Tasso has now
+        paid his debt to nature, seems to me like the termination of that death
+        of his in this world which only bore the outer semblance of life.' See
+        Casella's <i>Pastor Fido</i>, p. xxxii. Guarini means that when Tasso's
+        mind gave way, he had really died in his own higher self, and that his
+        actual death was a release.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_52_52" id="BFootnote_52_52"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_52_52"><span class="label">[52]</span></a> Tasso's own
+        letters after the beginning of 1579, and Manso's Life (<i>op. cit.</i>
+        pp. 156-176), are the authorities for the symptoms detailed above. Tasso
+        so often alludes to his infirmities that it is not needful to accumulate
+        citations. I will, however, quote two striking examples. 'Sono infermo
+        come soleva, e stanco della infermita, la quale &egrave; <i>non sol
+        malattia del corpo ma de la mente</i>' (<i>Lettere</i>, vol. iii. p.
+        160). 'Io sono poco sano e tanto maninconico che <i>sono riputato matto
+        da gli altri e da me stesso</i>' (<i>Ib.</i> p. 262).
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_53_53" id="BFootnote_53_53"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_53_53"><span class="label">[53]</span></a> <i>Op. cit.</i>
+        p. 155.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_54_54" id="BFootnote_54_54"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_54_54"><span class="label">[54]</span></a> <i>Lacrime
+        di diversi poeti volgari</i>, &amp;c. (Vicenza, 1585).
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_55_55" id="BFootnote_55_55"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_55_55"><span class="label">[55]</span></a> <i>Lettere</i>,
+        vol. ii. p. 103. The significance of this message to Panigarola is
+        doubtful. Did Tasso mean that the contrast between past and present was
+        too bitter? 'Most friendship is feigning, most loving mere folly.'
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_56_56" id="BFootnote_56_56"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_56_56"><span class="label">[56]</span></a> All the
+        letters written from Mantua abound in references to this neglect of
+        duty.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_57_57" id="BFootnote_57_57"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_57_57"><span class="label">[57]</span></a> <i>Lettere</i>,
+        vol. iv. p. 147.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_58_58" id="BFootnote_58_58"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_58_58"><span class="label">[58]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>
+        p. 229.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_59_59" id="BFootnote_59_59"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_59_59"><span class="label">[59]</span></a> <i>Lettere</i>,
+        vol. iv. p. 315.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_60_60" id="BFootnote_60_60"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_60_60"><span class="label">[60]</span></a> Yet he now
+        felt that his genius had expired. 'Non posso pi&ugrave; fare un verso:
+        la vena &egrave; secca, e l'ingegno &egrave; stanco' (<i>Lettere</i>,
+        vol. v. p. 90).
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_61_61" id="BFootnote_61_61"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_61_61"><span class="label">[61]</span></a> During the
+        whole period of his Roman residence, Tasso, like his father in similar
+        circumstances, hankered after ecclesiastical honors. His letters refer
+        frequently to this ambition. He felt the parallel between himself and
+        Bernardo Tasso: 'La mia depressa condizione, e la mia infelicit&agrave;,
+        quasi ereditaria' (vol. iv. p. 288).
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_62_62" id="BFootnote_62_62"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_62_62"><span class="label">[62]</span></a> Manso <i>op.
+        cit.</i> p. 215.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_63_63" id="BFootnote_63_63"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_63_63"><span class="label">[63]</span></a> This letter
+        proves conclusively that, whatever was the nature of Tasso's malady, and
+        however it had enfeebled his faculties as poet, he was in no vulgar
+        sense a lunatic.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_64_64" id="BFootnote_64_64"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_64_64"><span class="label">[64]</span></a> Canto i. 17.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_65_65" id="BFootnote_65_65"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_65_65"><span class="label">[65]</span></a> Canto vi.
+        64-9.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_66_66" id="BFootnote_66_66"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_66_66"><span class="label">[66]</span></a> Canto iii.
+        40, 45.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_67_67" id="BFootnote_67_67"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_67_67"><span class="label">[67]</span></a> Canto ii.
+        22, iv. 28, 33.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_68_68" id="BFootnote_68_68"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_68_68"><span class="label">[68]</span></a> <i>Rinaldo</i>,
+        cantos x. vii.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_69_69" id="BFootnote_69_69"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_69_69"><span class="label">[69]</span></a> Canto i. 25,
+        31, 41, 64.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_70_70" id="BFootnote_70_70"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_70_70"><span class="label">[70]</span></a> <i>Rinaldo</i>,
+        Canto ii. 28, 44.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_71_71" id="BFootnote_71_71"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_71_71"><span class="label">[71]</span></a> Canto ii.
+        3-11.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_72_72" id="BFootnote_72_72"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_72_72"><span class="label">[72]</span></a> Canto vii.
+        16-51.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_73_73" id="BFootnote_73_73"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_73_73"><span class="label">[73]</span></a> Canto vii.
+        3-11.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_74_74" id="BFootnote_74_74"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_74_74"><span class="label">[74]</span></a> Canto iv.
+        47.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_75_75" id="BFootnote_75_75"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_75_75"><span class="label">[75]</span></a> Canto v.
+        12-57.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_76_76" id="BFootnote_76_76"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_76_76"><span class="label">[76]</span></a> I may
+        incidentally point out how often this motive has supplied the plot to
+        modern ballets.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_77_77" id="BFootnote_77_77"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_77_77"><span class="label">[77]</span></a> Giov.
+        Imperiale in the <i>Museum Historicum</i> describes him thus: 'Perpetuo
+        moerentis et altius cogitantis gessit aspectum, <i>gracili mento</i>,
+        facie decolori, conniventibus cavisque oculis.'
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_78_78" id="BFootnote_78_78"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_78_78"><span class="label">[78]</span></a> 'La mia
+        fiera malinconia' is a phrase which often recurs in his letters.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_79_79" id="BFootnote_79_79"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_79_79"><span class="label">[79]</span></a> 'Questo
+        segno mi ho proposto: piacere ed onore' (<i>Lettere</i>, vol. v. p. 87).
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_80_80" id="BFootnote_80_80"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_80_80"><span class="label">[80]</span></a> It should be
+        said that as a man of letters he bore with fools gladly, and showed a
+        noble patience. Of this there is a fine example in his controversy with
+        Della Cruscans. He was not so patient with the publishers and pirates of
+        his works. No wonder, when they robbed him so!
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_81_81" id="BFootnote_81_81"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_81_81"><span class="label">[81]</span></a> Tasso's
+        diffuse paraphrase of the <i>Stabat Mater</i> might be selected to
+        illustrate the sentimental tenderness rather than strength of his
+        religious feeling.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_82_82" id="BFootnote_82_82"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_82_82"><span class="label">[82]</span></a> The numerous
+        plaintive requests for a silver cup, a ring, a silk cloak and such
+        trifles in his later letters indicate something quite childish in his
+        pre-occupations.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_83_83" id="BFootnote_83_83"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_83_83"><span class="label">[83]</span></a> Carducci, in
+        his essay <i>Dello Svolgimento della Letteratura Nazionale</i>, and
+        Quinet, in his <i>R&eacute;volutions d'ltalie</i>.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_84_84" id="BFootnote_84_84"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_84_84"><span class="label">[84]</span></a> The final
+        case drawn up against Bruno as heresiarch makes it appear that his
+        record included even these boyish errors. See the letter of Gaspar
+        Schopp in Berti.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_85_85" id="BFootnote_85_85"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_85_85"><span class="label">[85]</span></a> See 'Vita di
+        Don Pietro di Toledo' <i>(Arch. Stov.</i> vol. ix. p. 23)
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_86_86" id="BFootnote_86_86"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_86_86"><span class="label">[86]</span></a> See the
+        passage on polygamy in the <i>Spaccio della Bestia</i>. I may here
+        remark that Campanella, though more orthodox than Bruno, published
+        opinions upon the relations of the sexes analogous to those of Plato's
+        Republic in his <i>Citta del Sole</i>. He even recommended the
+        institution of brothels as annexes to schools for boys, in order to
+        avoid the worse evil of unnatural vice in youth.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_87_87" id="BFootnote_87_87"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_87_87"><span class="label">[87]</span></a> On the city,
+        university and Inquisition of Toulouse in the sixteenth century see
+        Christie's <i>Etiennne Dolet</i>&mdash;a work of sterling merit and
+        sound scholarship.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_88_88" id="BFootnote_88_88"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_88_88"><span class="label">[88]</span></a> The 'Cena
+        delle Ceneri,' <i>Op. It.</i> vol. i. pp. 137-151
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_89_89" id="BFootnote_89_89"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_89_89"><span class="label">[89]</span></a> Signor Berti
+        conjectures that Bruno may have met Sidney first at Milan. But Bruno
+        informs us that he did not become acquainted with him till he came to
+        London: 'Tra' quali &egrave; tanto conosciuto, per fama prima quanbo
+        eravamo in Milano et in Francia, e poi per experienza or che siamo ne la
+        sua patria' (<i>Op. It.</i> vol. i. p. 145).
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_90_90" id="BFootnote_90_90"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_90_90"><span class="label">[90]</span></a> Preface to
+        'Lo Spaccio della Bestia' (<i>Op. It.</i> vol. ii. p. 108).
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_91_91" id="BFootnote_91_91"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_91_91"><span class="label">[91]</span></a> <i>Op. It.</i>
+        vol. i. p. 150.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_92_92" id="BFootnote_92_92"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_92_92"><span class="label">[92]</span></a> <i>Op. It.</i>
+        vol. i. p. 123.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_93_93" id="BFootnote_93_93"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_93_93"><span class="label">[93]</span></a> See Wood, <i>Ath.
+        Oxon.</i> p. 300.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_94_94" id="BFootnote_94_94"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_94_94"><span class="label">[94]</span></a> <i>Op. It.</i>
+        vol. i. p. 179.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_95_95" id="BFootnote_95_95"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_95_95"><span class="label">[95]</span></a> Printed in
+        the <i>Explicatio triginta Sigillarum</i>.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_96_96" id="BFootnote_96_96"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_96_96"><span class="label">[96]</span></a> <i>Op. It.</i>
+        vol. i. p. 267.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_97_97" id="BFootnote_97_97"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_97_97"><span class="label">[97]</span></a> <i>Loc. cit.</i>
+        p. 267.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_98_98" id="BFootnote_98_98"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_98_98"><span class="label">[98]</span></a> It is a
+        curious fact that the single copy of Campanella's poems on which Orelli
+        based his edition of 1834, came from Wolfenb&uuml;ttel.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_99_99" id="BFootnote_99_99"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_99_99"><span class="label">[99]</span></a> They were
+        published at Frankfort, and dedicated to the friendly Prince of Wolfenb&uuml;ttel.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_100_100" id="BFootnote_100_100"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_100_100"><span class="label">[100]</span></a>
+        Britanno's Deposition, Berti's <i>Vita di G.B.</i> p. 337.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_101_101" id="BFootnote_101_101"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_101_101"><span class="label">[101]</span></a> Sarpi
+        mentions the return of Ciotto from the fair (<i>Lettere</i>, vol. i. p.
+        527).
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_102_102" id="BFootnote_102_102"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_102_102"><span class="label">[102]</span></a> Ciotto,
+        before the Inquisition, called the book <i>De Minimo Magno et Mensura</i>.
+        It may therefore have been the <i>De Triplici Minimo et Mensura</i>, and
+        not the <i>De Monade</i> (<i>Vita di G.B.</i> p. 334).
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_103_103" id="BFootnote_103_103"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_103_103"><span class="label">[103]</span></a> Mocenigo
+        told Ciotto: I wish first to see what I can get from him of those things
+        which he promised me, so as not wholly to lose what I have given him,
+        and afterwards I mean to surrender him to the censure of the Holy
+        Office' (Berti, p. 335).
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_104_104" id="BFootnote_104_104"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_104_104"><span class="label">[104]</span></a> Mere
+        correspondence with heretics exposed an Italian to the Inquisition.
+        Residence in heretical lands, except with episcopal license, was
+        forbidden. The rules of the Index proscribed books in which the name of
+        a heretic was cited with approval.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_105_105" id="BFootnote_105_105"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_105_105"><span class="label">[105]</span></a> Bruno
+        speaks himself of 'arte della memoria et inventiva' (<i>op. cit.</i> p.
+        339). Ciotto mentions 'la memoria et altre scientie' (<i>ib.</i> p.
+        334).
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_106_106" id="BFootnote_106_106"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_106_106"><span class="label">[106]</span></a> <i>Op.
+        cit.</i> p. 335.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_107_107" id="BFootnote_107_107"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_107_107"><span class="label">[107]</span></a> They
+        remind us of the blasphemies imputed to Christopher Marlowe.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_108_108" id="BFootnote_108_108"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_108_108"><span class="label">[108]</span></a> <i>Op.
+        cit.</i> p. 352.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_109_109" id="BFootnote_109_109"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_109_109"><span class="label">[109]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>
+        p. 355.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_110_110" id="BFootnote_110_110"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_110_110"><span class="label">[110]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>
+        p. 362.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_111_111" id="BFootnote_111_111"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_111_111"><span class="label">[111]</span></a> <i>Op.
+        cit.</i> p. 349
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_112_112" id="BFootnote_112_112"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_112_112"><span class="label">[112]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>
+        p. 384
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_113_113" id="BFootnote_113_113"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_113_113"><span class="label">[113]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>
+        p. 364
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_114_114" id="BFootnote_114_114"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_114_114"><span class="label">[114]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>
+        p. 363
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_115_115" id="BFootnote_115_115"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_115_115"><span class="label">[115]</span></a> <i>Op.
+        cit.</i> p. 378.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_116_116" id="BFootnote_116_116"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_116_116"><span class="label">[116]</span></a> These
+        years were not all spent at Rome. From the Records of the Inquisition,
+        it appears that he arrived in Rome on February 27, 1598, and that his
+        trial in form began in February 1599. The Pope ratified his sentence of
+        death on January 20, 1600; this was publicly promulgated on February 8,
+        and carried into effect on the subsequent 17th. Where Bruno was
+        imprisoned between January 1593, and February 1598 is not known.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_117_117" id="BFootnote_117_117"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_117_117"><span class="label">[117]</span></a> Doubts
+        have recently been raised as to whether Bruno was really burned. But
+        these are finally disposed of by a succinct and convincing exposition of
+        the evidence by Mr. R.C. Christie, in <i>Macmillan's Magazine</i>,
+        October 1885. In addition to Schoppe and Kepler, we have the reference
+        to Bruno's burning published by Mersenne in 1624; but what is far more
+        important, the <i>Avviso di Roma</i> for February 19,1600, records this
+        event as having occurred upon the preceding Thursday. To Signor Berti's
+        two works, <i>Documenti intorno a G. Bruno</i> (Roma, 1880), and <i>Copernico
+        e le vicende</i>, etc. (Roma, 1876), we owe most of the material which
+        has been lucidly sifted by Mr. R.C. Christie.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_118_118" id="BFootnote_118_118"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_118_118"><span class="label">[118]</span></a> 'Londinam
+        perfectus, libellum istic edit de Bestia triumphante, h.e. de Papa. quem
+        vestri honoris causa bestiam appellare solent.'
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_119_119" id="BFootnote_119_119"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_119_119"><span class="label">[119]</span></a> We may
+        remember that while a novice at Naples, he first got into trouble by
+        keeping the crucifix as the only religious symbol which he respected,
+        when he parted with images of saints.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_120_120" id="BFootnote_120_120"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_120_120"><span class="label">[120]</span></a> These
+        pregnant words are in Berti's <i>Vita di G.B.</i> p. 299.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_121_121" id="BFootnote_121_121"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_121_121"><span class="label">[121]</span></a> He well
+        deserves this name, in spite of his recantation at Venice; for it seems
+        incredible that he could not by concessions have purchased his life. As
+        Breugger wrote with brutal crudity to Kepler: 'What profit did he gain
+        by enduring such torments? If there were no God to punish crimes, as he
+        believed, could he not have pretended any thing to save his life?' We
+        may add that the alternative to death for a relapsed apostate was
+        perpetual incarceration; and seven years of prison may well have made
+        Bruno prefer death with honor.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_122_122" id="BFootnote_122_122"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_122_122"><span class="label">[122]</span></a> <i>op.
+        cit.</i> p. 70.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_123_123" id="BFootnote_123_123"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_123_123"><span class="label">[123]</span></a> Both
+        Berti and Quinet have made similar remarks, which, indeed, force
+        themselves upon a student of the sixteenth century.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_124_124" id="BFootnote_124_124"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_124_124"><span class="label">[124]</span></a> This
+        theological conception of history inspired the sacred drama of the
+        Middle Ages, known to us as Cyclical Miracle Plays.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_125_125" id="BFootnote_125_125"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_125_125"><span class="label">[125]</span></a> It was my
+        intention to support the statements in this paragraph by translating the
+        passages which seem to me to justify them; and I had gone so far as to
+        make English versions of some twenty pages in length, when I found that
+        this material would overweight my book. A study of Bruno as the great
+        precursor of modern thought in its more poetical and widely synthetic
+        speculation must be left for a separate essay. Here I may remark that
+        the most faithful and pithily condensed abstract of Bruno's philosophy
+        is contained in Goethe's poem <i>Proemium zu Gott und Welt</i>. Yet this
+        poem expresses Goethe's thought, and it is doubtful whether Goethe had
+        studied Bruno except in the work of his disciple Spinoza.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_126_126" id="BFootnote_126_126"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_126_126"><span class="label">[126]</span></a> Spaventa
+        in his <i>Saggi di Critica</i>.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_127_127" id="BFootnote_127_127"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_127_127"><span class="label">[127]</span></a> We may
+        remind our readers of Henri IV.'s parting words to Joseph Scaliger:
+        'Est-il vrai que vous avez &eacute;t&eacute; de Paris &agrave; Dijon
+        sans aller &agrave; la selle?'
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_128_128" id="BFootnote_128_128"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_128_128"><span class="label">[128]</span></a> <i>Lettere</i>,
+        vol. i. p. 239.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_129_129" id="BFootnote_129_129"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_129_129"><span class="label">[129]</span></a> It was
+        under the supervision of the Servites that Sarpi gained the first
+        rudiments of education. Thirst for knowledge may explain his early
+        entrance into their brotherhood. Like Virgil and like Milton, he
+        received among the companions of his youthful studies the honorable
+        nickname of 'The Maiden.' Gross conversation, such as lads use, even in
+        convents, ceased at his approach. And yet he does not seem to have lost
+        influence among his comrades by the purity which marked him out as
+        exceptional.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_130_130" id="BFootnote_130_130"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_130_130"><span class="label">[130]</span></a> <i>Lettere</i>,
+        vol. i. p. 237.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_131_131" id="BFootnote_131_131"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_131_131"><span class="label">[131]</span></a> <i>Lettere</i>,
+        vol. ii, p. 80.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_132_132" id="BFootnote_132_132"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_132_132"><span class="label">[132]</span></a> Sarpi's
+        <i>Life</i> by Fra Fulgenzio, p. 64.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_133_133" id="BFootnote_133_133"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_133_133"><span class="label">[133]</span></a> Fra
+        Fulgenzio's <i>Vita di F. Paolo</i>, p. 42. Venetian Dispatches in
+        Mutinelli's <i>Storia Arcana</i>, vol. iii. p. 67.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_134_134" id="BFootnote_134_134"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_134_134"><span class="label">[134]</span></a> The
+        treatise which Sarpi translated was Gerson's <i>Considerations upon
+        Papal Excommunications</i>. Gerson's part in the Council of Constance
+        will be remembered. See Creighton's <i>History of the Papacy</i>, vol.
+        i. p. 211.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_135_135" id="BFootnote_135_135"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_135_135"><span class="label">[135]</span></a> Sarpi's
+        correspondence abundantly proves how very grave was the peril of Papal
+        Absolutism in his days. The tide had not begun to turn with force
+        against the Jesuit doctrines of Papal Supremacy. See Ranke, vol. ii. pp.
+        4-12, on these doctrines and the counter-theories to which they gave
+        rise. We must remember that the Papal power was now at the height of its
+        ascension; and Sarpi can be excused for not having reckoned on the
+        inevitable decline it suffered during the next century.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_136_136" id="BFootnote_136_136"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_136_136"><span class="label">[136]</span></a> <i>Lettere</i>,
+        vol. i. p. 312.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_137_137" id="BFootnote_137_137"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_137_137"><span class="label">[137]</span></a> Sarpi's
+        <i>Letters</i>, vol. ii. pp. 179, 284.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_138_138" id="BFootnote_138_138"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_138_138"><span class="label">[138]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>
+        pp. 100-102.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_139_139" id="BFootnote_139_139"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_139_139"><span class="label">[139]</span></a> Bianchi
+        Giovini, <i>Vita di Fra P. Sarpi</i>, vol. ii. p. 49.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_140_140" id="BFootnote_140_140"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_140_140"><span class="label">[140]</span></a> A.G.
+        Campbell's <i>Life of Sarpi</i>, p. 174.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_141_141" id="BFootnote_141_141"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_141_141"><span class="label">[141]</span></a> Sarpi's
+        <i>Letters</i>, vol. i. pp. 231, 239.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_142_142" id="BFootnote_142_142"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_142_142"><span class="label">[142]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>
+        pp. 220, 222, 225.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_143_143" id="BFootnote_143_143"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_143_143"><span class="label">[143]</span></a> <i>Vita
+        del Padre F. Paolo Sarpi</i>, Helmstat, per Jacopo Mulleri, MDCCXXXXX.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_144_144" id="BFootnote_144_144"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_144_144"><span class="label">[144]</span></a> Dispatch
+        to Fr. Contarini under date September 25, 1607, quoted in Campbell's <i>Life
+        of Sarpi</i>, p. 145.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_145_145" id="BFootnote_145_145"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_145_145"><span class="label">[145]</span></a>
+        Fulgenzio's <i>Life</i>, p. 61. A.G. Campbell asserts that this
+        celebrated <i>mot</i> of Sarpi's is not to be found in Fulgenzio's MS.
+        It occurs, however, quite naturally in the published work. The first
+        edition of the <i>Life</i> appeared in 1646, eight years before
+        Fulgenzio's death. The discrepancies between it and the MS. may
+        therefore have been intended by the author.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_146_146" id="BFootnote_146_146"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_146_146"><span class="label">[146]</span></a> A full
+        account of them is given by Bianchi Giovini in his <i>Biografia</i>,
+        chap. xvii.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_147_147" id="BFootnote_147_147"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_147_147"><span class="label">[147]</span></a> <i>Vita
+        di F. Paolo</i>, pp. 67-70.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_148_148" id="BFootnote_148_148"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_148_148"><span class="label">[148]</span></a> <i>Vita
+        di F. Paolo</i>, p. 68: 'Le cose che vennero a pubblica notizia e certe
+        sono: che molte persone nominate in quella cifra, di <i>Padre</i>,
+        fratelli, e cugini, per le contracifre const&ograve;, dal Generale de'
+        Servi in fuori, niuna esser di dignit&agrave; inferiore alia
+        Cardinalizia.'
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_149_149" id="BFootnote_149_149"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_149_149"><span class="label">[149]</span></a> Sarpi
+        says that no crime happened in Venice without a friar or priest being
+        mixed in it (<i>Lettere</i>, vol. i. 351).
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_150_150" id="BFootnote_150_150"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_150_150"><span class="label">[150]</span></a> <i>Lettere</i>,
+        vol. ii. p. 169.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_151_151" id="BFootnote_151_151"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_151_151"><span class="label">[151]</span></a> <i>Opere
+        di Paolo Sarpi</i>, Helmst&auml;dt, 1761, vol. i. pp. 200, 233, 311;
+        vol. ii. pp. 89, 187.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_152_152" id="BFootnote_152_152"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_152_152"><span class="label">[152]</span></a> This
+        contradicts the opinion of Hallam and Macaulay, both of whom were
+        convinced that Sarpi was a Protestant at heart. Macaulay wishes that he
+        had thrown off the friar's frock. In a certain sense Sarpi can be
+        classified with the larger minds among the Reformed Churches of his age.
+        But to call him a Protestant who concealed his real faith, argues
+        coarseness of perception, incapacity for comprehending any attitude
+        above and beyond belligerent Catholicism and Protestantism, or of
+        sympathizing with the deeply-religious feelings of one who, after
+        calculating all chances and surveying all dogmatic differences, thought
+        that he could serve God as well and his country better in that communion
+        which was his by birthright. To an illuminated intellect there was not
+        in the seventeenth century much reason to prefer one of the Reformed
+        Churches to Catholicism, except for the sake of political freedom. It
+        being impossible to change the State-religion in Venice, Sarpi had no
+        inducement to leave his country and to pass his life in exile among
+        prejudiced sectarians.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_153_153" id="BFootnote_153_153"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_153_153"><span class="label">[153]</span></a> <i>Lettere</i>,
+        vol. ii. pp. 3, 18, 96, 109, and elsewhere.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_154_154" id="BFootnote_154_154"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_154_154"><span class="label">[154]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i>
+        vol. ii. p. 6.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_155_155" id="BFootnote_155_155"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_155_155"><span class="label">[155]</span></a> <i>Lettere</i>,
+        vol. i. p. 237.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_156_156" id="BFootnote_156_156"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_156_156"><span class="label">[156]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i>
+        p. 268.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_157_157" id="BFootnote_157_157"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_157_157"><span class="label">[157]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i>
+        vol. ii. pp. 29, 48, 59, 60, 125.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_158_158" id="BFootnote_158_158"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_158_158"><span class="label">[158]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i>
+        p. 120, 124.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_159_159" id="BFootnote_159_159"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_159_159"><span class="label">[159]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i>
+        p. 226.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_160_160" id="BFootnote_160_160"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_160_160"><span class="label">[160]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i>
+        p. 217.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_161_161" id="BFootnote_161_161"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_161_161"><span class="label">[161]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i>
+        p. 427.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_162_162" id="BFootnote_162_162"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_162_162"><span class="label">[162]</span></a> <i>Lettere</i>,
+        vol. ii. p. 283.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_163_163" id="BFootnote_163_163"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_163_163"><span class="label">[163]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i>
+        p. 110, 311.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_164_164" id="BFootnote_164_164"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_164_164"><span class="label">[164]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i>
+        vol. i. pp. 220, 222, 225, 231, 239.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_165_165" id="BFootnote_165_165"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_165_165"><span class="label">[165]</span></a>
+        Campbell's <i>Life</i>, p. 132.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_166_166" id="BFootnote_166_166"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_166_166"><span class="label">[166]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i>
+        p. 133, 135.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_167_167" id="BFootnote_167_167"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_167_167"><span class="label">[167]</span></a> <i>Lettere</i>,
+        vol. ii. p. 86.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_168_168" id="BFootnote_168_168"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_168_168"><span class="label">[168]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i>
+        vol. i. p. 283.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_169_169" id="BFootnote_169_169"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_169_169"><span class="label">[169]</span></a> It is
+        worthy of notice, as a stern Venetian joke, that when the Jesuits
+        eventually returned to Rialto, they were bade walk in processions upon
+        ceremonial occasions between the Fraternities of S. Marco and S. Teodoro&mdash;saints
+        amid whose columns on the Molo criminals were executed.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_170_170" id="BFootnote_170_170"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_170_170"><span class="label">[170]</span></a> <i>Lettere</i>,
+        vol. i. p. 126; <i>Opere</i>, vol. vi. p. 40.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_171_171" id="BFootnote_171_171"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_171_171"><span class="label">[171]</span></a> <i>Opere</i>,
+        vol. vi. p. 145.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_172_172" id="BFootnote_172_172"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_172_172"><span class="label">[172]</span></a>
+        Fulgenzio's <i>Life</i>, p. 98.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_173_173" id="BFootnote_173_173"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_173_173"><span class="label">[173]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>
+        p. 105.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_174_174" id="BFootnote_174_174"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_174_174"><span class="label">[174]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_175_175" id="BFootnote_175_175"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_175_175"><span class="label">[175]</span></a> Letter of
+        the Superior to the Venetian Senate, printed in the <i>Lettere</i>, vol.
+        ii. pp. 450-453. It is worth meditating on the contrast between Sarpi's
+        and Bruno's deaths. Sarpi died with the consolations of religion on his
+        bed in the convent which had been his life-long home. Bruno was burned
+        alive, with eyes averted from the crucifix in bitter scorn, after seven
+        and a half years spent in the prisons of the Inquisition. Sarpi exhaled
+        his last breath amid sympathizing friends, in the service of a grateful
+        country. Bruno panted his death-pangs of suffocation and combustion out,
+        surrounded by menacing Dominicans, in the midst of hostile Rome
+        celebrating her triumphant jubilee. Sarpi's last thoughts were given to
+        the God of Christendom and the Republic. Bruno had no country; the God
+        in whom he trusted at that grim hour, was the God within his soul,
+        unrealized, detached by his own reason from every Church and every
+        creed.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_176_176" id="BFootnote_176_176"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_176_176"><span class="label">[176]</span></a> See <i>Renaissance
+        in Italy</i>, vol. ii. pp. 299, 300.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_177_177" id="BFootnote_177_177"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_177_177"><span class="label">[177]</span></a> <i>Lettere
+        del Guarini</i>, Venezia, 1596, p. 2.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_178_178" id="BFootnote_178_178"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_178_178"><span class="label">[178]</span></a> Alberi,
+        <i>Relazioni</i>, series 2, vol. ii. pp. 423-425.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_179_179" id="BFootnote_179_179"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_179_179"><span class="label">[179]</span></a> <i>Lettere</i>,
+        p. 195.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_180_180" id="BFootnote_180_180"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_180_180"><span class="label">[180]</span></a> In this
+        year it was published with the author's revision by Ciotto at Venice. It
+        had been represented at Turin in 1585, and first printed at Venice in
+        1590.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_181_181" id="BFootnote_181_181"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_181_181"><span class="label">[181]</span></a> Guarini
+        may be compared with Trissino in these points of his private life. See
+        <i>Renaissance in Italy</i>, vol. v. 303-305.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_182_182" id="BFootnote_182_182"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_182_182"><span class="label">[182]</span></a> <i>Lettere</i>,
+        p. 196.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_183_183" id="BFootnote_183_183"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_183_183"><span class="label">[183]</span></a> <i>Il
+        Pastor Fido</i>, per cura di G. Casella (Firenze, Barb&eacute;ra, 1866),
+        p. liv.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_184_184" id="BFootnote_184_184"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_184_184"><span class="label">[184]</span></a> I might
+        have further illustrated this point by quoting the thirty-five lines in
+        which Titiro compares a maiden to the rose which fades upon the spray
+        after the fervors of the noon have robbed its freshness (act i. sc. 4).
+        To contest the beauty of the comparison would be impossible. Yet when we
+        turn to the two passages in Ariosto (<i>Orl. Fur.</i> i. 42, 43, and
+        xxiv. 80) on which it has been modeled, we shall perceive how much
+        Guarini lost in force by not writing with his eye upon the object or
+        with the authenticity of inward vision, but with a self-conscious effort
+        to improve by artifices and refinements upon something he has read. See
+        my essay on 'The Pathos of the Rose in Time,' April, 1886.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_185_185" id="BFootnote_185_185"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_185_185"><span class="label">[185]</span></a> Even
+        Silvio, the most masculine of the young men, whose heart is closed to
+        love, appears before us thus:
+      </p>
+      <div class="poem">
+        <div class="stanza">
+          <span>Oh Silvio, Silvio! a che ti die Natura<br /> </span> <span>Ne' pi&ugrave;
+          begli anni tuoi<br /> </span> <span>Fior di belt&agrave; si delicato e
+          vago,<br /> </span> <span>Se tu se' tanto a calpestarlo intento?<br />
+          </span> <span>Che s'avess'io cotesta tua s&igrave; bella<br /> </span>
+          <span>E s&igrave; fiorita guancia,<br /> </span> <span>Addio selve,
+          direi:<br /> </span> <span>E seguendo altre fere,<br /> </span> <span>E
+          la vita passando in festa e'n gioco,<br /> </span> <span>Farei la state
+          all'ombra, e 'l verno al foco.<br /> </span>
+        </div>
+      </div>
+      <br /> <br />
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_186_186" id="BFootnote_186_186"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_186_186"><span class="label">[186]</span></a> Telesio,
+        Bruno, Campanella, Salvator Rosa, Vico, were, like Marino, natives of
+        the Regno.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_187_187" id="BFootnote_187_187"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_187_187"><span class="label">[187]</span></a> It is
+        worth noting that Shakespeare's <i>Venus and Adonis</i> was first
+        printed in 1593, thirty years previously.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_188_188" id="BFootnote_188_188"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_188_188"><span class="label">[188]</span></a> Ferrari,
+        in his <i>Rivolnzioni d'Italia</i>, vol. iii. p. 563, observes: 'Una
+        Venere sospetta versa lagrime forse maschili sul bellissimo Adonide,'
+        etc. Shakespeare's <i>Venus and Adonis</i>, in like manner, is so
+        written as to force the reader to feel with Venus the seduction of
+        Adonis.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_189_189" id="BFootnote_189_189"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_189_189"><span class="label">[189]</span></a> With the
+        stanza quoted above Marino closes the cycle which Boccaccio in the <i>Amoroso
+        Visione</i> (canto xlix.) had opened.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_190_190" id="BFootnote_190_190"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_190_190"><span class="label">[190]</span></a> On this
+        point I may call attention to the elaborate portraits drawn by Marino
+        (canto xvi.) of the seven young men who contend with Adonis for the
+        prize of beauty and the crown of Cyprus. Quite as many words are
+        bestowed upon their costumes, jewelry and hair-dressing as upon their
+        personal charms.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_191_191" id="BFootnote_191_191"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_191_191"><span class="label">[191]</span></a> I have
+        pleasure in inviting my readers to study the true doctrine regarding the
+        place of touch among the senses as laid down by Ruskin in <i>Modern
+        Painters</i>, part iii. sec. 1, chap. ii.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_192_192" id="BFootnote_192_192"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_192_192"><span class="label">[192]</span></a> The
+        hypocrisy of the allegory is highly significant for this phase of
+        Italian culture. We have seen how even Tasso condescended to apply it to
+        his noble epic, which needed no such miserable pretense. Exquisitely
+        grotesque was the attempt made by Centorio degli Ortensi to sanctify
+        Bandello's <i>Novelle</i> by supplying each one of them with a moral
+        interpretation (ed. Milano: Gio. Antonio degli Antoni, 1560, See
+        Passano's <i>Novellieri in Prosa</i>, p. 28).
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_193_193" id="BFootnote_193_193"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_193_193"><span class="label">[193]</span></a> What I
+        have elsewhere, called 'the tyranny of the kiss' in Italian poetry,
+        begins in Tasso's <i>Rinaldo</i>, acquires vast proportions in Guarino's
+        <i>Pastor Fido</i>, and becomes intolerable in Marino's <i>Adone</i>.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_194_194" id="BFootnote_194_194"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_194_194"><span class="label">[194]</span></a> See the
+        climax to the episode of Filauro and Filora.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_195_195" id="BFootnote_195_195"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_195_195"><span class="label">[195]</span></a> In
+        support of this opinion upon Marino's merit as a poet, I will cite the
+        episode of Clizio (canto i. p. 17); the tale of Psyche (iv. 65); the
+        tale of the nightingale and the boy&mdash;which occurs both in Ford and
+        Crashaw, by the way (vii. 112); the hymn to pleasure (vii. 116); the
+        passage of Venus and Adonis to the bath (viii. 133); the picture of the
+        nymph and satyr (viii. 135); the personification of the Court (x. 167);
+        the Cave of Jealousy (xii. 204-206); the jewel-garden of Falserina (xii.
+        218); Falserina watching Adonis asleep (xii. 225); Falserina's
+        incantations (xiii. 233); Mars in the lap of Venus surrounded by the
+        loves (xiii. 245); Venus disguised as a gypsy (xv. 290); the game of
+        chess (xv. 297); the leave-taking of Venus and Adonis (xvii. 332); the
+        phantom of dead Adonis (xviii. 357); the grief of Venus (xviii.
+        358-362); the tales of Hyacinth and Pampinus (xix. 372-378). The
+        references are to ed. Napoli, Boutteaux, 1861.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_196_196" id="BFootnote_196_196"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_196_196"><span class="label">[196]</span></a> There are
+        passages of pure <i>cantilena</i> in this poem, where sense is
+        absolutely swallowed up in sound, and words become the mere vehicle for
+        rhythmic melody. Of this verbal music the dirge of the nymphs for Adonis
+        and the threnos of Venus afford excellent examples (xix. pp. 358-361).
+        Note especially the stanza beginning:
+      </p>
+      <div class="poem">
+        <div class="stanza">
+          <span>Adone, Adone, o bell'Adon, tu giaci,<br /> </span> <span>N&egrave;
+          senti i miei sospir, n&egrave; miri il pianto!<br /> </span> <span>O
+          bell'Adone, o caro Adon, tu taci,<br /> </span> <span>N&egrave;
+          rispondi a colei che amasti tanto!<br /> </span>
+        </div>
+      </div>
+      <br /> <br />
+      <p>
+        There is nothing more similar to this in literature than Fra Jacopone's
+        delirium of mystic love:
+      </p>
+      <div class="poem">
+        <div class="stanza">
+          <span>Amor amor Jesu, son giunto a porto;<br /> </span> <span>Amor amor
+          Jesu, tu m'hai menato;<br /> </span> <span>Amor amor Jesu, dammi
+          conforto;<br /> </span> <span>Amor amor Jesu, si m'hai enfiamato.<br />
+          </span>
+        </div>
+      </div>
+      <br /> <br />
+      <p>
+        Only the one is written in a Mixo-Lydian, the other in a Hyper-Phrygian
+        mood.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_197_197" id="BFootnote_197_197"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_197_197"><span class="label">[197]</span></a> There is
+        a streamlet called Reno near Bologna.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_198_198" id="BFootnote_198_198"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_198_198"><span class="label">[198]</span></a> See
+        Scherillo's two books on the <i>Commedia dell'Arte</i> and the <i>Opera
+        Buffa</i>.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_199_199" id="BFootnote_199_199"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_199_199"><span class="label">[199]</span></a> For the
+        date 1615 see Carducci's learned essay prefixed to his edition of the <i>Secchia
+        Rapita</i> (Barbera, 1861).
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_200_200" id="BFootnote_200_200"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_200_200"><span class="label">[200]</span></a> Canto i.
+        2.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_201_201" id="BFootnote_201_201"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_201_201"><span class="label">[201]</span></a> Canto
+        xii. 77.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_202_202" id="BFootnote_202_202"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_202_202"><span class="label">[202]</span></a> So Heine
+        wrote of Aristophanes. See my essay in <i>Studies of the Greek Poets</i>.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_203_203" id="BFootnote_203_203"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_203_203"><span class="label">[203]</span></a> Canto
+        viii. 33, 34.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_204_204" id="BFootnote_204_204"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_204_204"><span class="label">[204]</span></a> See
+        Baini, <i>Life of Palestrina</i>, vol. ii. p. 20.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_205_205" id="BFootnote_205_205"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_205_205"><span class="label">[205]</span></a> While the
+        choir was singing, the orchestra was playing concerted pieces called <i>ricercari</i>,
+        in which the vocal parts were reproduced.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_206_206" id="BFootnote_206_206"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_206_206"><span class="label">[206]</span></a> See the
+        original passages from contemporary writers quoted by Baini, vol. i. pp.
+        102-104. Savonarola went so far as to affirm: 'Che questo canto figurato
+        l'ha trovato Satanasso,' a phrase quite in the style of a Puritan
+        abusing choirs and organs.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_207_207" id="BFootnote_207_207"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_207_207"><span class="label">[207]</span></a> See
+        Michelet, <i>Histoire de France</i>, vol. xi. pp. 76, 101, vol. xii. p.
+        383 (Paris: Lacroix, 1877).
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_208_208" id="BFootnote_208_208"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_208_208"><span class="label">[208]</span></a> Baini, i.
+        p. 196.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_209_209" id="BFootnote_209_209"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_209_209"><span class="label">[209]</span></a> It will
+        be remembered that this Silvio Antoniano was one of the revisers of
+        Tasso's poem, and the one who gave him most trouble.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_210_210" id="BFootnote_210_210"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_210_210"><span class="label">[210]</span></a> In the
+        Dedication of the <i>Mass of Pope Marcello</i> to Philip II. in 1567
+        Palestrina only says that he had been constrained by the order of men of
+        the highest gravity and most approved piety to apply himself <i>ad
+        sanctissimum Missae sacrificium novo modorum genere decorandum</i>, and
+        that he had performed his task with indefatigable pains and industry
+        (Baini, <i>op. cit.</i> vol. i. p. 280). But it is noteworthy that of
+        the three Masses furnished for the approval of the congregation, the
+        first was entitled <i>Illumina oculos meos</i>, and that an anecdote
+        referring to this title relates Palestrina's earnest prayers for grace
+        and inspiration during the execution of the work (<i>ibid.</i> p. 223,
+        note.)
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_211_211" id="BFootnote_211_211"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_211_211"><span class="label">[211]</span></a> See <i>Renaissance
+        in Italy</i>, vol. iv. pp. 263, 305.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_212_212" id="BFootnote_212_212"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_212_212"><span class="label">[212]</span></a> <i>Studies
+        of the Eighteenth Century in Italy</i>, by Vernon Lee.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_213_213" id="BFootnote_213_213"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_213_213"><span class="label">[213]</span></a> The three
+        founders of the school were thus born precisely during the most critical
+        years of the Council. They felt the Catholic reaction least. That
+        expressed itself most markedly in Domenichino, born seventeen years
+        after its close.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_214_214" id="BFootnote_214_214"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_214_214"><span class="label">[214]</span></a> Nich.
+        Poussin, b. 1594; Claude, 1600; Gaspar Poussin, 1613; Salvator Rosa,
+        1615; Luca Giordano, 1632; Canaletto, 1697.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_215_215" id="BFootnote_215_215"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_215_215"><span class="label">[215]</span></a> I of
+        course except Venice, for reasons which I have sufficiently set forth in
+        <i>Renaissance in Italy</i>, vol. iii. p. 347. Long after other schools
+        of Italy the Venetian was still only adolescent.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_216_216" id="BFootnote_216_216"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_216_216"><span class="label">[216]</span></a> I have
+        not thought it worth while to write down more than a very few names of
+        the Mannerists. Notice how often they worked in whole families and
+        indistinguishable coteries.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_217_217" id="BFootnote_217_217"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_217_217"><span class="label">[217]</span></a> Everyone
+        familiar with European picture-galleries will remember cabinet pieces by
+        the Caracci, especially Ecce Homos, Piet&agrave;s, Agonies in the
+        Garden, which look like copies from Correggio with a dash of added
+        sentimentalism.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_218_218" id="BFootnote_218_218"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_218_218"><span class="label">[218]</span></a> I have
+        mainly used the encyclopedic work entitled <i>Felsina Pittrice</i>
+        (Bologna, 1841, 2 vols.) for my study of the Eclectics. This is based
+        upon the voluminous writings of the Count C.C. Malvasia, who, having
+        been born in 1616, and having enjoyed personal intercourse with the
+        later survivors of the Bolognese Academy, was able to bequeath a vast
+        mass of anecdotical and other material to posterity. The collection
+        contains critical annotations and additions by the hand of Zanotti and
+        later art students, together with many illustrative documents of the
+        highest value. Reading this miscellaneous repertory, we are forced to
+        regret that the same amount of characteristic and authentic information
+        has not been preserved about one of the greater schools of Italy&mdash;the
+        Venetian, for example.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_219_219" id="BFootnote_219_219"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_219_219"><span class="label">[219]</span></a> He
+        acquired a somewhat infamous celebrity by his obscene engravings in the
+        style of Giulio Romano.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_220_220" id="BFootnote_220_220"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_220_220"><span class="label">[220]</span></a> Malvasia
+        has preserved, in his <i>Life of Primaticcio</i>, a sonnet written by
+        Agostino Caracci, in which the aims of the Eclectics are clearly
+        indicated. The good painter must have at his command Roman or classic
+        design, Venetian movement and shadow, Lombard coloring, the sublimity of
+        Michelangelo, the truth to nature of Titian, the pure and sovereign
+        style of Correggio, Raphael's symmetry, Tibaldi's fitness and solidity,
+        Primaticcio's erudite invention, with something of Parmigianino's grace
+        (<i>Fels. Pittr.</i> vol. i. p. 129). Zanotti adds: 'This sonnet is
+        assuredly one which every painter ought to learn by heart and observe in
+        practice.'
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_221_221" id="BFootnote_221_221"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_221_221"><span class="label">[221]</span></a> See
+        Malvasia, <i>op. cit.</i> vol. i. p. 277; vol. ii. p. 57. The odd thing
+        is that Malvasia tells these stories of the Lodovico-Aphrodite and the
+        color-grinder-Magdalen with applause, as though they proved the mastery
+        of Annibale Caracci and Guido.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_222_222" id="BFootnote_222_222"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_222_222"><span class="label">[222]</span></a> The later
+        Eclectics&mdash;Spada, Domenichino, Guercino&mdash;were to some extent
+        saved by the influences they derived from Caravaggio and the
+        Naturalisti. But they had not the tact to see where the finer point of
+        naturalistic art lies for a delicately minded painter. They added its
+        brutality, as employed by Caravaggio, to the insipidities of the
+        Caracci, and produced such horrors as Domenichino's Martyrdom of S.
+        Agnes.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_223_223" id="BFootnote_223_223"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_223_223"><span class="label">[223]</span></a> This
+        tradition of Guido's childhood I give for what it is worth, from
+        Malvasia, <i>op. cit.</i> vol. ii. p. 53. In after life, beside being
+        piously addicted to Madonna-worship, he had a great dread of women in
+        general and witches in particular. What some will call spiritual, others
+        effeminate, in his mature work, may be due to the temperament thus
+        indicated.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_224_224" id="BFootnote_224_224"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_224_224"><span class="label">[224]</span></a> Malvasia,
+        <i>op. cit.</i> p. 53, p. 178. The latter passage is preceded by a
+        discussion of the nude in art which shows how Malvasia had imbibed
+        Tridentine morality in the middle of Italy glowing with Renaissance
+        masterpieces.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_225_225" id="BFootnote_225_225"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_225_225"><span class="label">[225]</span></a> Lo Spada
+        and Guercino, afterwards to be mentioned, were certainly colorists.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_226_226" id="BFootnote_226_226"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_226_226"><span class="label">[226]</span></a> <i>Modern
+        Painters</i>, vol. i. p. 87.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_227_227" id="BFootnote_227_227"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_227_227"><span class="label">[227]</span></a> I allude
+        to the Tintoretto in S. Maria dell'Orto at Venice, and to the Luini in
+        the Monastero Maggiore at Milan. Yet the model of Luini's S. Catherine
+        was the infamous Contessa di Cellant, who murdered her husband and some
+        lovers, and was beheaded for her crimes in Milan. This fact demonstrates
+        the value of the model in the hands of an artist capable of using it.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_228_228" id="BFootnote_228_228"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_228_228"><span class="label">[228]</span></a> When I
+        assert that the age was losing the sense of artistic reserve, I wish to
+        refer back to what I have written about Marino, the dictator of the age
+        in matters of taste. See above, pp. 273, 274.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_229_229" id="BFootnote_229_229"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_229_229"><span class="label">[229]</span></a> Go to S.
+        Andrea nella Valle in Rome, to study the best of them.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_230_230" id="BFootnote_230_230"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_230_230"><span class="label">[230]</span></a>
+        Michelangelo Amerighi da Caravaggio (1569-1609).
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_231_231" id="BFootnote_231_231"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_231_231"><span class="label">[231]</span></a> For the
+        historian of manners in seventeenth-century Italy those pictures have a
+        truly precious value, as they are executed with such passion as to raise
+        them above the more careful but more lymphatic transcripts from
+        beer-cellars in Dutch painting.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_232_232" id="BFootnote_232_232"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_232_232"><span class="label">[232]</span></a> See
+        above, part I. p. 47.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_233_233" id="BFootnote_233_233"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_233_233"><span class="label">[233]</span></a> But the
+        men who used the word failed to perceive that what justified these
+        qualities in Michelangelo's work was piercing, poignant, spiritual
+        passion, of which their age had nothing.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_234_234" id="BFootnote_234_234"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_234_234"><span class="label">[234]</span></a>
+      </p>
+      <div class="poem">
+        <div class="stanza">
+          <span>'Strange that such difference should be</span><br /> <span>
+          'Twixt tweedle-dum and tweedle-dee.'</span>
+        </div>
+      </div>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_235_235" id="BFootnote_235_235"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_235_235"><span class="label">[235]</span></a> The great
+        picture by Dosso Dossi, to which I have alluded, is in the Modenese
+        gallery.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_236_236" id="BFootnote_236_236"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_236_236"><span class="label">[236]</span></a> The
+        passage from Lodovico Caracci through Poussin to Reynolds is direct and
+        unbroken. 'Poussin,' says Lanzi, 'ranked Domenichino directly next to
+        Raffaello.' <i>History of Painting in Italy</i>, Engl. Tr. vol. iii. p.
+        84.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_237_237" id="BFootnote_237_237"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_237_237"><span class="label">[237]</span></a> Perhaps a
+        generation will yet arise which shall take the Caracci and their
+        scholars into favor, even as people of refinement in our own days find a
+        charm in patches, powder, perukes, sedan-chairs, patchouli, and other
+        lumber from the age despised by Keats. I remember visiting a noble
+        English lady at her country seat. We drank tea in her room, decorated by
+        a fashionable 'Queen Anne' artist. She told us that the quaintly pretty
+        furniture of the last century which adorned it had recently been brought
+        down from the attic, whither her fore bears had consigned it as
+        tasteless&mdash;Gillow in their minds superseding Chippendale.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_238_238" id="BFootnote_238_238"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_238_238"><span class="label">[238]</span></a> It is
+        only because I am an Englishman, writing a popular book for English
+        folk, that I thus spend time in noticing the opinions of Joshua
+        Reynolds. Addressing a European audience in this year grace, I should
+        not have thought of eddying about his obsolete doctrine.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+    <div class="footnote">
+      <p>
+        <a name="BFootnote_239_239" id="BFootnote_239_239"></a><a
+        href="#BFNanchor_239_239"><span class="label">[239]</span></a> Twenty
+        millions of years is of course a mere symbol, <i>x</i> or <i>y</i>.
+      </p>
+    </div>
+<pre xml:space="preserve">
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Renaissance in Italy, Volumes 1 and 2
+by John Addington Symonds
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+The Project Gutenberg EBook of Renaissance in Italy, Volumes 1 and 2
+by John Addington Symonds
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: Renaissance in Italy, Volumes 1 and 2
+       The Catholic Reaction
+
+Author: John Addington Symonds
+
+Release Date: August 10, 2005 [EBook #16504]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ASCII
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK RENAISSANCE IN ITALY ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Ted Garvin, Chuck Greif and the Online
+Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+RENAISSANCE IN ITALY
+
+_THE CATHOLIC REACTION_
+
+In Two Parts
+
+BY
+
+JOHN ADDINGTON SYMONDS
+
+   'Deh! per Dio, donna,
+Se romper si potria quelle grandi ale?
+       *       *       *       *       *
+Tu piangi e taci; e questo meglio parmi'
+
+              SAVONAROLA: _De Ruina Ecclesia_
+
+
+
+
+PART I
+
+NEW YORK HENRY HOLT AND COMPANY 1887 _AUTHOR'S EDITION_
+
+
+
+
+PREFACE.
+
+
+At the end of the second volume of my 'Renaissance in Italy' I indulged
+the hope that I might live to describe the phase of culture which closed
+that brilliant epoch. It was in truth demanded that a work pretending to
+display the manifold activity of the Italian genius during the 15th
+century and the first quarter of the 16th, should also deal with the
+causes which interrupted its further development upon the same lines.
+
+This study, forming a logically-necessitated supplement to the five
+former volumes of 'Renaissance in Italy,' I have been permitted to
+complete. The results are now offered to the public in these two parts.
+
+So far as it was possible, I have conducted my treatment of the Catholic
+Revival on a method analogous to that adopted for the Renaissance. I
+found it, however, needful to enter more minutely into details regarding
+facts and institutions connected with the main theme of national
+culture.
+
+The Catholic Revival was by its nature reactionary. In order to explain
+its influences, I have been compelled to analyze the position of Spain
+in the Italian peninsula, the conduct of the Tridentine Council, the
+specific organization of the Holy Office and the Company of Jesus, and
+the state of society upon which those forces were brought to bear.
+
+In the list of books which follows these prefatory remarks, I have
+indicated the most important of the sources used by me. Special
+references will be made in their proper places to works of a subordinate
+value for the purposes of my inquiry.
+
+DAVOS PLATZ: _July_ 1886.
+
+_WORKS COMMONLY REFERRED TO IN THE TWO SUCCEEDING VOLUMES OF THIS
+BOOK_.
+
+SISMONDI.--Histoire des Republiques Italiennes du Moyen Age.
+RANKE.--History of the Popes. 3 vols. English edition: Bohn.
+CREIGHTON.--History of the Papacy during the Reformation. 2
+   vols. Macmillan.
+BOTTA.--Storia d'Italia. Continuata da quella del Guicciardini
+   sino al 1789.
+FERRARI.--Rivoluzioni d'Italia. 3 vols.
+QUINET.--Les Revolutions d'Italie.
+GALLUZZI.--Storia del Granducato di Toscana.
+PALLAVICINI.--Storia del Concilio Tridentino.
+SARPI.--Storia del Concilio. Vols. 1 and 2 of Sarpi's Opere.
+DENNISTOUN'S Dukes of Urbino. 3 vols.
+ALBERI.--Relazioni degli Ambasciatori Veneti.
+MUTINELLI.--Storia Arcana ed Aneddotica d'Italia. Raccontata
+   dai Veneti Ambasciatori. 4 vols. Venice. 1858.
+MUTINELLI.--Annali Urbani di Venezia.
+LITTA.--Famiglie Celebri Italiane.
+PHIUPPSON.--La Contre-Revolution Religieuse au XVIme Siecle
+   Bruxelles. 1884.
+DEJOB.--De l'Influence du Concile de Trente. Paris. 1884.
+GIORDANI.--Delia Venuta e Dimora in Bologna del Sommo Pontefice
+   Clemente VII. per la Coronazione di Carlo V., Imperatore. Bologna. 1832.
+BALBI.--Sommario della Storia d'Italia.
+CANTU.--Gli Eretici d'Italia. 3 vols. Torino. 1866.
+LLORENTE.--Histoire Critique de I'Inquisition d'Espagne. 4 vols.
+   Paris. 1818.
+LAVALLEE.--Histoire des Inquisitions Religieuses. 2 vols. Paris.
+   1808.
+MCCRIE.--History of the Reformation in Italy. Edinburgh. 1827.
+TIRABOSCHI.--Storia della Letteratura Italiana.
+DE SANCTIS.--Storia della Letteratura Italiana. 2 vols.
+SETTEMBRINI.--Storia della Letteratura Italiana. 3 vols.
+CANTU.--Storia della Letteratura Italiana. Decreta, etc.,
+   Societatis Jesu. Avignon. 1827.
+CANTU.--Storia della Diocesi di Como. 2 vols.
+DANDOLO.--La Signora di Monza e le Streghe del Tirolo. Milano.
+   1855.
+BONGHI.--Storia di Lucrezia Buonvisi. Lucca. 1864.
+   Archivio Storico Italiano.
+BANDI LUCCHESI.--Bologna: Romagnoli. 1863.
+BERTOLOTTI.--Francesco Cenci e la sua Famiglia. Firenze. 1877.
+GNOLI.--Vittoria Accoramboni. Firenze: Le Monnier. 1870.
+DAELLI.--Lorenzino de'Medici. Milano. 1862.
+DE STENDHAL.--Chroniques et Nouvelles. Paris. 1855.
+GIORDANO BRUNO.--Opere Italiane (Wagner). 2 vols. Leipzig. 1830.
+JORDANUS BRUNUS.--Opera Latina. 2 vols. Neapoli. 1879.
+BRUNO.--Scripta Latina (Gfoerer). Stuttgart. 1836.
+BERTI.--Vita di Giordano Bruno. Firenze, Torino, Milano. 1868.
+BRUNNHOFER.--Giordano Bruno's Weltanschauung und Verhangniss.
+   Leipzig. 1882.
+PAOLO SARPI.--Opere. 6 vols. Helmstat. 1765.
+FRA FULGENZIO MICANZI--Vita del Sarpi.
+BIANCHI GIOVINI.--Biografia di Fra Paolo Sarpi. 2 vols. Bruxelles. 1836.
+   Lettere di Fra Paolo Sarpi. 2 vols. Firenze. 1863.
+CAMPBELL.--Life of Fra Paolo Sarpi. London: Molini and Green. 1869
+DEJOB.--Marc-Antoine Muret. Paris: Thorin. 1881.
+CHRISTIE.--Etienne Dolet. London: Macmillan. 1880.
+RENOUARD.--Imprimerie des Aides.
+TORQUATO TASSO.--Opere. Ed. Rosini. 33 vols. Pisa. 1822
+   and on.
+
+_WORKS REFERRED TO IN THIS BOOK_.
+
+TASSO.--Le Lettere. Ed. Guasti. 5 vols. Firenze. 1855.
+CECCHI.--T. Tasso e la Vita Italiana. Firenze. 1877.
+CECCHI.--T. Tasso. Il Pensiero e le Belle Lettere, etc. Firenze. 1877.
+D'OVIDIO.--Saggi Critici. Napoli. 1878.
+MANSO.--Vita di T. Tasso, in Rosini's edition, vol. 33.
+ROSINI.--Saggio sugli Amori di T. Tasso, in edition cited
+   above, vol. 33.
+GUARINI.--Il Pastor Fido. Ed. Casella. Firenze: Barbera. 1866.
+MARINO.--Adone, etc. Napoli. 1861.
+CHIABRERA.--Ed. Polidori. Firenze: Barbera. 1865.
+TASSONI.--La Secchia Rapita. Ed. Carducci. Firenze: Barbera 1861.
+   Il Parnaso Italiano.
+BAINI.--Vita di G. P. L. Palestrina.
+FELSINA PITTRICE.--2 vols. Bologna. 1841.
+LANZI.--History of Painting in Italy. English Edition.
+   London. Bohn. Vol. 3.
+
+
+
+
+CONTENTS OF THE FIRST VOLUME.
+
+     CHAPTER I.
+
+     THE SPANISH HEGEMONY.
+
+     Italy in the Renaissance--The Five Great Powers--The Kingdom of
+     Naples--The Papacy--The Duchy of Milan--Venice--The Florentine
+     Republic--Wars of Invasion closed by the Sack of Rome in
+     1527--Concordat between Clement VII. and Charles V.--Treaty of
+     Barcelona and Paix des Dames--Charles lands at Genoa--His Journey
+     to Bologna--Entrance into Bologna and Reception by
+     Clement--Mustering of Italian Princes--Franceso Sforza replaced in
+     the Duchy of Milan--Venetian Embassy--Italian League signed on
+     Christmas Eve 1529--Florence alone excluded--The Siege of Florence
+     pressed by the Prince of Orange--Charles's Coronation as King of
+     Italy and Holy Roman Emperor--The Significance of this Ceremony at
+     Bologna--Ceremony in S. Petronio--Settlement of the Duchy of
+     Ferrara--Men of Letters and Arts at Bologna--The Emperor's Use of
+     the Spanish Habit--Charles and Clement leave Bologna in March
+     1530--Review of the Settlement of Italy affected by Emperor and
+     Pope--Extinction of Republics--Subsequent Absorption of Ferrara and
+     Urbino into the Papal States--Savoy becomes an Italian
+     Power--Period between Charles's Coronation and the Peace of Cateau
+     Cambresis in 1559--Economical and Social Condition of the Italians
+     under Spanish Hegemony--The Nation still exists in Separate
+     Communities--Intellectual Conditions--Predominance of Spain and
+     Rome--Both Cosmopolitan Powers--Leveling down of the Component
+     Portions of the Nation in a Common Servitude--The Evils of Spanish
+     Rule
+
+     CHAPTER II.
+
+     THE PAPACY AND THE TRIDENTINE COUNCIL.
+
+
+     The Counter-Reformation--Its Intellectual and Moral
+     Character--Causes of the Gradual Extinction of Renaissance
+     Energy--Transition from the Renaissance to the Catholic
+     Revival--New Religious Spirit in Italy--Attitude of Italians toward
+     German Reformation--Oratory of Divine Love--Gasparo Contarini and
+     the Moderate Reformers--New Religious Orders--Paul III.--His early
+     History and Education--Political Attitude between France and
+     Spain--Creation of the Duchy of Parma--Imminence of a General
+     Council--Review of previous Councils--Paul's Uneasiness--Opens a
+     Council at Trent in 1542--Protestants virtually excluded, and
+     Catholic Dogmas confirmed in the first Sessions--Death of Paul in
+     1549--Julius III.--Paul IV.--Character and Ruling Passions of G. P.
+     Caraffa--His Futile Opposition to Spain--Tyranny of His
+     Nephews--Their Downfall--Paul devotes himself to Church Reform and
+     the Inquisition--Pius IV.--His Minister Morone--Diplomatic Temper
+     of this Pope--His Management of the Council--Assistance rendered by
+     his Nephew Carlo Borromeo--Alarming State of Northern Europe--The
+     Council reopened at Trent in 1562--Subsequent History of the
+     Council--It closes with a complete Papal Triumph in 1563--Place of
+     Pius IV. in History--Pius V.--The Inquisitor Pope--Population of
+     Rome--Social Corruption--Sale of Offices and Justice--Tridentine
+     Reforms depress Wealth--Ascetic Purity of Manners becomes
+     fashionable--Catholic Reaction generates the
+     Counter-Reformation--Battle of Lepanto--Gregory XIII.--His
+     Relatives--Policy of enriching the Church at Expense of the
+     Barons--Brigandage in States of the Church--Sixtus V.--His Stern
+     Justice--Rigid Economy--Great Public Works--Taxation--The City of
+     Rome assumes its present form--Nepotism in the Counter-Reformation
+     Period--Various Estimates of the Wealth accumulated by Papal
+     Nephews--Rise of Princely Roman Families
+
+     CHAPTER III.
+
+     THE INQUISITION AND THE INDEX.
+
+     Different Spirit in the Holy Office and the Company of Jesus--Both
+     needed by the Counter-Reformation--Heresy in the Early
+     Church--First Origins of the Inquisition in 1203--S. Dominic--The
+     Holy Office becomes a Dominican Institution--Recognized by the
+     Empire--Its early Organization--The Spanish Inquisition--Founded in
+     1484--How it differed from the earlier Apostolical
+     Inquisition--Jews, Moors, New Christians--Organization and History
+     of the Holy Office in Spain--Torquemada and his Successors--The
+     Spanish Inquisition never introduced into Italy--How the Roman
+     Inquisition organized by Caraffa differed from it--_Autos da fe_ in
+     Rome--Proscription of suspected Lutherans--The Calabrian
+     Waldenses--Protestants at Locarno and Venice--Digression on the
+     Venetian Holy Office--Persecution of Free Thought in
+     Literature--Growth of the Index Librorum Prohibitorum--Sanction
+     given to it by the Council of Trent--The Roman Congregation of the
+     Index--Final Form of the Censorship of Books under Clement
+     VIII.--Analysis of its Regulations--Proscription of Heretical
+     Books--Correction of Texts--Purgation and Castration--Inquisitorial
+     and Episcopal Licenses--Working of the System of this Censorship in
+     Italy--Its long Delays--Hostility to Sound Learning--Ignorance of
+     the Censors--Interference with Scholars in their Work--Terrorism of
+     Booksellers--Vatican Scheme for the Restoration of Christian
+     Erudition--Frustrated by the Tyranny of the Index--Dishonesty of
+     the Vatican Scholars--Biblical Studies rendered nugatory by the
+     Tridentine Decree on the Vulgate--Decline of Learning in
+     Universities--Miserable Servitude of Professors--Greek dies
+     out--Muretus and Manutius in Rome--The Index and its Treatment of
+     Political Works--Machiavelli--_Ratio Status_--Encouragement of
+     Literature on Papal Absolutism--Sarpi's Attitude--Comparative
+     Indifference of Rome to Books of Obscene or Immoral
+     Tendency--Bandello and Boccaccio--Papal Attempts to control
+     Intercourse of Italians with Heretics
+
+     CHAPTER IV.
+
+     THE COMPANY OF JESUS.
+
+     Vast Importance of the Jesuits in the Counter-Reformation--Ignatius
+     Loyola--His Youth--Retreat at Manresa--Journey to
+     Jerusalem--Studies in Spain and Paris--First Formation of his Order
+     at Sainte Barbe--Sojourn at Venice--Settlement at Rome--Papal
+     Recognition of the Order--Its Military Character--Absolutism of the
+     General--Devotion to the Roman Church--Choice of Members--Practical
+     and Positive Aims of the Founder--Exclusion of the Ascetic,
+     Acceptance of the Worldly Spirit--Review of the Order's Rapid
+     Extension over Europe--Loyola's Dealings with his Chief
+     Lieutenants--Propaganda--The Virtue of Obedience--The _Exercitia
+     Spiritualia_--Materialistic Imagination--Intensity and
+     Superficiality of Religious Training--The Status of the
+     Novice--Temporal Coadjutors--Scholastics--Professed of the Three
+     Vows--Professed of the Four Vows--The General--Control exercised
+     over him by his Assistants--His Relation to the General
+     Congregation--Espionage a Part of the Jesuit System--Advantageous
+     Position of a Contented Jesuit--The Vow of Poverty--Houses of the
+     Professed and Colleges--The Constitutions and Declarations--Problem
+     of the _Monita Secreta_--Reciprocal Relations of Rome and the
+     Company--Characteristics of Jesuit Education--Direction of
+     Consciences--Moral Laxity--Sarpi's
+     Critique--Casuistry--Interference in Affairs of State--Instigation
+     to Regicide and Political Conspiracy--Theories of Church
+     Supremacy--Insurgence of the European Nations against the Company
+
+
+     CHAPTER V.
+
+     SOCIAL AND DOMESTIC MORALS I PART I.
+
+     How did the Catholic Revival affect Italian Society?--Difficulty of
+     Answering this Question--Frequency of Private Crimes of
+     Violence--Homicides and Bandits--Savage Criminal Justice--Paid
+     Assassins--Toleration of Outlaws--Honorable Murder--Example of the
+     Lucchese Army--State of the Convents--The History of Virginia de
+     Leyva--Lucrezia Buonvisi--The True Tale of the Cenci--The Brothers
+     of the House of Massimo--Vittoria Accoramboni--The Duchess of
+     Palliano--Wife-Murders--The Family of Medici
+
+
+     CHAPTER VI.
+
+     SOCIAL AND DOMESTIC MORALS: PART II.
+
+     Tales illustrative of Bravi and Banditti--Cecco Bibboni--Ambrogio
+     Tremazzi--Lodovico dall'Armi--Brigandage--Piracy--Plagues--The
+     Plagues of Milan, Venice, Piedmont--Persecution of the
+     Untori--Moral State of the Proletariate--Witchcraft--Its Italian
+     Features--History of Giacomo Centini
+
+
+
+
+RENAISSANCE IN ITALY.
+
+CHAPTER I.
+
+THE SPANISH HEGEMONY.
+
+
+     Italy in the Renaissance--The Five Great Powers--The Kingdom of
+     Naples--The Papacy--The Duchy of Milan--Venice--The Florentine
+     Republic--Wars of Invasion closed by the Sack of Rome in
+     1527--Concordat between Clement VII. and Charles V.--Treaty of
+     Barcelona and Paix des Dames--Charles lands at Genoa--His Journey
+     to Bologna--Entrance into Bologna and Reception by
+     Clement--Mustering of Italian Princes--Francesco Sforza replaced in
+     the Duchy of Milan--Venetian Embassy--Italian League signed on
+     Christmas Eve, 1529--Florence alone excluded--The Siege of Florence
+     pressed by the Prince of Orange--Charles's Coronation as King of
+     Italy and Holy Roman Emperor--The Significance of this Ceremony at
+     Bologna--Ceremony in S. Petronio--Settlement of the Duchy of
+     Ferrara--Men of Letters and Arts at Bologna--The Emperor's Use of
+     the Spanish Habit--Charles and Clement leave Bologna in March,
+     1530--Review of the Settlement of Italy effected by Emperor and
+     Pope--Extinction of Republics--Subsequent Absorption of Ferrara and
+     Urbino into the Papal States--Savoy becomes an Italian
+     Power--Period between Charles's Coronation and the Peace of Cateau
+     Cambresis in 1559--Economical and Social Condition of the Italians
+     under Spanish Hegemony--The Nation still Exists in Separate
+     Communities--Intellectual Conditions--Predominance of Spain and
+     Rome--Both Cosmopolitan Powers--Leveling down of the Component
+     Portions of the Nation in a Common Servitude--The Evils of Spanish
+     Rule.
+
+
+In the first volume of my book on _Renaissance in Italy_ I attempted to
+set forth the political and social phases through which the Italians
+passed before their principal States fell into the hands of despots, and
+to explain the conditions of mutual jealousy and military feebleness
+which exposed those States to the assaults of foreign armies at the
+close of the fifteenth century.
+
+In the year 1494, when Charles VIII. of France, at Lodovico Sforza's
+invitation, crossed the Alps to make good his claim on Naples, the
+peninsula was Independent. Internal peace had prevailed for a period of
+nearly fifty years. An equilibrium had been established between the five
+great native Powers, which secured the advantages of confederation and
+diplomatic interaction.
+
+While using the word confederation, I do not, of course, imply that
+anything similar to the federal union of Switzerland or of North America
+existed in Italy. The contrary is proved by patent facts. On a miniature
+scale, Italy then displayed political conditions analogous to those
+which now prevail in Europe. The parcels of the nation adopted different
+forms of self-government, sought divers foreign alliances, and owed no
+allegiance to any central legislative or administrative body. I
+therefore speak of the Italian confederation only in the same sense as
+Europe may now be called a confederation of kindred races.
+
+In the year 1630, when Charles V. (of Austria and Spain) was crowned
+Emperor at Bologna, this national independence had been irretrievably
+lost by the Italians. This confederation of evenly-balanced Powers was
+now exchanged for servitude beneath a foreign monarchy, and for
+subjection to a cosmopolitan elective priesthood.
+
+The history of social, intellectual, and moral conditions in Italy
+during the seventy years of the sixteenth century which followed
+Charles's coronation at Bologna, forms the subject of this work; but
+before entering upon these topics it will be well to devote one chapter
+to considering with due brevity the partition of Italy into five States
+in 1494, the dislocation of this order by the wars between Spain and
+France for supremacy, the position in which the same States found
+themselves respectively at the termination of those wars in 1527, and
+the new settlement of the peninsula effected by Charles V. in 1529-30.
+
+The five members of the Italian federation in 1494 were the kingdom of
+Naples, the Papacy, the Duchy of Milan, and the Republics of Venice and
+Florence. Round them, in various relations of amity or hostility, were
+grouped these minor Powers: the Republics of Genoa, Lucca, Siena; the
+Duchy of Ferrara, including Modena and Reggio; the Marquisates of Mantua
+and Montferrat; and the Duchy of Urbino. For our immediate purpose it is
+not worth taking separate account of the Republic of Pisa, which was
+practically though not thoroughly enslaved by Florence; or of the
+despots in the cities of Romagna, the March. Umbria, and the Patrimony
+of S. Peter, who were being gradually absorbed into the Papal
+sovereignty. Nor need we at present notice Savoy, Piemonte, and Saluzzo.
+Although these north-western provinces were all-important through the
+period of Franco-Spanish wars, inasmuch as they opened the gate of Italy
+to French armies, and supplied those armies with a base for military
+operations, the Duchy of Savoy had not yet become an exclusively Italian
+Power.
+
+The kingdom of Naples, on the death of Alfonso the Magnanimous in 1458,
+had been separated from Sicily, and passed by testamentary appointment
+to his natural son Ferdinand. The bastard Aragonese dynasty was Italian
+in its tastes and interests, though unpopular both with the barons of
+the realm and with the people, who in their restlessness were ready to
+welcome any foreign deliverer from its oppressive yoke. This state of
+general discontent rendered the revival of the old Angevine party, and
+their resort to French aid, a source of peril to the monarchy. It also
+served as a convenient fulcrum for the ambitious schemes of conquest
+which the princes of the House of Aragon in Spain began to entertain. In
+territorial extent the kingdom of Naples was the most considerable
+parcel of the Italian community. It embraced the whole of Calabria,
+Apulia, the Abruzzi, and the Terra di Lavoro; marching on its northern
+boundary with the Papal States, and having no other neighbors. But
+though so large and so compact a State, the semifeudal system of
+government which had obtained in Naples since the first conquest of the
+country by the Normans, the nature of its population, and the savage
+dynastic wars to which it had been constantly exposed, rendered it more
+backward in civilization than the northern and central provinces.
+
+The Papacy, after the ending of the schism and the settlement of
+Nicholas V. at Rome in 1447, gradually tended to become an Italian
+sovereignty. During the residence of the Popes at Avignon, and the
+weakness of the Papal See which followed in the period of the Councils
+(Pisa, Constance, and Basel), it had lost its hold not only on the
+immediate neighborhood of Rome, but also on its outlying possessions in
+Umbria, the Marches of Ancona, and the Exarchate of Ravenna. The great
+Houses of Colonna and Orsini asserted independence in their
+principalities. Bologna and Perugia pretended to republican government
+under the shadow of noble families; Bentivogli, Bracci, Baglioni. Imola,
+Faenza, Forli, Rimini, Pesaro, Urbino, Camerino, Citta di Castello,
+obeyed the rule of tyrants, who were practically lords of these cities
+though they bore the titles of Papal vicars, and who maintained
+themselves in wealth and power by exercising the profession of
+_condottieri_. It was the chief object of the Popes, after they were
+freed from the pressing perils of General Councils, and were once more
+settled in their capital and recognized as sovereigns by the European
+Powers, to subdue their vassals and consolidate their provinces into a
+homogeneous kingdom. This plan was conceived and carried out by a
+succession of vigorous and unscrupulous Pontiffs--Sixtus IV., Alexander
+VI., Julius II., and Leo X.--throughout the period of distracting
+foreign wars which agitated Italy. They followed for the most part one
+line of policy, which was to place the wealth and authority of the Holy
+See at the disposal of their relatives, Riarios, Delia Roveres, Borgias,
+and Medici. Their military delegates, among whom the most efficient
+captain was the terrible Cesare Borgia, had full power to crush the
+liberties of cities, exterminate the dynasties of despots, and reduce
+refractory districts to the Papal sway. For these services they were
+rewarded with ducal and princely titles, with the administration of
+their conquests, and with the investiture of fiefs as vassals of the
+Church. The system had its obvious disadvantages. It tended to indecent
+nepotism; and as Pope succeeded Pope at intervals of a few years, each
+bent on aggrandizing his own family at the expense of those of his
+predecessors and the Church, the ecclesiastical States were kept in a
+continual ferment of expropriation and internal revolution. Yet it is
+difficult to conceive how a spiritual Power like the Papacy could have
+solved the problem set before it of becoming a substantial secular
+sovereignty, without recourse to this ruinous method. The Pope, a
+lonely man upon an ill-established throne, surrounded by rivals whom
+his elevation had disappointed, was compelled to rely on the strong arm
+of adventurers with whose interests his own were indissolubly connected.
+The profits of all these schemes of egotistical rapacity eventually
+accrued, not to the relatives of the Pontiffs; none of whom, except the
+Delia Roveres in Urbino, founded a permanent dynasty at this period; but
+to the Holy See. Julius II., for example, on his election in 1503,
+entered into possession of all that Cesare Borgia had attempted to grasp
+for his own use. He found the Orsini and Colonna humbled, Romagna
+reduced to submission; and he carried on the policy of conquest by
+trampling out the liberties of Bologna and Perugia, recovering the
+cities held by Venice on the coast of Ravenna, and extending his sway
+over Emilia. The martial energy of Julius added Parma and Piacenza to
+the States of the Church, and detached Modena and Reggio from the Duchy
+of Ferrara. These new cities were gained by force; but Julius pretended
+that they formed part of the Exarchate of Ravenna, which had been
+granted to his predecessors by Pepin and Charles the Great. He pursued
+the Papal line of conquest in a nobler spirit than his predecessors, not
+seeking to advance his relatives so much as to reinstate the Church in
+her dominions. But he was reckless in the means employed to secure this
+object. Italy was devastated by wars stirred up, and by foreign armies
+introduced, in order that the Pope might win a point in the great game
+of ecclesiastical aggrandizement. That his successor, Leo X., reverted
+to the former plan of carving principalities for his relatives out of
+the possessions of their neighbors and the Church, may be counted among
+the most important causes of the final ruin of Italian independence.
+
+Of the Duchy of Milan it is not necessary to speak at any great length,
+although the wars between France and Spain were chiefly carried on for
+its possession. It had been formed into a compact domain, of
+comparatively small extent, but of vast commercial and agricultural
+resources, by the two dynasties of Visconti and Sforza. In 1494 Lodovico
+Sforza, surnamed Il Moro, ruled Milan for his nephew, the titular Duke,
+whom he kept in gilded captivity, and whom he eventually murdered. In
+order to secure his usurped authority, this would-be Machiavelli thought
+it prudent to invite Charles VIII. into Italy. Charles was to assert his
+right to the throne of Naples. Lodovico was to be established in the
+Duchy of Milan. All his subsequent troubles arose from this transaction.
+Charles came, conquered, and returned to France, disturbing the
+political equilibrium of the Italian States, and founding a disastrous
+precedent for future foreign interference. His successor in the French
+kingdom, Louis XII., believed he had a title to the Duchy of Milan
+through his grandmother Valentina, daughter of Gian Galeazzo Visconti.
+The claim was not a legal one; for in the investiture of the Duchy
+females were excluded. It sufficed, however, to inflame the cupidity of
+Louis; and while he was still but Duke of Orleans, with no sure prospect
+of inheriting the crown of France, he seems to have indulged the fancy
+of annexing Milan. No sooner had he ascended the French throne than he
+began to act upon this ambition. He descended into Lombardy, overran the
+Milanese, sent Lodovico Sforza to die in a French prison, and initiated
+the duel between Spain and France for mastery, which ended with the
+capture of Francis I. at Pavia, and his final cession of all rights over
+Italy to Charles V. by the Treaty of Cambray.
+
+Of all the republics which had conferred luster upon Italy in its
+mediaeval period of prosperity Venice alone remained independent. She
+never submitted to a tyrant; and her government, though growing yearly
+more closely oligarchical, was acknowledged to be just and liberal.
+During the centuries of her greatest power Venice hardly ranked among
+Italian States. It had been her policy to confine herself to the lagoons
+and to the extension of her dominion over the Levant. In the fifteenth
+century, however, this policy was abandoned. Venice first possessed
+herself of Padua, by exterminating the despotic House of Carrara; next
+of Verona, by destroying the Scala dynasty. Subsequently, during the
+long dogeship of Francesco Foscari (1423-1457), she devoted herself in
+good earnest to the acquisition of territory upon the mainland. Then
+she entered as a Power of the first magnitude into the system of purely
+Italian politics. The Republic of S. Mark owned the sea coast of the
+Adriatic from Aquileia to the mouths of the Po; and her Lombard
+dependencies stretched as far as Bergamo westward. Her Italian neighbors
+were, therefore, the Duchy of Milan, the little Marquisate of Mantua,
+and the Duchy of Ferrara. When Constantinople fell in 1453, Venice was
+still more tempted to pursue this new policy of Italian aggrandizement.
+Meanwhile her growing empire seemed to menace the independence of less
+wealthy neighbors. The jealousy thus created and the cupidity which
+brought her into collision with Julius II. in 1508, exposed Venice to
+the crushing blow inflicted on her power by the combined forces of
+Europe in the war of the League of Cambray. From this blow, as well as
+from the simultaneous decline of their Oriental and Levantine commerce,
+the Venetians never recovered.
+
+When we turn to the Florentines, we find that at the same epoch, 1494,
+their ancient republican constitution had been fatally undermined by the
+advances of the family of Medici towards despotism. Lorenzo de'Medici,
+who enjoyed the credit of maintaining the equilibrium of Italy by wise
+diplomacy, had lately died. He left his son Piero, a hot-headed and rash
+young man, to control the affairs of the commonwealth, as he had
+previously controlled them, with a show of burgherlike equality, but
+with the reality of princely power. Another of his sons, Giovanni,
+received the honor of the Cardinalship. The one was destined to
+compromise the ascendency of his family in Florence for a period of
+eighteen years, the other was destined to re-establish that ascendency
+on a new and more despotic basis. Piero had not his father's prudence,
+and could not maintain himself in the delicate position of a commercial
+and civil tyrant. During the disturbances caused by the invasion of
+Charles VIII. he was driven with all his relatives into exile. The
+Medici were restored in 1512, after the battle of Ravenna, by Spanish
+troops, at the petition of the Cardinal Giovanni. The elevation of this
+man to the Papacy in 1513 enabled him to plant two of his nephews, as
+rulers, in Florence, and to pave the way whereby a third eventually rose
+to the dignity of the tiara. Clement VII. finally succeeded in rendering
+Florence subject to the Medici, by extinguishing the last sparks of
+republican opposition, and by so modifying the dynastic protectorate of
+his family that it was easily converted into a titular Grand Duchy.
+
+The federation of these five Powers had been artificially maintained
+during the half century of Italy's highest intellectual activity. That
+was the epoch when the Italians nearly attained to coherence as a
+nation, through common interests in art and humanism, and by the
+complicated machinery of diplomatic relations. The federation perished
+when foreign Powers chose Lombardy and Naples for their fields of
+battle. The disasters of the next thirty-three years (1494-1527) began
+in earnest on the day when Louis XII. claimed Milan and the Regno. He
+committed his first mistake by inviting Ferdinand the Catholic to share
+in the partition of Naples. That province was easily conquered; but
+Ferdinand retained the whole spoils for himself, securing a large
+Italian dependency and a magnificent basis of operations for the Spanish
+Crown. Then Louis made a second mistake by proposing to the visionary
+Emperor Maximilian that he should aid France in subjugating Venice. We
+have few instances on record of short-sighted diplomacy to match the
+Treaties of Granada and Blois (1501 and 1504), through which this
+monarch, acting rather as a Duke of Milan than a King of France,
+complicated his Italian schemes by the introduction of two such
+dangerous allies as the Austrian Emperor and the Spanish sovereign,
+while the heir of both was in his cradle--that fatal child of fortune
+Charles.
+
+The stage of Italy was now prepared for a conflict which in no wise
+interested her prosperous cities and industrious population. Spain,
+France, Germany, with their Swiss auxiliaries, had been summoned upon
+various pretexts to partake of the rich prey she offered. Patriots like
+Machiavelli perceived too late the suicidal self-indulgence which, by
+substituting mercenary troops for national militia, and by accustoming
+selfish tyrants to rely on foreign aid, had exposed the Italians
+defenceless to the inroads of their warlike neighbors. Whatever parts
+the Powers of Italy might play, the game was really in the hands of
+French, Spanish, and German invaders. Meanwhile the mutual jealousies
+and hatreds of those Powers, kept in check by no tie stronger than
+diplomacy, prevented them from forming any scheme of common action. One
+great province (Naples) had fallen into Spanish hands; another (Milan)
+lay open through the passes of the Alps to France. The Papacy, in the
+center, manipulated these two hostile foreign forces with some advantage
+to itself, but with ever-deepening disaster for the race. As in the days
+of Guelf and Ghibelline, so now again the nation was bisected. The
+contest between French and Spanish factions became cruel. Personal
+interests were substituted for principles; cross-combinations perplexed
+the real issues of dispute; while one sole fact emerged into
+distinctness--that, whatever happened, Italy must be the spoil of the
+victorious duelist.
+
+The practical termination of this state of things arrived in the battle
+of Pavia, when Francis was removed as a prisoner to Madrid, and in the
+sack of Rome, when the Pope was imprisoned in the Castle of S. Angelo.
+It was then found that the laurels and the profit of the bloody contest
+remained with the King of Spain. What the people suffered from the
+marching and countermarching of armies, from the military occupations of
+towns, from the desolation of rural districts, from ruinous campaigns
+and sanguinary battles, from the pillage of cities and the massacres of
+their inhabitants, can best be read in Burigozzo's _Chronicle of Milan_,
+in the details of the siege of Brescia and the destruction of Pavia, in
+the _Chronicle of Prato_, and in the several annals of the sack of Rome.
+The exhaustion of the country seemed complete; the spirit of the people
+was broken. But what soon afterwards became apparent, and what in 1527
+might have been thought incredible, was that the single member of the
+Italian union which profited by these apocalyptic sufferings of the
+nation, was the Papacy. Clement VII., imprisoned in the Castle of S.
+Angelo, forced day and night to gaze upon his capital in flames and hear
+the groans of tortured Romans, emerged the only vigorous survivor of the
+five great Powers on whose concert Italian independence had been
+founded. Instead of being impaired, the position of the Papacy had been
+immeasurably improved. Owing to the prostration of Italy, there was now
+no resistance to the Pope's secular supremacy within the limits of his
+authorized dominion. The defeat of France and the accession of a Spanish
+monarch to the Empire guaranteed peace. No foreign force could levy
+armies or foment uprisings in the name of independence. Venice had been
+stunned and mutilated by the League of Cambray. Florence had been
+enslaved after the battle of Ravenna. Milan had been relinquished,
+out-worn, and depopulated, to the nominal ascendency of an impotent
+Sforza. Naples was a province of the Spanish monarchy. The feudal
+vassals and the subject cities of the Holy See had been ground and
+churned together by a series of revolutions unexampled even in the
+mediaeval history of the Italian communes. If, therefore, the Pope could
+come to terms with the King of Spain for the partition of supreme
+authority in the peninsula, they might henceforward share the mangled
+remains of the Italian prey at peace together. This is precisely what
+they resolved on doing. The basis of their agreement was laid in the
+Treaty of Barcelona in 1529. It was ratified and secured by the Treaty
+of Cambray in the same year. By the former of these compacts Charles and
+Clement swore friendship. Clement promised the Imperial crown and the
+investiture of Naples to the King of Spain. Charles agreed to reinstate
+the Pope in Emilia, which had been seized from Ferrara by Julius II.; to
+procure the restoration of Ravenna and Cervia by the Venetians; to
+subdue Florence to the House of Medici; and to bestow the hand of his
+natural daughter Margaret of Austria on Clement's bastard nephew
+Alessandro, who was already designated ruler of the city. By the Treaty
+of Cambray Francis I. relinquished his claims on Italy and abandoned his
+Italian supporters without conditions, receiving in exchange the
+possession of Burgundy. The French allies who were sacrificed on this
+occasion by the Most Christian to the Most Catholic Monarch consisted
+of the Republics of Venice and Florence, the Dukes of Milan and Ferrara,
+the princely Houses of Orsini and Fregosi in Rome and Genoa, together
+with the Angevine nobles in the realm of Naples. The Paix des Dames, as
+this act of capitulation was called (since it had been drawn up in
+private conclave by Louise of Savoy and Margaret of Austria, the mother
+and the aunt of the two signatories), was a virtual acknowledgment of
+the fact that French influence in Italy was at an end.[1]
+
+The surrender of Italy by Francis made it necessary that Charles V.
+should put in order the vast estates to which he now succeeded as sole
+master. He was, moreover, Emperor Elect; and he judged this occasion
+good for assuming the two crowns according to antique custom.
+Accordingly in July, 1529, he caused Andrea Doria to meet him at
+Barcelona, crossed the Mediterranean in a rough passage of fourteen
+days, landed at Genoa on August 12, and proceeded by Piacenza, Parma and
+Modena to Bologna, where Clement VII. was already awaiting him. The
+meeting of Charles and Clement at Bologna was so solemn an event in
+Italian history, and its results were so important for the several
+provinces of the peninsula, that I may be excused for enlarging at some
+length upon this episode.
+
+[Footnote 1: It is significant for the future of Italy that both the
+ladies who drew up this agreement were connected with Savoy. Louise,
+Duchess of Angouleme, was a daughter of the house. Margaret, daughter of
+Maximilian, was Duchess Dowager of Savoy.]
+
+With pomp and pageantry it closed an age of unrivaled intellectual
+splendor and of unexampled sufferings through war. By diplomacy and
+debate it prescribed laws for a new age of unexpected ecclesiastical
+energy and of national peace procured at the price of slavery.
+Illustrious survivors from the period of the pagan Renaissance met here
+with young men destined to inaugurate the Catholic Revival. The compact
+struck between Emperor and Pope in private conferences, laid a basis for
+that firm alliance between Spain and Rome which seriously influenced the
+destinies of Europe. Finally, this was the last occasion upon which a
+modern Caesar received the iron and golden crowns in Italy from the
+hands of a Roman Pontiff. The fortunate inheritor of Spain, the Two
+Sicilies, Austria and the Low Countries, who then assumed them both at
+the age of twenty-nine, was not only the last who wielded the Imperial
+insignia with imperial authority, but was also a far more formidable
+potentate in Italy than any of his predecessors since Charles the Great
+had been.[2]
+
+
+[Footnote 2: In what follows regarding Charles V. at Bologna I am
+greatly indebted to Giordani's laboriously compiled volume: _Della
+Venuta e Dimora in Bologna del Sommo Pont. Clemente VII. etc._ (Bologna,
+1832).]
+
+That Charles should have employed the galleys of Doria for the
+transhipment of his person, suite, and military escort from Barcelona,
+deserves a word of comment. Andrea Doria had been bred in the service of
+the French crown, upon which Genoa was in his youth dependent. He
+formed a navy of decisive preponderance in the western Mediterranean,
+and in return for services rendered to Francis in the Neapolitan
+campaign of 1528, he demanded the liberation of his native city. When
+this was refused, Doria transferred his allegiance to the Spaniard,
+surprised Genoa and reinstated the republic, magnanimously refusing to
+secure its tyranny for himself or even to set the ducal cap upon his
+head. Charles invested him with the principality of Melfi and made him a
+Grandee of Spain. By this series of events Genoa was prepared to accept
+the yoke of Spanish influence and customs, which pressed so heavily in
+the succeeding century on Italy.
+
+Charles had a body of 2000 Spaniards already quartered at Genoa, as well
+as strong garrisons in the Milanese, and a force of about 7000 troops
+collected by the Prince of Orange from the _debris_ of the army which
+had plundered Rome. While he was on his road from Genoa to Bologna, this
+force was already moving upon Florence. He brought with him as escort
+some 10,000 men, counting horse and infantry. The total of the troops
+which obeyed his word in Italy might be computed at about 27,000,
+including Spanish cavalry and foot-soldiers, German lansknechts and
+Italian mercenaries. This large army, partly stationed in important
+posts of defence, partly in movement, was sufficient to make every word
+of his a law. The French were in no position to interfere with his
+arrangements. His brother Ferdinand, King of Bohemia and Hungary, was
+engaged in a doubtful contest with Soliman before the gates of Vienna.
+He was himself the most considerable potentate in Germany, then
+distracted by the struggles of the Reformation. Italy lay crushed and
+prostrate, trampled down by armies, exhausted by impost and exactions,
+terrorized by brutal violence. That Charles had come to speak his will
+and be obeyed was obvious.
+
+To greet the king on his arrival at Genoa, Clement deputed two
+ambassadors, the Cardinals Ercole Gonzaga and Monsignor Gianmatteo
+Giberti, Bishop of Verona. Gonzaga was destined to play a part of
+critical importance in the Tridentine Council. Giberti had made himself
+illustrious in the Church by the administration of his diocese on a
+system which anticipated the coming ecclesiastical reforms, and was
+already famous in the world of letters by his generous familiarity with
+students.[3] Three other men of high distinction and of fateful future
+waited on their imperial master. Of these the first was Cardinal
+Alessandro Farnese, who succeeded Clement in the Papacy, opened the
+Tridentine Council, and added a new reigning family to the Italian
+princes. The others were the Pope's nephews, Alessandro de'Medici, Duke
+of Florence designate, and his cousin the Cardinal Ippolito de'Media.
+Six years later, Ippolito died at Itri, poisoned by his cousin
+Alessandro, who was himself murdered at Florence in 1537 by another
+cousin, Lorenzino de'Medici.
+
+[Footnote 3: See _Ren. in It._, vol. v. p. 357.]
+
+It had been intended that Charles should travel to Bologna from Parma
+through Mantua, where the Marquis Federigo Gonzaga had made great
+preparations for his reception. But the route by Reggio and Modena was
+more direct; and, yielding to the solicitations of Alfonso, Duke of
+Ferrara, he selected this instead. One of the stipulations of the Treaty
+of Barcelona, it will be remembered, had been that the Emperor should
+restore Emilia--that is to say, the cities and territories of Modena,
+Reggio, and Rubbiera--to the Papacy. Clement regarded Alfonso as a
+contumacious vassal, although his own right to that province only rested
+on the force of arms by which Julius II. had detached it from the Duchy
+of Ferrara. It was therefore somewhat difficult for Charles to accept
+the duke's hospitality. But when he had once done so, Alfonso knew how
+to ingratiate himself so well with the arbiter of Italy, that on taking
+leave of his guest upon the confines of Bologna, he had already secured
+the success of his own cause.
+
+Great preparations, meanwhile, were being made in Bologna. The misery
+and destitution of the country rendered money scarce, and cast a gloom
+over the people. It was noticed that when Clement entered the city on
+October 24, none of the common folk responded to the shouts of his
+attendants, _Viva Papa Clemente_! The Pope and his Court, too, were in
+mourning. They had but recently escaped from the horrors of the Sack of
+Rome, and were under a vow to wear their beards unshorn in memory of
+their past sufferings. Yet the municipality and nobles of Bologna
+exerted their utmost in these bad times to render the reception of the
+Emperor worthy of the luster which his residence and coronation would
+confer upon them. Gallant guests began to flock into the city. Among
+these may be mentioned the brilliant Isabella d'Este, sister of Duke
+Alfonso, and mother of the reigning Marquis of Mantua. She arrived on
+November 1 with a glittering train of beautiful women, and took up her
+residence in the Palazzo Manzoli. Her quarters obtained no good fame in
+the following months; for the ladies of her suite were liberal of
+favors. Jousts, masquerades, street-brawls, and duels were of frequent
+occurrence beneath her windows--Spaniards and Italians disputing the
+honor of those light amours. On November 3 came Andrea Doria with his
+relative, the Cardinal Girolamo of that name. About the same time,
+Cardinal Lorenzo Campeggi, Bishop of Bologna, returned from his legation
+to England, where (as students of our history are well aware) he had
+been engaged upon the question of Henry VIII.'s divorce from Katharine
+of Aragon. Next day Charles arrived outside the gate, and took up his
+quarters in the rich convent of Certosa, which now forms the Campo
+Santo.
+
+He was surrounded by a multitude of ambassadors and delegates from the
+Bolognese magistracy, by Cardinals and ecclesiastics of all ranks, some
+of whom had attended him from the frontier, while others were drawn up
+to receive him. November 5 was a Friday, and this day was reckoned lucky
+by Charles. He therefore passed the night of the 4th at the Certosa, and
+on the following morning made his solemn entry into the city. A
+bodyguard of Germans, Burgundians, Spaniards, halberdiers, lansknechts,
+men at arms, and cannoneers, preceded him. High above these was borne
+the captain-general of the imperial force in Italy, the fierce and cruel
+Antonio de Leyva, under whose oppression Milan had been groaning. This
+ruthless tyrant was a martyr to gout and rheumatism. He could not ride
+or walk; and though he retained the whole vigor of his intellect and
+will, it was with difficulty that he moved his hands or head. He
+advanced in a litter of purple velvet, supported on the shoulders of his
+slaves. Among the splendid crowd of Spanish grandees who followed the
+troops, it is enough to mention the Grand Marshal, Don Alvaro Osorio,
+Marquis of Astorga, who carried a naked sword aloft. He was armed, on
+horseback; and his mantle of cloth of gold blazed with dolphins worked
+in pearls and precious stones. Next came Charles, mounted on a bay
+jennet, armed at all points, and holding in his hand the scepter.
+Twenty-four pages, chosen from the nobles of Bologna, waited on his
+bridle and stirrups. The train was brought up by a multitude of secular
+and ecclesiastical princes too numerous to record in detail. Conspicuous
+among them for the historian were the Count of Nassau, Albert of
+Brandenburg, and the Marquis Bonifazio of Montferrat, the scion of the
+Eastern Paleologi. As this procession defiled through the streets of
+Bologna, it was remarked that Charles, with true Spanish haughtiness,
+made no response to the acclamations of the people, except once when,
+passing beneath a balcony of noble ladies, he acknowledged their salute
+by lifting the cap from his head.
+
+Clement, surrounded by a troop of prelates, was seated to receive him on
+a platform raised before the church of San Petronio in the great piazza.
+The king dismounted opposite the Papal throne, ascended the steps
+beneath his canopy of gold and crimson, and knelt to kiss the Pontiff's
+feet. When their eyes first met, it was observed that both turned pale;
+for the memory of outraged Rome was in the minds of both; and Caesar,
+while he paid this homage to Christ's Vicar, had the load of those long
+months of suffering and insult on his conscience. Clement bent down, and
+with streaming eyes saluted him upon the cheek. Then, when Charles was
+still upon his knees, they exchanged a few set words referring to the
+purpose of their meeting and their common desire for the pacification of
+Christendom. After this the Emperor elect rose, seated himself for a
+while beside the Pope, and next, at his invitation, escorted him to the
+great portal of the church. On the way, he inquired after Clement's
+health; to which the Pope replied somewhat significantly that, after
+leaving Rome, it had steadily improved. He tempered this allusion to his
+captivity, however, by adding that his eagerness to greet his Majesty
+had inspired him with more than wonted strength and courage. At the
+doorway they parted; and the Emperor, having paid his devotions to the
+Sacrament and kissed the altar, was conducted to the apartments prepared
+for him in the Palazzo Pubblico. These were adjacent to the Pope's
+lodgings in the same palace, and were so arranged that the two
+potentates could confer in private at all times. It is worthy of remark
+that the negotiations for the settlement of Italy which took place
+during the next six months in those rooms, were conducted personally by
+the high contracting parties, and that none of their deliberations
+transpired until the result of each was made public.
+
+The whole of November 5 had been occupied in these ceremonies. It was
+late evening when the Emperor gained his lodgings. The few next days
+were ostensibly occupied in receiving visitors. Among the first of these
+was the unfortunate ex-queen of Naples, Isabella, widow of Frederick of
+Aragon, the last king of the bastard dynasty founded by Alfonso. She was
+living in poverty at Ferrara, under the protection of her relatives, the
+Este family, On the 13th came the Prince of Orange and Don Ferrante
+Gonzaga, from the camp before Florence. The siege had begun, but had not
+yet been prosecuted with the strictest vigor. During the whole time of
+Charles's residence at Bologna, it must be borne in mind that the siege
+of Florence was being pressed. Superfluous troops detached from garrison
+duty in the Lombard towns were drafted across the hills to Tuscany.
+Whatever else the Emperor might decide for his Italian subjects, this at
+least was certain: Florence should be restored to the Medicean tyrants,
+as compensation to the Pope for Roman sufferings. The Prince of Orange
+came to explain the state of things at Florence, where government and
+people seemed prepared to resist to the death. Gonzaga had private
+business of his own to conduct, touching his engagement to the Pope's
+ward, Isabella, daughter and heiress of the wealthy Vespasiano Colonna.
+
+Meanwhile, ambassadors from all the States and lordships of Italy
+flocked to Bologna. Great nobles from the South--Ascanio Colonna, Grand
+Constable of Naples; Alfonso d'Avalos, Marquis of Vasto; Giovanni Luigi
+Caraffa, Prince of Stigliano--took up their quarters in adjacent houses,
+or in the upper story of the Public Palace. The Marquis of Vasto arrests
+our graze for a moment. He was nephew to the Marquis of Pescara (husband
+of Vittoria Colonna), who had the glory of taking Francis prisoner at
+Pavia, and afterwards the infamy of betraying the unfortunate Girolamo
+Morone and his master the Duke of Milan to the resentment of the Spanish
+monarch. What part Pescara actually played in that dark passage of plot
+and counterplot remains obscure. But there is no doubt that he employed
+treachery, single if not double, for his own advantage. His arrogance
+and avowed hostility to the Italians caused his very name to be
+execrated; nor did his nephew, the Marquis of Vasto, differ in these
+respects from the more famous chief of his house. This man was also
+destined to obtain an evil reputation when he succeeded in 1532 to the
+government of Milan. Here too may be noticed the presence at Bologna of
+Girolamo Morone's son, who had been created Bishop of Modena in 1529.
+For him a remarkable fate was waiting. Condemned to the dungeons of the
+Inquisition as a heretic by Paul IV., rescued by Pius IV., and taken
+into highest favor at that Pontiff's Court, he successfully manipulated
+the closing of the Tridentine Council to the profit of the Papal See.
+
+Negotiations for the settlement of Italian affairs were proceeding
+without noise, but with continual progress, through this month. The
+lodgings of ambassadors and lords were so arranged in the Palazzo
+Pubblico that they, like their Imperial and Papal masters, could confer
+at all times and seasons. Every day brought some new illustrious
+visitor. On the 22nd arrived Federigo Gonzaga, Marquis of Mantua, who
+took up his quarters in immediate proximity to Charles and Clement. His
+business required but little management. The house of Gonzaga was
+already well affected to the Spanish cause, and counted several captains
+in the imperial army. Charles showed his favor by raising Mantua to the
+rank of a Duchy. It was different with the Republic of Venice and the
+Duke of Milan. The Emperor elect had reasons to be strongly prejudiced
+against them both--against Venice as the most formidable of the French
+allies in the last war; against Francesco Maria Sforza, as having been
+implicated, though obscurely, in Morone's conspiracy to drive the
+Spaniards from Italy and place the crown of Naples on Pescara's head.
+Clement took both under his protection. He had sufficient reasons to
+believe that the Venetians would purchase peace by the cession of their
+recent acquisitions on the Adriatic coast, and he knew that the
+pacification of Italy could not be accomplished without their aid. In
+effect, the Republic agreed to relinquish Cervia and Ravenna to the
+Pope, and their Apulian ports to Charles, engaging at the same time to
+pay a sum of 300,000 ducats and stipulating for an amnesty to all their
+agents and dependents. It is not so clear why Clement warmly espoused
+the cause of Sforza. That he did so is certain. He obtained a
+safe-conduct for the duke, and made it a point of personal favor that he
+should be received into the Emperor's grace. This stipulation appears to
+have been taken into account when the affairs of Ferrara were decided
+at a later date against the Papal interests.
+
+Francesco Maria Sforza appeared in Bologna on the 22nd. This unfortunate
+bearer of one of the most coveted titles in Europe had lately lived a
+prisoner in his own Castello, while the city at his doors and the
+fertile country round it were being subjected to cruelest outrage and
+oppression from Spanish, French, Swiss, and German mercenaries. He was a
+man ruined in health as well as fortune. Six years before this date, one
+of his chamberlains, Bonifazio Visconti, had given him a slight wound in
+the shoulder with a poisoned dagger. From this wound he never recovered;
+and it was pitiable to behold the broken man, unable to move or stand
+without support, dragging himself upon his knees to Caesar's footstool.
+Charles appears to have discerned that he had nothing to fear and much
+to gain, if he showed clemency to so powerless a suitor. Franceso was
+the last of his line. His health rendered it impossible that he should
+expect heirs; and although he subsequently married a princess of the
+House of Denmark, he died childless in the autumn of 1535. It was
+therefore determined, in compliance with the Pope's request, that Sforza
+should be confirmed in the Duchy of Milan. Pavia, however, was detached
+and given to the terrible Antonio de Leyva for his lifetime. The
+garrisons of Milan and Como were left in Spanish hands; and the duke
+promised to wring 400,000 ducats as the price of his investiture, with
+an additional sum of 500,000 ducats to be paid in ten yearly
+instalments, from his already blood-sucked people. It will be observed
+that money figured largely in all these high political transactions.
+Charles, though lord of many lands, was, even at this early stage of his
+career, distressed for want of cash. He rarely paid his troops, but
+commissioned the captains in his service to levy contributions on the
+provinces they occupied. The funds thus raised did not always reach the
+pockets of the soldiers, who subsisted as best they could by marauding.
+Having made these terms, Francesco Maria Sforza was received into the
+Imperial favor. He returned to Milan, in no sense less a prisoner than
+he had previously been, and with the heart-rending necessity of
+extorting money from his subjects at the point of Spanish swords. In
+exchange for the ducal title, he thus had made himself a tax-collector
+for his natural enemies. Secluded in the dreary chambers of his castle,
+assailed by the execrations of the Milanese, he may well have groaned,
+like Marlowe's Edward--
+
+    But what are Kings, when regiment is gone,
+    But perfect shadows in a sunshine day?
+    My foemen rule; I bear the name of King;
+    I wear the crown; but am controlled by them.
+
+When he died he bequeathed his duchy to the crown of Spain. It was
+detached from the Empire, and became the private property of Charles and
+of his son, Philip II.
+
+During the month of December negotiations for the terms of peace in
+Italy went briskly forward. On the part of Venice, two men of the
+highest distinction arrived as orators. These were Pietro Bembo and
+Gasparo Contarini, both of whom received the honors of the Cardinalate
+from Paul III. on his accession. Of Bembo's place in Italian society, as
+the dictator of literature at this epoch, I have already sufficiently
+spoken in another part of my work on the Renaissance. Contarini will
+more than once arrest our notice in the course of this volume. Of all
+the Italians of the time, he was perhaps the greatest, wisest, and most
+sympathetic. Had it been possible to avert the breach between
+Catholicism and Protestantism, to curb the intolerance of Inquisitors
+and the ambition of Jesuits, and to guide the reform of the Church by
+principles of moderation and liberal piety, Contarini was the man who
+might have restored unity to the Church in Europe. Once, indeed, at
+Regensburg in 1541, he seemed upon the very point of effecting a
+reconciliation between the parties that were tearing Christendom
+asunder. But his failure was even more conspicuous than his momentary
+semblance of success. It was not in the temper of the times to accept a
+Concordat founded on however philosophical, however politic,
+considerations. Contarini will be remembered as a 'beautiful soul,' born
+out of the due moment, and by no means adequate to cope with the fierce
+passions that raged round him. Among Protestants he was a Catholic, and
+they regarded his half measures with contempt. Among Catholics he passed
+for a suspected Lutheran, and his writings were only tolerated after
+they had been subjected to rigorous castration at the hands of Papal
+Inquisitors.[4]
+
+On Christmas eve the ambassadors and representatives of the Italian
+powers met together in the chambers of Cardinal Gattinara, Grand
+Chancellor of the Empire, to subscribe the terms of a confederation and
+perpetual league for the maintenance of peace. From this important
+document the Florentines were excluded, as open rebels to the will of
+Charles and Clement. There was no justice in the rigor with which
+Florence was now treated. Her republican independence had hitherto been
+recognized, although her own internal discords exposed her to a virtual
+despotism. But Clement stipulated and Charles conceded, as a _sine qua
+non_ in the project of pacification, that Florence should be converted
+into a Medicean duchy. For the Duke of Ferrara, whom the Pope regarded
+as a contumacious vassal, and whose affairs were still the subject of
+debate, a place was specially reserved in the treaty. He, as I have
+already observed, had been taken under the Imperial protection; and a
+satisfactory settlement of his claims was now a mere question of time.
+On the evening of the same day, the Pope bestowed on Charles the Sword
+of the Spirit, which it was the wont of Rome to confer on the
+best-beloved of her secular sons at this festival. The peace was
+publicly proclaimed, amid universal plaudits, on the last day of the
+year 1529.
+
+[Footnote 4: See Ranke, vol. i. p. 153, note.]
+
+The chief affairs to be decided in the new year were the reduction of
+Florence to submission and the coronation of the Emperor. The month of
+January was passed in jousts and pastimes; ceremonial privileges were
+conferred on the University of Bologna; magnificent embassies from the
+Republic of S. Mark, glowing in senatorial robes of crimson silk, were
+entertained; and a singular deputation from the African court of Prester
+John obtained audience of the Roman Pontiff. Amid these festivities
+there arrived, on January 16, three delegates from Florence, who spent
+some weeks in fruitless efforts to obtain a hearing from the arbiters of
+Italy. Clement refused to deal with them, because their commonwealth was
+still refractory. Charles repelled them, because he wished to gratify
+the Pope, and knew that Florence remained staunch in her devotion to the
+French crown. The old proverb, 'Lilies with lilies,' the white lily of
+Florence united with the golden fleur-de-lys of France, had still
+political significance in this day of Italian degradation. Meanwhile
+Francis I. treated his faithful allies with lukewarm tolerance. The
+smaller fry of Italian potentates, worshipers of the rising sun of
+Spain, curried favor with their masters by insulting the republic's
+representatives. On their return to Florence, the ambassadors had to
+report a total diplomatic failure. But this, far from breaking the
+untamable spirit of the Signory and people, prompted them in February to
+new efforts of resistance and to edicts of outlawry against citizens
+whom they regarded as traitors to the State. Among the proscribed were
+Francesco Guicciardini, Roberto Acciaiuoli, Francesco Vettori, and
+Baccio Valori. Of these men Francesco Guicciardini, Francesco Vettori,
+and Baccio Valori were attendant at Bologna upon the Pope. They all
+adhered with fidelity to the Medicean party at this crisis of their
+country's fate, and all paid dearly for their loyalty. When Cosimo I.,
+by their efforts, was established in the duchy, he made it one of his
+first cares to rid himself of these too faithful servants. Baccio Valori
+was beheaded after the battle of Montemurlo in 1537 for practice with
+the exiles of Filippo Strozzi's party. Francesco Guicciardini, Francesco
+Vettori, and Roberto Acciaiuoli died in disgrace before the year
+1543--their only crime being that they had made themselves the ladder
+whereby a Medici had climbed into his throne, and which it was his
+business to upset when firmly seated. For the heroism of Florence at
+this moment it would be difficult to find fit words of panegyric. The
+republic stood alone, abandoned by France to the hot rage of Clement and
+the cold contempt of Charles, deserted by the powers of Italy, betrayed
+by lying captains, deluged on all sides with the scum of armies pouring
+into Tuscany from the Lombard pandemonium of war. The situation was one
+of impracticable difficulty. Florence could not but fall. Yet every
+generous heart will throb with sympathy while reading the story of that
+final stand for independence, in which a handful of burghers persisted,
+though congregated princes licked the dust from feet of Emperor and
+Pontiff.
+
+Charles had come to assume the iron and the golden crowns in Italy. He
+ought to have journeyed to Monza or to S. Ambrogio at Milan for the
+first, and to the Lateran in Rome for the second of these investitures.
+An Emperor of the Swabian House would have been compelled by precedent
+and superstition to observe this form. It is true that the coronation of
+a German prince as the successor of Lombard kings and Roman Augusti, had
+always been a symbolic ceremony rather than a rite which ratified
+genuine Imperial authority. Still the ceremony connoted many mediaeval
+aspirations. It was the outward sign of theories that had once exerted
+an ideal influence. To dissociate the two-fold sacrament from Milan and
+from Rome was the same as robbing it of its main virtue, the virtue of a
+mystical conception. It was tantamount to a demonstration that the
+belief in Universal Monarchy had passed away. By breaking the old rules
+of his investiture, Charles notified the disappearance of the mediaeval
+order, and proclaimed new political ideals to the world. When asked
+whether he would not follow custom and seek the Lombard crown in Monza,
+he brutally replied that he was not wont to run after crowns, but to
+have crowns running after him. He trampled no less on that still more
+venerable _religio loci_ which attached imperial rights to Rome.
+Together with this ancient piety, he swept the Holy Roman Empire into
+the dust-heap of archaic curiosities. By declaring his will to be
+crowned where he chose, he emphasized the modern state motto of _L'etat,
+c'est moi_, and prepared the way for a Pope's closing of a General
+Council by the word _L'Eglise, c'est moi_. Charles had sufficient
+reasons for acting as he did. The Holy Roman Empire ever since the first
+event of Charles the Great's coronation, when it justified itself as a
+diplomatical expedient for unifying Western Christendom, had existed
+more or less as a shadow. Charles violated the duties which alone gave
+the semblance of a substance to that shadow. As King of Italy, he had
+desolated the Lombard realm of which he sought the title. As Emperor
+elect, he had ravished his bride, the Eternal City. As suitor to the
+Pope for both of his expected crowns, he stood responsible for the
+multiplied insults to which Clement had been so recently exposed. No
+Emperor had been more powerful since Charles the Great than this Charles
+V., the last who took his crowns in Italy. It was significant that he
+man in whose name Rome had suffered outrage, and who was about to detach
+Lombardy from the Empire, was by his own will invested at Bologna. The
+citizens of Monza were accordingly bidden to send the iron crown to
+Bologna. It arrived on February 20, and on the 22nd Charles received it
+from the hands of Clement in the chapel of the palace. The Cardinal who
+performed the ceremony of unction was a Fleming, William Hencheneor, who
+in the Sack of Rome had bought his freedom for the large sum of 40,000
+crowns. On this auspicious occasion he cut off half the beard which he
+still wore in sign of mourning!
+
+The Duke and Duchess of Urbino made their entrance into Bologna on the
+same day. Francesco Maria della Rovere, Duke of Urbino, Prefect of Rome,
+and Captain General of the armies of the Church, was one of the most
+noted warriors of that time. Yet victory had rarely crowned his brows
+with laurels. Imitating the cautious tactics of Braccio, and emulating
+the fame of Fabius Cunctator, he reduced the art of war to a system of
+manoeuvres, and rarely risked his fortune in the field. It was chiefly
+due to his dilatory movements that the disaster of the Sack of Rome was
+not averted. He had been expelled by Leo X. from his duchy to make room
+for Lorenzo de'Medici, and report ran that a secret desire to witness
+the humiliation of a Medicean Pontiff caused him to withhold his forces
+from attacking the tumultuary troops of Bourbon. Francesco Maria was a
+man of violent temper; nineteen years before, he had murdered the Pope's
+Legate, Cardinal Francesco Alidosi, with his dagger, in the open
+streets of Bologna. His wife, Eleanora Ippolita Gonzaga, presided with
+grace over that brilliant and cultivated Court which Castiglione made
+famous by his _Cortegiano_. The Duke and Duchess survive to posterity in
+two masterpieces of portraiture by the hand of Titian which now adorn
+the Gallery of the Uffizzi.
+
+February 24, which was the anniversary of Charles's birthday, had been
+fixed for his coronation as Emperor in San Petronio. This church is one
+of the largest Gothic buildings in Italy. Its facade occupies the
+southern side of the piazza. The western side, on the left of the
+church, is taken up by the Palazzo Pubblico. In order to facilitate the
+passage of the Pope and Emperor with their Courts and train of princes
+from the palace to the cathedral, a wooden bridge wide enough to take
+six men abreast was constructed from an opening in the Hall of the
+Ancients. The bridge descended by a gradual line to the piazza,
+broadened out into a platform before the front of San Petronio, and then
+again ascended through the nave to the high altar. It was covered with
+blue draperies, and so arranged that the vast multitudes assembled in
+the square and church to see the ceremony had free access to it on all
+sides. On the morning of the 24th, the solemn procession issued from the
+palace, and defiled in order down the gangway. Clement was borne aloft
+by Pontifical grooms in their red liveries. He wore the tiara and a cope
+of state fastened by Cellini's famous stud, in which blazed the
+Burgundian diamond of Charles the Bold. Charles walked in royal robes
+attended by the Count of Nassau and Don Pietro di Toledo, the Viceroy of
+Naples, who afterwards gave his name to the chief street in that city.
+Before him went the Marquis of Montferrat, bearing the scepter; Philip,
+Duke of Bavaria, carrying the golden orb; the Duke of Urbino, with the
+sword; and the Duke of Savoy, holding the imperial diadem. This Duke of
+Savoy was uncle to Francis I. and brother-in-law to Charles--- his wife,
+Beatrice, being a sister of the Empress, and his sister, Louise, mother
+of the French king. This double relationship made his position during
+the late wars a difficult one. Yet his territory had been regarded as
+neutral, and in the pacification of Italy he judged it wise to adhere
+without reserve to the victorious King of Spain. It was noticed that
+Ferrante di Sanseverino, Prince of Salerno, though known to be in
+Bologna, occupied no post of distinction in the imperial train. He was
+closely related to the Emperor by his mother, Maria of Aragon, and had
+done good service in the recent campaigns against Lautrec. The reason
+for this neglect does not appear. But it may be mentioned that some
+years later he espoused the French cause, and was deprived of his vast
+hereditary fiefs. In his ruin the poet Bernardo, father of Torquato
+Tasso, was involved.
+
+To enumerate all the nobles of Spain, Italy and Germany, with the
+ambassadors from England, France, Scotland, Hungary, Bohemia and
+Portugal; who swelled the Imperial _cortege_; to describe the series of
+ceremonies by which Charles was first consecrated as a deacon, anointed,
+dressed and undressed, and finally conducted to the Pope for coronation;
+to narrate the breaking of the bridge at one point, and the squabbles
+between the Genoese and Sienese delegates for precedence, would be
+superfluously tedious. The day was well-nigh over when at length Charles
+received the Imperial insignia from the Pope's hands. _Accipe gladium
+sanctum, Accipe virgam, Accipe pomum, Accipe signum gloriae_! As Clement
+pronounced these sentences, he gave the sword, the scepter, the globe,
+and the diadem in succession to the Emperor, who knelt before him.
+Charles bent and kissed the Papal feet. He then rose and took his throne
+beside the Pope. It was placed two steps lower than that of Clement. The
+ceremony of coronation and enthronization being now complete, Charles
+was proclaimed: _Romanorum Imperator semper augustus, mundi totius
+Dominus, universis Dominis, universis Principibus et Populis semper
+venerandus_. When Mass was over, Pope and Emperor shook hands. At the
+church-door, Charles held Clement's stirrup, and when the Pope had
+mounted, he led his palfrey for some paces, in sign of filial
+submission.
+
+The month of March was distinguished by the arrival of illustrious
+visitors. The Duchess of Savoy, with an escort of eighteen lovely maids
+of honor, made her pompous entry on the 4th, and took up her quarters in
+the Palazzo Pepoli. On the 6th came the Duke of Ferrara, for whom
+Charles had procured a safe-conduct from the Pope. During the Emperor's
+stay at Bologna, Alfonso d'Este had been assiduous in paying him and his
+Court small attentions, sending excellent provisions for the household
+and furnishing the royal table with game and every kind of delicacy. The
+settlement of his dispute with the Holy See was the only important
+business that remained to be transacted. Charles prevailed upon both
+Clement and Alfonso to state their cases in writing and to place them in
+the hands of jurisconsults, to report upon. There is little doubt that
+his own mind was already made up in favor of the duke; but he did not
+pass sentence until the following December, nor was the decision
+published before April in the year 1531. The substance of the final
+agreement was as follows. Modena, Reggio and Rubbiera were declared
+fiefs of the Empire, seeing that they had not been included in Pepin's
+gift of the Exarchate. Charles confirmed their investiture to Alfonso,
+in return for a considerable payment to the Imperial Chancery. He had
+previously conferred the town of Carpi, forfeited by Alberto Pio as a
+French adherent, on the Duke. Ferrara remained a fief of the Church, and
+Clement consented to acknowledge Alfonso's tenure, upon his disbursement
+of 100,000 ducats. This decision saved Modena to the bastard line of
+Este, when Pope Clement VIII. seized Ferrara as a lapsed fief in 1598.
+In the sixty-seven years which passed between the date of Charles's
+coronation and the extinction of the duchy, Ferrara enjoyed the fame of
+the most brilliant Court in Italy, and shone with the luster conferred
+on it by men like Tasso and Guarini.
+
+The few weeks which now remained before Charles left Bologna were spent
+for the most part in jousts and tournaments, visits to churches, and
+social entertainments. Veronica Gambara threw her apartments open to the
+numerous men of letters who crowded from all parts of Italy to witness
+the ceremony, of Charles's coronation. This lady was widow to the late
+lord of Correggio, and one of the two most illustrious women of her
+time.[5] She dwelt with princely state in a palace of the Marsili; and
+here might be seen the poets Bembo, Mauro, and Molza in conversation
+with witty Berni, learned Vida, stately Trissino, and noble-hearted
+Marcantonio Flaminio. Paolo Giovio and Francesco Guicciardini, the chief
+historians of their time, were also to be found there, together with a
+host of literary and diplomatic worthies attached to the Courts of
+Urbino and Ferrara or attendant on the train of cardinals, who, like
+Ippolito de'Medici, made a display of culture. Meanwhile the
+Dowager-Marchioness of Mantua and the Duchess of Savoy entertained
+Italian and Spanish nobles with masqued balls and carnival processions
+in the Manzoli and Pepoli palaces. Frequent quarrels between hot-blooded
+youths of the rival nations added a spice of chivalrous romance to
+love-adventures in which the ladies of these Courts played a too
+conspicuous part. What still remained to Italy of Renaissance splendor,
+wit, and fashion, after the Sack of Rome and the prostration of her
+wealthiest cities, was concentrated in this sunset blaze of sumptuous
+festivity at Bologna. Nor were the arts without illustrious
+representatives. Francesco Mazzola, surnamed Il Parmigianino, before
+whose altar-piece in his Roman studio the rough soldiers of Bourbon's
+army were said to have lately knelt in adoration, commemorated the hero
+of the day by painting Charles attended by Fame who crowned his
+forehead, and an infant Hercules who handed him the globe. Titian, too,
+was there, and received the honor of several sittings from the Emperor.
+His life-sized portrait of Charles in full armor, seated on a white
+war-horse, has perished. But it gave such satisfaction at the moment
+that the fortunate master was created knight and count palatine, and
+appointed painter to the Emperor with a fixed pension. Titian also
+painted portraits of Antonio de Leyva and Alfonso d'Avalos, but whether
+upon this occasion or in 1532, when he was again summoned to the
+Imperial Court at Bologna, is not certain. From this assemblage of
+eminent personages we notice the absence of Pietro Aretino. He was at
+the moment out of favor with Clement VII. But independently of this
+obstacle, he may well have thought it imprudent to quit his Venetian
+retreat and expose himself to the resentment of so many princes whom he
+had alternately loaded with false praises and bemired with loathsome
+libels.
+
+[Footnote 5: See _Ren. in It._ vol. v. p. 289.]
+
+People observed that the Emperor in his excursions through the streets
+of Bologna usually wore the Spanish habit. He was dressed in black
+velvet, with black silk stockings, black shoes, and a black velvet cap
+adorned with black feathers. This somber costume received some relief
+from jewels used for buttons; and the collar of the Golden Fleece shone
+upon the monarch's breast. So slight a circumstance would scarcely
+deserve attention, were it not that in a short space of time it became
+the fashion throughout Italy to adopt the subdued tone of Spanish
+clothing. The upper classes consented to exchange the varied and
+brilliant dresses which gave gayety to the earlier Renaissance for the
+dismal severity conspicuous in Morone's masterpieces, in the magnificent
+gloom of the Genoese Brignoli, and in the portraits of Roman
+inquisitors. It is as though the whole race had put on mourning for its
+loss of liberty, its servitude to foreign tyrants and ecclesiastical
+hypocrites. Nor is it fanciful to detect a note of moral sadness and
+mental depression corresponding to these black garments in the faces of
+that later generation. How different is Tasso's melancholy grace from
+Ariosto's gentle joyousness; the dried-up precision of Baroccio's
+Francesco Maria della Rovere from the sanguine joviality of Titian's
+first duke of that name! One of the most acutely critical of
+contemporary poets felt the change which I have indicated, and ascribed
+it to the same cause. Campanella wrote as follows:
+
+    Black robes befit our age. Once they were white;
+      Next many-hued; now dark as Afric's Moor,
+      Night-black, infernal, traitorous, obscure,
+      Horrid with ignorance and sick with fright.
+    For very shame we shun all colors bright,
+      Who mourn our end--the tyrants we endure,
+      The chains, the noose, the lead, the snares, the lure--
+      Our dismal heroes, our souls sunk in night.
+
+In the midst of this mirth-making there arrived on March 20 an embassy
+from England, announcing Henry VIII.'s resolve to divorce himself at any
+cost from Katharine of Aragon. This may well have recalled both Pope and
+Emperor to a sense of the gravity of European affairs. The schism of
+England was now imminent. Germany was distracted by Protestant
+revolution. The armies of Caesar were largely composed of mutinous
+Lutherans. Some of these soldiers had even dared to overthrow a colossal
+statue of Clement VII. and grind it into powder at Bologna; and this
+outrage, as it appears, went unpunished. The very troops employed in
+reducing rebellious Florence were commanded by a Lutheran general; and
+Clement began to fear that, after Charles's departure, the Prince of
+Orange might cross the Apennines and expose the Papal person to the
+insults of another captivity in Bologna. Nor were the gathering forces
+of revolutionary Protestants alone ominous. Though Soliman had been
+repulsed before Vienna, the Turks were still advancing on the eastern
+borders of the Empire. Their fleets swept the Levantine waters, while
+the pirate dynasties of Tunis and Algiers threatened the whole
+Mediterranean coast with ruin. Charles, still uncertain what part he
+should take in the disputes of Germany, left Bologna for the Tyrol on
+March 23. Clement, on the last day of the month, took his journey by
+Loreto to Rome.
+
+It will be useful, at this point, to recapitulate the net results of
+Charles's administration of Italian affairs in 1530. The kingdom of the
+Two Sicilies, with the Island of Sardinia and the Duchy of Milan, became
+Spanish provinces, and were ruled henceforth by viceroys. The House of
+Este was confirmed in the Duchy of Ferrara, including Modena and Reggio.
+The Duchies of Savoy and Mantua and the Marquisate of Montferrat, which
+had espoused the Spanish cause, were undisturbed. Genoa and Siena, both
+of them avowed allies of Spain, the former under Spanish protection, the
+latter subject to Spanish coercion, remained with the name and empty
+privileges of republics. Venice had made her peace with Spain, and
+though she was still strong enough to pursue an independent policy, she
+showed as yet no inclination, and had, indeed, no power, to stir up
+enemies against the Spanish autocrat. The Duchy of Urbino, recognized
+by Rome and subservient to Spanish influence, was permitted to exist.
+The Papacy once more assumed a haughty tone, relying on the firm
+alliance struck with Spain. This league, as years went by, was destined
+to grow still closer, still more fruitful of results.
+
+Florence alone had been excepted from the articles of peace. It was
+still enduring the horrors of the memorable siege when Clement left
+Bologna at the end of May. The last hero of the republic, Francesco
+Ferrucci, fell fighting at Gavignana on August 2. Their general,
+Malatesta Baglioni, broke his faith with the citizens. Finally, on
+August 12, the town capitulated. Alessandro de'Medici, who had received
+the title of Duke of Florence from Charles at Bologna, took up his
+residence there in July, 1531, and held the State by help of Spanish
+mercenaries under the command of Alessandro Vitelli. When he was
+murdered by his cousin in 1537, Cosimo de'Medici, the scion of another
+branch of the ruling family, was appointed Duke. Charles V. recognized
+his title, and Cosimo soon showed that he was determined to be master in
+his own duchy. He crushed the exiled party of Filippo Strozzi, who
+attempted a revolution of the State, exterminated its leaders, and
+contrived to rid himself of the powerful adherents who had placed him on
+the throne. But he remained a subservient though not very willing ally
+of Spain; and when he expelled Alessandro Vitelli from the fortress that
+commanded Florence, he admitted a Spaniard, Don Juan de Luna, in his
+stead. During the petty wars of 1552-56 which Henri II. carried on with
+Charles V. in Italy, Siena attempted to shake off the yoke of a Spanish
+garrison established there in 1547 under the command of Don Hurtado de
+Mendoza. The citizens appealed to France, who sent them the great
+Marshal, Piero Strozzi, brother of Cosimo's vanquished enemy Filippo.
+Cosimo through these years supported the Spanish cause with troops and
+money, hoping to guide events in his own interest. At length, by the aid
+of Gian Giacomo Medici, sprung from an obscure Milanese family, who had
+been trained in the Spanish methods of warfare, he succeeded in subduing
+Siena. He now reaped the fruits of his Spanish policy. In 1557 Philip
+II. conceded the Sienese territory, reserving only its forts, to the
+Duke of Florence, who in 1569 obtained the title of Grand Duke of
+Tuscany from Pope Pius V. This title was confirmed by the Empire in 1575
+to his son Francesco.
+
+Thus the republics of Florence and Siena were extinguished. The Grand
+Duchy of Tuscany was created. It became an Italian power of the first
+magnitude, devoted to the absolutist principles of Spanish and Papal
+sovereignty. The further changes which took place in Italy after the
+year 1530, turned equally to the profit of Spain and Rome. These were
+principally the creation of the Duchy of Parma for the Farnesi
+(1545-1559), of which I shall have to speak in the next chapter; the
+resumption of Ferrara by the Papacy in 1597, which reduced the House of
+Este to the smaller fiefs of Modena and Reggio; the acquisition of
+Montferrat by Mantua in 1536; the cession of Saluzzo to Savoy in 1598,
+and the absorption of Urbino into the Papal domains in 1631.
+
+It was hoped when Charles and Clement proclaimed the pacification of
+Italy at Bologna on the last day of 1529, that the peninsula would no
+longer be the theater of wars for supremacy between the French and
+Spaniards. This expectation proved delusive; for the struggle soon broke
+out again. The people, however, suffered less extensively than in former
+years; because the Spanish party, supported by Papal authority, was
+decidedly predominant. The Italian princes, whether they liked it or
+not, were compelled to follow in the main a Spanish policy. At length,
+in 1559, by the Peace of Cateau Cambresis signed between Henri II. and
+Philip II., the French claims were finally abandoned, and the Spanish
+hegemony was formally acknowledged. The later treaty of Vervins, in
+1598, ceded Saluzzo to the Duchy of Savoy, and shut the gates of Italy
+to French interference.
+
+Though the people endured far less misery from foreign armies in the
+period between 1630 and 1600 than they had done in the period from 1494
+to 1527, yet the state of the country grew ever more and more
+deplorable. This was due in the first instance to the insane methods of
+taxation adopted by the Spanish viceroys, who held monopolies of corn
+and other necessary commodities in their hands and who invented imposts
+for the meanest articles of consumption. Their example was followed by
+the Pope and petty princes. Alfonso II. of Ferrara, for instance, levied
+a tenth on all produce which passed his city gates, and on the capital
+engaged in every contract. He monopolized the sale of salt, flour,
+bread; and imposed a heavy tax on oil. Sixtus V. by exactions of a like
+description and by the sale of numberless offices, accumulated a vast
+sum of money, much of which bore heavy interest. He was so ignorant of
+the first principle of political economy as to lock up the accruing
+treasure in the Castle of S. Angelo. The rising of Masaniello in Naples
+was simply due to the exasperation of the common folk at having even
+fruit and vegetables taxed. In addition to such financial blunders, we
+must take into account the policy pursued by all princes at this epoch,
+of discouraging commerce and manufactures. Thus Cosimo I. of Tuscany
+induced the old Florentine families to withdraw their capital from
+trade, sink it in land, create entails in perpetuity on eldest sons, and
+array themselves with gimcrack titles which he liberally supplied. Even
+Venice showed at this epoch a contempt for the commerce which had
+brought her into a position of unrivaled splendor. This wilful
+depression of industry was partly the result of Spanish aristocratic
+habits, which now invaded Italian society. But it was also deliberately
+chosen as a means of extinguishing freedom. Finally, if war proved now
+less burdensome, the exhaustion of Italy and the decay of military
+spirit rendered the people liable to the scourge of piracy. The whole
+sea-coast was systematically plundered by the navies of Barbarossa and
+Dragut. The inhabitants of the ports and inland villages were carried
+off into slavery, and many of the Italians themselves drove a brisk
+trade in the sale of their compatriots. Brigandage, following in the
+wake of agricultural depression and excessive taxation, depopulated the
+central provinces. All these miseries were exacerbated by frequent
+recurrences of plagues and famines.
+
+It is characteristic of the whole tenor of Italian history that, in
+spite of the virtual hegemony which the Spaniards now exercised in the
+peninsula, the nation continued to exist in separate parcels, each of
+which retained a certain individuality. That Italy could not have been
+treated as a single province by the Spanish autocrat will be manifest,
+when we consider the European jealousy to which so summary an exhibition
+of force would have given rise. It is also certain that the Papacy,
+which had to be respected, would have resisted an openly declared
+Spanish despotism. But more powerful, I think, than all these
+considerations together, was the past prestige of the Italian States.
+Europe was not prepared to regard that brilliant and hitherto respected
+constellation of commonwealths, from which all intellectual culture,
+arts of life, methods of commerce, and theories of political existence
+had been diffused, as a single province of the Spanish monarchy. The
+Spaniards themselves were scarcely in a position to entertain the
+thought of reducing the peninsula to bondage _vi et armis_. And if they
+had attempted any measure tending to this result, they would undoubtedly
+have been resisted by an alliance of the European powers. What they
+sought, and what they gained, was preponderating influence in each of
+the parcels which they recognized as nominally independent.
+
+The intellectual and social life of the Italians, though much reduced in
+vigor, was therefore still, as formerly, concentrated in cities marked
+by distinct local qualities, and boastful of their ancient glories. The
+Courts of Ferrara and Urbino continued to form centers for literary and
+artistic coteries. Venice remained the stronghold of mental unrestraint
+and moral license, where thinkers uttered their thoughts with tolerable
+freedom, and libertines indulged their tastes unhindered. Rome early
+assumed novel airs of piety, and external conformity to austere patterns
+became the fashion here. Yet the Papal capital did not wholly cease to
+be the resort of students and of artists. The universities maintained
+themselves in a respectable position--- far different, indeed, from that
+which they had held in the last century, yet not ignoble. Much was
+being learned on many lines of study divergent from those prescribed by
+earlier humanists. Padua, in particular, distinguished itself for
+medical researches. This was the flourishing time, moreover, of
+Academies, in which, notwithstanding nonsense talked and foolish tastes
+indulged, some solid work was done for literature and science. The names
+of the Cimento, Delia Crusca, and Palazzo Vernio at Florence, remind us
+of not unimportant labors in physics, in the analysis of language, and
+in the formation of a new dramatic style of music. At the same time the
+resurgence of popular literature and the creation of popular theatrical
+types deserve to be particularly noticed. It is as though the Italian
+nation at this epoch, suffocated by Spanish etiquette, and poisoned by
+Jesuitical hypocrisy, sought to expand healthy lungs in free spaces of
+open air, indulging in dialectical niceties and immortalizing
+street-jokes by the genius of masqued comedy.
+
+This most ancient and intensely vital race had given Europe the Roman
+Republic, the Roman Empire, the system of Roman law, the Romance
+languages, Latin Christianity, the Papacy, and, lastly, all that is
+included in the art and culture of the Renaissance. It was time,
+perhaps, that it should go to rest a century or so, and watch uprising
+nations--the Spanish, English, French, and so forth--stir their stalwart
+limbs in common strife and novel paths of pioneering industry.
+
+After such fashion let us, then, if we can contrive to do so, regard
+the Italians during their subjection to the Church and Austria. Were it
+not for these consolatory reflections, and for the present reappearance
+of the nation in a new and previously unapprehended form of unity, the
+history of the Counter-Reformation period would be almost too painful
+for investigation. What the Italians actually accomplished during this
+period in art, learning, science, and literature, was indeed more than
+enough to have conferred undying luster on such races as the Dutch or
+Germans at the same epoch. But it would be ridiculous to compare
+Italians with either Dutchmen or Germans at a time when Italy was still
+so incalculably superior. Compared with their own standard, compared
+with what they might have achieved under more favorable conditions of
+national independence, the products of this age are saddening. The
+tragic elements of my present theme are summed up in the fact that Italy
+during the Counter-Reformation was inferior to Italy during the
+Renaissance, and that this inferiority was due to the interruption of
+vital and organic processes by reactionary forces.
+
+It would not be just to condemn Spain and the Papacy because, being
+reactionary powers, they quenched for three centuries the genial light
+of Italy. We must rather bear in mind that both Spain and the Papacy
+were at that time cosmopolitan factors of the first magnitude, with
+perplexing world-problems confronting them. Charles bore upon his
+shoulders the concerns of the Empire, the burden of the German
+revolution, and the distracting anxiety of a duel with Islam. When his
+son bowed to the yoke of government, he had to meet the same
+perplexities, complicated with Netherlands in revolt, England in
+antagonism, and France in dubious ferment. A succession of Popes were
+hampered by painful European questions, which the instinct of
+self-preservation taught them to regard as paramount. They were fighting
+for existence; for the Catholic creed; for their own theocratic
+sovereignty. They held strong cards. But against them were drawn up the
+battalions of heresy, free thought, political insurgence in the modern
+world. The _Zeitgeist_ that has made us what we are, had begun to
+organize stern opposition to the Church. It was natural enough that both
+the Spanish autocrat and the successor of S. Peter should at this crisis
+have regarded Italian affairs as subordinate in importance to wider
+matters which demanded their attention. Yet if we shift our point of
+view from this high vantage-ground of Imperial and Papal anxieties, and
+place ourselves in the center of Italy as our post of observation, it
+will be apparent that nothing more ruinous for the prosperity of the
+Italian people could have been devised than the joint autocracy accorded
+at Bologna to two cosmopolitan but non-national forces in their midst.
+An alien monarchy greedy for gold, a panic-stricken hierarchy in terror
+for its life, warped the tendencies and throttled the energies of the
+most artistically sensitive, the most heroically innovating of the
+existing races. However we may judge the merits of the Spaniards, they
+were assuredly not those which had brought Italy into the first rank of
+European nations. The events of a single century proved that, far from
+being able to govern other peoples, Spain was incapable of
+self-government on any rational principle. Whatever may have been the
+policy thrust upon the chief of Latin Christianity in the desperate
+struggle with militant rationalism, the repressive measures which it
+felt bound to adopt were eminently pernicious to a race like the
+Italians, who showed no disposition for religious regeneration, and who
+were yet submitted to the tyranny of ecclesiastical discipline and
+intellectual intolerance at every point.
+
+The settlement made by Charles V. in 1530, and the various changes which
+took place in the duchies between that date and the end of the century,
+had then the effect of rendering the Papacy and Spain omnipotent in
+Italy. These kindred autocrats were joined in firm alliance, except
+during the brief period of Paul IV.'s French policy, which ended in the
+Pope's complete discomfiture by Alva in 1557. They used their aggregated
+forces for the riveting of spiritual, political, and social chains upon
+the modern world. What they only partially effected in Europe at large,
+by means of S. Bartholomew massacres, exterminations of Jews in Toledo
+and of Mussulmans in Granada, holocausts of victims in the Low
+Countries, wars against French Huguenots and German Lutherans, naval
+expeditions and plots against the state of England, assassinations of
+heretic princes, and occasional burning of free thinkers, they achieved
+with plenary success in Italy. The center of the peninsula, from Ferrara
+to Terracina, lay at the discretion of the Pope. The Two Sicilies,
+Sardinia and the Duchy of Milan, were absolute dependencies of the
+Spanish crown. Tuscany was linked by ties of interest, and by the
+stronger bonds of terrorism, to Spain. The insignificant principalities
+of Mantua, Modena, Parma could not do otherwise than submit to the same
+predominant authority. It is not worth while to take into account the
+tiny republics of Genoa and Lucca. Their history through this period,
+though not so uneventful, is scarcely less insignificant than that of
+San Marino. Venice alone stood independent, still powerful enough to
+extinguish Bedmar's Spanish conspiracy in silence, still proud enough to
+resist the encroachments of Paul V. with spirit, yet sensible of her
+decline and spending her last energies on warfare with the Turk.
+
+At the close of the century, by the Peace of Vervins in 1598 and two
+subsequent treaties, Spain and France settled their long dispute. France
+was finally excluded from Italy by the cession of Saluzzo to Savoy,
+while Savoy at the same moment, through the loss of its Burgundian
+provinces, became an Italian power. The old antagonism which, dating
+from the Guelf and Ghibelline contentions of the thirteenth century,
+had taken a new form after the Papal investiture of Charles of Anjou
+with the kingdoms of Sicily and Naples, now ceased. That antique
+antagonism of parties, alien to the home interests of Italy, had been
+exasperated by the rivalry of Angevine and Aragonese princes; had
+assumed formidable intensity after the invasion of Charles VIII. in
+1494; and had expanded under the reigns of Louis XII. and Francis I.
+into an open struggle between France and Spain for the supremacy of
+Italy. It now was finally terminated by the exclusion of the French and
+the acknowledged overlordship of the Spaniard. But though peace seemed
+to be secured to a nation tortured by so many desolating wars of foreign
+armies, the Italians regarded the cession of Saluzzo with despondency.
+The partisans of national independence and political freedom had become,
+however illogically, accustomed to consider France as their ally.[6]
+They now beheld the gates of Italy closed against the French; they saw
+the extinction of their ancient Guelf policy of calling French arms into
+Italy. They felt that rest from strife was dearly bought at the price of
+prostrate servitude beneath Spanish and Austrian Hapsburgs, Spanish
+Bourbons, and mongrel princelings bred by crossing these stocks with
+decaying scions of Italian nobility. As a matter of fact, this was the
+destiny which lay before them for nearly two centuries after the
+signing of the Peace of Vervins.
+
+[Footnote 6: See, for instance, temp. Henri IV., _Sarpi's Letters_, vol.
+i. p. 233.]
+
+Yet the cession of Saluzzo was really the first dawn of hope for Italy.
+It determined the House of Savoy as an Italian dynasty, and brought for
+the first time into the sphere of purely Italian interests that province
+from which the future salvation of the nation was to come. From 1598
+until 1870 the destinies of Italy were bound up with the advance of
+Savoy from a duchy to a kingdom, with its growth in wealth, military
+resources and political self-consciousness, and with its ultimate
+acceptance of the task, accomplished in our days, of freeing Italy from
+foreign tyranny and forming a single nation out of many component
+elements. Those component elements by their diversity had conferred
+luster on the race in the Middle Ages, by their jealousies had wrecked
+its independence in the Renaissance, and by their weakness had left it
+at the period of the Counter-Reformation a helpless prey to Papal and
+Spanish despotism.
+
+The leveling down of the component elements of the Italian race beneath
+a common despotism, which began in the period I have chosen for this
+work, was necessary perhaps before Italy could take her place as a
+united nation gifted with constitutional self-government and
+independence. Except, therefore, for the sufferings and the humiliations
+inflicted on her people; except for their servitude beneath the most
+degrading forms of ecclesiastical and temporal tyranny; except for the
+annihilation of their beautiful Renaissance culture; except for the
+depression of arts, learning, science, and literature, together with the
+enfeeblement of political energy and domestic morality; except for the
+loathsome domination of hypocrites and persecutors and informers; except
+for the Jesuitical encouragement of every secret vice and every servile
+superstition which might emasculate the race and render it subservient
+to authority;--except for these appalling evils, we have no right
+perhaps to deplore the settlement of Italy by Charles V. in 1530, or the
+course of subsequent events. For it is tolerably certain that some such
+leveling down as then commenced was needed to bring the constituent
+States of Italy into accord; and it is indubitable, as I have had
+occasion to point out, that the political force which eventually
+introduced Italy into the European system of federated nations, was
+determined in its character, if not created, then. None the less, the
+history of this period (1530-1600) in Italy is a prolonged, a solemn, an
+inexpressibly heart-rending tragedy.
+
+It is the tragic history of the eldest and most beautiful, the noblest
+and most venerable, the freest and most gifted of Europe's daughters,
+delivered over to the devilry that issued from the most incompetent and
+arrogantly stupid of the European sisterhood, and to the cruelty,
+inspired by panic, of an impious theocracy. When we use these terms to
+designate the Papacy of the Counter-Reformation, it is not that we
+forget how many of those Popes were men of blameless private life and
+serious views for Catholic Christendom. When we use these terms to
+designate the Spanish race in the sixteenth century, it is not that we
+are ignorant of Spanish chivalry and colonizing enterprise, of Spanish
+romance, or of the fact that Spain produced great painters, great
+dramatists, and one great novelist in the brief period of her glory. We
+use them deliberately, however, in both cases; because the Papacy at
+this period committed itself to a policy of immoral, retrograde, and
+cowardly repression of the most generous of human impulses under the
+pressure of selfish terror; because the Spaniards abandoned themselves
+to a dark fiend of religious fanaticism; because they were merciless in
+their conquests and unintelligent in their administration of subjugated
+provinces; because they glutted their lusts of avarice and hatred on
+industrious folk of other creeds within their borders; because they
+cultivated barren pride and self-conceit in social life; because at the
+great epoch of Europe's reawakening they chose the wrong side and
+adhered to it with fatal obstinacy. This obstinacy was disastrous to
+their neighbors and ruinous to themselves. During the short period of
+three reigns (between 1598 and 1700) they sank from the first to the
+third grade in Europe, and saw the scepter passing in the New World from
+their hands to those of more normally constituted races. That the
+self-abandonment to sterilizing passions and ignoble persecutions which
+marked Spain out for decay in the second half of the sixteenth century,
+and rendered her the curse of her dependencies, can in part be ascribed
+to the enthusiasm aroused in previous generations by the heroic conflict
+with advancing Islam, is a thesis capable of demonstration. Yet none the
+less is it true that her action at that period was calamitous to herself
+and little short of destructive to Italy.
+
+After the year 1530 seven Spanish devils entered Italy. These were the
+devil of the Inquisition, with stake and torture-room, and war declared
+against the will and soul and heart and intellect of man; the devil of
+Jesuitry, with its sham learning, shameless lying, and casuistical
+economy of sins; the devil of vice-royal rule, with its life-draining
+monopolies and gross incapacity for government; the devil of an insolent
+soldiery, quartered on the people, clamorous for pay, outrageous in
+their lusts and violences; the devil of fantastical taxation, levying
+tolls upon the bare necessities of life, and drying up the founts of
+national well-being at their sources; the devil of petty-princedom,
+wallowing in sloth and cruelty upon a pinchbeck throne; the devil of
+effeminate hidalgoism, ruinous in expenditure, mean and grasping,
+corrupt in private life, in public ostentatious, vain of titles,
+cringing to its masters, arrogant to its inferiors. In their train these
+brought with them seven other devils, their pernicious offspring:
+idleness, disease, brigandage, destitution, ignorance, superstition,
+hypocritically sanctioned vice. These fourteen devils were welcomed,
+entertained, and voluptuously lodged in all the fairest provinces of
+Italy. The Popes opened wide for them the gates of outraged and
+depopulated Rome. Dukes and marquises fell down and worshiped the golden
+image of the Spanish Belial-Moloch--that hideous idol whose face was
+blackened with soot from burning human flesh, and whose skirts were
+dabbled with the blood of thousands slain in wars of persecution. After
+a tranquil sojourn of some years in Italy, these devils had everywhere
+spread desolation and corruption. Broad regions, like the Patrimony of
+S. Peter and Calabria, were given over to marauding bandits; wide tracks
+of fertile country, like the Sienese Maremma, were abandoned to malaria;
+wolves prowled through empty villages round Milan; in every city the
+pestilence swept off its hundreds daily; manufactures, commerce,
+agriculture, the industries of town and rural district, ceased; the
+Courts swarmed with petty nobles, who vaunted paltry titles; and
+resigned their wives to cicisbei and their sons to sloth: art and
+learning languished; there was not a man who ventured to speak out his
+thought or write the truth; and over the Dead Sea of social putrefaction
+floated the sickening oil of Jesuitical hypocrisy.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER II.
+
+THE PAPACY AND THE TRIDENTINE COUNCIL.
+
+
+     The Counter-Reformation--Its Intellectual and Moral
+     Character--Causes of the Gradual Extinction of Renaissance
+     Energy--Transition from the Renaissance to the Catholic
+     Revival--New Religious Spirit in Italy--Attitude of Italians toward
+     German Reformation--Oratory of Divine Love--Gasparo Contarini and
+     the Moderate Reformers--New Religious Orders--Paul III.--His early
+     History and Education--Political Attitude between France and
+     Spain--Creation of the Duchy of Parma--Imminence of a General
+     Council--Review of previous Councils--Paul's Uneasiness--Opens a
+     Council at Trent in 1542--Protestants virtually excluded, and
+     Catholic Dogmas confirmed in the first Sessions--Death of Paul in
+     1549--Julius III.--Paul IV.--Character and Ruling Passions of G.P.
+     Caraffa--His Futile Opposition to Spain--Tyranny of his
+     Nephews--Their Downfall--Paul Devotes himself to Church Reform and
+     the Inquisition--Pius IV.--His Minister Morone--Diplomatic Temper
+     of this Pope--His Management of the Council--Assistance rendered by
+     his nephew Carlo Borromeo--Alarming State of Northern Europe--The
+     Council reopened at Trent in 1562--Subsequent History of the
+     Council--It closes with a complete Papal Triumph in 1563--Place of
+     Pius IV. in History--Pius V.--The Inquisitor Pope--Population of
+     Rome--Social Corruption--Sale of Offices and Justice--Tridentine
+     Reforms depress Wealth--Ascetic Purity of Manners becomes
+     fashionable--- Piety--The Catholic Reaction generates the
+     Counter-Reformation--Battle of Lepanto--Gregory XIII.--His
+     Relatives--Policy of Enriching the Church at Expense of the
+     Barons--Brigandage in States of the Church--Sixtus V.--His Stern
+     Justice--Rigid Economy--Great Public Works--Taxation--The City of
+     Rome assumes its present form--Nepotism in the Counter-Reformation
+     Period--Various Estimates of the Wealth accumulated by Papal
+     Nephews--Rise of Princely Roman Families.
+
+
+It is not easy to define the intellectual and moral changes which passed
+over Italy in the period of the Counter-Reformation[7]; it is still
+less easy to refer those changes to distinct causes. Yet some analysis
+tending toward such definition is demanded from a writer who has
+undertaken to treat of Italian culture and manners between the years
+1530 and 1600.
+
+In the last chapter I attempted to describe the depth of servitude to
+which the States of Italy were severally reduced at the end of the wars
+between France and Spain. The desolation of the country, the loss of
+national independence, and the dominance of an alien race, can be
+counted among the most important of those influences which produced the
+changes in question. Whatever opinions we may hold regarding the
+connection between political autonomy and mental vigor in a people, it
+can hardly be disputed that a sudden and universal extinction of liberty
+must be injurious to arts and studies that have grown up under free
+institutions.
+
+But there were other causes at work. Among these a prominent place
+should be given to an alteration in the intellectual interests of the
+Italians themselves. The original impulses of the Renaissance, in
+scholarship, painting, sculpture, architecture, and vernacular poetry,
+had been exhausted.
+
+[Footnote 7: I may here state that I intend to use this term
+Counter-Reformation to denote the reform of the Catholic Church, which
+was stimulated by the German Reformation, and which, when the Council of
+Trent had fixed the dogmas and discipline of Latin Christianity, enabled
+the Papacy to assume a militant policy in Europe, whereby it regained a
+large portion of the provinces, that had previously lapsed to Lutheran
+and Calvinistic dissent.]
+
+Humanism, after recovering the classics and forming a new ideal of
+culture, was sinking into pedantry and academic erudition. Painting and
+sculpture, having culminated in the great work of Michelangelo, tended
+toward a kind of empty mannerism. Architecture settled down into the
+types fixed by Palladio and Barozzi. Poetry seemed to have reached its
+highest point of development in Ariosto. The main motives supplied to
+art by mediaeval traditions and humanistic enthusiasm were worked out.
+Nor was this all. The Renaissance had created a critical spirit which
+penetrated every branch of art and letters. It was not possible to
+advance further on the old lines; yet painters, sculptors, architects,
+and poets of the rising generation had before their eyes the
+masterpieces of their predecessors, in their minds the precepts of the
+learned. All alike were rendered awkward and self-conscious by the sense
+of laboring at a disadvantage, and by the dread of academical
+censorship.
+
+In truth, this critical spirit, which was the final product of the
+Renaissance in Italy, favored the development of new powers in the
+nation: it hampered workers in the elder spheres of art, literature, and
+scholarship; but it set thinkers upon the track of those investigations
+which we call scientific. I shall endeavor, in a future chapter, to show
+how the Italians were now upon the point of carrying the ardor of the
+Renaissance into fresh fields of physical discovery and speculation,
+when their evolution was suspended by the Catholic Reaction. But here
+it must suffice to observe that formalism had succeeded by the operation
+of natural influences to the vigor and inventiveness of the national
+genius in the main departments of literature and fine art.
+
+If we study the development of other European races, we shall find that
+each of them in turn, at its due season, passed through similar phases.
+The mediaeval period ends in the efflorescence of a new delightful
+energy, which gives a Rabelais, a Shakspere, a Cervantes to the world.
+The Renaissance riots itself away in Marinism, Gongorism, Euphuism, and
+the affectations of the Hotel Rambouillet. This age is succeeded by a
+colder, more critical, more formal age of obedience to fixed canons,
+during which scholarly efforts are made to purify style and impose laws
+on taste. The ensuing period of sense is also marked by profounder
+inquiries into nature and more exact analysis of mental operations. The
+correct school of poets, culminating in Dryden and Pope, holds sway in
+England; while Newton, Locke, and Bentley extend the sphere of science.
+In France the age of Rabelais and Montaigne yields place to the age of
+Racine and Descartes. Germany was so distracted by religious wars, Spain
+was so down-trodden by the Inquisition, that they do not offer equally
+luminous examples.[8] It may be added that in all these nations the end
+of the eighteenth and the beginning of the nineteenth centuries are
+marked by a similar revolt against formality and common sense, to which
+we give the name of the Romantic movement.
+
+[Footnote 8: With regard to Germany, see Mr. T. S. Perry's acute and
+philosophical study, entitled _From Opitz to Lessing_ (Boston).]
+
+Quitting this sphere of speculation, we may next point out that the
+European system had undergone an incalculable process of transformation.
+Powerful nationalities were in existence, who, having received their
+education from Italy, were now beginning to think and express thought
+with marked originality. The Italians stood no longer in a relation of
+uncontested intellectual superiority to these peoples, while they met
+them under decided disadvantages at all points of political efficiency.
+The Mediterranean had ceased to be the high road of commercial
+enterprise and naval energy. Charles V.'s famous device of the two
+columns, with its motto _Plus Ultra_, indicated that illimitable
+horizons had been opened, that an age had begun in which Spain, England
+and Holland should dispute the sovereignty of the Atlantic and Pacific
+oceans. Italy was left, with diminished forces of resistance, to bear
+the brunt of Turk and Arab depredations. The point of gravity in the
+civilized world had shifted. The Occidental nations looked no longer
+toward the South of Europe.
+
+While these various causes were in operation, Catholic Christianity
+showed signs of re-wakening. The Reformation called forth a new and
+sincere spirit in the Latin Church; new antagonisms were evoked, and
+new efforts after self-preservation had to be made by the Papal
+hierarchy. The center of the world-wide movement which is termed the
+Counter-Reformation was naturally Rome. Events had brought the Holy See
+once more into a position of prominence. It was more powerful as an
+Italian State now, through the support of Spain and the extinction of
+national independence, than at any previous period of history. In
+Catholic Christendom its prestige was immensely augmented by the Council
+of Trent. At the same epoch, the foreigners who dominated Italy, threw
+themselves with the enthusiasm of fanaticism into this Revival. Spain
+furnished Rome with the militia of the Jesuits and with the engines of
+the Inquisition. The Papacy was thus able to secure successes in Italy
+which were elsewhere only partially achieved. It followed that the
+moral, social, political and intellectual activities of the Italians at
+this period were controlled and colored by influences hostile to the
+earlier Renaissance. Italy underwent a metamorphosis, prescribed by the
+Papacy and enforced by Spanish rule. In the process of this
+transformation the people submitted to rigid ecclesiastical discipline,
+and adopted, without assimilating, the customs of a foreign troop of
+despots.
+
+At first sight we may wonder that the race which had shone with such
+incomparable luster from Dante to Ariosto, and which had done so much to
+create modern culture for Europe, should so quietly have accepted a
+retrogressive revolution. Yet, when we look closer, this is not
+surprising. The Italians were fatigued with creation, bewildered by the
+complexity of their discoveries, uncertain as to the immediate course
+before them. The Renaissance had been mainly the work of a select few.
+It had transformed society without permeating the masses of the people.
+Was it strange that the majority should reflect that, after all, the old
+ways are the best? This led them to approve the Catholic Revival. Was it
+strange that, after long distracting aimless wars, they should hail
+peace at any price? This lent popular sanction to the Spanish hegemony,
+in spite of its obvious drawbacks.
+
+These may be reckoned the main conditions which gave a peculiar but not
+easily definable complexion of languor, melancholy, and dwindling
+vitality to nearly every manifestation of Italian genius in the second
+half of the sixteenth century, and which well nigh sterilized that
+genius during the two succeeding centuries. In common with the rest of
+Europe, and in consequence of an inevitable alteration of their mental
+bias, they had lost the blithe spontaneity of the Renaissance. But they
+were at the same time suffering from grievous exhaustion, humiliated by
+the tyranny of foreign despotism, and terrorized by ecclesiastical
+intolerance. In their case, therefore, a sort of moral and intellectual
+atrophy becomes gradually more and more perceptible. The clear artistic
+sense of rightness and of beauty yields to doubtful taste. The frank
+audacity of the Renaissance is superseded by cringing timidity,
+lumbering dulness, somnolent and stagnant acquiescence in accepted
+formulae. At first the best minds of the nation fret and rebel, and meet
+with the dungeon or the stake as the reward of contumacy. In the end
+everybody seems to be indifferent, satisfied with vacuity, enamored of
+insipidity. The brightest episode in this dreary period is the emergence
+of modern music with incomparable sweetness and lucidity.
+
+It must not be supposed that the change which I have adumbrated, passed
+rapidly over the Italian spirit. When Paul III. succeeded Clement on the
+Papal throne in 1534, some of the giants of the Renaissance still
+survived, and much of their great work was yet to be accomplished.
+Michelangelo had neither painted the Last Judgment nor planned the
+cupola which crowns S. Peter's. Cellini had not cast his Perseus for the
+Loggia de'Lanzi, nor had Palladio raised San Giorgio from the sea at
+Venice. Pietro Aretino still swaggered in lordly insolence; and though
+Machiavelli was dead, the 'silver histories' of Guicciardini remained to
+be written. Bandello, Giraldi and Il Lasca had not published their
+Novelle, nor had Cecchi given the last touch to Florentine comedy. It
+was chiefly at Venice, which preserved the ancient forms of her
+oligarchical independence, that the grand style of the Renaissance
+continued to flourish. Titian was in his prime; the stars of Tintoretto
+and Veronese had scarcely risen above the horizon. Sansovino was still
+producing masterpieces of picturesque beauty in architecture.
+
+In order to understand the transition of Italy from the Renaissance to
+the Counter-Reformation manner, it will be well to concentrate attention
+on the history of the Papacy during the eight reigns of Paul III.,
+Julius III., Paul IV., Pius IV., Pius V., Gregory XIII., Sixtus V., and
+Clement VIII.[9] In the first of these reigns we hardly notice that the
+Renaissance has passed away. In the last we are aware of a completely
+altered Italy. And we perceive that this alteration has been chiefly due
+to the ecclesiastical policy which brought the Council of Trent to a
+successful issue in the reign of Pius IV.
+
+[Footnote 9: These eight reigns cover a space of time from 1534 to
+1605.]
+
+Before engaging in this review of Papal history, I must give some brief
+account of the more serious religious spirit which had been developed
+within the Italian Church; since the determination of this spirit toward
+rigid Catholicism in the second half of the sixteenth century decided
+the character of Italian manners and culture. Protestantism in the
+strict sense of the term took but little hold upon Italian society. It
+is true that the minds of some philosophical students were deeply
+stirred by the audacious discussion of theological principles in
+Germany. Such men had been rendered receptive of new impressions by the
+Platonizing speculations of Ficino and Pico della Mirandola, as well as
+by the criticism of the Bible in its original languages which formed a
+subordinate branch of humanistic education. They had, furthermore, been
+powerfully affected by the tribulations of Rome at the time of Bourbon's
+occupation, and had grown to regard these as a divine chastisement
+inflicted on the Church for its corruption and ungodliness. Lutheranism
+so far influenced their opinions that they became convinced of the
+necessity of a return to the simpler elements of Christianity in creed
+and conduct. They considered a thorough-going reform of the hierarchy
+and of all Catholic institutions to be indispensable. They leant,
+moreover, with partiality to some of the essential tenets of the
+Reformation, notably to the doctrines of justification by faith and
+salvation by the merits of Christ, and also to the principle that
+Scripture is the sole authority in matters of belief and discipline.
+Thus both the Cardinals Morone and Contarini, the poet Flaminio, and the
+nobles of the Colonna family in Naples who imbibed the teaching of
+Valdes, fell under the suspicion of heterodoxy on these points. But it
+was characteristic of the members of this school that they had no will
+to withhold allegiance from the Pope as chief of Christendom. They
+shrank with horror from the thought of encouraging a schism or of
+severing themselves from the communion of Catholics. The essential
+difference between Italian and Teutonic thinkers on such subjects at
+this epoch seems to have been this: Italians could not cease to be
+Catholics without at the same time ceasing to be Christians. They could
+not accommodate their faith to any of the compromises suggested by the
+Reformation. Even when they left their country in a spirit of rebellion,
+they felt ill at ease both with Lutherans and Calvinists. Like
+Bernardino Ochino and the Anti-Trinitarians of the Socinian sect, they
+wandered restlessly through Europe, incapable of settling down in
+communion with any one of the established forms of Protestantism. Calvin
+at Geneva instituted a real crusade against Italian thinkers, who
+differed from his views. He drove Valentino Gentile to death on the
+scaffold; and expelled Gribaldi, Simone, Biandrata, Alciati, Negro. Most
+of these men found refuge in Poland, Transylvania, even Turkey.[10]
+
+There were bold speculators in Italy enough, who had practically
+abandoned the Catholic faith. But the majority of these did not think it
+worth their while to make an open rupture with the Church. Theological
+hair-splitting reminded them only of the mediaeval scholasticism from
+which they had been emancipated by classical culture. They were less
+interested in questions touching the salvation of the individual or the
+exact nature of the sacraments, than in metaphysical problems suggested
+by the study of antique philosophers, or new theories of the material
+universe.
+
+[Footnote 10: See Berti's _Vita di G. Bruno_, pp. 105-108.]
+
+The indifference of these men in religion rendered it easy for them to
+conform in all external points to custom. Their fundamental axiom was
+that a scientific thinker could hold one set of opinions as a
+philosopher, and another set as a Christian. Their motto was the
+celebrated _Foris ut moris, intus ut libet_.[11] Nor were ecclesiastical
+authorities dissatisfied with this attitude during the ascendancy of
+humanistic culture. It was, indeed, the attitude of Popes like Leo,
+Cardinals like Bembo. And it only revealed its essential weakness when
+the tide of general opinion, under the blast of Teutonic revolutionary
+ideas, turned violently in favor of formal orthodoxy. Then indeed it
+became dangerous to adopt the position of a Pomponazzo.
+
+[Footnote 11: This maxim is ascribed to the materialistic philosopher
+Cremonini.]
+
+The mental attitude of such men is so well illustrated by a letter
+written by Celio Calcagnini to Peregrino Morato, that I shall not
+hesitate to transcribe it here. It seems that Morato had sent his
+correspondent some treatise on the theological questions then in
+dispute; and Calcagnini replies:
+
+'I have read the book relating to the controversies so much agitated at
+present. I have thought on its contents, and weighed them in the balance
+of reason. I find in it nothing which may not be approved and defended,
+but some things which, as mysteries, it is safer to suppress and conceal
+than to bring before the common people, inasmuch as they pertained to
+the primitive and infant state of the Church. Now, when the decrees of
+the fathers and long usage have introduced other modes, what necessity
+is there for reviving antiquated practices which have long fallen into
+desuetude, especially as neither piety nor the salvation of the soul is
+concerned with them? Let us, then, I pray you, allow these things to
+rest. Not that I disapprove of their being embraced by scholars and
+lovers of antiquity; but I would not have them communicated to the
+common people and those who are fond of innovations, lest they give
+occasion to strife and sedition. There are unlearned and unqualified
+persons who having, after long ignorance, read or heard certain new
+opinions respecting baptism, the marriage of the clergy, ordination, the
+distinction of days and food, and public penitence, instantly conceive
+that these things are to be stiffly maintained and observed. Wherefore,
+in my opinion, the discussion of these points ought to be confined to
+the initiated, that so the seamless coat of our Lord may not be rent and
+torn.... Seeing it is dangerous to treat such things before the
+multitude and in public discourses, I must deem it safest to "speak with
+the many and think with the few," and to keep in mind the advice of
+Paul, "Hast thou faith? Have it to thyself before God."'[12]
+
+[Footnote 12: _C. Calcagnini Opera_, p. 195. I am indebted for the above
+version to McCrie's _Reformation in Italy_, p. 183.]
+
+The new religious spirit which I have attempted to characterize as
+tinctured by Protestant opinions but disinclined for severance from
+Rome, manifested itself about the same time in several groups. One of
+them was at Rome, where a society named the Oratory of Divine Love,
+including from fifty to sixty members, began to meet as early as the
+reign of Leo X. in the Trastevere. This pious association included men
+of very various kinds. Sadoleto, Giberto, and Contarini were here in
+close intimacy with Gaetano di Thiene, the sainted founder of the
+Theatines, and with his friend Caraffa, the founder of the Roman
+Inquisition. Venice was the center of another group, among whom may be
+mentioned Reginald Pole, Gasparo Contarini, Luigi Priuli, and Antonio
+Bruccioli, the translator of the Bible from the original tongues into
+Italian. The poet Marcantonio Flaminio became a member of both
+societies; and was furthermore the personal friend of the Genoese
+Cardinals Sauli and Fregoso, whom we have a right to count among
+thinkers of the same class. Flaminio, though he died in the Catholic
+communion, was so far suspected of heresy that his works were placed
+upon the Index of 1559. In Naples Juan Valdes made himself the leader of
+a similar set of men. His views, embodied in the work of a disciple, and
+revised by Marcantonio Flaminio, _On the Benefits of Christ's Death_,
+revealed strong Lutheran tendencies, which at a later period would
+certainly have condemned him to perpetual imprisonment or exile. This
+book had a wide circulation in Italy, and was influential in directing
+the minds of thoughtful Christians to the problems of Justification. It
+was ascribed to Aonio Paleario, who suffered martyrdom at Rome for
+maintaining doctrines similar to those of Valdes.[13] Round him gathered
+several members of the great Colonna family, notably Vespasiano, Duke of
+Palliano, and his wife, the star of Italian beauty, Giulia Gonzaga.
+Vittoria Colonna, Marchioness of Pescara, imbibed the new doctrines in
+the same circle; and so did Bernardino Ochino. Modena could boast
+another association, which met in the house of Grillenzone; while
+Ferrara became the headquarters of a still more pronounced reforming
+party under the patronage of the Duchess, Renee of France, daughter of
+Louis XII. These various societies and coteries were bound together by
+ties of friendship and literary correspondence, and were indirectly
+connected with less fortunate reforming theologians; with Aonio
+Paleario, Bernardino Ochino, Antonio dei Pagliaricci, Carnesecchi, and
+others, whose tragic history will form a part of my chapter on the
+Inquisition.
+
+[Footnote 13: Though as many as 40,000 copies were published, this book
+was so successfully stamped out that it seemed to be irrecoverably lost.
+The library of St. John's College at Cambridge, however, contains two
+Italian copies and one French copy. That of Laibach possesses an Italian
+and a Croat version. Cantu, _Gli Eretici_, vol. i. p. 360.]
+
+It does not fall within the province of this chapter to write an account
+of what has, not very appropriately, been called the Reformation in
+Italy. My purpose in the present book is, not to follow the fortunes of
+Protestantism, but to trace the sequel of the Renaissance, the merging
+of its impulse in new phases of European development. I shall therefore
+content myself with pointing out that at the opening of Paul III.'s
+reign, there was widely diffused throughout the chief Italian cities a
+novel spirit of religious earnestness and enthusiasm, which as yet had
+taken no determinate direction. This spirit burned most highly in
+Gasparo Contarini, who in 1541 was commissioned by the Pope to attend a
+conference at Rechensburg for the discussion of terms of reconciliation
+with the Lutherans. He succeeded in drawing up satisfactory articles on
+the main theological points regarding human nature, original sin,
+redemption and justification. These were accepted by the Protestant
+theologians at Rechensburg and might possibly have been ratified in
+Rome, had not the Congress been broken up by Contarini's total failure
+to accommodate differences touching the Pope's supremacy and the
+conciliar principle.[14] He made concessions to the Reformers, which
+roused the fury of the Roman Curia. At the same time political intrigues
+were set on foot in France and Germany to avert a reconciliation which
+would have immeasurably strengthened the Emperor's position. The
+moderate sections of both parties, Lutheran and Catholic, failed at
+Rechensburg. Indeed, it was inevitable that they should fail; for the
+breach between the Roman Church and the Reformation was not of a nature
+to be healed over at this date. Principles were involved which could not
+now be harmonized, and both parties in the dispute were on the point of
+developing their own forces with fresh internal vigor.
+
+[Footnote 14: It should be observed, however, that Luther rejected the
+article on justification, and that Caraffa in Rome used his influence to
+prevent its acceptance by Paul III.]
+
+The Italians who desired reform of the Church were now thrown back upon
+the attempt to secure this object within the bosom of Catholicism. At
+the request of Paul III. they presented a memorial on ecclesiastical
+abuses, which was signed by Contarini, Caraffa, Sadoleto, Pole, Fregoso,
+Giberto, Cortese and Aleander. These Cardinals did not spare plain
+speech upon the burning problem of Papal misgovernment.
+
+Meanwhile, the new spirit began to manifest itself in the foundation of
+orders and institutions tending to purification of Church discipline.
+The most notable of these was the order of Theatines established by
+Thiene and Caraffa. Its object was to improve the secular priesthood,
+with a view to which end seminaries were opened for the education of
+priests, who took monastic vows and devoted themselves to special
+observance of their clerical duties, as preachers, administrators of the
+sacraments, visitors of the poor and sick.
+
+A Venetian, Girolamo Miani, at the same period founded a congregation,
+called the Somascan, for the education of the destitute and orphaned,
+and for the reception of the sick and infirm into hospitals. The
+terrible state in which Lombardy had been left by war rendered this
+institution highly valuable. Of a similar type was the order of the
+Barnabites, who were first incorporated at Milan, charged with the
+performance of acts of mercy, education, preaching, and other forms of
+Christian ministration. It may be finally added that the Camaldolese and
+Franciscan orders had been in part reformed by a spontaneous movement
+within their bodies.
+
+If we compare the spirit indicated by these efforts in the first half of
+the sixteenth century with that of the earlier Renaissance, it will be
+evident that the Italians were ready for religious change. They sink,
+however, into insignificance beside two Spanish institutions which about
+the same period added their weight and influence to the Catholic
+revival. I mean, of course, the Inquisition and the Jesuit order. Paul
+III. empowered Caraffa in 1542 to re-establish the Inquisition in Rome
+upon a new basis resembling that of the Spanish Holy Office. The same
+Pope sanctioned and confirmed the Company of Jesus between the years
+1540 and 1543. The establishment of the Inquisition gave vast
+disciplinary powers to the Church at the moment when the Council of
+Trent fixed her dogmas and proclaimed the absolute authority of the
+Popes. At the same time the Jesuits, devoted by their founder in blind
+obedience--_perinde ac cadaver_--to the service of the Papacy,
+penetrated Italy, Spain, France, Germany, and the transatlantic
+colonies.
+
+The Pope who succeeded Clement VII. in 1534 was in all ways fitted to
+represent the transition which I have indicated. Alessandro Farnese
+sprang from an ancient but decayed family in the neighborhood of
+Bolsena, several of whose members had played a foremost part in the
+mediaeval revolutions of Orvieto. While still a young man of
+twenty-five, he was raised to the Cardinalate by Alexander VI. This
+advancement he owed to the influence of his sister Giulia, surnamed La
+Bella, who was then the Borgia's mistress. It is characteristic of an
+epoch during which the bold traditions of the fifteenth century still
+lingered, that the undraped statue of this Giulia (representing Vanity)
+was carved for the basement of Paul III.'s monument in the choir of S.
+Peter's. The old stock of the Farnesi, once planted in the soil of Papal
+corruption at its most licentious period, struck firm roots and
+flourished. Alessandro was born in 1468, and received a humanistic
+education according to the methods of the earlier Renaissance. He
+studied literature with Pomponius Laetus in the Roman Academy, and
+frequented the gardens of Lorenzo de'Medici at Florence. His character
+and intellect were thus formed under the influences of the classical
+revival and of the Pontifical Curia, at a time when pagan morality and
+secular policy had obliterated the ideal of Catholic Christianity. His
+sister was the Du Barry of the Borgian Court. He was himself the father
+of several illegitimate children, whom he acknowledged, and on whose
+advancement by the old system of Papal nepotism he spent the best years
+of his reign. Both as a patron of the arts and as an elegant scholar in
+the Latin and Italian languages, Alessandro showed throughout his life
+the effects of this early training. He piqued himself on choice
+expression, whenever he was called upon to use the pen in studied
+documents, or to answer ambassadors in public audiences. To his taste
+and love of splendor Rome owes the Farnese palace. He employed Cellini,
+and forced Michelangelo to paint the Last Judgment. On ascending the
+Papal throne he complained that this mighty genius had been too long
+occupied for Delia Roveres and Medici. When the fresco was finished, he
+set the old artist upon his last great task of completing S. Peter's.
+
+So far there was nothing to distinguish Alessandro Farnese from other
+ecclesiastics of the Renaissance. As Cardinal he seemed destined, should
+he ever attain the Papal dignity, to combine the qualities of the
+Borgian and Medicean Pontiffs. But before his elevation to that supreme
+height, he lived through the reigns of Julius II., Leo X., Adrian VI.,
+and Clement VII. Herein lies the peculiarity of his position as Paul
+III. The pupil of Pomponius Laetus, the creature of Roderigo Borgia, the
+representative of Italian manners and culture before the age of foreign
+invasion had changed the face of Italy, Paul III. was called at the age
+of sixty-six to steer the ship of the Church through troubled waters and
+in very altered circumstances. He had witnessed the rise and progress of
+Protestant revolt in Germany. He had observed the stirrings of a new and
+sincere spirit of religious gravity, an earnest desire for
+ecclesiastical reform in his own country. He had watched the duel
+between France and Spain, during the course of which his predecessors
+Alexander V. and Julius II. restored the secular authority of Rome. He
+had seen that authority humbled to the dust in 1527, and miraculously
+rehabilitated at Bologna in 1530. He had learned by the example of the
+Borgias how difficult it was for any Papal family to found a substantial
+principality; and the vicissitudes of Florence and Urbino had confirmed
+this lesson. Finally, he had assisted at the coronation of Charles V.;
+and when he took the reins of power into his hands, he was well aware
+with what a formidable force he had to cope in the great Emperor.
+
+Paul III. knew that the old Papal game of pitting France against Spain
+in the peninsula could not be played on the same grand scale as
+formerly. This policy had been pursued with results ruinous to Italy but
+favorable to the Church, by Julius. It had enabled Leo and Clement to
+advance their families at the hazard of more important interests. But in
+the reign of the latter Pope it had all but involved the Papacy itself
+in the general confusion and desolation of the country. Moreover, France
+was no longer an effective match for Spain; and though their struggle
+was renewed, the issue was hardly doubtful. Spain had got too firm a
+grip upon the land to be cast off.
+
+Yet Paul was a man of the elder generation. It could not be expected
+that a Pope of the Renaissance should suddenly abandon the mediaeval
+policy of Papal hostility to the Empire, especially when the Empire was
+in the hands of so omnipotent a master as Charles. It could not be
+expected that he should recognize the wisdom of confining Papal ambition
+to ecclesiastical interests, and of forming a defensive and offensive
+alliance with Catholic sovereigns for the maintenance of absolutism. It
+could not be expected that he should forego the pleasures and apparent
+profits of creating duchies for his bastards, whereby to dignify his
+family and strengthen his personal authority as a temporal sovereign. It
+is true that the experience of the last half century had pointed in the
+direction of all these changes; and it is certain that the series of
+events connected with the Council of Trent, which began in Paul III.'s
+reign, rendered them both natural and necessary. Yet Paul, as a man of
+the elder generation filling the Papal throne for fifteen years during a
+period of transition, adhered in the main to the policy of his
+predecessors. It was fortunate for him and for the Holy See that the
+basis of his character was caution combined with tough tenacity of
+purpose, capacity for dilatory action, diplomatic shiftiness and a
+political versatility that can best be described by the word trimming.
+These qualities enabled him to pass with safety through perils that
+might have ruined a bolder, a hastier, or a franker Pope, and to achieve
+the object of his heart's desire, where stronger men had failed, in the
+foundation of a solid duchy for his heirs.
+
+Paul's jealousy of the Spanish ascendancy in Italian affairs caused him
+to waver between the Papal and Imperial, Guelf and Ghibelline, parties.
+These names had lost much of their significance; but the habit of
+distinction into two camps was so rooted in Italian manners, that each
+city counted its antagonistic factions, maintained by various forms of
+local organization and headed by the leading families.[15] Burigozzo,
+under the year 1517, tells how the whole population of Milan was divided
+between Guelfs and Ghibellines, wearing different costumes; and it is
+not uncommon to read of petty nobles in the country at this period, who
+were styled Captains of one or the other party.
+
+[Footnote 15: See Bruno's _Cena delle Ceneri_, ed. Wagner, vol. i. p.
+133, for a humorous story illustrative of the state of things ensuing
+among the lower Italian classes.]
+
+The wars between France and Spain revived the almost obsolete dispute,
+which the despots of the fifteenth century and the diplomatic
+confederation of the five great powers had tended in large measure to
+erase. The Guelfs and Ghibellines were now partisans of France and
+Spain respectively. Thus a true political importance was regained for
+the time-honored factions; and in the distracted state of Italy they
+were further intensified by the antagonism between exiles and the ruling
+families in cities. If Cosimo de'Medici, for example, was a Ghibelline
+or Spanish partisan, it followed as a matter of course that Filippo
+Strozzi was a Guelf and stood for France. Paul III. managed to maintain
+himself by manipulating these factions and holding the balance between
+them for the advantage of his family and of the Church.
+
+He thus succeeded in creating the Duchy of Parma and Piacenza for his
+son, Pier Luigi Farnese, that outrageous representative of the worst
+vices and worst violences of the Renaissance. It will be remembered that
+Julius had detached these two cities from the Duchy of Milan, and
+annexed them to the Papal States, on the plea that they formed part of
+the old Exarchate of Ravenna. When Charles decided against this plea in
+the matter of Modena and Reggio, he left the Church in occupation of
+Parma and Piacenza. Paul created his son Duke of Nepi and Castro in
+1537, and afterwards conferred the Duchy of Camerino on his grandson,
+Ottavio, who was then married to Margaret of Austria, daughter of
+Charles V., and widow of the murdered Alessandro de'Medici. The usual
+system of massacre, exile, and confiscation had reduced the signorial
+family of the Varani at Camerino to extremities. The fief reverted to
+the Church, and Paul induced the Cardinals to sanction his investiture
+of Ottavio Farnese with its rights and honors. He subsequently explained
+to them that it would be more profitable for the Holy See to retain
+Camerino and to relinquish Parma and Piacenza to the Farnesi in
+exchange. There was sense in this arrangement; for Camerino formed an
+integral part of the Papal States, while Parma and Piacenza were held
+under a more than doubtful title. Pier Luigi did not long survive his
+elevation to the dukedom of Parma. He was murdered by his exasperated
+subjects in 1547. His son, Ottavio, with some difficulty, maintained his
+hold upon this principality, until in 1559 he established himself and
+his heirs, with the approval of Philip II., in its perpetual enjoyment.
+The Farnesi repaid Spanish patronage by constant service, Alessandro,
+Prince of Parma, and son of Ottavio, being illustrious in the annals of
+the Netherlands. It would not have been worth while to enlarge on this
+foundation of the Duchy of Parma, had it not furnished an excellent
+example of my theme. By this act Paul III. proved himself a true and
+able inheritor of those political traditions by which all Pontiffs from
+Sixtus IV. to Clement VII. had sought to establish their relatives in
+secular princedoms. It was the last eminent exhibition of that policy,
+the last and the most brilliant display of nepotistical ambition in a
+Pope. A new age had opened, in which such schemes became
+impossible--when Popes could no longer dare to acknowledge and
+legitimize their bastards, and when they had to administer their
+dominions exclusively for the temporal and ecclesiastical aggrandizement
+of the tiara.
+
+Nevertheless, Paul was living under the conditions which brought this
+modern attitude of the Papacy into potent actuality. He was surrounded
+by intellectual and moral forces of recent growth but of incalculable
+potency. One of the first acts of his reign was to advance six members
+of the moderate reforming party--Sadoleto, Pole, Giberto, Federigo,
+Fregoso, Gasparo Contarini, and G.M. Caraffa--to the Cardinalate. By
+this exercise of power he showed his willingness to recognize new
+elements of very various qualities in the Catholic hierarchy. Five of
+these men represented opinions which at the moment of their elevation to
+the purple had a fair prospect of ultimate success. Imbued with a
+profound sense of the need for ecclesiastical reform, and tinctured more
+or less deeply with so-called Protestant opinions, they desired nothing
+more intensely than a reconstitution of the Catholic Church upon a basis
+which might render reconciliation with the Lutherans practicable. They
+had their opportunity during the pontificate of Paul III. It was a
+splendid one; and, as I have already shown, the Conference of
+Rechensburg only just failed in securing the end they so profoundly
+desired. But the Papacy was not prepared to concede so much as they were
+anxious to grant: the German Reformers proved intractable; they were
+themselves impeded by their loyalty to antique Catholic traditions, and
+by their dread of a schism; finally, the militant expansive force of
+Spanish orthodoxy, expressing itself already in the concentrated energy
+of the Jesuit order, rendered attempts at fusion impossible. The victory
+in Rome remained with the faction of _intransigeant_ Catholics; and
+this was represented, in Paul III.'s first creation of Cardinals, by
+Caraffa. Caraffa was destined to play a singular part in the transition
+period of Papal history which I am reviewing. He belonged as essentially
+to the future as Alessandro Farnese belonged to the past. He embodied
+the spirit of the Inquisition, and upheld the principles of
+ecclesiastical reform upon the narrow basis of Papal absolutism. He
+openly signalized his disapproval of Paul's nepotism; and when his time
+for ruling came, he displayed a remorseless spirit of justice without
+mercy in dealing with his own family. Yet he hated the Spanish
+ascendancy with a hatred far more fierce and bitter than that of Paul
+III. His ineffectual efforts to shake off the yoke of Philip II. was the
+last spasm of the older Papal policy of resistance to temporal
+sovereigns, the last appeal made in pursuance of that policy to France
+by an Italian Pontiff.[16]
+
+[Footnote 16: Paul IV. as Pope was feeble compared with his
+predecessors, Julius II. and Leo X.; the Guises, on whom he relied for
+resuscitating the old French party in the South, were but
+half-successful adventurers, mere shadows of the Angevine invaders whom
+they professed to represent.]
+
+The object of this excursion into the coming period is to show in how
+deep a sense Paul III. may be regarded as the beginner of a new era,
+while he was at the same time the last continuator of the old. The
+Cardinals whom he promoted on his accession included the chief of those
+men who strove in vain for a concordat between Rome and Reformation; it
+also included the man who stamped Rome with the impress of the
+Counter-Reformation. Yet Caraffa would not have had the fulcrum needed
+for this decisive exertion of power, had it not been for another act of
+Paul's reign. This was the convening of a Council at Trent. Paul's
+attitude toward the Council, which he summoned with reluctance, which he
+frustrated as far as in him lay, and the final outcome of which he was
+far from anticipating, illustrates in a most decisive manner his destiny
+as Pope of the transition.
+
+The very name of a Council was an abomination to the Papacy. This will
+be apparent if we consider the previous history of the Church during the
+first half of the fifteenth century, when the conciliar authority was
+again invoked to regulate the Papal See and to check Papal encroachments
+on the realms and Churches of the Western nations. The removal of the
+Papal Court to Avignon, the great schism which resulted from this
+measure, and the dissent which spread from England to Bohemia at the
+close of the fourteenth century, rendered it necessary that the
+representative powers of Christendom should combine for the purpose of
+restoring order in the Church. Four main points lay before the powers of
+Europe, thus brought for the first time into deliberative and
+confederated congress to settle questions that vitally concerned them.
+The most immediately urgent was the termination of the schism, and the
+appointment of one Pope, who should represent the mediaeval idea of
+ecclesiastical face to face with imperial unity. The second was the
+definition of the indeterminate and ever-widening authority which the
+Popes asserted over the kingdoms and the Churches of the West. The third
+was the eradication of heresies which were rending Christendom asunder
+and threatening to destroy that ideal of unity in creed to which the
+Middle Ages clung with not unreasonable passion. The fourth was a reform
+of the Church, considered as a vital element of Western Christendom, in
+its head and in its members.
+
+The programme, very indistinctly formulated by the most advanced
+thinkers of the age, and only gradually developed by practice into
+actuality, was a vast one. It involved the embitterment of national
+jealousies, the accentuation of national characteristics, and the
+complication of antagonistic principles regarding secular and
+ecclesiastical government, which rendered a complete and satisfactory
+solution well-nigh impracticable. The effort to solve these problems
+had, however, important influence in creating conditions under which the
+politico-religious struggles of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries
+were conducted.[17]
+
+The first Council, opened at Pisa in 1409, was a congress of prelates
+summoned by Cardinals for the conclusion of the schism. It deposed two
+Popes, who still continued to assert their titles; it elected a third,
+Alexander V., who had no real authority. For the rest, it effected no
+reform, and cannot be said to have done much more than to give effect to
+those aspirations after Church-government by means of Councils which had
+been slowly forming during the continuance of the schism.
+
+The second Council, opened at Constance in 1414, was a Council not
+convened by Cardinals, but by the universal demand of Europe that the
+advances of the Papacy toward tyranny should be checked, and that the
+innumerable abuses of the Church and Papal Curia should be reformed. It
+received a different complexion from that of Pisa, through the
+presidency of the Emperor and the attendance of representatives from the
+chief nations. At Constance the Papacy and the Roman Curia stood
+together, exposed to the hostile criticism of Europe. The authority of a
+General Council was, after a sharp conflict, decreed superior to that of
+the Bishop of Rome. Three Popes were forced to abdicate; and a fourth,
+Martin V., was elected.
+
+[Footnote 17: The best account of the Councils will be found in
+Professor Creighton's admirable _History of the Papacy during the
+Reformation_, 2 vols. Longmans.]
+
+The Council further undertook to deal with heresy and with the reform of
+the Church. It discharged the first of these offices by condemning Hus
+and Jerome of Prague to the stake. It left the second practically
+untouched. Yet the question of reform had been gravely raised, largely
+discussed, and fundamentally examined. Two methods were posed at
+Constance for the future consideration of earnest thinkers throughout
+Europe. One was the way suggested by John Hus; that the Church should be
+reconstituted, after a searching analysis of the real bases of Christian
+conduct, an appeal to Scripture as the final authority, and a loyal
+endeavor to satisfy the spiritual requirements of individual souls and
+consciences. The second plan was that of inquiry into the existing order
+of the Church and detailed amendment of its flagrant faults, with
+preservation of the main system. The Council adopted satisfactory
+measures of reform on neither of these methods. It contented itself with
+stipulations and concordats, guaranteeing special privileges to the
+Churches of the several nations. But in the following century it became
+manifest that the Teutonic races had declared for the method suggested
+by Hus; while the Latin races, in the Council of Trent, undertook a
+purgation of the Church upon the second of the two plans. The
+Reformation was the visible outcome of the one, the Counter-Reformation
+of the other method.
+
+The Council of Constance was thus important in causing the recognition
+of a single Pope, and in ventilating the divergent theories upon which
+the question of reform was afterwards to be disputed. But perhaps the
+most significant fact it brought into relief was the new phase of
+political existence into which the European races had entered.
+Nationality, as the main principle of modern history, was now
+established; and the diplomatic relations of sovereigns as the
+representatives of peoples were shown to be of overwhelming weight. The
+visionary mediaeval polity of Emperor and Pope faded away before the
+vivid actuality of full-formed individual nations, federally connected,
+controlled by common but reciprocally hostile interests.[18]
+
+The Council of Basel, opened in 1431, was in appearance a continuation
+of the Council of Constance. But its method of procedure ran counter to
+the new direction which had been communicated to European federacy by
+the action of the Constance congress. There the votes had been taken by
+nations. At Basel they were taken by men, after the questions to be
+decided had been previously discussed by special congregations and
+committees deputed for preliminary deliberations. It soon appeared that
+the fathers of the Basel Council aimed at opposing a lawfully-elected
+Pope, and sought to assume the, administration of the Church into their
+own hands.
+
+[Footnote 18: See above, p. 2, for the special sense in which I apply
+the word federation to Italy before 1530, and to Europe at large in the
+modern period.]
+
+Their struggle with Eugenius IV., their election of an antipope, Felix
+V., and their manifest tendency to substitute oligarchical for Papal
+tyranny in the Church, had the effect of bringing the conciliar
+principle itself into disfavor with the European powers. The first
+symptom of this repudiation of the Council by Europe was shown in the
+neutrality proclaimed by Germany. The attitude of other Courts and
+nations proved that the Western races were for the moment prepared to
+leave the Papal question open on the basis supplied by the Council of
+Constance.
+
+The result of this failure of the conciliar principle at Basel was that
+Nicholas V. inaugurated a new age for the Papacy in Rome. I have already
+described the chief features of the Papal government from his election
+to the death of Clement VII. It was a period of unexampled splendor for
+the Holy See, and of substantial temporal conquests. The second Council
+of Pisa, which began its sittings, in 1511 under French sanction and
+support, exercised no disastrous influence over the restored powers and
+prestige of the Papacy. On the contrary, it gave occasion for a
+counter-council, held at the Lateran under the auspices of Julius II.
+and Leo X., in which the Popes established several points of
+ecclesiastical discipline that were not without value to their
+successors. But the leaven which had been scattered by Wyclif and Hus,
+of which the Council of Constance had taken cognizance, but which had
+not been extirpated, was spreading in Germany throughout this period.
+The Popes themselves were doing all in their power to propagate dissent
+and discontent. Well aware of the fierce light cast by the new learning
+they had helped to disseminate, upon the dark places of their own
+ecclesiastical administration, they still continued to raise money by
+the sale of pardons and indulgences, to bleed their Christian flocks by
+monstrous engines of taxation, and to offend the conscience of an
+intelligent generation by their example of ungodly living. The
+Reformation ran like wild-fire through the North. It grew daily more
+obvious that a new Council must be summoned for carrying out measures of
+internal reform, and for coping with the forces of belligerent
+Protestantism. When things had reached this point, Charles V. declared
+his earnest desire that the Pope should summon a General Council. Paul
+III. now showed in how true a sense he was the man of a transitional
+epoch. So long as possible he resisted, remembering to what straits his
+predecessors had been reduced by previous Councils, and being deeply
+conscious of scandals in his own domestic affairs which might expose him
+to the fate of a John XXIII. Reviewing the whole series of events which
+have next to be recorded, we are aware that Paul had no great cause for
+agitation. The Council he so much dreaded was destined to exalt his
+office, and to recombine the forces of Catholic Christendom under the
+absolute supremacy of his successors. The Inquisition and the Company
+of Jesus, both of which he sanctioned at this juncture, were to guard,
+extend, and corroborate that supreme authority. But this was by no means
+apparent in 1540. It is a character of all transitional periods that in
+them the cautious men regard past precedents of peril rather than
+sanguine expectations based on present chances. A hero, in such passes,
+goes to meet the danger armed with his own cause and courage. A genius
+divines the future, and interprets it, and through interpretation tries
+to govern it. Paul was neither a hero nor a man of genius. Yet he did as
+much as either could have done; and he did it in a temper which perhaps
+the hero and the genius could not have commanded. He sent Legates to
+publish the opening of a Council at Trent in the spring of 1545; and he
+resolved to work this Council on the principles of diplomatical
+conservatism, reserving for himself the power of watching events and of
+enlarging or restricting its efficiency as might seem best to him.[19]
+
+[Footnote 19: The first official opening of the Council at Trent was in
+November 1542, by Cardinals Pole and Morone as Legates. It was adjourned
+in July, 1543, on account of insufficient attendance. When it again
+opened in 1545, Pole reappeared as Legate. With him were associated two
+future Popes, Giov. Maria del Monte (Julius III.), and Marcello Cervini
+(Marcellus II.) The first session of the Council took place in December,
+1545, four Cardinals, four Archbishops, twenty-one Bishops, and five
+Generals of Orders attending. Among these were only five Spanish and two
+French prelates; no German, unless we count Cristoforo Madrazzo, the
+Cardinal Bishop of Trent, as one. No Protestants appeared; for Paul III.
+had successfully opposed their ultimatum, which demanded that final
+appeal on all debated points should be made to the sole authority of
+Holy Scripture.]
+
+It is singular that the Council thus reluctantly conceded by Paul III.
+should, during its first sessions and while he yet reigned, have
+confirmed the dogmatic foundations of modern Catholicism, made
+reconciliation with the Teutonic Reformers impossible, and committed the
+secular powers which held with Rome to a policy that rendered the Papal
+supremacy incontestable.[20] Face to face with the burning question of
+the Protestant rebellion, the Tridentine fathers hastened to confirm the
+following articles. First, they declared that divine revelation was
+continuous in the Church of which the Pope was head; and that the chief
+written depository of this revelation--namely, the Scriptures--had no
+authority except in the version of the Vulgate.
+
+[Footnote 20: Throughout the sessions of the Council, Spanish, French,
+and German representatives, whether fathers or ambassadors, maintained
+the theory of Papal subjection to conciliar authority. The Spanish and
+French were unanimous in zeal for episcopal independence. The French and
+German were united in a wish to favor Protestants by reasonable
+concessions. Thus the Papal supremacy had to face serious antagonism,
+which it eventually conquered by the numerical preponderance of the
+Italian prelates, by the energy of the Jesuits, by diplomatic intrigues,
+and by manipulation of discords in the opposition. Though the Spanish
+fathers held with the French and German on the points of episcopal
+independence and conciliar authority, they disagreed whenever it became
+a question of compromise with Protestants upon details of dogma or
+ritual. The Papal Court persuaded the Catholic sovereigns of Spain and
+France, and the Emperor, that episcopal independence would be dangerous
+to their own prerogatives; and at every inconvenient turn in affairs, it
+was made clear that Catholic sovereigns, threatened by the Protestant
+revolution, could not afford to separate their cause from that of the
+Pope.]
+
+Secondly, they condemned the doctrine of Justification by Faith, adding
+such theological qualifications and reservations as need not, at this
+distance of time, and on a point devoid of present actuality, be
+scrupulously entertained. Thirdly, they confirmed the efficacy and the
+binding authority of the Seven Sacraments. It is thus clear that, on
+points of dogma, the Council convened by Pope and Emperor committed
+Latin Christianity to a definite repudiation of the main articles for
+which Luther had contended. Each of these points they successively
+traversed, foreclosing every loophole for escape into accommodation. It
+was in large measure due to Caraffa's energy and ability that these
+results were attained.
+
+The method of procedure adopted by the Council, and the temper in which
+its business was conducted, were no less favorable to the Papacy than
+the authoritative sanction which it gave to dogmas. From the first, the
+presidency and right of initiative in its sessions were conceded to the
+Papal Legates; and it soon became customary to refer decrees, before
+they were promulgated, to his Holiness in Rome for approval. The decrees
+themselves were elaborated in three congregations, one appointed for
+theological questions, the second for reforms, the third for supervision
+and ratification. They were then proposed for discussion and acceptance
+in general sessions of the Council. Here each vote told; and as there
+was a standing majority of Italian prelates, it required but little
+dexterity to secure the passing of any measure upon which the Court of
+Rome insisted. The most formidable opposition to the Papal prerogatives
+during these manoeuvres proceeded from the Spanish bishops, who urged
+the introduction of reforms securing the independence of the episcopacy.
+
+We find a remarkable demonstration of Paul III.'s difficulties as Pope
+of the transition, in the fact that while the Council of Trent was
+waging this uncompromising war against Reformers, his dread of Charles
+V. compelled him to suspend its sessions, transfer it to Bologna, and
+declare himself the political ally of German Protestants. This
+transference took place in 1547. His Legates received orders to invent
+some decent excuse for a step which would certainly be resisted, since
+Bologna was a city altogether subject to the Holy See. The Legates, by
+the connivance of the physicians in Trent, managed to create a panic of
+contagious epidemic.[21] Charles had won victories which seemed to place
+Germany at his discretion. His preponderance in Italy was thereby
+dangerously augmented. Paul, following the precedents of policy in which
+he had been bred, thought it at this crisis necessary to subordinate
+ecclesiastical to temporal interests. He interrupted the proceedings of
+the Council in order to hamper the Emperor in Germany. He encouraged the
+Northern Protestants in order that he might maintain an open issue in
+the loins of his Spanish rival. Nothing could more delicately illustrate
+the complications of European politics than the inverted attitude
+assumed by the Roman Pontiff in his dealings with a Catholic Emperor at
+this moment of time.[22]
+
+[Footnote 21: See Sarpi, p. 249.]
+
+[Footnote 22: Charles, at this juncture, was checkmated by Paul through
+his own inability to dispense with the Pope's co-operation as chief of
+the Catholic Church. So long as he opposed the Reformation, it was
+impossible for him to assume an attitude of violent hostility to Rome.]
+
+The opposition of the Farnesi to Paul's scheme for restoring Parma to
+the Holy See in 1549, broke Paul III.'s health and spirits. He died on
+November 10, and was succeeded by the Cardinal Giovanni Maria del Monte,
+of whose reign little need be said. Julius III. removed the Council from
+Bologna to Trent in 1551, where it made some progress in questions
+touching the Eucharist and the administration of episcopal sees; but in
+the next year its sessions were suspended, owing to the disturbed state
+of Southern Germany and the presence of a Protestant army under Maurice
+of Saxony in the Tyrol.[23] This Pope passed his time agreeably and
+innocently enough in the villa which he built near the Porta del Popolo.
+His relatives were invested with several petty fiefs--that of their
+birthplace, Monte Sansovino, by Cosimo de'Medici; that of Novara by the
+Emperor, and that of Camerino by the Church. The old methods of Papal
+nepotism were not as yet abandoned. His successor, Marcello II.,
+survived his elevation only three weeks; and in May 1555, Giovanni
+Pietro Caraffa was elected, with the title of Paul IV. We have already
+made the acquaintance of this Pope as a member of the Oratory of Divine
+Love, as a co-founder of the Theatines, as the organizer of the Roman
+Inquisition, and as a leader in the first sessions of the Tridentine
+Council. Paul IV. sprang from a high and puissant family of Naples. He
+was a man of fierce, impulsive and uncompromising temper, animated by
+two ruling passions--burning hatred for the Spaniards who were trampling
+on his native land, and ecclesiastical ambition intensified by rigid
+Catholic orthodoxy. The first act of his reign was a vain effort to
+expel the Spaniards from Italy by resorting to the old device of French
+assistance. The abdication of Charles V. had placed Philip II. on the
+throne of Spain, and the settlement whereby the Imperial crown passed to
+his brother Ferdinand had substituted a feeble for a powerful Emperor.
+But Philip's disengagement from the cares of Germany left him more at
+liberty to maintain his preponderance in Southern Europe. It was
+fortunate for Paul IV. that Philip was a bigoted Catholic and a
+superstitiously obedient son of the Church. These two potentates,
+who began to reign in the same year, were destined, after the
+settlement of their early quarrel, to lead and organize the Catholic
+Counter-Reformation. The Duke of Guise at the Pope's request marched a
+French army into Italy. Paul raised a body of mercenaries, who were
+chiefly German Protestants[24]; and opened negotiations with Soliman,
+entreating the Turk to make a descent on Sicily by sea. Into such a
+fantastically false position was the Chief of the Church, the most
+Catholic of all her Pontiffs, driven by his jealous patriotism. We seem
+to be transported back into the times of a Sixtus IV. or an Alexander
+VI. And in truth, Paul's reversion to the antiquated Guelf policy of his
+predecessors was an anachronism. That policy ceased to be efficient when
+Francis I. signed the Treaty of Cambray; the Church, too, had gradually
+assumed such a position that armed interference in the affairs of
+secular sovereigns was suicidal. This became so manifest that Paul's
+futile attack on Philip in 1556 may be reckoned the last war raised by a
+Pope. From it we date the commencement of a new system of Papal
+co-operation with Catholic powers.
+
+[Footnote 23: During the brief and unimportant sessions at Bologna,
+Jesuit influences began to make themselves decidedly felt in the
+Council, where Lainez and Salmeron attended as Theologians of the Papal
+See. Up to this time the Dominicans had shaped decrees. Dogmatic
+orthodoxy was secured by their means. Now the Jesuits were to fight and
+win the battle of Papal Supremacy.]
+
+[Footnote 24: Sarpi, quoted in his Life by Fra Fulgenzio, p. 83, says
+Paul called his Grisons mercenaries 'Angels sent from Heaven.']
+
+The Duke of Alva put the forces at his disposal in the Two Sicilies into
+motion, and advanced to meet the Duke of Guise. But while the campaign
+dragged on, Philip won the decisive battle of S. Quentin. The Guise
+hurried back to France, and Alva marched unresisted upon Rome. There was
+no reason why the Eternal City should not have been subjected to another
+siege and sack. The will was certainly not wanting in Alva to humiliate
+the Pope, who never spoke of Spaniards but as renegade Jews, Marrani,
+heretics, and personifications of pride. Philip, however, wrote
+reminding his general that the date of his birth (1527) was that of
+Rome's calamity, and vowing that he would not signalize the first year
+of his reign by inflicting fresh miseries upon the capital of
+Christendom. Alva was ordered to make peace on terms both honorable and
+advantageous to his Holiness; since the King of Spain preferred to lose
+the rights of his own crown rather than to impair those of the Holy See
+in the least particular. Consequently, when Alva entered Rome in
+peaceful pomp, he did homage for his master to the Pope, who was
+generously willing to absolve him for his past offences. Paul IV.
+publicly exulted in the abasement of his conquerors, declaring that it
+would teach kings in future the obedience they owed to the Chief of the
+Church. But Alva did not conceal his discontent. It would have been
+better, he said, to have sent the Pope to sue for peace and pardon at
+Brussels, than to allow him to obtain the one and grant the other on
+these terms.
+
+Paul's ambition to expel the Spaniards from Italy exposed him to the
+worst abuses of that Papal nepotism which he had denounced in others. He
+judged it necessary to surround himself with trusty and powerful agents
+of his own kindred.[25]
+
+[Footnote 25: New men--and Popes were always _novi homines_--are
+compelled to take this course, and suffer when they take it. We might
+compare their difficulties with those which hampered Napoleon when he
+aspired to the Imperial tyranny over French conquests in Europe.]
+
+With that view he raised one of his nephews, Carlo, to the Cardinalate,
+and bestowed on two others the principal fiefs of the Colonna family.
+The Colonnas were by tradition Ghibelline. This sufficed for depriving
+them of Palliano and Montebello. Carlo Caraffa, who obtained the
+scarlet, had lived a disreputable life which notoriously unfitted him
+for any ecclesiastical dignity. In the days of Sixtus and Alexander this
+would have been no bar to his promotion. But the Church was rapidly
+undergoing a change; and Carlo, complying with the hypocritical spirit
+of his age, found it convenient to affect a thorough reformation, and to
+make open show of penitence. Rome now presented the singular spectacle
+of an inquisitorial Pope, unimpeachable in moral conduct and zealous for
+Church reform, surrounded by nephews who were little better than
+Borgias. The Caraffas began to dream of principalities and scepters. It
+was their ambition to lay hold on Florence, where Cosimo de'Medici, as
+a pronounced ally of Spain, had gained the bitter hatred of their uncle.
+But their various misdoings, acts of violence and oppression, avarice
+and sensuality, gradually reached the ears of the Pope. In an assembly
+of the Inquisition, held in January 1559, he cried aloud, 'Reform!
+reform! reform!' Cardinal Pacheco, a determined foe of the Caraffeschi,
+raised his voice, and said, 'Holy Father! reform must first begin with
+us.' Pallavicini adds the remark that Paul understood well who was meant
+by _us_. He immediately retired to his apartments, instituted a
+searching inquiry into the conduct of his nephews, and, before the month
+was out, deprived them of all their offices and honors, and banished
+them from Rome. He would not hear a word in their defence; and when
+Cardinal Farnese endeavored to procure a mitigation of their sentence,
+he brutally replied, 'If Paul III. had shown the same justice, your
+father would not have been murdered and mutilated in the streets of
+Piacenza.' In open consistory, before the Cardinals and high officials
+of his realm, with tears streaming from his eyes, he exposed the evil
+life of his relatives, declared his abhorrence of them, and protested
+that he had dwelt in perfect ignorance of their crimes until that time.
+This scene recalls a similar occasion, when Alexander VI. bewailed
+himself aloud before his Cardinals after the murder of the Duke of
+Gandia by Cesare. But Alexander's repentance was momentary; his grief
+was that of a father for Absalom; his indignation gave way to paternal
+weakness for the fratricide. Paul, though his love for his relatives
+seems to have been fervent, never relaxed his first severity against
+them. They were buried in oblivion; no one uttered their names in the
+Pope's presence. The whole secular administration of the Papal States
+was changed; not an official kept his place. For the first time Rome was
+governed by ministers in no way related to the Holy Father.
+
+Paul now turned his attention, with the fiery passion that
+distinguished him, to the reformation of ecclesiastical abuses. On his
+accession he had published a Bull declaring that this would be a
+principal object of his reign. Nor had he in the midst of other
+occupations forgotten his engagement. A Congregation specially appointed
+for examining, classifying, and remedying such abuses had been
+established. It was divided into three committees, consisting of eight
+Cardinals, fifteen prelates, and fifty men of learning. At the same time
+the Inquisition was rigorously maintained. Paul extended its
+jurisdiction, empowered it to use torture, and was constant in his
+attendance on its meetings and _autos da fe_.[26] But now that his plans
+for the expulsion of the Spaniards had failed, and his nephews had been
+hurled from their high station into the dust, there remained no other
+interest to distract his mind. Every day witnessed the promulgation of
+some new edict touching monastic discipline, simony, sale of offices,
+collation to benefices, church ritual, performance of clerical duties,
+and appointment to ecclesiastical dignities. It was his favorite boast
+that there would be no need of a Council to restore the Church to
+purity, since he was doing it.[27]
+
+[Footnote 26: Pallavicini, in his history of the Council of Trent (Lib.
+xiv. ix. 5), specially commends Paul's zeal for the Holy Office:--'Fra
+esse d'eterna lode lo fa degno il tribunal dell'inquisizione, che dal
+zelo di lui e prima in autorita di consigliero e poscia in podesta di
+principe riconosce il presente suo vigor nell'Italia, e dal quale
+riconosce l'Italia la sua conservata integrita della fede: e per quest'
+opera salutare egli rimane ora tanto piu benemerito ed onorabile quantao
+piu allora ne fu mal rimerilato e disonorato.']
+
+[Footnote 27: See Luigi Mocenigo in _Rel. degli Amb. Veneti_, vol. x. p.
+25.] And indeed his measures formed the nucleus of the Tridentine
+decrees upon this topic in the final sessions of the Council. Under this
+government Rome assumed an air of exemplary behavior which struck
+foreigners with mute astonishment. Cardinals were compelled to preach in
+their basilicas. The Pope himself, who was vain of his eloquence,
+preached. Gravity of manners, external signs of piety, a composed and
+contrite face, ostentation of orthodoxy by frequent confession and
+attendance at the Mass, became fashionable; and the Court adopted for
+its motto the _Si non caste tamen caute_ of the Counter-Reformation.[28]
+Aretino, with his usual blackguardly pointedness of expression, has
+given a hint of what the new _regime_ implied in the following satiric
+lines:--
+
+    Carafla, ipocrita infingardo,
+      Che tien per coscienza spirituale
+      Quando si mette del pepe in sul cardo.
+
+Paul IV. brought the first period of the transition to an end. There
+were no attempts at dislodging the Spaniard, no Papal wars, no tyranny
+of Papal nephews converted into feudal princes, after his days. He
+stamped Roman society with his own austere and bigoted religion. That he
+was in any sense a hypocrite is wholly out of the question. But he made
+Rome hypocritical, and by establishing the Inquisition on a firm basis,
+he introduced a reign of spiritual terror into Italy.
+
+[Footnote 28: 'Roma a paragone delli tempi degli altri pontefici si
+poteva riputar come un onesto monasterio di religiosi' (_op. cit._ p.
+41).]
+
+At his death the people rose in revolt, broke into the dungeons of the
+Inquisition, released the prisoners, and destroyed the archives. The
+Holy Office was restored, however; and its higher posts of trust soon
+came to be regarded as stepping-stones to the Pontifical dignity.
+
+The successor of Paul IV. was a man of very different quality and
+antecedents. Giovanni Angelo Medici sprang, not from the Florentine
+house of Medici, but from an obscure Lombard stem. His father acquired
+some wealth by farming the customs in Milan; and his eldest brother,
+Gian Giacomo, pushed his way to fame, fortune, and a title by piracy
+upon the lake of Como.[29] Gian Giacomo established himself so securely
+in his robber fortress of Musso that he soon became a power to reckon
+with. He then entered the imperial service, was created Marquis of
+Marignano by the Duke of Milan, and married a lady of the Orsini house,
+the sister of the Duchess of Parma. At a subsequent period he succeeded
+in subduing Siena to the rule of Cosimo de'Medici, who then
+acknowledged a pretended consanguinity between the two families.[30] The
+younger brother, Giovanni Angelo, had meanwhile been studying law,
+practising as a jurist, and following the Court at Rome in the place of
+prothonotary which, as the custom then was, he purchased in 1527. Paul
+III. observed him, took him early into favor, and on the marriage of
+Gian Giacomo, advanced him to the Cardinalate. This was the man who
+assumed the title of Pius IV. on his election to the Papacy in 1559.
+
+[Footnote 29: In my _Sketches and Studies in Italy_ I have narrated the
+romantic history of this filibuster.]
+
+[Footnote 30: Soranzo: Alberi, vol. x. p. 67. Pius IV. adopted the arms
+of the Florentine Medici, and spent 30,000 scudi on carving them about
+through Rome. See P. Tiepolo, _Ib._ p. 174.]
+
+Paul IV. hated Cardinal Medici, and drove him away from Rome. It is
+probable that this antipathy contributed something to Giovanni Angelo's
+elevation. Of humble Lombard blood, a jurist and a worldling, pacific in
+his policy, devoted to Spanish interests, cautious and conciliatory in
+the conduct of affairs, ignorant of theology and indifferent to niceties
+of discipline, Pius IV. was at all points the exact opposite of the
+fiery Neapolitan noble, the Inquisitor and fanatic, the haughty trampler
+upon kings, the armed antagonist of Alva, the brusque, impulsive
+autocrat, the purist of orthodoxy, who preceded him upon the Papal
+throne.[31] His trusted counselor was Cardinal Morone, whom Paul had
+thrown into the dungeons of the Inquisition on a charge of favoring
+Lutheran opinions, and who was liberated by the rabble in their
+fury.[32]
+
+[Footnote 31: 'Veramente quasi in ogni parte si puo chiamare il rovescio
+dell' altro' (_op. cit._ p. 50).]
+
+[Footnote 32: Luigi Mocenigo says of him that Pius 'averlo per un angelo
+di paradiso, e adoperandolo per consiglio in tutte le sue cose
+importanti.' Alberi, vol. x. p. 40. The case made out against Morone
+during the pontificate of Paul IV. may be studied in Cantu, _op. cit._
+vol. ii. pp. 171-192, together with his defence in full. It turned
+mainly on these articles:--unsound opinions regarding justification by
+faith, salvation by Christ's blood, good works, invocation of saints,
+reliques; dissemination of the famous book on the _Benefits of Christ's
+Death_; practice with heretics. He was imprisoned in the Castle of S.
+Angelo from June, 1557 till August, 1559. Suspicions no doubt fell on
+him through his friendship with several of the moderate reformers, and
+from the fact that his diocese of Modena was a nest of liberal
+thinkers--the Grillenzoni, Castelvetro, Filippo Valentini, Faloppio,
+Camillo Molza, Francesco da Porto, Egidio Foscarari, and others, all of
+whom are described by Cantu, _op. cit._ Disc, xxviii. The charges
+brought against these persons prove at once the mainly speculative and
+innocuous character of Italian heresy, and the implacable enmity which a
+Pope of Caraffa's stamp exercised against the slightest shadow of
+heterodoxy.]
+
+This in itself was significant of the new _regime_ which now began in
+Rome. Morone, like his master, understood that the Church could best be
+guided by diplomacy and arts of peace. The two together brought the
+Council of Trent to that conclusion which left an undisputed sovereignty
+in theological and ecclesiastical affairs to the Papacy. It would have
+been impossible for a man of Caraffa's stamp to achieve what these
+sagacious temporizers and adroit managers effected.
+
+Without advancing the same arrogant claims to spiritual supremacy as
+Paul had made, Pius was by no means a feeble Pontiff. He knew that the
+temper of the times demanded wise concessions; but he also knew how to
+win through these concessions the reality of power. It was he who
+initiated and firmly followed the policy of alliance between the Papacy
+and the Catholic sovereigns.[33] Instead of asserting the interests of
+the Church in antagonism to secular potentates, he undertook to prove
+that their interests were identical. Militant Protestantism threatened
+the civil no less than the ecclesiastical order. The episcopacy
+attempted to liberate itself from monarchical and pontifical authority
+alike. Pius proposed to the autocrats of Europe a compact for mutual
+defence, divesting the Holy See of some of its privileges, but requiring
+in return the recognition of its ecclesiastical absolutism. In all
+difficult negotiations he was wont to depend upon himself; treating his
+counselors as agents rather than as peers, and holding the threads of
+diplomacy in his own hands. Thus he was able to transact business as a
+sovereign with sovereigns, and came to terms with them by means of
+personal correspondence. The reconstruction of Catholic Christendom,
+which took visible shape in the decrees of the Tridentine Council, was
+actually settled in the Courts of Spain, Austria, France and Rome. The
+Fathers of the Council were the mouthpieces of royal and Papal cabinets.
+The Holy Ghost, to quote a profane satire of the time, reached Trent in
+the despatch-bags of couriers, in the sealed instructions issued to
+ambassadors and legates.
+
+[Footnote 33: Soranzo, _op. cit._ p. 75, says: 'Con li principi tiene
+modo affatto contrario al suo predecessore; perche mentre quello usava
+dire, il grado dei pontefici esser per mettersi sotto i piedi
+gl'imperatori e i re, questo dice che senza l'autorita dei principi non
+si puo conservare quella dei pontefici.']
+
+We observe throughout the negotiations which crowned the policy of this
+Pope with success, the operation not only of a pacific and far-seeing
+character, but also of the temper of a lawyer. Pius drew up the
+Tridentine decrees as an able conveyancer draws up a complicated deed,
+involving many trusts, recognizing conflicting rights, providing for
+distant contingencies. It was in fact the marriage contract of
+ecclesiastical and secular absolutism, by which the estates of Catholic
+Christendom were put in trust and settlement for posterity. In
+formulating its terms the Pope granted points to which an obstinate or
+warlike predecessor, a Julius II. or a Paul IV., would never have
+subscribed his signature. In purely theological matters, such as the
+concession of the chalice to the laity and the marriage of the clergy,
+he was even willing to yield more for the sake of peace than his Court
+and clergy would agree to. But for each point he gave, he demanded a
+substantial equivalent, and showed such address in bargaining, that Rome
+gained far more than it relinquished. When the contract had been
+drafted, he ratified it by a full and ready recognition, and lawyer-like
+was punctual in executing all the terms to which he pledged himself.
+
+We must credit Pius IV. with keen insight into the new conditions of
+Catholic Europe, and recognize him as the real founder of the modern as
+distinguished from the mediaeval Papacy. That transition which I have
+been describing in the present chapter remained uncertain in its issue
+up to his pontificate. Before his death the salvation of Catholicism,
+the integrity of the Catholic Church, the solidity of the Roman
+hierarchy, and the possibility of a vigorous Counter-Reformation were
+placed beyond all doubt.
+
+It is noticeable that these substantial successes were achieved, not by
+a religious fanatic, but by a jurist; not by a saint, but by a genial
+man of the world; not by force of intellect and will, but by adroitness;
+not by masterful authority, but by pliant diplomacy; not by forcing but
+by following the current of events. Since Gregory VII., no Pope had done
+so much as Pius IV. for bracing the ancient fabric of the Church and
+confirming the Papal prerogative. But what a difference there is between
+a Hildebrand and a Giovanni Angelo Medici! How Europe had changed, when
+a man of the latter's stamp was the right instrument of destiny for
+starting the weather-beaten ship of the Church upon a new and prosperous
+voyage.
+
+Pius IV. was greatly assisted in his work by circumstances, of which he
+knew how to avail himself. Had it not been for the renewed spiritual
+activity of Catholicism to which I have alluded in this chapter, he
+might not have been able to carry that work through. He took no interest
+in theology, and felt no sympathy for the Inquisition.[34] But he
+prudently left that institution alone to pursue its function of policing
+the ecclesiastical realm. The Jesuits rendered him important assistance
+by propagating their doctrine of passive obedience to Rome. Spain
+supported him with the massive strength of a nation Catholic to the
+core; and when the Spanish prelates gave him trouble, he could rely for
+aid upon the Spanish crown. His own independence, as a prudent man of
+business, uninfluenced by bigoted prejudices or partialities for any
+sect, enabled him to manipulate all resources at his disposal for the
+main object of uniting Catholicism and securing Papal supremacy. He was
+also fortunate in his family relations, having no occasion to complicate
+his policy by nepotism. One of the first acts of his reign had been to
+condemn four of the Caraffeschi--Cardinal Caraffa, the Duke of Palliano,
+Count Aliffe and Leonardo di Cardine--to death; and this act of justice
+ended forever the old forms of domestic ambition which had hampered the
+Popes of the Renaissance in their ecclesiastical designs. His brother,
+the Marquis of Marignano, died in 1555; and this event opened for him
+the path to the Papacy, which he would never have attained in the
+lifetime of so grasping and ambitious a man.[35] With his next brother,
+Augusto, who succeeded to the marquisate, he felt no sympathy.[36] His
+nephew Federigo Borromeo died in youth. His other nephew, Carlo
+Borromeo, the sainted Archbishop of Milan, remained close to his person
+in Rome.[37] But Carlo Borromeo was a man who personified the new spirit
+of Catholicism. Sincerely pious, zealous for the faith, immaculate in
+conduct, unwearied in the discharge of diocesan duties, charitable to
+the poor, devoted to the sick, he summed up all the virtues of the
+Counter-Reformation. Nor had he any of the virtues of the Renaissance. A
+Venetian Ambassador described him as cold of political temperament,
+little versed in worldly affairs, and perplexed when he attempted to
+handle matters of grave moment.[38] His presence at the Papal Court, so
+far from being perilous, as that of an ambitious Cardinal Nipote would
+have been, or scandalous as that of former Riarios, Borgias, and
+Caraffas had undoubtedly been, was a source of strength to Pius. It
+imported into his immediate surroundings just what he himself lacked,
+and saved him from imputations of worldliness which in the altered
+temper of the Church might have proved inconvenient.[39] Truly, among
+all Pontiffs who have occupied St. Peter's Chair, Pius IV. deserved in
+the close of his life to be called fortunate. He had risen from
+obscurity, had entered Rome in humble office at the moment of Rome's
+deepest degradation. He had lived through troubled times, and for some
+years had felt the whole weight of Catholic concerns upon his shoulders.
+At the last, he was conscious of having opened a new era for the Church,
+and of being able to transmit a scepter of undisputed authority to his
+successors. His death-bed was troubled with no remorse, with no
+ingratitude of relatives, with no political complications produced by
+family ambition or by the sacrifice of his official duties to personal
+aggrandizement.
+
+[Footnote 34: Soranzo, _op. cit._ p. 74.]
+
+[Footnote 35: Soranzo, _op. cit._ p. 71, says: 'II marchese suo fratello
+con la moglie gli diede il cappello, e con la morte il papato.']
+
+[Footnote 36: Mocenigo, _op. cit._ p. 52. Soranzo, _op. cit._ p. 93.]
+
+[Footnote 37: Margherita Medici, sister of the Pope, had married
+Gilberto Borromeo.]
+
+[Footnote 38: See Mocenigo, _op. cit._ p. 53. Soranzo, _op. cit._ p.
+91.]
+
+[Footnote 39: Gia. Soranzo (_op. cit._ p. 133) says of Carlo Borromeo,
+'ch'egli solo faccia piu profitto nella Corte di Roma che tutti i
+decreti del Concilio insieme.']
+
+Soon after the election of Pope Pius IV. the state of Europe made the
+calling of a General Council indispensable. Paul's impolitic pretensions
+had finally alienated England from the Roman Church. Scotland was upon
+the point of declaring herself Protestant. The Huguenots were growing
+stronger every year in France, the Queen Mother, Catherine de'Medici,
+being at that time inclined to favor them. The Confession of Augsburg
+had long been recognized in Germany. The whole of Scandinavia, with
+Denmark, was lost to Catholicism. The Low Countries, in spite of Philip,
+Alva, and the Inquisition, remained intractable. Bohemia, Hungary, and
+Poland were alienated, ripe for open schism. The tenets of Zwingli had
+taken root in German Switzerland. Calvin was gaining ground in the
+French cantons. Geneva had become a stationary fortress, the stronghold
+of belligerent reformers, whence heresy sent forth its missionaries and
+promulgated subversive doctrines through the medium of an ever-active
+press. Transformed by Calvin from its earlier condition of a
+pleasure-loving and commercial city, it was now what Deceleia under
+Spartan discipline had been to Athens in the Peloponnesian war--a
+permanent _epiteichismos_, perpetually garrisoned and on guard to harry
+the flanks of Catholics. Faithful to the Roman See in a strict sense of
+the term, there remained only Spain, Portugal, and Italy. As the events
+of the next century proved, the disaffected nations still offered
+rallying-points for the Catholic cause, from which the tide of conquest
+was rolled back upon the Reformation. But in 1559 the outlook for the
+Church was very gloomy; no one could predict whether a General Council
+might not increase her difficulties by weakening the Papal power and
+sowing further seeds of discord among her few faithful adherents. Yet
+Pius, after an attempt to combine the Catholic nations in a crusade
+against Geneva, which was frustrated by the jealousy of Spain, the
+internal weakness of France and the respect inspired by Switzerland,[40]
+determined to cast his fortunes on the Council. He had several strong
+points in his favor. The reigning Emperor, Ferdinand, wielded a power
+insignificant when compared with that of Charles V. The Protestants,
+though formally invited, were certain not to attend a Council which had
+already condemned the articles of their Confession. The cardinal dogmas
+of Catholicism had been confirmed in the sessions of 1545-1552. It was
+to be hoped that, with skillful management, existing differences of
+opinion with regard to doctrine, church-management, and reformation of
+abuses, might be settled to the satisfaction of the Catholic powers.
+
+[Footnote 40: See Sarpi, vol. ii. pp. 43, 44.]
+
+The Pope accordingly sent four Legates, the Cardinals Gonzaga,
+Seripando, Simoneta, Hosius, and Puteo, to Trent, who opened the
+Council on January 15, 1562.[41] As had been anticipated, the
+Protestants showed strong disinclination to attend. The French prelates
+were unable to appear, pending negotiations with the Huguenots at Poissy
+and Pontoise. The German prelates intimated their reluctance to take
+part in the proceedings. The Court of France demanded that the chalice
+for the laity and the use of the vulgar tongue in religious services
+should be conceded. The Emperor also insisted on these points, making a
+further demand for the marriage of the clergy. Circumstances both in
+France and Germany seemed to render these conditions imperative, if the
+rapid spread of Protestant dissent were to be checked and the remnant of
+the Catholic population to be kept in obedience. Of ecclesiastics, only
+Spaniards and Italians, the latter in a large majority, appeared at
+Trent. The Courts of other nations were represented by ambassadors, who
+took no part in the deliberations of the Council.[42]
+
+[Footnote 41: Cardinal Puteo was soon replaced by a Papal nephew, the
+Cardinal d'Altemps (Mark of Hohen Embs).]
+
+[Footnote 42: At the first session there were five Cardinals, one
+hundred and four prelates, including Patriarchs, Archbishops and
+Bishops, four Abbots, and four Generals of Orders. These were all
+Italians, Spaniards and Portuguese. And yet this Conciliabulum called
+itself a General Council, inspired by the Holy Ghost to legislate for
+the whole of Latin and Teutonic Christianity.]
+
+In spite of this inauspicious commencement, Pius declared the Council a
+General Council, and further decreed that it should be recognized as a
+continuation of that Council which had begun at Trent in 1545. This
+rendered co-operation of the Protestants impossible, since they would
+have been compelled to accept the earlier dogmatic resolutions of the
+Fathers. It was decided that no proxies should be allowed to absentees;
+that the questions of doctrine and reform should be prepared for
+discussion in two separate congregations, and should be taken into
+consideration in full sessions simultaneously; finally that the Papal
+Legates should alone have the privilege of proposing resolutions to the
+fathers. This last point, by which the Court of Rome reserved to itself
+the control of all proceedings in the Council, was carried by a clever
+ruse. Until too late the Spanish prelates do not seem to have been aware
+of the immense power they had conferred on Rome by passing the words
+_Legatis proponentibus_.[43] The principle involved in this phrase
+continued to be hotly disputed all through the sessions of the Council.
+But Pius knew that so long as he stuck fast to it he always held the ace
+of trumps, and nothing would induce him to relinquish it.
+
+[Footnote 43: See Sarpi, vol. ii. p. 87.]
+
+Fortified in this position of superiority, Pius now proceeded to
+organize his forces and display his tactics. All through the sessions of
+the Council they remained the same; and as the method resulted in his
+final victory, it deserves to be briefly described. At any cost he
+determined to secure a numerical majority in the Synod. This was
+effected by drafting Italian prelates, as occasion required, to Trent.
+Many of the poorer sort were subsidized, and placed under the
+supervision of Cardinal Simoneta, who gave them orders how to vote. A
+small squadron of witty bishops was told off to throw ridicule on
+inconvenient speakers by satirical interpolations, or to hamper them by
+sophistical arguments. Spies were introduced into the opposite camps,
+who kept the Legates informed of what the French or Spaniards
+deliberated in their private meetings. The Legates meanwhile established
+a daily post of couriers, who carried the minutest details of the
+Council to the Vatican. When the resolutions of the congregations on
+which decrees were to be framed had been drawn up, they referred them to
+his Holiness. Without his sanction they did not propose them in a
+general session. In this fashion, by means of his standing majority, the
+exclusive right of his Legates to propose resolutions, and the previous
+reference of these resolutions to himself, Pius was enabled to direct
+the affairs of the Council. It soon became manifest that while the
+fathers were talking at Trent their final decisions were arranged in
+Rome. This not unnaturally caused much discontent. It began to be
+murmured that the Holy Ghost was sent from Rome to Trent in carpet-bags.
+A man of more imperious nature than Pius might, by straining his
+prerogatives, have produced an irreconcilable rupture. But he was aware
+that the very existence of the Papacy depended on circumspection. He
+therefore used all his advantages with caution, and resolved to win the
+day by diplomacy. With this object in view he introduced the further
+system of negotiating with the Catholic Courts through special agents.
+Instead of framing the decrees upon the information furnished by his
+Legates, he in his turn submitted them to Philip, Catherine de'Medici,
+and Ferdinand, agreed on terms of mutual concession, persuaded the
+princes that their interests were identical with his own, and then
+returned such measures to the Council as could be safely passed. In
+course of time the Holy Ghost was not packed up at Rome for Trent in
+carpet-bags before he had gone round of Europe and made his bow in all
+cabinets.
+
+It must not, however, be thought that matters went smoothly for the Pope
+at first, or that so novel a method as that which I have described,
+whereby the faith and discipline of Christendom were settled by
+negotiations between sovereigns, came suddenly into existence. In its
+first sessions the Council, to quote the Pope's own words, resembled the
+Tower of Babel rather than a Synod of Fathers. The Spanish prelates
+contended fiercely for two principles touching the episcopacy: one was
+that the residence of bishops in their dioceses had been divinely
+commanded; the other, that their authority is derived from Christ
+immediately. The first struck at the Pope's power to dispense from the
+duty of residence; and if it had been established, it would have ruined
+his capital. The second would have rendered the episcopacy independent
+of Rome, and have made the Holy Father one of a numerous oligarchy
+instead of the absolute chief of a hierarchy. Pius was able to show
+Philip that the independence of the bishops must inflict deep injuries
+on the crown of Spain. Philip therefore wrote to forbid insistance on
+this point. But the Spanish prelates, though coerced, were not silenced,
+and the storm which they had raised went grumbling on.
+
+Difficulties of a no less serious nature arose when the French and
+Imperial ambassadors arrived at Trent in the spring. They demanded, as I
+have already stated, that the chalice should be conceded to the laity;
+nor is it easy to understand why this point might not have been granted.
+Pius himself was ready to make the concession; and the only valid
+argument against it was that it imperiled the uniformity of ritual
+throughout all Catholic countries. The Germans further stipulated for
+the marriage of the clergy, which the Pope was also disposed to
+entertain, until he reflected that celibacy alone retained the clergy
+faithful to his interests and regardless of those of their own nations.
+At this juncture of affairs, the Roman Court, which was strongly opposed
+to both concessions, received material aid from the dissensions of the
+Council. The Spaniards would hear nothing of the Eucharist under both
+forms. The marriage of the clergy was opposed by French and Spaniards
+alike. On the point of episcopal independence, the French supported the
+Spaniards; but Pius used the same arguments in France which he had used
+in Spain, with similar success. Thus there was no agreement on any of
+the disputed questions between Spaniards, Frenchmen and Germans; and
+since the ambassadors could neither propose nor vote, and the Italian
+prelates were in a permanent majority, Pius was able to defer and
+temporize at leisure.
+
+Nevertheless, he began to feel the gravity of the situation. He saw that
+the embassies constituted dangerous centers of intrigue and national
+organization at Trent. He was not entirely satisfied with his own
+Legate, the Cardinal Gonzaga, who supported the divine right of the
+episcopacy, and quarreled with his colleagues. The Spaniards, infuriated
+at having sacrificed the right of proposing measures, began to talk
+openly about the reform of the Papacy. Disagreeable messages reached
+Rome from France, and Spain, and Germany, complaining of the Pope's
+absolutism in Council, and demanding that the reform of the Church
+should be taken into serious and instant consideration. His devoted
+adherent, Lainez, General of the Jesuits, embittered opposition by
+passionately preaching the doctrine of passive obedience. Two dangers
+lay before him. One was that the Council should break up in confusion,
+with discredit to Rome, and anarchy for the Catholic Church. The other
+was that it should be prolonged in its dissensions by the princes, with
+a view of depressing and enfeebling the Papal authority. Other perils
+of an incalculable kind threatened him in the announced approach of the
+mighty Cardinal of Lorraine, brother to the Duke of Guise, with a
+retinue of French bishops released from the Conference at Poissy. Though
+he kept on packing the Council with fresh relays of Italians, it was
+much to be apprehended that they might be unable to oppose a coalition
+between French and Spanish prelates, should that be now effected.
+
+Pius, at this crisis, resolved on two important lines of policy, the
+energetic pursuit of which speedily brought the Council of Trent to a
+peaceful termination. The first was to meet the demand for a searching
+reformation of the Church with cheerful acquiescence; but to oppose a
+counter-demand that the secular States in all their ecclesiastical
+relations should at the same time be reformed. This implied a threat of
+alienating patronage and revenue from the princes; it also indicated
+plainly that the tiara and the crowns had interests in common. The
+second was to develop the diplomatic system upon which he had already
+tentatively entered.
+
+The events of the spring, 1563, hastened the adoption of these measures
+by the Pope. Cardinal Lorraine had arrived with his French bishops[44];
+and the Papal Legates found themselves involved at once in intricate
+disputes on questions touching the Huguenots and the interests of the
+Gallican Church. The Italians were driven in despair to epigrams: _Dalla
+scabie Spagnuola siamo caduti nel mal Francese_. Somewhat later, the
+Emperor dispatched a bulky and verbose letter, announcing his intention
+to play the part which Sigismund had assumed at the Council of
+Constance. He complained roundly of the evils caused by the reference of
+all resolutions to Rome, by the exclusive rights of the Legates to
+propose decrees, and by the intrigues of the Italian majority in the
+Synod. He wound up by declaring that the reformation of the Church must
+be accomplished in Trent, not left to the judgment of the Papal Curia;
+and threatened to arrive from Innsbruck by the Brenner. Though Ferdinand
+was in a position of ecclesiastical and political weakness, such an
+Imperial rescript could not be altogether contemned; especially as
+Cardinal Lorraine, soon after his arrival, had made the journey to
+Innsbruck on purpose to confer with the Emperor. It therefore behoved
+the Pope to act with decision; and an important event happened in the
+first days of March, which materially assisted him in doing so. This was
+the death of Cardinal Gonzaga, whom Pius determined to replace by the
+moderate and circumspect Morone.[45]
+
+[Footnote 44: He reached Trent, November 13, 1562, with eighteen
+Bishops, and three Abbots of France, charged by Charles IX. to demand
+purified ritual, reformed discipline of clergy, use of vernacular in
+church services, and finally, if possible, the marriage of the clergy.]
+
+[Footnote 45: The confusion at Trent in the spring of 1563 is thus
+described by the Bishop of Alife: 'Methinks Antichrist has come, so
+greatly confounded are the perturbations of the holy Fathers here.'
+Phillipson, p. 525.]
+
+Through Ippolito d'Este, Cardinal of Ferrara, he opened negotiations
+with the French Court, showing that the wishes of the prelates in the
+Council on the question of episcopacy were no less opposed to the crown
+than to his own interests. Cardinal Simoneta urged the same point on the
+Marquis of Pescara, who governed Milan for Philip, and was well inclined
+to the Papal party. Cardinal Morone was sent on a special embassy to the
+Emperor.[46] By wise concessions, in which the prerogatives of the
+Imperial ambassadors at Trent were considerably enlarged, and a
+searching reformation of the Church was promised, Morone succeeded in
+establishing a good working basis for the future. It came to be
+understood that while the Pope would allow no further freedom to the
+bishops, he was well disposed to let his Legates admit the envoys of the
+Catholic powers into their counsels. From this time forward the Synod
+may be said to have existed only as a mouthpiece for uttering the terms
+agreed on by the Pope and potentates. Morone returned to Trent, and the
+Emperor withdrew from Innsbruck toward the north.
+
+[Footnote 46: When Morone set out, he told the Venetian envoy in Rome
+that he was going on a forlorn hope. 'L'illmo Morone, quando parti per
+il Concilio, mi disse che andava a cura disperata e che _nulla speserat_
+della religione Cattolica.' Soranzo, _op. cit._ p. 82. The Jesuit
+Canisius, by his influence with Ferdinand, secured the success of
+Morone's diplomacy.]
+
+The difficulty with regard to France and Germany consisted in this, that
+politics forced both King and Emperor to consider the attitude of their
+Protestant subjects. Yet both alike were unable to maintain their
+position as Catholic sovereigns, if they came to open rupture with the
+Papacy. Ferdinand, as we have just seen, had expressed himself contented
+with the situation of affairs at Trent. But the French prelates still
+remained in opposition, and the French Court was undecided. Cardinal
+Morone, upon his arrival at Trent, began to flatter the Cardinal of
+Lorraine, affecting to take no measures of importance without consulting
+him. This conduct, together with timely compliments to several Frenchmen
+of importance, smoothed the way for future agreement; while the couriers
+who arrived from France, brought the assurance that Ippolito d'Este's
+representations had not been fruitless. Pius, meanwhile, was playing the
+same conciliatory game in Rome, where Don Luigi d'Avila arrived as a
+special envoy from Philip. The ambassador obtained a lodging in the
+Vatican, and was seen in daily social intercourse with his Holiness.[47]
+But the climax of this policy was reached when Lorraine accepted the
+Pope's invitation, and undertook a journey to Rome. This happened in
+September. The French Cardinal was pompously received, entertained in
+the palace, and honored with personal visits in his lodgings by the
+Pope. Weary of Trent and the tiresome intrigues of the Council, this
+unscrupulous prelate was still further inclined to negotiation after the
+murder of his brother, Duke of Guise. It must be remembered that the
+Guises in France were after all but a potent faction of semi-royal
+adventurers, who had risen to eminence by an alliance with Diane de
+Poitiers. The murder of the duke shook the foundations of their power;
+and the Cardinal was naturally anxious to be back again in France. For
+the moment he basked in the indolent atmosphere of Rome, surrounded by
+those treasures of antique and Renaissance luxury which still remained
+after the Sack of 1527. Pius held out flattering visions of succession
+to the Papacy, and proved convincingly that nothing could sustain the
+House of Guise or base the Catholic faith in France except alliance with
+the Papal See. Lorraine, who had probably seen enough of episcopal
+_canaillerie_ in the Council, and felt his inner self expand in the rich
+climate of pontifical Rome, allowed his ambition to be caressed,
+confessed himself convinced, and returned to Trent intoxicated with his
+visit, the devoted friend of Rome.
+
+[Footnote 47: Sarpi says that Don Luigi resided in the lodgings of Count
+Federigo Borromeo, a deceased nephew of the Pope.]
+
+Menaces, meanwhile, had been astutely mingled with cajoleries. The
+French and the Imperial Courts were growing anxious on the subject of
+reform in secular establishments. Pius had threatened to raise the whole
+question of national Churches and the monarch's right of interfering in
+their administration. This was tantamount to flinging a burning torch
+into the powder-magazine of Huguenot and Lutheran grievances. In order
+to save themselves from the disaster of explosion, they urged harmonious
+action with the Papacy upon their envoys. The Spanish Court, through
+Pescara, De Luna, and D'Avalos, wrote dispatches of like tenor. It was
+now debated whether a congress of Crowned heads should not be held to
+terminate the Council in accordance with the Papal programme. This would
+have suited Pius. It was the point to which his policy had led. Yet no
+such measure could be lightly hazarded. A congress while the Council was
+yet sitting, would have been too palpable and cynical a declaration of
+the Papal game. As events showed, it was not even necessary. When
+Lorraine returned to Trent, the French opposition came to an end. The
+Spanish had been already neutralized by the firm persistent exhibition
+of Philip's will to work for Roman absolutism.[48] There was nothing
+left but to settle details, to formulate the terms of ecclesiastical
+reform, and to close the Council of Trent with a unanimous vote of
+confidence in his Holiness. The main outlines of dogma and discipline
+were quickly drawn. Numerous details were referred to the Pope for
+definition. The Council terminated in December with an act of
+submission, which placed all its decrees at the pleasure of the Papal
+sanction. Pius was wise enough to pass and ratify the decrees of the
+Tridentine fathers by a Bull dated on December 26, 1563, reserving to
+the Papal sovereign the sole right of interpreting them in doubtful or
+disputed cases. This he could well afford to do; for not an article had
+been penned without his concurrence, and not a stipulation had been made
+without a previous understanding with the Catholic powers. The very
+terms, moreover, by which his ratification was conveyed, secured his
+supremacy, and conferred upon his successors and himself the privileges
+of a court of ultimate appeal. At no previous period in the history of
+the Church had so wide, so undefined, and so unlimited an authority been
+accorded to the See of Rome. Thus Pius IV. was triumphant in obtaining
+conciliar sanction for Pontifical absolutism, and in maintaining the
+fabric of the Roman hierarchy unimpaired, the cardinal dogmas of Latin
+Christianity unimpeached and after formal inquisition reasserted in
+precise definitions. A formidable armory had been placed at the disposal
+of the Popes, who were fully empowered to use it, and who had two mighty
+engines for its application ready in the Holy Office and the Company of
+Jesus.[49]
+
+[Footnote 48: Yet the Spanish bishops fought to the end, under the
+leadership of their chief Guerrero, for the principle of conciliar
+independence and the episcopal prerogatives. 'We had better not have
+come here, than be forced to stand by as witnesses,' says the Bishop of
+Orense. Phillipson, p. 577.]
+
+[Footnote 49: The vague reference of all decrees passed by the
+Tridentine Council to the Pope for interpretation enabled him and his
+successors to manipulate them as they chose. It therefore happened, as
+Sarpi says ('Tratt. delle Mat. Ben.' _Opere_, vol. iv. p. 161), that no
+reform, with regard to the tenure of benefices, residence, pluralism,
+etc., which the Council had decided, was adopted without qualifying
+expedients which neutralized its spirit. If the continuance of benefices
+_in commendam_ ceased, the device of _pensions_ upon benefices was
+substituted; and a thousand pretexts put colossal fortunes extracted
+from Church property, now as before, into the hands of Papal nephews.
+Witness the contrivances whereby Cardinal Scipione Borghese enriched
+himself in the Papacy of Paul V. The Council had decreed the residence
+of bishops in their sees; but it had reserved to the Pope a power of
+dispensation; so that those whom he chose to exile from Rome were bound
+to reside, and those whom he desired to have about him were released
+from this obligation. On each and all delicate points the Papacy was
+more autocratic after than before the Council. One of Sarpi's letters
+(vol. i. p. 371) to Jacques Leschassier, dated December 22, 1609, should
+be studied by those who wish to penetrate the '_reserve ed altre arcane
+arti_,' the '_renunzie_', '_pensioni_' and '_altri stratagemmi_,' by
+means of which the Papal Curia, during the half-century after the
+Tridentine Council, managed to evade its decrees, and to get such
+control over Church property in Italy that 'out of 500 benefices not one
+is conferred legally.' Compare the passage in the 'Trattato delle
+Materie Beneficiarie,' p. 163. There Sarpi says that five-sixths of
+Italian benefices are at the Pope's disposal, and that there is good
+reason to suppose that he will acquire the remaining sixth.]
+
+After the termination of the Council there was nothing left for Pius but
+to die. He stood upon a pinnacle which might well have made him
+nervous--lest haply the Solonian maxim, 'Call no man fortunate until his
+death,' should be verified in his person. During the two years of peace
+and retirement which he had still to pass, the unsuccessful conspiracy
+of Benedetto Accolti and Antonio Canossa against his life gave point to
+this warning. But otherwise, withdrawn from cares of state, which he
+committed to his nephew, Carlo Borromeo, he enjoyed the tranquillity
+that follows successful labor, and sank with undiminished prestige into
+his grave at the end of 1565. Those who believe in masterful and potent
+leaders of humanity may be puzzled to account for the triumph achieved
+by this common-place arbiter of destiny. Not by strength but by pliancy
+of character he accomplished the transition from the mediaeval to the
+modern epoch of Catholicism. He was no Cromwell, Frederick the Great, or
+Bismarck; only a politic old man, contriving by adroit avoidance to
+steer the ship of the Church clear through innumerable perils. This
+scion of the Italian middle class, this moral mediocrity, placed his
+successors in S. Peter's chair upon a throne of such supremacy that they
+began immediately to claim jurisdiction over kings and nations.
+Thirty-eight years before his death, when Clement VII. was shut up in S.
+Angelo, it seemed as though the Papal power might be abolished.
+Forty-five years after his death, Sarpi, writing to a friend in 1610,
+expressed his firm opinion that the one, the burning question for Europe
+was the Papal power.[50] Through him, poor product as he was of ordinary
+Italian circumstances, elected to be Pope because of his easy-going
+mildness by prelates worn to death in fiery Caraffa's reign, it happened
+that the flood of Catholic reaction was rolled over Europe. In a certain
+sense we may therefore regard him as a veritable _Flagellum Dei_,
+wielded by inscrutable fate. It seems that at momentous epochs of
+world-history no hero is needed to effect the purpose of the
+Time-Spirit. A Gian Angelo Medici, agreeable, diplomatic, benevolent,
+and pleasure-loving, sufficed to initiate a series of events which kept
+the Occidental races in perturbation through two centuries.
+
+[Footnote 50: _Lettere_, vol. ii. p. 167.]
+
+A great step had been taken in the pontificate of Pius IV. That reform
+of the Church, which the success of Protestantism rendered necessary,
+and which the Catholic powers demanded, had been decreed by the Council
+of Trent. Pius showed no unwillingness to give effect to the Council's
+regulations; and the task was facilitated for him by his nephew, Carlo
+Borromeo, and the Jesuits. It still remained, however, to be seen
+whether a new Pope might not reverse the policy on which the
+Counter-Reformation had been founded, and impede the beneficial inner
+movement which was leading the Roman hierarchy into paths of sobriety.
+Should this have happened, it would have been impossible for Romanism to
+assume a warlike attitude of resistance toward the Protestants in
+Europe, or to have rallied its own spiritual forces. The next election
+was therefore a matter of grave import.
+
+Nothing is more remarkable in the history of the Papacy at this epoch
+than the singular contrast offered by each Pontiff in succession to his
+predecessor. The conclave was practically uncontrolled in its choice by
+any external force of the first magnitude. Though a Duke of Florence
+might now, by intrigue, determine the nomination of a Pius IV., no
+commanding Emperor or King of France, as in the times of Otto the Great
+or Philip le Bel, could designate his own candidate. There was no
+strife, so open as in the Renaissance period, between Cardinals
+subsidized by Spain or Austria or France.[51] The result was that the
+deliberations of the conclave were determined by motives of petty
+interests, personal jealousies, and local considerations, to such an
+extent that the election seemed finally to be the result of chance or
+inspiration. We find the most unlikely candidates, Caraffa and Peretti,
+attributing their elevation to the direct influence of the Holy Ghost,
+in the consciousness that they had slipped into S. Peter's Chair by the
+maladroitness of conflicting factions. The upshot, however, of these
+uninfluenced elections generally was to promote a man antagonistic to
+his predecessor. The clash of parties and the numerical majority of
+independent Cardinals excluded the creatures of the last reign, and
+selected for advancement one who owed his position to the favor of an
+antecedent Pontiff. This result was further secured by the natural
+desire of all concerned in the election to nominate an old man, since it
+was for the general advantage that a pontificate should, if possible,
+not exceed five years.
+
+[Footnote 51: This does not mean that the Spanish crown had not a
+powerful voice in the elections. See the history of the conclaves which
+elected Urban VII., Gregory XIV., Innocent IX., Clement VIII., in Ranke,
+vol. ii. pp. 31-39. Yet it was noticed by those close observers, the
+Venetian envoys, that France and Spain had abandoned their former policy
+of subsidizing the Cardinals who adhered to their respective factions.]
+
+The personal qualities of Carlo Borromeo were of grave importance in
+the election of a successor to his uncle. He had ruled the Church during
+the last years of Pius IV.; and the newly-appointed Cardinals were his
+dependents. Had he attempted to exert his power for his own election, he
+might have met with opposition. He chose to use it for what he
+considered the deepest Catholic interests. This unselfishness led to the
+selection of a man, Michele Ghislieri, whose antecedents rendered him
+formidable to the still corrupt members of the Roman hierarchy, but
+whose character was precisely of the stamp required for giving solidity
+to the new phase on which the Church had entered. As Pius IV. had been
+the exact opposite to Paul IV., so Pius V. was a complete contrast to
+Pius IV. He had passed the best years of his life as chief of the
+Inquisition. Devoted to theology and to religious exercises, he lacked
+the legal and mundane faculties of his predecessor. But these were no
+longer necessary. They had done their duty in bringing the Council to a
+favorable close, and in establishing the Catholic concordat. What was
+now required was a Pope who should, by personal example and rigid
+discipline, impress Rome with the principles of orthodoxy and reform.
+Carlo Borromeo, self-conscious, perhaps, of the political incapacity
+which others noticed in him, and fervently zealous for the Catholic
+Revival, devolved this duty on Michele Ghislieri, who completed the work
+of his two predecessors.
+
+Paul IV. had laid a basis for the modern Roman Church by strengthening
+the Inquisition and setting internal reforms on foot. Pius IV.,
+externally, by his settlement of the Tridentine Council, and by the
+establishment of the Catholic concordat, built upon this basis an
+edifice which was not as yet massive. Carlo Borromeo and the Jesuits
+during the last pontificate prepared the way for a Pope who should
+cement and gird that building, so that it should be capable of resisting
+the inroads of time and should serve as a fortress of attack on heresy.
+That Pope was Michele Ghislieri, who assumed the title of Pius V. in
+1566.
+
+Before entering on the matter of his reign, it will be necessary to
+review the state of Rome at this moment in the epoch of transition, when
+the mediaeval and Renaissance phases were fast merging into the phase of
+the Counter-Reformation. Old abuses which have once struck a deep root
+in any institution, die slowly. It is therefore desirable to survey the
+position in which the Papal Sovereign of the Holy City, as constituted
+by the Council of Trent, held sway there.
+
+The population of Rome was singularly fluctuating. Being principally
+composed of ecclesiastics with their households and dependents;
+foreigners resident in the city as suitors or ambassadors; merchants,
+tradespeople and artists attracted by the hope of gain; it rose or fell
+according to the qualities of the reigning Pope, and the greater or less
+train of life which happened to be fashionable. Noble families were
+rather conspicuous by their absence than by their presence; for those of
+the first rank, Colonna and Orsini, dwelt upon their fiefs, and visited
+the capital only as occasion served. The minor aristocracy which gave
+solidity to social relations in towns like Florence and Bologna, never
+attained the rank of a substantial oligarchy in Rome. Nor was there an
+established dynasty round which a circle of peers might gather in
+permanent alliance with the Court. On the other hand, the frequent
+succession of Pontiffs chosen from various districts encouraged the
+growth of an ephemeral nobility, who battened for a while upon the favor
+of their Papal kinsmen, flooded the city with retainers from their
+province, and disappeared upon the election of a new Pope, to make room
+for another flying squadron. Instead of a group of ancient Houses,
+intermarrying and transmitting hereditary rights and honors to their
+posterity, Rome presented the spectacle of numerous celibate
+establishments, displaying great pomp, it is true, but dispersing and
+disappearing upon the decease of the patrons who assembled them. The
+households of wealthy Cardinals were formed upon the scale of princely
+Courts. Yet no one, whether he depended on the mightiest or the feeblest
+prelate, could reckon on the tenure of his place beyond the lifetime of
+his master. Many reasons, again--among which may be reckoned the
+hostility of reigning Pontiffs to the creatures of their predecessors or
+to their old rivals in the conclave--caused the residence of the chief
+ecclesiastics in Rome to be precarious. Thus the upper stratum of
+society was always in a state of flux, its elements shifting according
+to laws of chronic uncertainty. Beneath it spread a rabble of inferior
+and dubious gentlefolk, living in idleness upon the favor of the Court,
+serving the Cardinals and Bishops in immoral and dishonest offices,
+selling their wives, their daughters and themselves, all eager to rise
+by indirect means to places of emolument.[52] Lower down, existed the
+_bourgeoisie_ of artists, bankers, builders, shopkeepers, and artisans;
+and at the bottom of the scale came hordes of beggars. Rome, like all
+Holy Cities, entertained multitudes of eleemosynary paupers. Gregory
+XIII. is praised for having spent more than 200,000 crowns a year on
+works of charity, and for having assigned the district of San Sisto (in
+the neighborhood of Trinita del Monte, one of the best quarters of the
+present city) to the beggars.[53]
+
+
+[Footnote 52: See Mocenigo, _op. cit._ p. 35; Aretino's _Dialogo della
+Corte di Roma_; and the private history of the Farnesi.]
+
+[Footnote 53: Giov. Carraro and Lor. Priuli, _op. cit._ pp. 275, 306.]
+
+Such being the social conditions of Rome, it is not surprising to learn
+that during the reign of so harsh a Pontiff as Paul IV., the population
+sank to a number estimated at between 40,000 and 50,000. It rose rapidly
+to 70,000, and touched 80,000 in the reign of Pius IV. Afterwards it
+gradually ascended to 90,000, and during the popular pontificate of
+Gregory XIII. it is said to have reached the high figure of 140,000.
+These calculations are based upon the reports of the Venetian
+ambassadors, and can be considered as impartial, although they may not
+be statistically exact.[54]
+
+What rendered Roman society rotten to the core was universal pecuniary
+corruption. In Rome nothing could be had without payment; but men with
+money in their purse obtained whatever they desired. The office of the
+Datatario alone brought from ten to fourteen thousand crowns a month
+into the Papal treasury in 1560.[55] This large sum accrued from the
+composition of benefices and the sale of vacant offices. The Camera
+Apostolica, or Chamber of Justice, was no less venal. A price was set on
+every crime, for which its punishment could be commuted into
+cash-payment. Even so severe a Pope as Paul IV. committed to his nephew,
+by published and printed edict, the privilege of compounding with
+criminals by fines.[56] One consequence of this vile system, rightly
+called by the Venetian envoy 'the very strangest that could be witnessed
+or heard of in such matters,' was that wealthy sinners indulged their
+appetites at the expense of their families, and that innocent people
+became the prey of sharpers and informers.[57] Rome had organized a vast
+system of _chantage_.
+
+[Footnote 54: Alberi, vol. x. pp. 35, 83, 277.]
+
+[Footnote 55: Mocenigo's computation, _op. cit._ p. 29.]
+
+[Footnote 56: _Ibid._ p. 31.]
+
+[Footnote 57: The true history of the Cenci, as written by Bertolotti,
+throws light upon these points.] Another consequence was that acts of
+violence were frightfully common. Men could be hired to commit murders
+at sums varying from ten to four scudi; and on the death of Paul IV.,
+when anarchy prevailed for a short while in Rome, an eye-witness asserts
+that several hundred assassinations were committed within the walls in a
+few days.[58]
+
+[Footnote 58: Mocenigo, _op. cit._ p. 38.]
+
+It was not to be expected that a population so corrupt, accustomed for
+generations to fatten upon the venality and vices of the hierarchy,
+should welcome those radical reforms which were the best fruits of the
+Tridentine Council. They specially disliked the decrees which enforced
+the residence of prelates and the limitation of benefices held by a
+single ecclesiastic. These regulations implied the withdrawal of wealthy
+patrons from Rome, together with an incalculable reduction in the amount
+of foreign money spent there. Nor were the measures for abolishing a
+simoniacal sale of offices, and the growing demand for decency in the
+administration of justice, less unpopular. The one struck at the root of
+private speculation in lucrative posts, and deprived the Court of
+revenues which had to be replaced by taxes. The other destroyed the arts
+of informers, checked lawlessness and license in the rich, and had the
+same lamentable effect of impoverishing the Papal treasury. In
+proportion as the Curia ceased to subsist upon the profits of simony,
+superstition, and sin, it was forced to maintain itself by imposts on
+the people, and by resuming, as Gregory XIII. attempted to do, its
+obsolete rights over fiefs and lands accorded on easy terms or held by
+doubtful titles. Meanwhile the retrenchment rendered necessary in all
+households of the hierarchy, and the introduction of severer manners,
+threatened many minor branches of industry with extinction.
+
+These changes began to manifest themselves during the pontificate of
+Pius IV. The Pope himself was inclined to a liberal and joyous scale of
+living. But he was not remarkable for generosity; and the new severity
+of manners made itself felt by the example of his nephew Carlo
+Borromeo--a man who, while living in the purple, practiced austerities
+that were apparent in his emaciated countenance. The Jesuits ruled him;
+and, through him, their influence was felt in every quarter of the
+city.[59] 'The Court of Rome,' says the Venetian envoy in the year 1565,
+'is no longer what it used to be either in the quality or the numbers of
+the courtiers. This is principally due to the poverty of the Cardinals
+and the parsimony of the Popes. In the old days, when they gave away
+more liberally, men of ability flocked from all quarters. This reduction
+of the Court dates from the Council; for the bishops and beneficed
+clergy being now obliged to retire to their residences, the larger
+portion of the Court has left Rome. To the same cause may be ascribed a
+diminution in the numbers of those who serve the Pontiff, seeing that
+since only one benefice can now be given, and that involves residence,
+there are few who care to follow the Court at their own expense and
+inconvenience without hope of greater reward. The poverty of the
+Cardinals springs from two causes. The first is that they cannot now
+obtain benefices of the first class, as was the case when England,
+Germany, and other provinces were subject to the Holy See, and when
+moreover they could hold three or four bishoprics apiece together with
+other places of emolument, whereas they now can only have one apiece.
+The second cause is that the number of the Cardinals has been increased
+to seventy-five, and that the foreign powers have ceased to compliment
+them with large presents and Benefices, as was the wont of Charles V.
+and the French crown.' In the last of these clauses we find clearly
+indicated one of the main results of the concordat established between
+the Papacy and the Catholic sovereigns by the policy of Pius IV. It
+secured Papal absolutism at the expense of the college. Soranzo proceeds
+to describe the changes visible in Roman society. 'The train of life at
+Court is therefore mean, partly through poverty, but also owing to the
+good example of Cardinal Borromeo, seeing that people are wont to follow
+the manners of their princes. The Cardinal holds in his hands all the
+threads of the administration; and living religiously in the retirement
+I have noticed, indulging in liberalities to none but persons of his
+own stamp, there is neither Cardinal nor courtier who can expect any
+favor from him unless he conform in fact or in appearance to his mode of
+life. Consequently one observes that they have altogether withdrawn, in
+public at any rate, from every sort of pleasures. One sees no longer
+Cardinals in masquerade or on horseback, nor driving with women about
+Rome for pastime, as the custom was of late; but the utmost they do is
+to go alone in close coaches. Banquets, diversions, hunting parties,
+splendid liveries and all the other signs of outward luxury have been
+abolished; the more so that now there is at Court no layman of high
+quality, as formerly when the Pope had many of his relatives or
+dependents around him. The clergy always wear their robes, so that the
+reform of the Church is manifested in their appearance. This state of
+things, on the other hand, has been the ruin of the artisans and
+merchants, since no money circulates. And while all offices and
+magistracies are in the hands of Milanese, grasping and illiberal
+persons, very few indeed can be still called satisfied with the present
+reign.'[60]
+
+[Footnote 59: Giac. Soranzo, _op. cit._ pp. 131-136]
+
+[Footnote 60: Soranzo, _op. cit._ pp. 136-138.]
+
+One chief defect of Pius IV., judged by the standard of the new party in
+the Church, had been his coldness in religious exercises. Paolo Tiepolo
+remarks that during the last seven months of his life he never once
+attended service in his chapel.[61]
+
+[Footnote 61: _Op. cit._ p. 171.]
+
+This indifference was combined with lukewarmness in the prosecution of
+reforms. The Datatario still enriched itself by the composition of
+benefices, and the Camera by the composition of crimes. Pius V., on the
+contrary, embodied in himself those ascetic virtues which Carlo Borromeo
+and the Jesuits were determined to propagate throughout the Catholic
+world. He never missed a day's attendance on the prescribed services of
+the Church, said frequent Masses, fasted at regular intervals, and
+continued to wear the coarse woolen shirt which formed a part of his
+friar's costume. In his piety there was no hypocrisy. The people saw
+streams of tears pouring from the eyes of the Pontiff bowed in ecstacy
+before the Host. A rigid reformation of the churches, monasteries, and
+clergy was immediately set on foot throughout the Papal States. Monks
+and nuns complained, not without cause, that austerities were expected
+from them which were not included in the rules to which they vowed
+obedience. The severity of the Inquisition was augmented, and the Index
+Expurgatorius began to exercise a stricter jurisdiction over books. The
+Pope spent half his time at the Holy Office, inquiring into cases of
+heresy of ten or twenty years' standing. From Florence he caused
+Carnesecchi to be dragged to Rome and burned; from Venice the refugee
+Guido Zanetti of Fano was delivered over to his tender mercies; and the
+excellent Carranza, Archbishop of Toledo, was sent from Spain to be
+condemned to death before the Roman tribunal. Criminal justice,
+meanwhile, was administered with greater purity, and the composition of
+crimes for money, if not wholly abolished, was moderated. In the
+collation to bishoprics and other benefices the same spirit of equity
+appeared; for Pius inquired scrupulously into the character and fitness
+of aspirants after office.
+
+The zeal manifested by Pius V. for a thorough-going reform of manners
+may be illustrated by a curious circumstance related by the Venetian
+ambassador in the first year of the pontificate.[62] On July 26, 1566,
+an edict was issued, compelling all prostitutes to leave Rome within six
+days, and to evacuate the States of the Church within twelve days. The
+exodus began. But it was estimated that about 25,000 persons, counting
+the women themselves with their hangers-on and dependents, would have to
+quit the city if the edict were enforced.[63] The farmers of the customs
+calculated that they would lose some 20,000 ducats a year in
+consequence, and prayed the Pope for compensation. Meanwhile the roads
+across the Campagna began to be thronged by caravans, which were exposed
+to the attacks of robbers. The confusion became so great, and the public
+discontent was so openly expressed, that on August 17 Pius repealed his
+edict and permitted the prostitutes to reside in certain quarters of the
+city.
+
+[Footnote 62: Mutinelli, _Storia Arcana_, etc., vol. i. pp. 51-54.]
+
+[Footnote 63: Assuming the population of Rome to have been about 90,000
+at that date, this number appears incredible. Yet we have it on the best
+of all evidences, that of a resident Venetian envoy.]
+
+Pius IV. had wasted the greater part of his later life in bed,
+neglecting business, entertaining his leisure with buffoons and good
+companions, eating much and drinking more. Pius V., on the contrary,
+carried the habits of the convent with him into the Vatican, and
+bestowed the time he spared from devotion upon the transaction of
+affairs. He was of choleric complexion, adust, lean, wasted, with sunken
+eyes and snow-white hair, looking ten years older than he really was.
+
+Such a Pope changed the face of Rome, or rather stereotyped the change
+which had been instituted by Cardinal Borromeo. 'People, even if they
+are not really better, seem at least to be so,' says the Venetian envoy,
+who has supplied me with the details I have condensed.[64] Retrenchments
+in the Papal establishment were introduced; money was scarce; the Court
+grew meaner in appearance; and nepotism may be said to have been extinct
+in the days of Pius V. He did indeed advance one nephew, Michele
+Bonelli, to the Cardinalate; but he showed no inclination to enrich or
+favor him beyond due measure. A worn man, without ears, marked by the
+bastinado, frequented the palace, and stood near the person of the Pope,
+as Captain of the Guard. This was Paolo Ghislieri, a somewhat distant
+relative of Pius, who had passed his life in servitude to Barbary
+corsairs and had been ransomed by a merchant upon the election of his
+kinsman. No other members of the Papal family were invited to Rome.
+
+[Footnote 64: Tiepolo, _op. cit._ p. 172.]
+
+Pius V., while living this exemplary monastic life upon the Papal
+throne, ruled Catholic Christendom more absolutely than any of his
+predecessors. As the Papacy recognized its dependence on the sovereigns,
+so the sovereigns in their turn perceived that religious conformity was
+the best safeguard of their secular authority. Therefore the Catholic
+States subscribed, one after the other, to the Tridentive Profession of
+Faith, and adopted one system in matters of Church discipline. A new
+Breviary and a new Missal were published with the Papal sanction.
+Seminaries were established for the education of ecclesiastics, and the
+Jesuits labored in their propaganda. The Inquisition and the
+Congregation of the Index redoubled their efforts to stamp out heresy by
+fire and iron, and by the suppression or mutilation of books. A rigid
+uniformity was impressed on Catholicism. The Pope, to whom such power
+had been committed by the Council, stood at the head of each section and
+department of the new organization. To his approval every measure in the
+Church was referred, and the Jesuits executed his instructions with
+punctual exactness.
+
+It is not, therefore, to be wondered that Pius V. should have opened the
+era of active hostilities against Protestantism. Firmly allied with
+Philip II., he advocated attacks upon the Huguenots in France, the
+Protestants in Flanders, and the English crown. There is no evidence
+that he was active in promoting the Massacre of S. Bartholomew, which
+took place three months after his death; and the expedition of the
+Invincible Armada against England was not equipped until another period
+of fifteen years had elapsed. Yet the negotiations in which he was
+engaged with Spain, involving enterprises to the detriment of the
+English realm and the French Reformation, leave no doubt that both S.
+Bartholomew and the Armada would have met with his hearty approval. One
+glorious victory gave luster to the reign of Pius V. In 1571 the navies
+of Spain, Venice and Rome inflicted a paralyzing blow upon the Turkish
+power at Lepanto; and this success was potent in fanning the flame of
+Catholic enthusiasm.
+
+The pontificates of Paul IV., Pius IV., and Pius V., differing as they
+did in very important details, had achieved a solid triumph for reformed
+Catholicism, of which both the diplomatical and the ascetic parties in
+the Church, Jesuits and Theatines, were eager to take advantage. A new
+spirit in the Roman polity prevailed, upon the reality of which its
+future force depended; and the men who embodied this spirit had no mind
+to relax their hold on its administration. After the death of Pius V.
+they had to deal with a Pope who resembled his penultimate predecessor,
+Pius IV., more than the last Pontiff. Ugo Buoncompagno, the scion of a
+_bourgeois_ family settled in Bologna, began his career as a jurist. He
+took orders in middle life, was promoted to the Cardinalate, and
+attained the supreme honor of the Holy See in 1572. The man responded to
+his name. He was a good companion, easy of access, genial in manners,
+remarkable for the facility with which he cast off care and gave himself
+to sanguine expectations.[65] In an earlier period of Church history he
+might have reproduced the Papacy of Paul II. or Innocent VIII. As it
+was, Gregory XIII. fell at once under the potent influence of Jesuit
+directors. His confessor, the Spanish Francesco da Toledo, impressed
+upon him the necessity of following the footsteps of Paul IV. and Pius
+V. It was made plain that he must conform to the new tendencies of the
+Catholic Church; and in his neophyte's zeal he determined to outdo his
+predecessors. The example of Pius V. was not only imitated, but
+surpassed. Gregory XIII. celebrated three Masses a week, built churches,
+and enforced parochial obedience throughout his capital. The Jesuits in
+his reign attained to the maximum of their wealth and influence. Rome,
+'abandoning her ancient license, displayed a moderate and Christian mode
+of living: and in so far as the external observance of religion was
+concerned, she showed herself not far removed from such perfection as
+human frailties allow.'[66]
+
+[Footnote 65: Paolo Tiepolo, _op. cit._ p. 312.]
+
+[Footnote 66: _Ibid._ p. 214.]
+
+While he was yet a layman, Gregory became the father of one son,
+Giacomo. Born out of wedlock, he was yet acknowledged as a member of
+the Buoncompagno family, and admitted under this name into the Venetian
+nobility.[67] The Pope manifested paternal weakness in favor of his
+offspring. He brought the young man to Rome, and made him Governatore di
+Santa Chiesa with a salary of 10,000 ducats. The Jesuits and other
+spiritual persons scented danger. They persuaded the Holy Father that
+conscience and honor required the alienation of his bastard from the
+sacred city. Giacomo was relegated to honorable exile in Ancona. But he
+suffered so severely from this rebuff, that terms of accommodation were
+agreed on. Giacomo received a lady of the Sforza family in marriage, and
+was established at the Papal Court with a revenue amounting to about
+25,000 crowns.[68] The ecclesiastical party now predominant in Rome,
+took care that he should not acquire more than honorary importance in
+the government. Two of the Pope's nephews were promoted to the
+Cardinalate with provisions of about 10,000 crowns apiece. His old
+brother abode in retirement at Bologna under strict orders not to seek
+fortune or to perplex the Papal purity of rule in Rome.[69]
+
+[Footnote 67: The Venetians, when they inscribed his name upon the Libro
+d'Oro, called him 'a near relative of his Holiness.']
+
+[Footnote 68: This lady was a sister of the Count of Santa Fiora. For a
+detailed account of the wedding, see Mutinelli, _Stor. arc._
+vol. i. p. 112.]
+
+[Footnote 69: Tiepolo, _op. cit._ pp. 213, 219--221, 263, 266.]
+
+I have introduced this sketch of Gregory's relations in order to show
+how a Pope of his previous habits and personal proclivities was now
+obliged to follow the new order of the Church. It was noticed that the
+mode of life in Rome during his reign struck a just balance between
+license and austerity, and that general satisfaction pervaded
+society.[70] Outside the city this contentment did not prevail. Gregory
+threw his States into disorder by reviving obsolete rights of the Church
+over lands mortgaged or granted with obscure titles. The petty barons
+rose in revolt, armed their peasants, fomented factions in the country
+towns, and filled the land with brigands. Under the leadership of men
+like Alfonso Piccolomini and Roberto Malatesta, these marauding bands
+assumed the proportion of armies. The neighboring Italian
+States--Tuscany, Venice, Naples, Parma, all of whom had found the Pope
+arbitrary and aggressive in his dealings with them--encouraged the
+bandits by offering them an asylum and refusing to co-operate with
+Gregory for their reduction.
+
+[Footnote 70: Giov. Corraro, op. cit. p. 277.]
+
+His successor, Sixtus V., found the whole Papal dominion in confusion.
+It was impossible to collect the taxes. Life and property were nowhere
+safe. By a series of savage enactments and stern acts of justice, Sixtus
+swept the brigands from his States. He then applied his powerful will to
+the collection of money and the improvement of his provinces. In the
+four years which followed his election he succeeded in accumulating a
+round sum of four million crowns, which he stored up in the Castle of
+S. Angelo. The total revenues of the Papacy at this epoch were roughly
+estimated at 750,000 crowns, which in former reigns had been absorbed in
+current costs and the pontifical establishment. By rigorous economy and
+retrenchments of all kinds Sixtus reduced these annual expenses to a sum
+of 250,000, thus making a clear profit of 500,000 crowns.[71] At the
+same time he had already spent about a million and a half on works of
+public utility, including the famous Acqua Felice, which brought
+excellent water into Rome. Roads and bridges throughout the States of
+the Church were repaired, The Chiana of Orvieto and the Pontine Marsh
+were drained. Encouragement was extended, not only to agriculture, but
+also to industries and manufactures. The country towns obtained wise
+financial concessions, and the unpopular resumption of lapsed lands and
+fiefs was discontinued. Rome meanwhile began to assume her present
+aspect as a city, by the extensive architectural undertakings which
+Sixtus set on foot. He loved building; but he was no lover of antiquity.
+For pagan monuments of art he showed a monastic animosity, dispersing or
+mutilating the statues of the Vatican and Capitol; turning a Minerva
+into an image of the Faith by putting a cross in her hand; surmounting
+the columns of Trajan and Antonine with figures of Peter and Paul;
+destroying the Septizonium of Severus, and wishing to lay sacrilegious
+hands on Caecilia Metella's tomb. To mediaeval relics he was hardly less
+indifferent. The old buildings of the Lateran were thrown down to make
+room for the heavy modern palace. But, to atone in some measure for
+these acts of vandalism, Sixtus placed the cupola upon S. Peter's and
+raised the obelisk in the great piazza which was destined to be circled
+with Bernini's colonnades. This obelisk he tapped with a cross.
+Christian inscriptions, signalizing the triumph of the Pontiff over
+infidel emperors, the victory of Calvary over Olympus, the superiority
+of Rome's saints and martyrs to Rome's old deities and heroes, left no
+doubt that what remained of the imperial city had been subdued to Christ
+and purged of paganism. Wandering through Rome at the present time, we
+feel in every part the spirit of the Catholic Revival, and murmur to
+ourselves those lines of Clough:
+
+    O ye mighty and strange, ye ancient divine ones of Hellas!
+    Are ye Christian too? To convert and redeem and renew you,
+    Will the brief form have sufficed, that a Pope has sat up on the apex
+    Of the Egyptian stone that o'ertops you, the Christian symbol?
+    And ye, silent, supreme in serene and victorious marble,
+    Ye that encircle the walls of the stately Vatican chambers,
+    Are ye also baptized; are ye of the Kingdom of Heaven?
+    Utter, O some one, the word that shall reconcile Ancient and Modern.
+
+[Footnote 71: See Giov. Gritti, _op. cit._ p. 333.]
+
+Nothing was more absent from the mind of Sixtus than any attempt to
+reconcile Ancient and Modern. He was bent on proclaiming the ultimate
+triumph of Catholicism, not only over antiquity, but also over the
+Renaissance. His inscriptions, crosses, and images of saints are the
+enduring badges of serfdom set upon the monuments of ancient and
+renascent Italy, bearing which they were permitted by the now absolute
+Pontiff to remain as testimonies to his power.
+
+Retrenchment alone could not have sufficed for the accumulation of so
+much idle capital, and for so extensive an expenditure on works of
+public utility. Sixtus therefore had recourse to new taxation, new
+loans, and the creation of new offices for sale. The Venetian envoy
+mentions eighteen imposts levied in his reign; a sum of 600,000 crowns
+accruing to the Camera by the sale of places; and extensive loans, or
+Monti, which were principally financed by the Genoese.[72] It was
+necessary for the Papacy, now that it had relinquished the larger part
+of its revenues derived from Europe, to live upon the proceeds of the
+Papal States. The complicated financial expedients on which successive
+Popes relied for developing their exchequer, have been elaborately
+explained by Ranke.[73] They were materially assisted in their efforts
+to support the Papal dignity upon the resources of their realm, by the
+new system of nepotism which now began to prevail. Since the Council of
+Trent, it was impossible for a Pope to acknowledge his sons, and few, if
+any, of the Popes after Pius IV. had sons to acknowledge.[74]
+
+[Footnote 72: Giov. Gritti, _op. cit._ p. 337.]
+
+[Footnote 73: _History of the Popes_, Book iv. section I.]
+
+[Footnote 74: Giacomo Buoncompagno was born while Gregory XIII. was
+still a layman and a lawyer.]
+
+The tendencies of the Church rendered it also incompatible with the
+Papal position that near relatives of the Pontiff should be advanced, as
+formerly, to the dignity of independent princes. The custom was to
+create one nephew Cardinal, with such wealth derived from office as
+should enable him to benefit the Papal family at large. Another nephew
+was usually ennobled, endowed with capital in the public funds for the
+purchase of lands, and provided with lucrative places in the secular
+administration. He then married into a Roman family of wealth and
+founded one of the aristocratic houses of the Roman State. We possess
+some details respecting the incomes of the Papal nephews at this period,
+which may be of interest.[75] Carlo Borromeo was reasonably believed to
+enjoy revenues amounting to 50,000 scudi. Giacomo Buoncompagno's whole
+estate was estimated at 120,000 scudi; while the two Cardinal nephews of
+Gregory XIII. had each about 10,000 a year. At the same epoch Paolo
+Giordano Orsini, Duke of Bracciano, enjoyed an income of some 25,000,
+his estate being worth 60,000, but being heavily encumbered. These
+figures are taken from the Reports of the Venetian envoys. If we may
+trust them as accurate, it will appear by a comparison of them with the
+details furnished by Ranke, that Gregory's successors treated their
+relatives with greater generosity.[76] Sixtus V. enriched the Cardinal
+Montalto with an ecclesiastical income of 100,000 scudi. Clement VIII.
+bestowed on two nephews--one Cardinal, the other layman--revenues of
+about 60,000 apiece in 1599. He is computed to have hoarded altogether
+for his family a round sum of 1,000,000 scudi. Paul V. was believed to
+have given to his Borghese relatives nearly 700,000 scudi in cash,
+24,600 scudi in funds, and 268,000 in the worth of offices.[77] The
+Cardinal Ludovico Ludovisi, nephew of Gregory XV., had a reputed income
+of 200,000 scudi; and the Ludovisi family obtained 800,000 in _luoghi di
+monte_ or funds. Three nephews of Urban VIII., the brothers Barberini,
+were said to have enjoyed joint revenues amounting to half a million
+scudi, and their total gains from the pontificate touched the enormous
+sum of 105,000,000. These are the families, sprung from obscurity or
+mediocre station, whose palaces and villas adorn Rome, and who now rank,
+though of such recent origin, with the aristocracy of Europe.
+
+Sixtus V. died in 1590. To follow the history of his successors would be
+superfluous for the purpose of this book. The change in the Church which
+began in the reign of Paul III. was completed in his pontificate. About
+half a century, embracing seven tenures of the Holy Chair, had sufficed
+to develop the new phase of the Papacy as an absolute sovereignty,
+representing the modern European principle of absolutism, both as the
+acknowledged Head of Catholic Christendom and also as a petty Italian
+power.
+
+[Footnote 75: Sarpi writes: 'In my times Pius V., during five years,
+accumulated 25,000 ducats for the Cardinal nephew; Gregory XIII., in
+thirteen years, 30,000 for one nephew, and 20,000 for another; Sixtus
+V., for his only nephew, 9,000; Clement VIII., in thirteen years, for
+one nephew, 8,000, and for the other, 3,000; and this Pope, Paul V., in
+four years, for one nephew alone, 40,000. To what depths are we destined
+to fall in the future?' (_Lettere_, vol. i. p. 281). This final question
+was justified by the event; for, after the Borghesi, came the Ludovisi
+and Barberini, whose accumulations equalled, if they did not surpass,
+those of any antecedent Papal families.]
+
+[Footnote 76: The details may be examined in Ranke, vol. ii. pp.
+303-311.]
+
+[Footnote 77: Sarpi's Letters supply some details relating to Paul V.'s
+nepotism. He describes the pleasure which this Pope took on one day of
+each week in washing his hands in the gold of the Datatario and the
+Camera (vol. i. p. 281), and says of him, 'attende solo a far danari'
+(vol. ii. p. 237). When Paul gave his nephew Scipione the Abbey of
+Vangadizza, with 12,000 ducats a year, Sarpi computed that the Cardinal
+held about 100,000 ducats of ecclesiastical benefices (vol. i. p. 219).
+When the Archbishopric of Bologna, worth over 16,000 ducats a year, fell
+vacant in 1610, Paul gave this to Scipione, who held it a short time
+without residence, and then abandoned it to Alessandro Ludovisi
+retaining all its revenues, with the exception of 2,000 ducats, for
+himself as a _pension_ (vol. ii. pp. 158, 300). In the year 1610 Sarpi
+notices the purchase of Sulmona and other fiefs by Paul for his family,
+at the expenditure of 160,000 ducats (vol. ii. p. 70). In another place
+he speaks of another sum of 100,000 spent upon the same object (vol. i.
+p. 249, note). Well might he exclaim, 'Il pontefice e attesa ad arrichir
+la sua casa' (vol. i. p. 294).]
+
+
+CHAPTER III.
+
+THE INQUISITION AND THE INDEX.
+
+     Different Spirit in the Holy Office and the Company of Jesus--Both
+     needed by the Counter-Reformation--Heresy in the Early
+     Church--First Origins of the Inquisition in 1203--S. Dominic--The
+     Holy Office becomes a Dominican Institution--Recognized by the
+     Empire--Its early Organization--The Spanish Inquisition--Founded in
+     1484--How it differed from the earlier Apostolical
+     Inquisition--Jews, Moors, New Christians--Organization and History
+     of the Holy Office in Spain--Torquemada and his Successors--The
+     Spanish Inquisition never introduced into Italy--How the Roman
+     Inquisition organized by Caraffa differed from it--_Autos da fe_ in
+     Rome--Proscription of suspected Lutherans--The Calabrian
+     Waldenses--Protestants at Locarno and Venice--Digression on the
+     Venetian Holy Office--Persecution of Free Thought in
+     Literature--Growth of the Index Librorum Prohibitorum--Sanction
+     given to it by the Council of Trent--The Roman Congregation of the
+     Index--Final Form of the Censorship of Books under Clement
+     VIII.--Analysis of its Regulations--Proscription of Heretical
+     Books--Correction of Texts--Purgation and Castration--Inquisitorial
+     and Episcopal Licenses--Working of the System of this Censorship in
+     Italy--Its long Delays--Hostility to Sound Learning--Ignorance of
+     the Censors--Interference with Scholars in their Work--Terrorism of
+     Booksellers--Vatican Scheme for the Restoration of Christian
+     Erudition--Frustrated by the Tyranny of the Index--Dishonesty of
+     the Vatican Scholars--Biblical Studies rendered nugatory by the
+     Tridentine Decree on the Vulgate--Decline of Learning in
+     Universities--Miserable Servitude of Professors--Greek dies
+     out--Muretus and Manutius in Rome--The Index and its Treatment of
+     Political Works--Machiavelli--_Ratio Status_--Encouragement of
+     Literature on Papal Absolutism--Sarpi's Attitude--Comparative
+     Indifference of Rome to Books of Obscene or Immoral
+     Tendency--Bandello and Boccaccio--Papal attempts to Control
+     Intercourse of Italians with Heretics.
+
+
+In pursuing the plan of this book, which aims at showing how the spirit
+of the Catholic revival penetrated every sphere of intellectual
+activity in Italy, it will now be needful to consider the two agents,
+both of Spanish origin, on whose assistance the Church relied in her
+crusade against liberties of thought, speech, and action. These were the
+Inquisition and the Company of Jesus. The one worked by extirpation and
+forcible repression; the other by mental enfeeblement and moral
+corruption. The one used fire, torture, imprisonment, confiscation of
+goods, the proscription of learning, the destruction or emasculation of
+books. The other employed subtle means to fill the vacuum thus created
+with spurious erudition, sophistries, casuistical abominations and
+false doctrines profitable to the Papal absolutism. Opposed in temper
+and in method, the one fierce and rigid, the other saccharine and
+pliant, these two bad angels of Rome contributed in almost equal measure
+to the triumph of Catholicism.
+
+In the earlier ages of the Church, the definition of heresy had been
+committed to episcopal authority. But the cognizance of heretics and the
+determination of their punishment remained in the hands of secular
+magistrates. At the end of the twelfth century the wide diffusion of the
+Albigensian heterodoxy through Languedoc and Northern Italy alarmed the
+chiefs of Christendom, and furnished the Papacy with a good pretext for
+extending its prerogatives. Innocent III. in 1203 empowered two French
+Cistercians, Pierre de Castelnau and Raoul, to preach against the
+heretics of Provence. In the following year he ratified this commission
+by a Bull, which censured the negligence and coldness of the bishops,
+appointed the Abbot of Citeaux Papal delegate in matters of heresy, and
+gave him authority to judge and punish misbelievers. This was the first
+germ of the Holy Office as a separate Tribunal. In order to comprehend
+the facility with which the Pope established so anomalous an
+institution, we must bear in mind the intense horror which heresy
+inspired in the Middle Ages. Being a distinct encroachment of the Papacy
+upon the episcopal jurisdiction and prerogatives, the Inquisition met at
+first with some opposition from the bishops. The people for whose
+persecution it was designed, and at whose expense it carried on its
+work, broke into rebellion; the first years of its annals were rendered
+illustrious by the murder of one of its founders, Pierre de Castelnau.
+He was canonized, and became the first Saint of the Inquisition. Two
+other Peters obtained the like honor through their zeal for the Catholic
+faith: Peter of Verona, commonly called Peter Martyr, the Italian saint
+of the Dominican order; and Peter Arbues, the Spanish saint, who sealed
+with his blood the charter of the Holy Office in Aragon.
+
+In spite of opposition, the Papal institution took root and flourished.
+Philip Augustus responded to the appeals of Innocent; and a crusade
+began against the Albigenses, in which Simon de Montfort won his
+sinister celebrity. During those bloody wars the Inquisition developed
+itself as a force of formidable expansive energy. Material assistance to
+the cause was rendered by a Spanish monk of the Augustine order, who
+settled in Provence on his way back from Rome in 1206. Domenigo de
+Guzman, known to universal history as S. Dominic, organized a new
+militia for the service of the orthodox Church between the years 1215
+and 1219. His order, called the Order of the Preachers, was originally
+designed to repress heresy and confirm the faith by diffusing Catholic
+doctrine and maintaining the creed in its purity. It consisted of three
+sections: the Preaching Friars; nuns living in conventual retreat; and
+laymen, entitled the Third Order of Penitence or the Militia of Christ,
+who in after years were merged with the congregation of S. Peter Martyr,
+and corresponded to the familiars of the Inquisition. Since the
+Dominicans were established in the heat and passion of a crusade against
+heresy, by a rigid Spaniard who employed his energies in persecuting
+misbelievers, they assumed at the outset a belligerent and inquisitorial
+attitude. Yet it is not strictly accurate to represent S. Dominic
+himself as the first Grand Inquisitor. The Papacy proceeded with caution
+in its design of forming a tribunal dependent on the Holy See and
+independent of the bishops. Papal Legates with plenipotentiary authority
+were sent to Languedoc, and decrees were issued against the heretics, in
+which the Inquisition was rather implied than directly named; nor can I
+find that S. Dominic, though he continued to be the soul of the new
+institution until his death in 1221, obtained the title of Inquisitor.
+
+Notwithstanding this vagueness, the Holy Office may be said to have been
+founded by S. Dominic; and it soon became apparent that the order he had
+formed, was destined to monopolize its functions. The Emperor Frederick
+II. on his coronation, in 1221, declared his willingness to support a
+separate Apostolical tribunal for the suppression of heresy. He
+sanctioned the penalty of death by fire for obstinate heretics, and
+perpetual imprisonment for penitents--forms of punishment which became
+stereotyped in the proceedings of the Holy Office.[78] The tribunal, now
+recognized as a Dominican institution, derived its authority from the
+Pope. The bishops were suffered to sit with the Inquisitors, but only in
+such subordinate capacity as left to them a bare title of authority.[79]
+The secular magistracy was represented by an assessor, who, being
+nominated by the Inquisitor, became his servile instrument. The
+expenses of the Court in prosecuting, punishing and imprisoning
+heretics, together with the maintenance of the Inquisitors and their
+guards, were thrown upon the communes which they visited. Such was the
+organization which the Popes, aided by S. Dominic, and availing
+themselves of the fanatical passions aroused in the Provencal wars,
+succeeded in creating for their own aggrandizement. It is strange to
+think that its ratification by the supreme secular power was obtained
+from an Emperor who died in contumacy, excommunicated and persecuted as
+an arch-heretic by the priests he had supported.
+
+[Footnote 78: See Cantu, _Gli Eretici d'Italia_, vol. i. Discorso 5, and
+the notes appended to it, for Frederick's edicts and letters to Gregory
+IX. upon this matter of heresy. The Emperor treats of _Heretica
+Pravitas_ as a crime against society, and such, indeed, it then appeared
+according to the mediaeval ideal of Christendom united under Church and
+Empire. Yet Frederick himself, it will be remembered, died under the ban
+of the Church, and was placed by Dante among the heresiarchs in the
+tenth circle of Hell. We now regard him justly as one of the precursors
+of the Renaissance. But at the beginning of his reign, in his peculiar
+attitude of Holy Roman Emperor, he had to proceed with rigor against
+free-thinkers in religion. They were foes to the mediseval order, of
+which he was the secular head.]
+
+[Footnote 79: Sarpi, 'Discorso dell'Origine,' etc. _Opere_, vol. iv. p.
+6.]
+
+This Apostolical Inquisition was at once introduced into Lombardy,
+Romagna and the Marches of Treviso. The extreme rigor of its
+proceedings, the extortions of monks, and the violent resistance offered
+by the communes, led to some relaxation of its original constitution.
+More authority had to be conceded to the bishops; and the right of the
+Inquisitors to levy taxes on the people was modified. Yet it retained
+its true form of a Papal organ, superseding the episcopal prerogatives,
+and overriding the secular magistrates, who were bound to execute its
+biddings. As such it was admitted into Tuscany, and established in
+Aragon. Venice received it in 1289, with certain reservations that
+placed its proceedings under the control of Doge and Council. In
+Languedoc, the country of its birth, it remained rooted at Toulouse and
+Carcassonne; but the Inquisition did not extend its authority over
+central and northern France.[80] In Paris its functions were performed
+by the Sorbonne. Nor did it obtain a footing in England, although the
+statute 'De Haeretico Comburendo,' passed in 1401 at the instance of the
+higher clergy, sanctioned the principles on which it existed.
+
+The wide and ready acceptance of so terrible an engine of oppression
+enables us to estimate the profound horror which heresy inspired in the
+Middle Ages.[81] On the whole, the Inquisition performed the work for
+which it had been instituted. Those spreading sects, known as Waldenses,
+Albigenses, Cathari and Paterines, whom it was commissioned to
+extirpate, died away into obscurity during the fourteenth century; and
+through the period of the Renaissance the Inquisition had little scope
+for the display of energy in Italy. Though dormant, it was by no means
+extinct, however; and the spirit which created it, needed only external
+cause and circumstance to bring it once more into powerful operation.
+Meanwhile the Popes throughout the Renaissance used the imputation of
+heresy, which never lost its blighting stigma, in the prosecution of
+their secular ambition. As Sarpi has pointed out, there were few of the
+Italian princes with whom they came into political collision, who were
+not made the subject of such accusation.
+
+[Footnote 80: See Christie's _Etienne Dolet_, chapter 21.]
+
+[Footnote 81: Visitors to Milan must have been struck with the
+equestrian statue to the Podesta Oldrado da Trezzeno in the Piazza
+de'Mercanti. Underneath it runs an epitaph containing among the praises
+of this man: _Catharos ut debuit uxit_. An Archbishop of Milan of the
+same period (middle of the thirteenth century), Enrico di Settala, is
+also praised upon his epitaph because _jugulavit haereses_. See Cantu,
+_Gli Eretici d Italia_, vol. i. p. 108.]
+
+The revival of the Holy Office on a new and far more murderous basis,
+took place in 1484. We have seen that hitherto there had been two types
+of inquisition into heresy. The first, which remained in force up to the
+year 1203, may be called the episcopal. The second was the Apostolical
+or Dominican: it transferred this jurisdiction from the bishops to the
+Papacy, who employed the order of S. Dominic for the special service of
+the tribunal instituted by the Imperial decrees of Frederick II. The
+third deserves no other name than Spanish, though, after it had taken
+shape in Spain, it was transferred to Portugal, applied in all the
+Spanish and Portuguese colonies, and communicated with some
+modifications to Italy and the Netherlands.[82] Both the second and
+third types of Inquisition into heresy were Spanish inventions, patented
+by the Roman Pontiffs and monopolized by the Dominican order. But the
+third and final form of the Holy Office in Spain distinguished itself
+by emancipation from Papal and Royal control, and by a specific
+organization which rendered it the most formidable of irresponsible
+engines in the annals of religious institutions.
+
+[Footnote 82: Sarpi estimates the number of victims in the Netherlands
+during the reign of Charles V. at 50,000; Grotius at 100,000. In the
+reign of Philip II. perhaps another 25,000 were sacrificed. Motley
+(_Rise of the Dutch Republic_, vol. ii. p. 155) tells how in February
+1568 a sentence of the Holy Office, confirmed by royal proclamation,
+condemned all the inhabitants of the Netherlands, some three millions of
+souls, with a few specially excepted persons, to death. It was customary
+to burn the men and bury the women alive. In considering this
+institution as a whole, we must bear in mind that it was extended to
+Mexico, Lima, Carthagena, the Indies, Sicily, Sardinia, Oran, Malta. Of
+the working of the Holy Office in the Spanish and Portuguese colonies we
+possess but few authentic records. The _Histoire des Inquisitions_ of
+Joseph Lavallee (Paris, 1809) may, however, be consulted. In vol. ii.
+pp. 5-9 of this work there is a brief account of the Inquisition at Goa
+written by one Pyrard; and pp. 45-157 extend the singularly detailed
+narrative of a Frenchman, Dellon, imprisoned in its dungeons. Some
+curious circumstances respecting delation, prison life, and _autos da
+fe_ are here minutely recorded.]
+
+The crimes of which the second or Dominican Inquisition had taken
+cognizance were designated under the generic name of heresy. Heretics
+were either patent by profession of some heterodox cult or doctrine; or
+they were suspected. The suspected included witches, sorcerers, and
+blasphemers who invoked the devil's aid; Catholics abstaining from
+confession and absolution; harborers of avowed heretics; legal defenders
+of the cause of heretics; priests who gave Christian burial to heretics;
+magistrates who showed lukewarmness in pursuit of heretics; the corpses
+of dead heretics, and books that might be taxed with heretical opinions.
+All ranks in the social hierarchy, except the Pope, his Legates and
+Nuncios, and the bishops, were amenable to this Inquisition. The
+Inquisitors could only be arraigned and judged by their peers. In order
+to bring the machinery of imprisonment, torture and final sentence into
+effect, it was needful that the credentials of the Inquisitor should be
+approved by the sovereign, and that his procedure should be recognized
+by the bishop. These limitations of the Inquisitorial authority
+safeguarded the crown and the episcopacy in a legal sense. But since
+both crown and episcopacy concurred in the object for which the Papacy
+had established the tribunal, the Inquisitor was practically unimpeded
+in his functions. Furnished with royal or princely letters patent, he
+traveled from town to town, attended by his guards and notaries,
+defraying current expenses at the cost of provinces and towns through
+which he passed. Where he pitched his camp, he summoned the local
+magistrates, swore them to obedience, and obtained assurance of their
+willingness to execute such sentences as he might pronounce. Spies and
+informers gathered round him, pledged to secrecy and guaranteed by
+promises of State-protection. The Court opened; witnesses were examined;
+the accused were acquitted or condemned. Then sentence was pronounced,
+to which the bishop or his delegate, often an Inquisitor, gave a formal
+sanction. Finally, the heretic was handed over to the secular arm for
+the execution of justice. The extraordinary expenses of the tribunal
+were defrayed by confiscation of goods, a certain portion being paid to
+the district in which the crime had occurred, the rest being reserved
+for the maintenance of the Holy Office.
+
+Such, roughly speaking, was the method of the Inquisition before 1484;
+and it did not materially differ in Italy and Spain. Castile had
+hitherto been free from the pest. But the conditions of that kingdom
+offered a good occasion for its introduction at the date which I have
+named. During the Middle Ages the Jews of Castile acquired vast wealth
+and influence. Few families but felt the burden of their bonds and
+mortgages. Religious fanaticism, social jealousy, and pecuniary distress
+exasperated the Christian population; and as early as the year 1391,
+more than 5000 Jews were massacred in one popular uprising. The Jews, in
+fear, adopted Christianity. It is said that in the fifteenth century the
+population counted some million of converts--called New Christians, or,
+in contempt, Marranos: a word which may probably be derived from the
+Hebrew Maranatha. These converted Jews, by their ability and wealth,
+crept into high offices of state, obtained titles of aristocracy, and
+founded noble houses. Their daughters were married with large dowers
+into the best Spanish families; and their younger sons aspired to the
+honors of the Church. Castilian society was being penetrated with Jews,
+many of whom had undoubtedly conformed to Christianity in externals
+only. Meanwhile a large section of the Hebrew race remained faithful to
+their old traditions; and a mixed posterity grew up, which hardly knew
+whether it was Christian or Jewish, and had opportunity for joining
+either party.
+
+A fertile field was now opened for Inquisitorial energy. The orthodox
+Dominican saw Christ's flock contaminated. Not without reason did
+earnest Catholics dread that the Church in Castile would suffer from
+this blending of the Jewish with the Spanish breed. But they had a fiery
+Catholic enthusiasm to rely upon in the main body of the nation. And in
+the crown they knew that there were passions of fear and cupidity, which
+might be used with overmastering effect. It sufficed to point out to
+Ferdinand that a persecution of the New Christians would flood his
+coffers with gold extorted from suspected misbelievers. No merely fabled
+El Dorado lay in the broad lands and costly merchandise of these
+imperfect converts to the faith. It sufficed to insist upon the peril to
+the State if an element so ill-assimilated to the nation were allowed to
+increase unchecked. At the same time, the Papacy was nothing loth to
+help them in their undertaking. Sixtus V., one of the worst of Pontiffs,
+sat then on S. Peter's chair. He readily discerned that a considerable
+portion of the booty might be indirectly drawn into his exchequer; and
+he knew that any establishment of the Inquisition on an energetic basis
+would strengthen the Papacy in its combat with national and episcopal
+prerogatives. The Dominicans on their side can scarcely be credited with
+a pure zeal for the faith. They had personal interests to serve by
+spiritual aggrandizement, by the elevation of their order, and by the
+exercise of an illimitable domination.
+
+It was a Sicilian Inquisitor, Philip Barberis, who suggested to
+Ferdinand the Catholic the advantage he might secure by extending the
+Holy Office to Castile. Ferdinand avowed his willingness; and Sixtus IV.
+gave the project his approval in 1478. But it met with opposition from
+the gentler-natured Isabella. She refused at first to sanction the
+introduction of so sinister an engine into her hereditary dominions. The
+clergy now contrived to raise a popular agitation against the Jews,
+reviving old calumnies of impossible crimes, and accusing them of being
+treasonable subjects. Then Isabella yielded; and in 1481 the Holy Office
+was founded at Seville. It began its work by publishing a comprehensive
+edict against all New Christians suspected of Judaizing, which offense
+was so constructed as to cover the most innocent observance of national
+customs. Resting from labor on Saturday; performing ablutions at stated
+times; refusing to eat pork or puddings made of blood; and abstaining
+from wine, sufficed to color accusations of heresy. Men who had joined
+the Catholic communion after the habits of a lifetime had been formed,
+thus found themselves exposed to peril of death by the retention of mere
+sanitary rules.[83]
+
+[Footnote 83: See Lavallee, _Histoire des Inquisitions_, vol. ii. pp.
+341-361, for the translation of a process instituted in 1570 against a
+Mauresque female slave. Suspected of being a disguised infidel, she was
+exposed to the temptations of a Moorish spy, and convicted mainly on the
+evidence furnished by certain Mussulman habits to which she adhered.
+Llorente reports a similar specimen case, vol. i. p. 442. The culprit
+was a tinker aged 71, accused in 1528 of abstaining from pork and wine,
+and using certain ablutions. He defended himself by pleading that,
+having been converted at the age of 45, it did not suit his taste to eat
+pork or drink wine, and that his trade obliged him to maintain
+cleanliness by frequent washing. He was finally condemned to carry a
+candle at an _auto da fe_ in sign of penitence, and to pay four ducats,
+the costs of his trial. His detention lasted from September, 1529, till
+December 18, 1530.]
+
+Upon the publication of this edict, there was an exodus of Jews by
+thousands into the fiefs of independent vassals of the crown--the Duke
+of Medina Sidonia, the Marquis of Cadiz, and the Count of Arcos. All
+emigrants were _ipso facto_ declared heretics by the Holy Office. During
+the first year after its foundation, Seville beheld 298 persons burned
+alive, and 79 condemned to perpetual imprisonment. A large square stage
+of stone, called the Quemadero, was erected for the execution of those
+multitudes who were destined to suffer death by hanging or by flame. In
+the same year, 2000 were burned and 17,000 condemned to public
+penitence, while even a larger number were burned in effigy, in other
+parts of the kingdom.
+
+While estimating the importance of these punishments we must remember
+that they implied confiscation of property. Thus whole families were
+orphaned and consigned to penury. Penitence in public carried with it
+social infamy, loss of civil rights and honors, intolerable conditions
+of ecclesiastical surveillance, and heavy pecuniary fines. Penitents who
+had been reconciled, returned to society in a far more degraded
+condition than convicts released on ticket of leave. The stigma attached
+in perpetuity to the posterity of the condemned, whose names were
+conspicuously emblazoned upon church-walls as foemen to Christ and to
+the State.
+
+It is not strange that the New Christians, wealthy as they were and
+allied with some of the best blood in Spain, should have sought to avert
+the storm descending on them by appeals to Rome. In person or by
+procurators, they carried their complaints to the Papal Curia, imploring
+the relief of private reconciliation with the Church, special exemption
+from the jurisdiction of the Holy Office, rehabilitation after the loss
+of civil rights and honors, dispensation from humiliating penances, and
+avvocation of causes tried by the Inquisition, to less prejudiced
+tribunals. The object of these petitions was to avoid perpetual infamy,
+to recover social status, and to obtain an impartial hearing in doubtful
+cases. The Papal Curia had anticipated the profits to be derived from
+such appeals. Sixtus IV. was liberal in briefs of indulgence, absolution
+and exemption, to all comers who paid largely. But when his suitors
+returned to Spain, they found their dearly-purchased parchments of no
+more value than waste paper. The Holy Office laughed Papal Bulls of
+Privilege to scorn, and the Pope was too indifferent to exert such
+authority as he might have possessed.
+
+Meanwhile, the Inquisition rapidly took shape. In 1483 Thomas of
+Torquemada was nominated Inquisitor General for Castile and Aragon.
+Under his rule a Supreme Council was established, over which he
+presided for life. The crown sent three assessors to this board; and the
+Inquisitors were strengthened in their functions by a council of
+jurists. Seville, Cordova, Jaen, Toledo, became the four subordinate
+centers of the Holy Office, each with its own tribunal and its own right
+of performing _autos da fe_. Commission was sent out to all Dominicans,
+enjoining on them the prosecution of their task in every diocese.
+
+In 1484 a General Council was held, and the constitution of the
+inquisition was established by articles. In these articles four main
+points seem to have been held in view. The first related to the system
+of confiscation, fines, civil disabilities, losses of office, property,
+honors, rights, inheritances, which formed a part of the penitentiary
+procedure, and by which the crown and Holy Office made pecuniary gains.
+The second secured secrecy in the action of the tribunal, whereby a door
+was opened to delation, and accused persons were rendered incapable of
+rational defense. The third elaborated the judicial method, so as to
+leave no loophole of escape even for those who showed a wish to be
+converted, empowering the use of torture, precluding the accused from
+choosing their own counsel, and excluding the bishops from active
+participation in the sentence. The fourth multiplied the charges under
+which suspected heretics, even after their death might be treated as
+impenitent or relapsed, so as to increase the number of victims and
+augment the booty.
+
+The two most formidable features of the Inquisition as thus constituted,
+were the exclusion of the bishops from its tribunal and the secrecy of
+its procedure. The accused was delivered over to a court that had no
+mercy, no common human sympathies, no administrative interest in the
+population. He knew nothing of his accusers; and when he died or
+disappeared from view no record of his case survived him.
+
+The Inquisition rested on the double basis of ecclesiastical fanaticism
+and protected delation. The court was _prima facie_ hostile to the
+accused; and the accused could never hope to confront the detectives
+upon whose testimony he was arraigned before it. Lives and reputations
+lay thus at the mercy of professional informers, private enemies,
+malicious calumniators. The denunciation was sometimes anonymous,
+sometimes signed, with names of two corroborative witnesses. These
+witnesses were examined, under a strict seal of secrecy, by the
+Inquisitors, who drew up a form of accusation, which they submitted to
+theologians called Qualificators. The qualificators were not informed of
+the names of the accused, the delator, or the witnesses. It was their
+business to qualify the case of heresy as light, grave, or violent.
+Having placed it in one of these categories, they returned it to the
+Inquisitors, who now arrested the accused and flung him into the secret
+prisons of the Holy Office. After some lapse of time he was summoned for
+a preliminary examination. Having first been cautioned to tell the
+truth, he had to recite the Paternoster, Credo, Ten Commandments, and a
+kind of catechism. His pedigree was also investigated, in the
+expectation that some traces of Jewish or Moorish descent might serve to
+incriminate him. If he failed in repeating the Christian shibboleths, or
+if he was discovered to have infidel ancestry, there existed already a
+good case to proceed upon. Finally, he was questioned upon the several
+heads of accusation condensed from the first delation and the deposition
+of the witnesses. If needful at this point, he was put to the torture,
+again and yet again.[84] He never heard the names of his accusers, nor
+was he furnished with a full bill of the charges against him in writing.
+At this stage he was usually remanded, and the judicial proceedings were
+deliberately lengthened out with a view of crushing his spirit and
+bringing him to abject submission. For his defence he might select one
+advocate, but only from a list furnished by his judges; and this
+advocate in no case saw the original documents of the impeachment. It
+rarely happened, upon this one-sided method of trial, that an accused
+person was acquitted altogether. If he escaped burning or perpetual
+incarceration, he was almost certainly exposed to the public ceremony
+of penitence, with its attendant infamy, fines, civil disabilities, and
+future discipline. Sentence was not passed upon condemned persons until
+they appeared, dressed up in a San Benito, at the place of punishment.
+This costume was a sort of sack, travestying a monk's frock, made of
+coarse yellow stuff, and worked over with crosses, flames, and devils,
+in glaring red. It differed in details according to the destination of
+the victim: for some ornaments symbolized eternal hell, and others the
+milder fires of purgatory. If sufficiently versed in the infernal
+heraldry of the Holy Office, a condemned man might read his doom before
+he reached the platform of the _auto_. There he heard whether he was
+sentenced to relaxation--in other words, to burning at the hands of the
+hangman--or to reconciliation by means of penitence. At the last moment,
+he might by confession _in extremis_ obtain the commutation of a death
+sentence into life-imprisonment, or receive the favor of being strangled
+before he was burned. A relapsed heretic, however--that is, one who
+after being reconciled had once again apostatized, was never exempted
+from the penalty of burning. To make these holocausts of human beings
+more ghastly, the pageant was enhanced by processions of exhumed corpses
+and heretics in effigy. Artificial dolls and decomposed bodies, with
+grinning lips and mouldy foreheads, were hauled to the huge bonfire,
+side by side with living men, women, and children. All of them
+alike--_fantoccini_, skeletons, and quick folk--were enveloped in the
+same grotesquely ghastly San Benito, with the same hideous yellow miters
+on their pasteboard, worm-eaten, or palpitating foreheads. The
+procession presented an ingeniously picturesque discord of ugly shapes,
+an artistically loathsome dissonance of red and yellow hues, as it
+defiled, to the infernal music of growled psalms and screams and
+moanings, beneath the torrid blaze of Spanish sunlight.
+
+[Footnote 84: The Supreme Council forbade the repetition of torture; but
+this hypocritical law was evaded in practice by declaring that the
+torture had been suspended. Llorente, vol. i. p. 307.]
+
+Spaniards--such is the barbarism of the Latinized Iberian
+nature--delighted in these shows, as they did and do in bull-fights.
+Butcheries of heretics formed the choicest spectacles at royal
+christenings and bridals.
+
+At Seville the Quemadero was adorned with four colossal statues of
+prophets, to which some of the condemned were bound, so that they might
+burn to death in the flames arising from the human sacrifice between
+them.
+
+In the autumn of 1484 the Inquisition was introduced into Aragon; and
+Saragossa became its headquarters in that State. Though the Aragonese
+were accustomed to the institution in its earlier and milder form, they
+regarded the new Holy Office with just horror. The Marranos counted at
+that epoch the Home Secretary, the Grand Treasurer, a Proto-notary, and
+a Vice-Chancellor of the realm among their members; and they were allied
+by marriage with the purest aristocracy. It is not, therefore,
+marvelous that a conspiracy was formed to assassinate the Chief
+Inquisitor, Peter Arbues. In spite of a coat-of-mail and an iron
+skullcap worn beneath his monk's dress, Arbues was murdered one evening
+while at prayer in church. But the revolt, notwithstanding this murder,
+flashed, like an ill-loaded pistol, in the pan. Jealousies between the
+old and new Christians prevented any common action; and the Inquisition
+took a bloody vengeance upon all concerned. It even laid its hand on Don
+James of Navarre, the Infant of Tudela.
+
+The Spanish Inquisition was now firmly grounded. Directed by Torquemada,
+it began to encroach upon the crown, to insult the episcopacy, to defy
+the Papacy, to grind the Commons, and to outrage by its insolence the
+aristocracy. Ferdinand's avarice had overreached itself by creating an
+ecclesiastical power dangerous to the best interests of the realm, but
+which fascinated a fanatically-pious people, and the yoke of which could
+not be thrown off. The Holy Office grew every year in pride,
+pretensions, and exactions. It arrogated to its tribunal crimes of
+usury, bigamy, blasphemous swearing, and unnatural vice, which
+appertained by right to the secular courts. It depopulated Spain by the
+extermination and banishment of at least three million industrious
+subjects during the first 139 years of its existence. It attacked
+princes of the blood,[85] archbishops, fathers of the Tridentine
+Council. It filled every city in the kingdom, the convents of the
+religious, and the palaces of the nobility, with spies. The Familiars,
+or lay brethren devoted to its service, lived at charges of the
+communes, and debauched society by crimes of rapine, lust, and
+violence.[86] Ignorant and bloodthirsty monks composed its provincial
+tribunals, who, like the horrible Lucero el Tenebroso at Cordova,
+paralyzed whole provinces with a veritable reign of terror.[87] Hated
+and worshiped, its officers swept through the realm in the guise of
+powerful _condottieri_. The Grand Inquisitor maintained a bodyguard of
+fifty mounted Familiars and two hundred infantry; his subordinates were
+allowed ten horsemen and fifty archers apiece. Where these black guards
+appeared, city gates were opened; magistrates swore fealty to masters of
+more puissance than the king; the resources of flourishing districts
+were placed at their disposal. Their arbitrary acts remained
+unquestioned, their mysterious sentences irreversible. Shrouded in
+secrecy, amenable to no jurisdiction but their own, they reveled in the
+license of irresponsible dominion. Spain gradually fell beneath the
+charm of their dark fascination. A brave though cruel nation drank
+delirium from the poison-cup of these vile medicine-men, whose
+Moloch-worship would have disgusted cannibals.
+
+[Footnote 85: Llorente, in his introduction to the _History of the
+Inquisition_, gives a long list of illustrious Spanish victims.]
+
+[Footnote 86: See Llorente, vol. i. p. 349, for their outrages on
+women.]
+
+[Footnote 87: For the history of Lucero's tyranny, read Llorente, vol.
+i. pp. 345-353. When at last he had to be deposed, it was not to a
+dungeon or the scaffold, but to his bishopric of Almeria that this
+miscreant was relegated.]
+
+Torquemada was the genius of evil who created and presided over this
+foul instrument of human crime and folly. During his eighteen years of
+administration, reckoning from 1480 to 1498, he sacrificed, according to
+Llorente's calculation, above 114,000 victims, of whom 10,220 were
+burned alive, 6,860 burned in effigy, and 97,000 condemned to perpetual
+imprisonment or public penitence.[88] He, too, it was who in 1492
+compelled Ferdinand to drive the Jews from his dominions. They offered
+30,000 ducats for the war against Granada, and promised to abide in
+Spain under heavy social disabilities, if only they might be spared this
+act of national extermination. Then Torquemada appeared before the king,
+and, raising his crucifix on high, cried: 'Judas sold Christ for thirty
+pieces of silver. Look ye to it, if ye do the like!' The edict of
+expulsion was issued on the last of March. Before the last of July all
+Jews were sentenced to depart, carrying no gold or silver with them.
+They disposed of their lands, houses, and goods for next to nothing, and
+went forth to die by thousands on the shores of Africa and Italy. Twelve
+who were found concealed at Malaga in August were condemned to be
+pricked to death by pointed reeds.[89]
+
+The exodus of the Jews was followed in 1502 by a similar exodus of
+Moors from Castile, and in 1524 by an exodus of Mauresques from Aragon.
+To compute the loss of wealth and population inflicted upon Spain by
+these mad edicts, would be impossible. We may wonder whether the
+followers of Cortez, when they trod the teocallis of Mexico and gazed
+with loathing on the gory elf-locks of the Aztec priests, were not
+reminded of the Torquemada they had left at home. His cruelty became so
+intolerable that even Alexander VI. was moved to horror. In 1494 the
+Borgia appointed four assessors, with equal powers, to restrain the
+blood-thirst of the fanatic.
+
+[Footnote 88: Llorente, vol. i. p. 229. The basis for these and
+following calculations is explained _ib._ pp. 272-281.]
+
+[Footnote 89: _Ibid._ vol. i. p. 263.]
+
+After Torquemada, Diego Deza reigned as second Inquisitor General from
+1498 to 1507. In these years, according to the same calculation, 2,592
+were burned alive, 896 burned in effigy, 34,952 condemned to prison or
+public penitence.[90] Cardinal Ximenez de Cisneros followed between 1507
+and 1517. The victims of this decade were 3,564 burned alive, 1,232
+burned in effigy, 48,059 condemned to prison or public penitence.[91]
+Adrian, Bishop of Tortosa, tutor to Charles V., and afterwards Pope, was
+Inquisitor General between 1516 and 1525. Castile, Aragon, and
+Catalonia, at this epoch, simultaneously demanded a reform of the Holy
+Office from their youthful sovereign. But Charles refused, and the tale
+of Adrian's administration was 1,620 burned alive, 560 burned in effigy,
+21,845 condemned to prison or public penitence.[92] The total, during
+forty-three years, between 1481 and 1525, amounted to 234,526, including
+all descriptions of condemned heretics.[93] These figures are of
+necessity vague, for the Holy Office left but meager records of its
+proceedings. The vast numbers of cases brought before the Inquisitors
+rendered their method of procedure almost as summary as that of Fouquier
+Thinville, while policy induced them to bury the memory of their victims
+in oblivion.[94]
+
+[Footnote 90: Llorente, p. 341.]
+
+[Footnote 91: _Ibid._ p. 360.]
+
+[Footnote 92: Llorente, p. 406.]
+
+[Footnote 93: _Ib._ p. 407.]
+
+[Footnote 94: I know that Llorente's calculations have been disputed:
+as, for instance, in some minor details by Prescott (_Ferd. and Isab._
+vol. iii. p. 492). The truth is that no data now exist for forming a
+correct census of the victims of the Spanish Moloch; and Llorente,
+though he writes with the moderation of evident sincerity, and though he
+had access to the archives of the Inquisition, does not profess to do
+more than give an estimate based upon certain fixed data. However, it
+signifies but little whether we reckon by thousands or by fifteen
+hundreds. That foul monster spawned in the unholy embracements of
+perverted religion with purblind despotism cannot be defended by
+discounting five or even ten per cent. Let its apologists write for
+every 1000 of Llorente 100, and for every 100 of Llorente 10, and our
+position will remain unaltered. The Jesuit historian of Spain, Mariana,
+records the burning-of 2000 persons in Andalusia alone in 1482.
+Bernaldez mentions 700 burned in the one town of Seville between 1482
+and 1489. An inscription carved above the portals of the Holy Office in
+Seville stated that about 1000 had been burned between 1492 and 1524.]
+
+Sometimes, while reading the history of the Holy Office in Spain, we are
+tempted to imagine that the whole is but a grim unwholesome nightmare,
+or the fable of malignant calumny. That such is not the case, however,
+is proved by a jubilant inscription on the palace of the Holy Office at
+Seville, which records the triumphs of Torquemada. Of late years, too,
+the earth herself has disgorged some secrets of the Inquisition. 'A most
+curious discovery,' writes Lord Malmesbury in his Memoirs,[95] 'has been
+made at Madrid. Just at the time when the question of religious liberty
+was being discussed in the Cortes, Serrano had ordered a piece of ground
+to be leveled, in order to build on it; and the workmen came upon large
+quantities of human bones, skulls, lumps of blackening flesh, pieces of
+chains, and braids of hair. It was then recollected that the _autos da
+fe_ used to take place at that spot in former days. Crowds of people
+rushed to the place, and the investigation was continued. They found
+layer upon layer of human remains, showing that hundreds had been
+inhumanly sacrificed. The excitement and indignation this produced among
+the people was tremendous, and the party for religious freedom taking
+advantage of it, a Bill on the subject was passed by an enormous
+majority.' Let modern Spain remember that a similar Aceldama lies hidden
+in the precincts of each of her chief towns!
+
+[Footnote 95: Vol. ii. p. 399.]
+
+I have enlarged upon the details of the Spanish Inquisition for two
+reasons. In the first place it strikingly illustrates the character of
+the people who now had the upper hand in Italy. In the second place, its
+success induced Paul III., acting upon the advice of Giov. Paolo
+Caraffa, to remodel the Roman office on a similar type in 1542. It may
+at once be said that the real Spanish Inquisition was never introduced
+into Italy.[96] Such an institution, claiming independent jurisdiction
+and flaunting its cruelties in the light of day, would not have suited
+the Papal policy. As temporal and spiritual autocrats, the Popes could
+not permit a tribunal of which they were not the supreme authority. It
+was their interest to consult their pecuniary advantage rather than to
+indulge insane fanaticism; to repress liberty of thought by cautious
+surveillance rather than by public terrorism and open acts of cruelty.
+The Italian temperament was, moreover, more humane than the Spanish; nor
+had the refining culture of the Renaissance left no traces in the
+nation. Furthermore, the necessity for so Draconian an institution was
+not felt. Catholicism in Italy had not to contend with Jews and Moors,
+Marranos and Moriscoes. It was, indeed, alarmed by the spread of
+Lutheran opinions. Caraffa complained to Paul III. that 'the whole of
+Italy is infected with the Lutheran heresy, which has been embraced not
+only by statesmen, but also by many ecclesiastics.'[97] Pius V. was so
+panic-stricken by the prevalence of heresy in Faenza that he seriously
+meditated destroying the town and dispersing its inhabitants.[98] Yet,
+after a few years of active persecution, this peril proved to be unreal.
+The Reformation had not taken root so deep and wide in Italy that it
+could not be eradicated. When, therefore, the Spanish viceroys sought
+to establish their national Inquisition in Naples and Milan, the
+rebellious people received protection and support from the Papacy; and
+the Holy Office, as remodeled in Rome, became a far less awful engine of
+oppression than that of Seville.
+
+[Footnote 96: Naples and Milan passionately and successfully opposed its
+introduction by the Spanish viceroys. But it ruled in Sicily and
+Sardinia.]
+
+[Footnote 97: McCrie, p. 186.]
+
+[Footnote 98: Mutinelli, _Storia Arcana_, vol. i. p. 79.]
+
+It was sufficiently severe, however. 'At Rome,' writes a resident in
+1568, 'some are daily burned, hanged, or beheaded; the prisons and
+places of confinement are filled, and they are obliged to build new
+ones.'[99] This general statement may be checked by extracts from the
+despatches of Venetian ambassadors in Rome, which, though they are not
+continuous, and cannot be supposed to give an exhaustive list of the
+victims of the Inquisition, enable us to judge with some degree of
+accuracy what the frequency of executions may have been.[100]
+
+[Footnote 99: McCrie, p. 272.]
+
+[Footnote 100: Mutinelli's _Storia Arcana_, etc. vol. i., is the source
+from which I have drawn the details given above.]
+
+On September 27, 1567, a session of the Holy Office was held at S. Maria
+sopra Minerva. Seventeen heretics were condemned. Fifteen of these were
+sentenced to perpetual imprisonment, the galleys for life, fines, or
+temporary imprisonment, according to the nature of their offenses. Two
+were reserved for capital punishment--namely, Carnesecchi and a friar
+from Cividale di Belluno. They were beheaded and burned upon the bridge
+of S. Angelo on October 4. On May 28, 1569, there was an Act of the
+Inquisition at the Minerva, twenty Cardinals attending. Four impenitent
+heretics were condemned to the stake. Ten penitents were sentenced to
+various punishments of less severity. On August 2, 1578, occurred a
+singular scandal touching some Spaniards and Portuguese of evil manners,
+all of whom were burned with the exception of those who contrived to
+escape in time. On August 5, 1581, an English Protestant was burned for
+grossly insulting the Host. On February 20, 1582, after an Act of the
+Inquisition in due form, seventeen heretics were sentenced, three to
+death, and the rest to imprisonment, etc. We must bear in mind that
+Mutinelli, who published the extracts from the Venetian dispatches which
+contain these details, does not profess to aim at completeness. Gaps of
+several years occur between the documents of one envoy and those of his
+successor. Nor does it appear that the writers themselves took notice of
+more than solemn and ceremonial proceedings, in which the Acts of the
+Inquisition were published with Pontifical and Curial pomp.[101] Still,
+when these considerations have been weighed, it will appear that the
+victims of the Inquisition, in Rome, could be counted, not by hundreds,
+but by units. After illustrious examples, like those of Aonio Paleario,
+Pietro Carnesecchi, Giordano Bruno, who were burned for Protestant or
+Atheistical opinions, the names of distinguished sufferers are few. Wary
+heretics, a Celio Secundo Curio, a Galeazzo Caracciolo, a Bernardino
+Ochino, a Pietro Martire Vermigli, a Pietro Paolo Vergerio, a Lelio
+Socino, escaped betimes to Switzerland, and carried on their warfare
+with the Church by means of writings.[102] Others, tainted with heresy,
+like Marco Antonio Flaminio, managed to satisfy the Inquisition by
+timely concessions. The Protestant Churches, which had sprung up in
+Venice, Lucca, Modena, Ferrara, Faenza, Vicenza, Bologna, Naples, and
+Siena, were easily dispersed.[103] Their pastors fled or submitted. The
+flocks conformed to Catholic orthodoxy. Only in a few cases was extreme
+rigor displayed. A memorable massacre took place in the year 1561 in
+Calabria within the province of Cosenza.[104] Here at the end of the
+fourteenth century a colony of Waldensians had settled in some villages
+upon the coast. They preserved their peculiar beliefs and ritual, and
+after three centuries numbered about 4000 souls. Nearly the whole of
+these, it seems, were exterminated by sword, fire, famine, torture,
+noisome imprisonment, and hurling from the summits of high cliffs. A few
+of the survivors were sent to work upon the Spanish galleys. Some women
+and children were sold into slavery. At Locarno, on the Lago Maggiore, a
+Protestant community of nearly 300 persons was driven into exile in
+1555; and at Venice, in 1560-7, a small sect, holding reformed opinions,
+suffered punishment of a peculiar kind. We read of five persons by name,
+who, after being condemned by the Holy Office, were taken at night from
+their dungeons to the Porto del Lido beyond the Due Castelli, and there
+set upon a plank between two gondolas. The gondolas rowed asunder; and
+one by one the martyrs fell and perished in the waters.[105]
+
+[Footnote 101: It is singular that only one contemporary writes from
+Rome about Bruno's execution in 1600; whence, I think, we may infer that
+such events were too common to excite much attention.]
+
+[Footnote 102: The main facts about these men may be found in Cantu's
+_Gli Eretici d'Italia_, vol. ii. This work is written in no spirit of
+sympathy with Reformers. But it is superior in learning and impartiality
+to McCrie's.]
+
+[Footnote 103: For the repressive measures used at Lucca, see _Archivio
+Storico_, vol. x. pp. 162-185. They include the prohibition of books,
+regulation of the religious observances of Lucchese citizens abroad in
+France or Flanders, and proscription of certain heretics, with whom all
+intercourse was forbidden.]
+
+[Footnote 104: An eye-witness gives a heart-rending account of these
+persecutions: sixty thrown from the tower of Guardia, eighty-eight
+butchered like beasts in one day at Montalto, seven burned alive, one
+hundred old women tortured and then slaughtered. _Arch. Stor._, vol. ix.
+pp. 193-195.]
+
+[Footnote 105: McCrie, _op. cit._ p. 232-236. The five men were Giulio
+Gherlandi of Spresian, near Treviso (executed in 1562), Antonio Rizzetta
+of Vicenza (in 1566), Francesco Sega of Rovigo (sentenced in 1566),
+Francesco Spinola of Milan (in 1567), and Fra Baldo Lupatino (1556).
+McCrie bases his report upon the _Histoire des Martyrs_ (Geneve, 1597)
+and De Porta's _Historia Reformationis Rhaeticarum Ecclesiarum_.
+Thinking these sources somewhat suspicious, I applied to my friend Mr.
+H.F. Brown, whose researches in the Venetian archives are becoming known
+to students of Italian history. He tells me that all the above cases,
+except that of Spinola, exist in the Frari. Lupatino was condemned as a
+Lutheran; the others as Anabaptists. In passing sentence on Lupatino,
+the Chief Inquisitor remarked that he could not condemn him to death by
+fire in Venice, but must consign him to a watery grave. This is
+characteristic of Venetian state policy. It appears that, of the
+above-named persons, Sega, though sentenced to death by drowning,
+recanted at the last moment, saying, 'Non voglio esser negato, ma voglio
+redirmi et morir buon Christiano.' Mr. Brown adds that there is nothing
+in the archives to prove that he was executed; but there is also nothing
+to show that his sentence was commuted. Two other persons involved in
+this trial, viz. Nic. Bucello of Padua and Alessio of Bellinzona, upon
+recantation, were subjected to public penances and confessions for
+different terms of years. Sega's fate must, therefore, be considered
+doubtful; since the fact that no commutation of sentence is on record
+lends some weight to the hypothesis that he withdrew his recantation,
+and submitted to martyrdom. I will close this note by expressing my hope
+that Mr. Brown, who is already engaged upon the papers of the Venetian
+Holy Office, will make them shortly the subject of a special
+publication. Considering how rare are the full and authentic records of
+any Inquisition, this would be of incalculable value for students of
+history. The series of trials in the Frari extends from 1541 to 1794,
+embracing 1562 _processi_ for the sixteenth century, 1469 for the
+seventeenth, 541 for the eighteenth, and 25 of no date. Nearly all the
+towns and districts of the Venetian State are involved.]
+
+The position of the Holy Office in Venice was so far peculiar as to
+justify a digression upon its special constitution. Always jealous of
+ecclesiastical interference, the Republic insisted on the Inquisition
+being made dependent on the State. Three nobles of senatorial rank were
+chosen to act as Assessors of the Holy Office in the capital; and in the
+subject cities this function was assigned to the Rectors, or lieutenants
+of S. Mark. It was the duty of these lay members to see that justice was
+impartially dealt by the ecclesiastical tribunal, to defend the State
+against clerical encroachments, and to refer dubious cases to the Doge
+in Council. They were forbidden to swear oaths of allegiance or of
+secrecy to the Holy Office, and were bound to be present at all trials,
+even in the case of ecclesiastical offenders. No causes could be
+avvocated to Rome, and no crimes except heresy were held to lie within
+the jurisdiction of the court. The State reserved to itself witchcraft,
+profane swearing, bigamy and usury; allowed no interference with Jews,
+infidels and Greeks; forbade the confiscation of goods in which the
+heirs of condemned persons had interest; and made separate stipulations
+with regard to the Index of Prohibited Books. It precluded the
+Inquisition from extending its authority in any way, direct or indirect,
+over trades, arts, guilds, magistrates, and communal officials.[106] The
+tenor of this system was to repress ecclesiastical encroachments on the
+State prerogatives, and to secure equity in the proceedings of the Holy
+Office. Had practice answered to theory in the Venetian Inquisition, by
+far the worst abuses of the institution would have been avoided. But as
+a matter of fact, causes were not unfrequently transferred to Rome;
+confiscations were permitted; and the lists of the condemned include
+Mussulmans, witches, conjurors, men of scandalous life, etc., showing
+that the jurisdiction of the Holy Office extended beyond heresy in
+Venice.[107]
+
+[Footnote 106: See Sarpi's 'Discourse on the Inquisition,' _Opere_, vol.
+iv.]
+
+[Footnote 107: I owe to Mr. H.F. Brown details about the register of
+criminals condemned by the Holy Office, which substantiate my statement
+regarding the various types of cases in its jurisdiction.]
+
+The truth is that the Venetians, though they were willing to risk an
+open rupture with Rome, remained at heart sound Churchmen devoted to the
+principles of the Catholic Reaction. The Republic conceded the fact of
+Inquisitorial authority, while it reserved the letter of
+State-supervision. Venetian decadence was marked by this hypocrisy of
+pride; and so long as appearances were saved, the Holy Office exercised
+its functions freely. The nobles who acted as assessors had no sympathy
+with religious toleration, being themselves under the influence of
+confessors and directors.
+
+How little the subjects of S. Mark at this epoch trusted the good faith
+of laws securing liberty of thought in Venice, may be gathered from what
+happened immediately after the publication of the Index Expurgatorius in
+1596. From an official report upon the decline of the printing trade in
+Venice, it appears that within the space of a few months the number of
+presses fell from 125 to 40.[108] Printers were afraid to undertake
+either old or new works, and the trade languished for lack of books to
+publish. Yet an edict had been issued announcing that by the terms of
+the Concordat with Clement VIII., the Venetian press would only be
+subject to State control and not to the Roman tribunals.[109] The truth
+is that, in regard both to the Holy Office and to the Index, Venice was
+never strong enough to maintain the independence which she boasted. By
+cunning use of the confessional, and by unscrupulous control of opinion,
+the Church succeeded in doing there much the same as in any other
+Italian city. Successive Popes made, indeed, a show of respecting the
+liberties of the Republic. On material points, touching revenue and
+State-administration, they felt it wise to concede even more than
+complimentary privileges; and when Paul V. encroached upon these
+privileges, the Venetians were ready to resist him. Yet the quarrels
+between the Vatican and San Marco were, after all, but family disputes.
+The Venetians at the close of the sixteenth century proved themselves no
+better friends to spiritual freedom than were the Grand Dukes of
+Tuscany. Their political jealousies, commercial anxieties, and feints of
+maintaining a power that was rapidly decaying, denoted no partiality for
+the opponents of Rome--unless, like Sarpi, these wore the livery of the
+State, and defended with the pen its secular prerogatives. Therefore,
+when the Signory published Clement VIII.'s Index, when copies of that
+Index were sown broadcast, while only an edition of sixty was granted to
+the Concordat, authors and publishers felt, and felt rightly, that their
+day had passed. The art of printing sank at once to less than a third of
+its productivity. The city where it had flourished so long, and where it
+had effected so much of enduring value for European culture, was gagged
+in scarcely a less degree than Rome. We have full right to insist upon
+these facts, and to draw from them a stringent corollary. If Venice
+allowed the trade in books, which had brought her so much profit and
+such honor in the past, to be paralyzed by Clement's Index, what must
+have happened in other Italian towns? The blow which maimed Venetian
+literature, was mortal elsewhere; and the finest works of genius in the
+first half of the seventeenth century had to find their publishers in
+Paris.[110] But these reflections have led me to anticipate the proper
+development of the subject of this chapter.
+
+[Footnote 108: The document in question, prepared for the use of the
+Signoria, exists in MS. in the Marcian Library, Misc. Eccl. et Civ.
+Class. VII. Cod. MDCCLXI.]
+
+[Footnote 109: This edict is dated August 24, 1596.]
+
+[Footnote 110: This will be apparent when I come to treat of Marino and
+Tassoni.]
+
+In Italy at large, the forces of the Inquisition were directed, not as
+in Spain against heretics in masses, but against the leaders of
+heretical opinion; and less against personalities than against ideas.
+Italy during the Renaissance had been the workshop of ideas for Europe.
+It was the business of the Counter-Reformation to check the industry of
+that _officina scientiarum_, to numb the nervous centers which had
+previously emitted thought of pregnant import for the modern world, and
+to prevent the reflux of ideas, elaborated by the northern races in
+fresh forms, upon the intelligence which had evolved them. To do so now
+was comparatively easy. It only needed to put the engine of the Index
+Librorum Prohibitorum into working order in concert with the
+Inquisition.
+
+Throughout the Middle Ages it had been customary to burn heretical
+writings. The bishops, the universities, and the Dominican Inquisitors
+exercised this privilege; and by their means, in the age of manuscripts,
+the life of a book was soon extinguished. Whole libraries were sometimes
+sacrificed at one fell swoop, as in the case of the 6000 volumes
+destroyed at Salamanca in 1490 by Torquemada, on a charge of
+sorcery.[111] After the invention of printing it became more difficult
+to carry on this warfare against literature, while the rapid diffusion
+of Protestant opinions through the press rendered the need for their
+extermination urgent. Sixtus IV. laid a basis for the Index by
+prohibiting the publication of any books which had not previously been
+licensed by ecclesiastical authority. Alexander VI. by a brief of 15O1
+confirmed this measure, and placed books under the censorship of the
+episcopacy and the Inquisition. Finally, the Lateran Council, in its
+tenth session, held under the auspices of Leo X., gave solemn ecumenical
+sanction to these regulations.
+
+The censorship having been thus established, the next step was to form a
+list of books prohibited by the Inquisitors appointed for that purpose.
+The Sorbonne in Paris drew one up for their own use, and even presented
+a petition to Francis I. that publication through the press should be
+forbidden altogether.[112] A royal edict to this effect was actually
+promulgated in 1535. Charles V. commissioned the University of Louvain
+in 1539 to furnish a similar catalogue, proclaiming at the same time the
+penalty of death for all who read or owned the works of Luther in his
+realms.[113] The University printed their catalogue with Papal approval
+in 1549.
+
+[Footnote 111: Llorente, vol. i. p. 281.]
+
+[Footnote 112: Christie's _Etienne Dolet_, pp. 220-24.]
+
+[Footnote 113: Llorente, vol. i. p. 463.]
+
+These lists of the Sorbonne and Louvain formed the nucleus of the
+Apostolic Index, which, after the close of the Council of Trent, became
+binding upon Catholics. When the Inquisition had been established in
+Rome, Caraffa, who was then at its head, obtained the sanction of Paul
+III. for submitting all books, old or new, printed or in manuscript, to
+the supervision of the Holy Office. He also contrived to place
+booksellers, public and private libraries, colporteurs and officers of
+customs, under the same authority; so that from 1543 forward it was a
+penal offence to print, sell, own, convey or import any literature, of
+which the Inquisition had not first been informed, and for the diffusion
+or possession of which it had not given its permission. Giovanni della
+Casa, who was sent in 1546 to Venice with commission to prosecute P.
+Paolo Vergerio for heresy, drew up a list of about seventy prohibited
+volumes, which was printed in that city.[114] Other lists appeared, at
+Florence in 1552, and at Milan in 1554. Philip II. at last, in 1558,
+issued a royal edict commanding the publication of one catalogue which
+should form the standard for such Indices throughout his States.[115]
+These lists, revised, collated, and confirmed by Papal authority, were
+reprinted, in the form which ever afterwards obtained, at Rome, by
+command of Paul IV. in 1559.
+
+[Footnote 114: In the year 1548. The MS. cited above (p. 192) mentions
+another Index of the Venetian Holy Office published in 1554.]
+
+[Footnote 115: Sarpi, _Ist. del Conc. Tial_, vol. ii..p. 90.]
+
+The Tridentine Council ratified the regulations of the Inquisition and
+the Index concerning prohibited books, and referred the execution of
+them in detail to the Papacy. A congregation was appointed at Rome,
+which, though technically independent of the Holy Office, worked in
+concert with it. This Congregation of the Index brought the Tridentine
+decrees into harmony with the practice that had been developed by
+Caraffa as Inquisitor and Pope. Their list was published in 1564 with
+the authority of Pius IV. Finally, in 1595 the decrees embodying the
+statutes of the Church upon this topic were issued in print, together
+with a largely augmented catalogue of interdicted books. This document
+will form the basis of what I have to say with regard to the Catholic
+crusade against literature.
+
+Not without reason did Aonio Paleario call this engine of the Index 'a
+dagger drawn from the scabbard to assassinate letters'--_sica districta
+in omnes scriptores_.[116] Not without reason did Sarpi describe it as
+'the finest secret which has ever been discovered for applying religion
+to the purpose of making men idiotic.'[117]
+
+[Footnote 116: In his _Oratio pro se ipso ad Senenses_. Printed by
+Gryphius at Lyons in 1552.]
+
+[Footnote 117: _1st. del Conc. Trid_. vol. ii. p. 91. The passage
+deserves to be Paul IV. designated in his transcribed. 'Sotto colore di
+fede e religione sono vietati con la medesima severita e dannati gli
+autori de'libri da'quali l'autorita del principe e magistrati temporali
+e difesa dalle usurpazioni ecclesiastiche; dove l'autorita de' Concilj e
+de'Vescovi e difesa dalle usurpazioni della Corte Romana; dove le
+ipocrisie o tirannidi con le quali sotto pretesto di religione il popolo
+e ingannato o violentato sono manifestate. In somma non fu mai trovato
+piu bell'arcano per adoperare la religione a far gli uomini insensati.']
+
+
+Index Expurgatorius sixty-one printing firms by name, all of whose
+publications were without exception prohibited, adding a similar
+prohibition for the books edited by any printer who had published the
+writings of any heretic; so that in fine, as Sarpi says, 'there was not
+a book left to read.' Truly he might well exclaim in another passage
+that the Church was doing its best to extinguish sound learning
+altogether.[118]
+
+In order to gain a clear conception of the warfare carried on by Rome
+against free literature, it will be well to consider first the rules for
+the Index of Prohibited Books, sketched out by the fathers delegated by
+the Tridentine Council, published by Pius IV., augmented by Sixtus V.,
+and reduced to their final form by Clement VIII. in 1595.[119]
+Afterwards I shall proceed to explain the operation of the system, and
+to illustrate by details the injury inflicted upon learning and
+enlightenment.
+
+[Footnote 118: _Discorso Sopra l'Inq._ vol. iv. p. 54.]
+
+[Footnote 119: These rules form the Preface to modern editions of the
+Index. The one I use is dated Naples, 1862. They are also printed in
+vol. iv. of Sarpi's works.]
+
+The preambles to this document recite the circumstances under which the
+necessity for digesting an Index or Catalogue of Prohibited Books arose.
+These were the diffusion of heretical opinions at the epoch of the
+Lutheran schism, and their propagation through the press. The Council of
+Trent decreed that a list of writings 'heretical, or suspected of
+heretical pravity, or injurious to manners and piety,' should be drawn
+up. This charge they committed to prelates chosen from all nations, who,
+when the catalogue had been completed, referred it for sanction and
+approval to the Pope. He nominated a congregation of eminent
+ecclesiastics, by whose care the catalogue was perfected, and rules were
+framed, defining the use that should be made of it in future. It issued
+officially, as I have already stated, in 1564, the fifth year of the
+pontificate of Pius IV., with warning to all universities and civil and
+ecclesiastical authorities that any person of what grade or condition
+soever, whether clerk or layman, who should read or possess one or more
+of the proscribed volumes, would be accounted _ipso jure_ excommunicate,
+and liable to prosecution by the Inquisition on a charge of heresy.[120]
+Booksellers, printers, merchants, and custom-house officials received
+admonition that the threat of excommunication and prosecution concerned
+them specially.
+
+[Footnote 120: Paulus Manutius Aldus printed this Index at Venice in
+1564.]
+
+The first rules deal with the acknowledged writings of Protestant
+heresiarchs. Those of Luther, Zwingli, and Calvin, whether in their
+original languages or translated, are condemned absolutely and without
+exception. Next follow regulations for securing the monopoly of the
+Vulgate, considered as the sole authorized version of the Holy
+Scriptures. Translations of portions of the Bible made by learned men in
+Latin may be used by scholars with permission of a bishop, provided it
+be understood that they are never appealed to as the inspired text.
+Translations into any vernacular idiom are strictly excluded from public
+use and circulation, but may, under exceptional circumstances, be
+allowed to students who have received license from a bishop or
+Inquisitor at the recommendation of their parish priest or confessor.
+Compilations made by heretics, in the form of dictionaries,
+concordances, etc., are to be prohibited until they have been purged and
+revised by censors of the press. The same regulation extends to
+polemical and controversial works touching on matters of doctrine in
+dispute between Catholics and Protestants. Next follow regulations
+concerning books containing lascivious or obscene matter, which are to
+be rigidly suppressed. Exception is made in favor of the classics, on
+account of their style; with the proviso that they are on no account to
+be given to boys to read. Treatises dealing professedly with occult
+arts, magic, sorcery, predictions of future events, incantation of
+spirits, and so forth, are to be proscribed; due reservation being made
+in favor of scientific observations touching navigation, agriculture,
+and the healing art, in which prognostics may be useful to mankind.
+Having thus broadly defined the literature which has to be suppressed or
+subjected to supervision, rules are laid down for the exercise of
+censure. Books, whereof the general tendency is good, but which contain
+passages savoring of heresy, superstition or divination, shall be
+reserved for the consideration of Catholic theologians appointed by the
+Inquisition; and this shall hold good also of prefaces, summaries, or
+annotations. All writings printed in Rome must be submitted to the
+judgment of the Vicar of the Pope, the Master of the Sacred Palace, or a
+person nominated by the Pontiff. In other cities the bishop, or his
+delegate, and the Inquisitor of the district, shall be responsible for
+examining printed or manuscript works previous to publication; and
+without their license it shall be illegal to circulate them.
+Inquisitorial visits shall from time to time be made, under the
+authority of the bishop and the Holy Office, in bookshops or printing
+houses, for the removal and destruction of prohibited works. Colporteurs
+of books across the frontiers, heirs and executors who have become
+depositaries of books, collectors of private libraries, as well as
+editors and booksellers, shall be liable to the same jurisdiction, bound
+to declare their property by catalogue, and to show license for the use,
+transmission, sale, or possession of the same.
+
+With regard to the correction of books, it is provided that this duty
+shall fall conjointly on bishops and Inquisitors, who must appoint three
+men distinguished for learning and piety to examine the text and make
+the necessary changes in it. Upon the report of these censors, the
+bishops and Inquisitors shall give license of publication, provided they
+are satisfied that the work of emendation has been duly performed. The
+censor must submit not only the body of a book, to scrupulous analysis;
+but he must also investigate the notes, summaries, marginal remarks,
+indexes, prefaces, and dedicatory epistles, lest haply pestilent
+opinions lurk there in ambush. He must keep a sharp lookout for
+heretical propositions, and arguments savoring of heresy; insinuations
+against the established order of the sacraments, ceremonies, usages and
+ritual of the Roman Church; new turns of phrase insidiously employed by
+heretics, with dubious and ambiguous expressions that may mislead the
+unwary; plausible citations of Scripture, or passages of holy writ
+extracted from heretical translations; quotations from the authorized
+text, which have been adduced in an unorthodox sense; epithets in honor
+of heretics, and anything that may redound to the praise of such
+persons; opinions savoring of sorcery and superstition; theories that
+involve the subjection of the human will to fate, fortune, and
+fallacious portents, or that imply paganism; aspersions upon
+ecclesiastics and princes; impugnments of the liberties, immunities, and
+jurisdiction of the Church; political doctrines in favor of antique
+virtues, despotic government, and the so-called Reason of State, which
+are in opposition to the evangelical and Christian law; satires on
+ecclesiastical rites, religious orders, and the state, dignity, and
+persons of the clergy; ribaldries or stories offensive and prejudicial
+to the fame and estimation of one's neighbors, together with
+lubricities, lascivious remarks, lewd pictures, and capital letters
+adorned with obscene images. All such peccant passages are to be
+expunged, obliterated, removed or radically altered, before the license
+for publication be accorded by the ordinary.
+
+No book shall be printed without the author's name in full, together
+with his nationality, upon the title-page. If there be sufficient reason
+for giving an anonymous work to the world, the censor's name shall stand
+for that of the author. Compilations of words, sentences, excerpts,
+etc., shall pass under the name of the compiler. Publishers and
+booksellers are to take care that the printed work agrees with the MS.
+copy as licensed, and to see that all rules with regard to the author's
+name and his authority to publish have been observed. They are,
+moreover, to take an oath before the Master of the Sacred Palace in
+Rome, or before the bishop and Inquisitor in other places, that they
+will scrupulously follow the regulations of the Index. The bishops and
+Inquisitors are held responsible for selecting as censors, men of
+approved piety and learning, whose good faith and integrity they shall
+guarantee, and who shall be such as will obey no promptings of private
+hatred or of favor, but will do all for the glory of God and the
+advantage of the faithful. The approbation of such censors, together
+with the license of the bishop and Inquisitor, shall be printed at the
+opening of every published book. Finally, if any work composed by a
+condemned author shall be licensed after due purgation and castration,
+it shall bear his name upon the title-page, together with the note of
+condemnation, to the end that, though the book itself be accepted, the
+author be understood to be rejected. Thus, for example, the title shall
+run as follows: 'The Library, by Conrad Gesner, a writer condemned for
+his opinions, which work was formerly published and proscribed, but is
+now expurgated and licensed by superior authority.'
+
+The Holy Office was made virtually responsible for the censorship of
+books. But, as I have already stated, there existed a Congregation of
+prelates in Rome to whom the final verdict upon this matter Was
+reserved. If an author in some provincial town composed a volume, he was
+bound in the first instance to submit the MS. to the censor appointed by
+the bishop and Inquisitor of his district. This man took time to weigh
+the general matter of the work before him, to scrutinize its
+propositions, verify quotations, and deliberate upon its tendency. When
+the license of the ordinary had been obtained, it was referred to the
+Roman Congregation of the Index, who might withhold or grant their
+sanction. So complicated was the machinery, and so vast the pressure
+upon the officials who were held responsible for the expurgation of
+every book imprinted or reprinted in all the Catholic presses, that even
+writers of conspicuous orthodoxy had to suffer grievous delays. An
+archbishop writes to Cardinal Sirleto about a book which had been
+examined thrice, at Rome, at Venice and again at Rome, and had obtained
+the Pope's approval, and yet the license for reprinting it is never
+issued.[121] The censors were not paid; and in addition to being
+overworked and over-burdened with responsibility, they were rarely men
+of adequate learning. In a letter from Bartolommeo de Valverde, chaplain
+to Philip II., under date 1584, we read plain-spoken complaints against
+these subordinates.[122] 'Unacquainted with literature, they discharge
+the function of condemning books they cannot understand. Without
+knowledge of Greek or Hebrew, and animated by a prejudiced hostility
+against authors, they take the easy course of proscribing what they feel
+incapable of judging. In this way the works of many sainted writers and
+the useful commentaries made by Jews have been suppressed.' A memorial
+to Sirleto, presented by Cardinal Gabriele Paleotti, points out the
+negligence of the Index-makers and their superficial discharge of
+onerous duties, praying that in future men of learning and honesty
+should be employed, and that they should receive payment for their
+labors.[123] These are the expostulations addressed by faithful
+Catholics, engaged in literary work demanded by the Vatican, to a
+Cardinal who was the soul and mover of the Congregation. They do not
+question the salutary nature of the Index, but only call attention to
+the incapacity and ignorance of its unpaid officials.
+
+[Footnote 121: Dejob, _De l'Influence_, etc. p. 60.]
+
+[Footnote 122: Id. _op. cit._ p. 76.]
+
+[Footnote 123: Id. _op. cit._ p. 78.]
+
+Meanwhile, it was no easy matter to appoint responsible and learned
+scholars to the post. The inefficient censors proceeded with their work
+of destruction and suppression. A commentator on a Greek Father, or the
+Psalms, was corrected by an ignoramus who knew neither Greek nor Hebrew,
+anxious to discover petty collisions with the Vulgate, and eager to
+create annoyances for the author. Latino Latini, one of the students
+employed by the Vatican, refused his name to an edition of Cyprian which
+he had carefully prepared with far more than the average erudition,
+because it had been changed throughout by the substitution of bad
+readings for good, in defiance of MS. authority, with a view of
+preserving a literal agreement with the Vulgate.[124] Sigonius, another
+of the Vatican students, was instructed to prepare certain text-books by
+Cardinal Paleotti. These were an Ecclesiastical History, a treatise on
+the Hebrew Commonwealth, and an edition of Sulpicius Severus. The MSS.
+were returned to him, accused of unsound doctrine, and scrawled over
+with such remarks as 'false,' 'absurd.'[125]
+
+[Footnote 124: Dejob, _op. cit._ p. 74.]
+
+[Footnote 125: Id. _op. cit._ p. 54.]
+
+In addition to the intolerable delays of the Censure, and the arrogant
+inadequacy of its officials, learned men suffered from the pettiest
+persecution at the hands of informers. The Inquisitors themselves were
+often spies and persons of base origin. 'The Roman Court,' says Sarpi,
+'being anxious that the office of the Inquisition should not suffer
+through negligence in its ministers, has confided these affairs to
+individuals without occupation, and whose mean estate renders them proud
+of their official position.'[126] It was not to be expected that such
+people should discharge their duties with intelligence and scrupulous
+equity. Pius V., himself an incorruptible Inquisitor, had to condemn one
+of his lieutenants for corruption or extortion of money by menaces.[127]
+There was still another source of peril and annoyance to which scholars
+were exposed. Their comrades, engaged in similar pursuits, not
+unfrequently wreaked private spite by denouncing them to the
+Congregation.[128] Van Linden indicated heresies in Osorius, Giovius,
+Albertus Pighius. The Jesuit Francesco Torres accused Maes, and
+threatened Latini. Sigonius obtained a license for his _History of
+Bologna_, but could not print it, owing to the delation of secret
+enemies. Baronius, when he had finished his Martyrology, found that a
+cabal had raised insuperable obstacles in the way of its publication. I
+have been careful to select only examples of notoriously Catholic
+authors, men who were in the pay and under the special protection of the
+Vatican. How it fared with less favored scholars, may be left to the
+imagination. We are not astonished to find a man like Latini writing
+thus from Rome to Maes during the pontificate of Paul IV.[129]
+
+[Footnote 126: Discorso dell'Origine, etc. dell'Inquisizione,' _Opp._
+vol. iv. p. 34.]
+
+[Footnote 127: Mutinelli, _Storia Arcana_, vol. i. p. 277.]
+
+[Footnote 128: Dejob, _op. cit._ pp. 53-57.]
+
+[Footnote 129: Id. _op. cit._ p. 75.]
+
+'Have you not heard of the peril which threatens the very existence of
+books? What are you dreaming of, when now that almost every published
+book is interdicted, you still think of making new ones? Here, as I
+imagine, there is no one who for many years to come will dare to write
+except on business or to distant friends. An Index has been issued of
+the works which none may possess under pain of excommunication; and the
+number of them is so great that very few indeed are left to us,
+especially of those which have been published in Germany. This
+shipwreck, this holocaust of books will stop the production of them in
+your country also, if I do not err, and will teach editors to be upon
+their guard. As you love me and yourself, sit and look at your bookcases
+without opening their doors, and beware lest the very cracks let
+emanations come to you from those forbidden fruits of learning.' This
+letter was written in 1559, when Paul proscribed sixty-one presses, and
+prohibited the perusal of any work that issued from them. He afterwards
+withdrew this interdict. But the Index did not stop its work of
+extirpation.
+
+Another embarrassment which afflicted men of learning, was the danger of
+possessing books by heretics and the difficulty of procuring them.[130]
+Yet they could not carry on their Biblical studies without reference to
+such authors as, for example, Erasmus or Reuchlin. The universities
+loudly demanded that books of sound erudition by heretics should at
+least be expurgated and republished. Yet the process of disfiguring
+their arguments, effacing the names of authors, expunging the praises of
+heretics, altering quotations and retouching them all over, involved so
+much labor that the demand was never satisfied. The strict search
+instituted at the frontiers stopped the importation of books,[131] and
+carriers refused to transmit them. In their dread of the Inquisition,
+these folk found it safer to abstain from book traffic altogether.
+Public libraries were exposed to intermittent raids, nor were private
+collections safe from such inspection. The not uncommon occurrence of
+old books in which precious and interesting passages have been erased
+with printer's ink, or pasted over with slips of opaque paper, testifies
+to the frequency of these inquisitorial visitations.[132] Any casual
+acquaintance, on leaving a man's house, might denounce him as the
+possessor of a proscribed volume; and everybody who owned a book-case
+was bound to furnish the Inquisitors with a copy of his catalogue.
+Book-stalls lay open to the malevolence of informers. We possess an
+insolent letter of Antonio Possevino to Cardinal Sirleto, telling him
+that he had noticed a forbidden book by Filiarchi on a binder's counter,
+and bidding him to do his duty by suppressing it.[133] When this
+Cardinal's library was exposed for sale after his death, the curious
+observed that it contained 1872 MSS. in Greek and Latin, 530 volumes of
+printed Greek books, and 3939 volumes of Latin, among which 39 were on
+the Index. But charity suggested that the Cardinal had retained these
+last for censure.
+
+[Footnote 130: Sarpi's Letters abound in useful information on this
+topic. Writing to French correspondents, he complains weekly of the
+impossibility even in Venice of obtaining books. See, for instance,
+_Lettere_, vol. i. pp. 286, 287, 360, vol. ii. p. 13. In one passage he
+says that the importation of books into Italy is impeded at Innsbruck,
+Trento, and throughout the Tyrolese frontiers (vol. i. p. 74). In
+another he warns his friends not to send them concealed in merchandise,
+since they will fall under so many eyes in the custom-houses and
+lazzaretti (vol. i. p. 303).]
+
+[Footnote 131: It was usual at this epoch to send Protestant
+publications from beyond the Alps in bales of cotton or other goods.
+This appears from the Lucchese proclamations against heresy published in
+_Arch. Stor._ vol. x.]
+
+[Footnote 132: I may mention that having occasion to consult
+Savonarola's works in the Public Library of Perugia, which has a fairly
+good collection of them, I found them useless for purposes of study by
+reason of these erasures and Burke-plasters.]
+
+[Footnote 133: Dejob, _op. cit._ p. 43.]
+
+During the period of the Counter-Reformation it was the cherished object
+of the Popes to restore ecclesiastical and theological learning. They
+gathered men of erudition round them in the Vatican, and established a
+press for the purpose of printing the Fathers and diffusing Catholic
+literature. But they were met in the pursuance of this project by very
+serious difficulties. Their own policy tended to stifle knowledge and
+suppress criticism. The scholars whom they chose as champions of the
+faith worked with tied hands. Baronio knew no Greek; Latini knew hardly
+any; Bellarmino is thought to have known but little. And yet these were
+the apostles of Catholic enlightenment, the defenders of the infallible
+Church against students of the caliber of Erasmus, Casaubon, Sarpi! An
+insuperable obstacle to sacred studies of a permanently useful kind was
+the Tridentine decree which had declared the Vulgate inviolable. No
+codex of age or authority which displayed a reading at variance with the
+inspired Latin version might be cited. Sirleto, custodian of the Vatican
+Library, refused lections from its MSS. to learned men, on the ground
+that they might seem to impugn the Vulgate.[134] For the same reason,
+the critical labors of all previous students, from Valla to Erasmus, on
+the text of the Bible were suppressed, and the best MSS. of the Fathers
+were ruthlessly garbled, in order to bring their quotations into
+accordance with Jerome's translation. Galesini takes credit to himself
+in a letter to Sirleto for having withheld a clearly right reading in
+his edition of the Psalms, because it explained a mistake in the
+Vulgate.[135] We have seen how Latini's Cyprian suffered from the
+censure; and there is a lamentable history of the Vatican edition of
+Ambrose, which was so mutilated that the Index had to protect it from
+confrontation with the original codices.[136] This dishonest dealing not
+only discouraged students and paralyzed the energy of critical
+investigation; but it also involved the closing of public libraries to
+scholars. The Vatican could not afford to let the light of science in
+upon its workshop of forgeries and sophistications.
+
+[Footnote 134: Dejob, _op. cit._ p. 50. Also his _Muret_, pp. 223-227.]
+
+[Footnote 135: Dejob, _De l'Influence_, p. 49.]
+
+[Footnote 136: Id. _op. cit._ pp. 96-98.]
+
+A voice of reasonable remonstrance was sometimes raised by even the most
+incorruptible children of the Church. Thus Bellarmino writes to Cardinal
+Sirleto, suggesting a doubt whether it is obligatory to adhere to the
+letter of the Tridentine decree upon the Vulgate.[137] Is it rational,
+he asks, to maintain that every sentence in the Latin text is
+impeccable? Must we reject those readings in the Hebrew and the Greek,
+which elucidate the meaning of the Scriptures, in cases where Jerome has
+followed a different and possibly a corrupt authority? Would it not be
+more sensible to regard the Vulgate as the sole authorized version for
+use in universities, pulpits, and divine service, while admitting that
+it is not an infallible rendering of the inspired original? He also
+touches, in a similar strain of scholar-like liberality, upon the
+Septuagint, pointing out that this version cannot have been the work of
+seventy men in unity, since the translator of Job seems to have been
+better acquainted with Greek than Hebrew, while the reverse is true of
+the translator of Solomon. Such remonstrances were not, however,
+destined to make themselves effectively heard. Instead of relaxing its
+severity after the pontificate of Pius IV., the Congregation of the
+Index grew, as we have seen, more rigid, until, in the rules digested by
+Clement VIII., it enforced the strictest letter of the law regarding the
+Vulgate, and ratified all the hypocrisies and subterfuges which that
+implied.
+
+[Footnote 137: This very interesting and valuable letter is printed by
+Dejob in the work I have so often cited, p. 391.]
+
+Under the conditions which I have attempted to describe, it was
+impossible that Italy should hold her place among the nations which
+encouraged liberal studies. Rome had one object in view--to gag the
+revolutionary free voice of the Renaissance, to protect conservative
+principles, to establish her own supremacy, and to secure the triumph of
+the Counter-Reformation. In pursuance of this policy, she had to react
+against the learning and the culture of the classical revival; and her
+views were seconded not only by the overwhelming political force of
+Spain in the Peninsula, but also by the petty princes who felt that
+their existence was imperiled.
+
+Independence of judgment was rigorously proscribed in all academies and
+seats of erudition. New methods of education and new text-books were
+forbidden. Professors found themselves hampered in their choice of
+antique authors. Only those classics which were sanctioned by the
+Congregation of the Index could be used in lecture-rooms. On the one
+hand, the great republican advocates of independence had incurred
+suspicion. On the other hand, the poets were prohibited as redolent of
+paganism. To mingle philosophy with rhetoric was counted a crime. Thomas
+Aquinas had set up Pillars of Hercules beyond which the reason might not
+seek to travel. Roman law had to be treated from the orthodox scholastic
+standpoint. Woe to the audacious jurist who made the Pandects serve for
+disquisitions on the rights of men and nations! Scholars like Sigonius
+found themselves tied down in their class-rooms to a weariful routine of
+Cicero and Aristotle. Aonio Paleario complained that a professor was no
+better than a donkey working in a mill; nothing remained for him but to
+dole out commonplaces, avoiding every point of contact between the
+authors he interpreted and the burning questions of modern life.
+Muretus, who brought with him to Italy from France a ruined moral
+reputation with a fervid zeal for literature, who sold his soul to
+praise the Massacre of S. Bartholomew and purge by fulsome panegyrics of
+great public crimes the taint of heresy that clung around him, found his
+efforts to extend the course of studies in Rome thwarted.[138] He was
+forbidden to lecture on Plato, forbidden to touch jurisprudence,
+forbidden to consult a copy of Eunapius in the Vatican Library. It cost
+him days and weeks of pleading to obtain permission to read Tacitus to
+his classes. Greek, the literature of high thoughts, noble enthusiasms,
+and virile sciences, was viewed with suspicion. As the monks of the
+middle ages had written on the margins of their MSS.: _Graeca sunt, ergo
+non legenda_, so these new obscurantists exclaimed: _Graeca sunt,
+periculosa sunt, ergo non legenda_. 'I am forced,' he cries in this
+extremity, 'to occupy myself with Latin and to abstain entirely from
+Greek.' And yet he knew that 'if the men of our age advance one step
+further in their neglect of Greek, doom and destruction are impending
+over all sound arts and sciences.' 'It is my misery,' he groans, 'to
+behold the gradual extinction and total decay of Greek letters, in whose
+train I see the whole body of refined learning on the point of vanishing
+away.[139]
+
+A vigorous passage from one of Sarpi's letters directly bearing on these
+points may here be cited (vol. i. p. 170): 'The revival of polite
+learning undermined the foundations of Papal monarchy. Nor was this to
+be wondered at. This monarchy began and grew in barbarism; the cessation
+of barbarism naturally curtailed and threatened it with extinction. This
+we already see in Germany and France; but Spain and Italy are still
+subject to barbarism. Legal studies sink daily from bad to worse. The
+Roman Curia opposes every branch of learning which savors of polite
+literature, while it defends its barbarism with tooth and nail. How can
+it do otherwise? Abolish those books on Papal Supremacy, and where shall
+they find that the Pope is another God, that he is almighty, that all
+rights and laws are closed within the cabinet of his breast, that he can
+shut up folk in hell, in a word that he has power to square the circle?
+Destroy that false jurisprudence, and this tyranny will vanish; but the
+two are reciprocally supporting, and we shall not do away with the
+former until the latter falls, which will only happen at God's good
+pleasure.'
+
+[Footnote 138: See Dejob's _Life of Muret_, pp. 231, 238, 274, 320.]
+
+[Footnote 139: _Op. cit_. pp. 262, 481.]
+
+The jealousy with which liberal studies were regarded by the Church
+bred a contempt for them in the minds of students. Benci, a professor of
+humane letters at Rome, says that his pupils walked about the class-room
+during his lectures. With grim humor he adds that he does not object to
+their sleeping, so long as they abstain from snoring.[140] But it is
+impossible, he goes on to complain, that I should any longer look upon
+the place in which I do my daily work as an academy of learning; I go to
+it rather as to a mill in which I must grind out my tale of worthless
+grain. Muretus, when he had labored twenty years in the chair of
+rhetoric at Rome, begged for dismissal. His memorial to the authorities
+presents a lamentable picture of the insubordination and indifference
+from which he had suffered.[141] 'I have borne immeasurable indignities
+from the continued insolence of these students, who interrupt me with
+cries, whistlings, hisses, insults, and such opprobrious remarks that I
+sometimes scarcely know whether I am standing on my head or heels.'
+'They come to the lecture-room armed with poignards, and when I reprove
+them for their indecencies, they threaten over and over again to cut my
+face open if I do not hold my tongue.' The walls, he adds, are scrawled
+over with obscene emblems and disgusting epigrams, so that this haunt of
+learning presents the aspect of the lowest brothel; and the professor's
+chair has become a more intolerable seat than the pillory, owing to the
+missiles flung at him and the ribaldry with which he is assailed. The
+manners and conversation of the students must have been disgusting
+beyond measure, to judge by a letter of complaint from a father
+detailing the contamination to which his son was exposed in the Roman
+class-rooms, and the immunity with which the lewdest songs were publicly
+recited there.[142] But the total degradation of learning at this epoch
+in Rome is best described in one paragraph of Vittorio de'Rossi,
+setting forth the neglect endured by Aldo Manuzio, the younger. This
+scion of an illustrious family succeeded to the professorship of Muretus
+in 1588. 'Then,' says Rossi, 'might one marvel at or rather mourn over,
+the abject and down-trodden state of the liberal arts. Then might one
+perceive with tears how those treasures of humane letters, which our
+fathers exalted to the heavens, were degraded in the estimation of
+youth. In the good old days men crossed the seas, undertook long
+journeys, traversed the cities of Greece and Asia, in order to obtain
+the palm of eloquence and salute the masters of languages and learning,
+at whose feet they sat entranced by noble words. But now these fellows
+poured scorn upon an unrivaled teacher of both Greek and Latin
+eloquence, whose services were theirs for the asking, theirs without the
+fatigue of travel, without expense, without exertion. Though he freely
+offered them his abundance of erudition in both learned literatures,
+they shut their ears against him. At the hours when his lecture-room
+should have been thronged with multitudes of eager pupils you might see
+him, abandoned by the crowd, pacing the pavement before the door of the
+academy with one, or may be two, for his companions.'[143]
+
+[Footnote 140: Dejob, _Marc Antoine Muret_, p. 349.]
+
+[Footnote 141: The original is printed by Dejob, _Marc Antoine Muret_,
+pp. 487-489.]
+
+[Footnote 142: The original letter, printed by Dejob, _op. cit._ p. 491,
+is signed by Giustiniano Finetti, who seems to have been a professor of
+medicine in the Roman University. His son, a youth of sixteen,
+complained that the students had demanded and obtained leave to recite a
+certain 'lettione che era carnavalesca d'ano et de priapo,' adding that
+they were in the habit of holding debates upon the thesis that (LATIN:
+'res sodcae erant praeferendae veneri naturali, et reprobabant rem
+veneream cum feminis ac audabant masturbationem.') The dialogue which
+the students obtained leave publicly to recite was probably similar to
+one that might still be heard some years ago in spring upon the quays of
+Naples, and which appeared to have descended from immemorial antiquity.]
+
+[Footnote 143: The Latin text is printed in Renouard's _Imprimerie des
+Aldes_, p. 473.]
+
+To accuse the Church solely and wholly for this decay of humanistic
+learning in Italy would be uncritical and unjust. We must remember that
+after a period of feverish energy there comes a time of languor in all
+epochs of great intellectual excitement. Nor was it to be expected that
+the enthusiasm of the fifteenth century for classical studies should
+have been prolonged into the second half of the sixteenth century. But
+we are justified in blaming the ecclesiastical and civil authorities of
+the Counter-Reformation for their determined opposition to the new
+direction which that old enthusiasm for the classics was now
+manifesting. They strove to force the stream of learning backward into
+scholastic and linguistic channels, when it was already plowing for
+itself a fresh course in the fields of philosophical and scientific
+discovery. They made study odious, because they attempted to restrain it
+to the out-worn husks of pedantry and rhetoric. These, they thought,
+were innocuous. But what the intellectual appetite then craved, the
+pabulum that it required to satisfy its yearning, was rigidly denied it.
+Speculations concerning the nature of man and of the world, metaphysical
+explorations into the regions of dimly apprehended mysteries, physics,
+political problems, religious questions touching the great matters in
+dispute through Europe, all the storm and stress of modern life, the
+ferment of the modern mind and will and conscience, were excluded from
+the schools, because they were antagonistic to the Counter-Reformation.
+Italy was starved and demoralized in order to avert a revolution; and
+learning was asphyxiated by confinement to a narrow chamber filled with
+vitiated and exhausted air.[144]
+
+[Footnote 144: As Sarpi says: 'Of a truth the extraordinary rigor with
+which books are hunted out for extirpation, shows how vigorous is the
+light of that lantern which they have resolved to extinguish.'
+_Lettere_, vol. i. p. 328.]
+
+Similar deductions may be drawn from the life of Paolo Manuzio in Rome.
+He left Venice in 1561 at the invitation of Pius IV., who proposed to
+establish a press 'for the publication of books printed with the finest
+type and the utmost accuracy, and more especially of works bearing upon
+sacred and ecclesiastical literature.'[145] Paolo's engagement was for
+twelve years; his appointments were fixed at 300 ducats for traveling
+expenses, 500 ducats of yearly salary, a press maintained at the
+Pontifical expense, and a pension secured upon his son's life. The
+scheme was a noble one. Paolo was to print all the Greek and Latin
+Fathers, and to furnish the Catholic world with an arsenal of orthodox
+learning. Yet, during his residence in Rome, no Greek book issued from
+his press.[146] Of the Latin Fathers he gave the Epistles of Jerome,
+Salvian, and Cyprian to the world. For the rest, he published the
+Decrees of the Tridentine Council ten times, the Tridentine Catechism
+eight times, the _Breviarium Romanum_ four times, and spent the greater
+part of his leisure in editing minor translations, commentaries, and
+polemical or educational treatises. The result was miserable, and the
+man was ruined.
+
+
+[Footnote 145: See Renouard, _op. cit._ pp. 442-459, for Paulus
+Manutius's life at Rome.]
+
+[Footnote 146: _op. cit._ pp. 184-216.]
+
+It remains to notice the action of the Index with regard to secular
+books in the modern languages. I will first repeat a significant passage
+in its statutes touching upon political philosophy and the so-called
+_Ratio Status_: 'Item, let all propositions, drawn from the digests,
+manners, and examples of the Gentiles, which foster a tyrannical polity
+and encourage what they falsely call the reason of state, in opposition
+to the law of Christ and of the Gospel, be expunged.' This, says Sarpi
+in his Discourse on Printing, is aimed in general against any doctrine
+which impugns ecclesiastical jurisdiction over the civil sphere of
+princes and magistrates, and the economy of the family.[147] Theories
+drawn from whatever source to combat Papal and ecclesiastical
+encroachments, and to defend the rights of the sovereign in his monarchy
+or of the father in his, household, are denominated and denounced as
+_Ratio Status_. The impugner of Papal absolutism in civil, as well as
+ecclesiastical affairs, is accounted _ipso facto_ a heretic.[148] It
+would appear at first sight as though the clause in question had been
+specially framed to condemn Machiavelli and his school. The works of
+Machiavelli were placed upon the Index in 1559, and a certain Cesare of
+Pisa who had them in his library was put to the torture on this account
+in 1610. It was afterwards proposed to correct and edit them without his
+name; but his heirs very properly refused to sanction this proceeding,
+knowing that he would be made to utter the very reverse of what he meant
+in all that touched upon the Roman Church.
+
+[Footnote 147: Sarpi's Works, vol. iv. p. 4.]
+
+[Footnote 148: Sarpi, _Discorso_, vol. iv. p. 25, on Bellarmino's
+doctrine. Sarpi's _Letters_, vol. i. pp. 138, 243. Sarpi says that he
+and Gillot had both had their portraits painted in a picture of Hell and
+shown to the common folk as foredoomed to eternal fire, because they
+opposed doctrines of Papal omnipotence. _Ibid._ p. 151.]
+
+This paragraph in the statutes of the Index had, however, a further and
+far more ambitious purpose than the suppression of Machiavelli,
+Guicciardini, and Sarpi. By assuming to condemn all political writings
+of which she disapproved, and by forbidding the secular authorities to
+proscribe any works which had received her sanction, the Church obtained
+a monopoly of popular instruction in theories of government. She
+interdicted every treatise that exposed her own ambitious interference
+in civil affairs or which maintained the rights of temporal rulers.[149]
+She protected and propagated the works of her servile ministers, who
+proclaimed that the ecclesiastical was superior in all points to the
+civil power; that nations owed their first allegiance to the Pope, who
+was divinely appointed to rule over them, and their second only to the
+Prince, who was a delegate from their own body; and that tyrannicide
+itself was justifiable when employed against a contumacious or heretical
+sovereign. Such were the theories of the Jesuits--of Allen and Parsons
+in England, Bellarmino in Italy, Suarez and Mariana in Spain, Boucher in
+France.
+
+[Footnote 149: On this point, again, Sarpi's _Letters_ furnish valuable
+details. He frequently remarks that a general order had been issued by
+the Congregation of the Index to suppress all books against the writings
+of Baronius, who was treated as a saint, vol. i. pp. 3, 147, ii. p. 35.
+He relates how the Jesuits had procured the destruction of a book
+written to uphold aristocracy in states, without touching upon
+ecclesiastical questions, as being unfavorable to their theories of
+absolutism (vol. i. p. 122). He tells the story of a confessor who
+refused the sacraments to a nobleman, because he owned a treatise
+written by Quirino in defense of the Venetian prerogatives (vol. i. p.
+113). He refers to the suppression of James I.'s _Apologia_ and De
+Thou's _Histories_ (vol. i. pp. 286, 287, 383).]
+
+In his critique of this monstrous unfairness Sarpi says: 'There are not
+wanting men in Italy, pious and of sound learning, who hold the truth
+upon such topics; but these can neither write nor send their writings to
+the press.'[150] The best years and the best energies of Sarpi's life
+were spent, as is well known, in combating the arrogance of Rome, and in
+founding the relations of State to Church upon a basis of sound common
+sense and equity. More than once he narrowly escaped martyrdom as the
+reward of his temerity; and when the poignard of an assassin struck him,
+his legend relates that he uttered the celebrated epigram: _Agnosco
+stilum Curiae Romanae_.
+
+
+[Footnote 150: In the Treatise on the Inquisition, _Opere_, vol. iv. p.
+53. Sarpi, in a passage of his _Letters_ (vol. ii. p. 163), points out
+why the secular authorities were ill fitted to retaliate in kind, upon
+these Papal proscriptions.]
+
+Sarpi protested, not without good reason, that Rome was doing her best
+to extinguish sound learning in Italy. But how did she deal with that
+rank growth of licentious literature which had sprung up during the
+Renaissance period? This is the question which should next engage us. We
+have seen that the Council of Trent provided amply for the extirpation
+of lewd and obscene publications. Accordingly, as though to satisfy the
+sense of decency, some of the most flagrantly immoral books, including
+the _Decameron_, the _Priapeia_, the collected works of Aretino, and
+certain mediaeval romances, were placed upon the Index. Berni was
+proscribed in 1559; but the interdict lasted only a short time, probably
+because it was discovered that his poems, though licentious, were free
+from the heresies which Pier Paolo Vergerio had sought to fix upon him.
+Meanwhile no notice was taken of the _Orlando Furioso_, and a multitude
+of novelists, of Beccadelli's and Pontano's verses, of Molza and
+Firenzuola, of the whole mass of mundane writers in short, who had done
+so much to reveal the corruption of Italian manners. It seemed as though
+the Church cared less to ban obscenity than to burke those authors who
+had spoken freely of her vices. When we come to examine the expurgated
+editions of notorious authors, we shall see that this was literally the
+case. A castrated version of Bandello, revised by Ascanio Centorio degli
+Ortensi, was published in 1560.[151] It omitted the dedications and
+preambles, suppressed some disquisitions which palliated vicious
+conduct, expunged the novels that brought monks or priests into
+ridicule, but left the impurities of the rest untouched. A reformed
+version of Folengo's _Baldus_ appeared in 1561. The satires on religious
+orders had been erased. Zambellus was cuckolded by a layman instead of a
+priest. Otherwise the filth of the original received no cleansing
+treatment. When Cosimo de'Medici requested that a revised edition of
+the _Decameron_ might be licensed, Pius V. entrusted the affair to
+Thomas Manrique, Master of the Sacred Palace. It was published by the
+Giunti in 1573 under the auspices of Gregory XIII., with the approval
+of the Holy Office and the Florentine Inquisition, fortified by
+privileges from Spanish and French kings, dukes of Tuscany, Ferrara, and
+so forth. The changes which Boccaccio's masterpiece had undergone were
+these: passages savoring of doubtful dogma, sarcasms on monks and
+clergy, the names of saints, allusions to the devil and hell, had
+disappeared. Ecclesiastical sinners were transformed into students and
+professors, nuns and abbesses into citizens' wives. Immorality in short
+was secularized. But the book still offered the same allurements to a
+prurient mind. Sixtus V. expressed his disapproval of this recension,
+and new editions were licensed in 1582 and 1588 under the revision of
+Lionardo Salviati and Luigi Groto. Both preserved the obscenities of the
+_Decameron_, while they displayed more rigor with regard to satires on
+ecclesiastical corruption. It may be added, in justice to the Roman
+Church, that the _Decameron_ stands still upon the Index with the
+annotation _donec expurgetur_.[152] Therefore we must presume that the
+work of purification is not yet accomplished, though the Jesuits have
+used parts of it as a text-book in their schools, while Panigarola
+quoted it in his lectures on sacred eloquence.
+
+[Footnote 151: See Dejob, _De l'Influence, etc._ Chapter III.]
+
+[Footnote 152: _Index_, Naples, Pelella, 1862, p. 87.]
+
+It would weary the reader to enlarge upon this process of stupid or
+hypocritical purgation, whereby the writings of men like Doni and
+Straparola were stripped of their reflections on the clergy, while their
+indecencies remained untouched; or to show how Ariosto's Comedies were
+sanctioned, when his Satires, owing to their free speech upon the Papal
+Court, received the stigma.[153] But I may refer to the grotesque
+attempts which were made in this age to cast the mantle of spirituality
+over profane literature. Thus Hieronimo Malipieri rewrote the
+_Canzoniere_ of Petrarch, giving it a pious turn throughout; and the
+_Orlando Furioso_ was converted by several hands into a religious
+allegory.[154]
+
+[Footnote 153: This treatment of Ariosto is typical. Men of not over
+scrupulous nicety may question whether his Comedies are altogether
+wholesome reading. But not even a Puritan could find fault with his
+Satires on the score of their morality. Yet Rome sanctioned the Comedies
+and forbade the Satires.]
+
+[Footnote 154: Curious details on this topic are supplied by Dejob, _op.
+cit._ pp. 179-181, and p. 184.]
+
+The action of Rome under the influence of the Counter-Reformation was
+clearly guided by two objects: to preserve Catholic dogma in its
+integrity, and to maintain the supremacy of the Church. She was eager to
+extinguish learning and to paralyze intellectual energy. But she showed
+no unwillingness to tolerate those pleasant vices which enervate a
+nation. Compared with unsound doctrine and audacious speculation,
+immorality appeared in her eyes a venial weakness. It was true that she
+made serious efforts to reform the manners of her ministers, and was
+fully alive to the necessity of enforcing decency and decorum. Yet a
+radical purification of society seemed of less importance to her than
+the conservation of Catholic orthodoxy and the inculcation of obedience
+to ecclesiastical authority. When we analyze the Jesuits' system of
+education, and their method of conducting the care of souls, we
+shall see to what extent the deeply seated hypocrisy of the
+Counter-Reformation had penetrated the most vital parts of the Catholic
+system. It will suffice, at the close of this chapter, to touch upon one
+other repressive measure adopted by the Church in its panic. Magistrates
+received strict injunctions to impede the journeys of Italian subjects
+into foreign countries where heresies were known to be rife, or where
+the rites of the Roman Church were not regularly administered.[155] In
+1595 Clement VIII. reduced these admonitions to Pontifical law in a
+Bull, whereby he forbade Italians to travel without permission from the
+Holy Office, or to reside abroad without annually remitting a
+certificate of confession and communion to the Inquisitors. To ensure
+obedience to this statute would have been impossible without the
+co-operation of the Jesuits. They were, however, diffused throughout the
+nations of North, East, South, and West. When an Italian arrived, the
+Jesuit Fathers paid him a visit, and unless they received satisfactory
+answers with regard to his license of travel and his willingness to
+accept their spiritual direction, these serfs of Rome sent a delation
+to the central Holy Office, upon the ground of which the Inquisitors of
+his province instituted an action against him in his absence. Merchants,
+who neglected these rules, found themselves exposed to serious
+impediments in their trading operations, and to the peril of prosecution
+involving confiscation of property at home. Sarpi, who composed a
+vigorous critique of this abuse, points out what injury was done to
+commerce by the system.[156] We may still further censure it as an
+intolerable interference with the liberty of the individual; as an
+odious exercise of spiritual tyranny on the part of an ambitious
+ecclesiastical power which aimed at nothing less than universal
+domination.
+
+[Footnote 155: Any correspondence with heretics was accounted sufficient
+to implicate an Italian in the charge of heresy. Sarpi's Letters are
+full of matter on this point. He always used Cipher, which he frequently
+changed, addressed his letters under feigned names, and finally resolved
+on writing in his own hand to no heretic. See _Lettere_, vol. ii. pp. 2,
+151, 242, 248, 437. See also what Dejob relates about the timidity of
+Muretus, _Muret_, pp. 229-231.]
+
+[Footnote 156: 'Treatise on the Inquisition,' _Opere_, vol. iv. p. 45.]
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER IV.
+
+THE COMPANY OF JESUS.
+
+     Vast Importance of the Jesuits in the Counter-Reformation--Ignatius
+     Loyola--His Youth--Retreat at Manresa--Journey to
+     Jerusalem--Studies in Spain and Paris--First Formation of his Order
+     at Sainte Barbe--Sojourn at Venice--Settlement at Rome--Papal
+     Recognition of the Order--Its Military Character--Absolutism of the
+     General--Devotion to the Roman Church--Choice of Members--Practical
+     and Positive Aims of the Founder--Exclusion of the Ascetic,
+     Acceptance of the Worldly Spirit--Review of the Order's Rapid
+     Extension over Europe--Loyola's Dealings with his Chief
+     Lieutenants--Propaganda--The Virtue of Obedience--The _Exercitia
+     Spiritualia_--Materialistic Imagination--Intensity and
+     Superficiality of Religious Training--The Status of the
+     Novice--Temporal Coadjutors--Scholastics--Professed of the Three
+     Vows--Professed of the Four Vows--The General--Control exercised
+     over him by his Assistants--His relation to the General
+     Congregation--Espionage a part of the Jesuit System--Advantageous
+     Position of a Contented Jesuit--The Vow of Poverty--Houses of the
+     Professed and Colleges--The Constitutions and Declarations--Problem
+     of the _Monita Secreta_--Reciprocal Relations of Rome and the
+     Company--Characteristics of Jesuit Education--Direction of
+     Consciences--Moral Laxity--Sarpi's
+     Critique--Casuistry--Interference in affairs of State--Instigation
+     to Regicide and Political Conspiracy--Theories of Church
+     Supremacy--Insurgence of the European Nations against the Company.
+
+
+We have seen in the preceding chapters how Spain became dominant in
+Italy, superseding the rivalry of confederate states by the monotony of
+servitude, and lending its weight to Papal Rome. The internal changes
+effected in the Church by the Tridentine Council, and the external power
+conferred on it, were due in no small measure to Spanish influence or
+sanction. A Spanish institution, the Inquisition, modified to suit
+Italian requirements, lent revived Catholicism weapons of repression and
+attack. We have now to learn by what means a partial vigor was
+communicated to the failing body of Catholic beliefs, how the Tridentine
+creed was propagated, the spiritual realm of the Roman Pontiff policed,
+and his secular authority augmented. A Spanish Order rose at the right
+moment to supply that intellectual and moral element of vitality without
+which the Catholic Revival might have remained as inert as a stillborn
+child. The devotion of the Jesuits to the Papacy, was in reality the
+masterful Spanish spirit of that epoch, masking its world-grasping
+ambition under the guise of obedience to Rome. This does not mean that
+the founders and first organizers of the Company of Jesus consciously
+pursued one object while they pretended to have another in view. The
+impulse which moved Loyola was spontaneous and romantic. The world has
+seen few examples of disinterested self-devotion equal to that of
+Xavier. Yet the fact remains that Jesuitry, taking its germ and root in
+the Spanish character, persisting as an organism within the Church, but
+separate from the ecclesiastical hierarchy, devised the doctrine of
+Papal absolutism, and became the prime agent of that Catholic policy in
+Europe which passed for Papal during the Counter-Reformation. The
+indissoluble connection between Rome, Spain, and the Jesuits, was
+apparent to all unprejudiced observers. For this triad of reactionary
+and belligerent forces Sarpi invented the name of the Diacatholicon,
+alluding, under the metaphor of a drug, to the virus which was being
+instilled in his days into all the States of Europe.[157]
+
+The founder of the Jesuit order was the thirteenth child of a Spanish
+noble, born in 1491 at his father's castle of Loyola in the Basque
+province of Guipuzcoa.[158] His full name was Inigo Lopez de Recalde;
+but he is better known to history as Saint Ignatius Loyola. Ignatius
+spent his boyhood as page in the service of King Ferdinand the Catholic,
+whence he passed into that of the Duke of Najara, who was the hereditary
+friend and patron of his family. At this time he thought of nothing but
+feats of arms, military glory, and romantic adventures.
+
+[Footnote 157: For Sarpi's use of this phrase see his _Lettere_, vol.
+ii. pp. 72, 80, 92. He clearly recognized the solidarity between the
+Jesuits and Spain. 'The Jesuit is no more separable from the Spaniard
+than the accident from the substance.' 'The Spaniard without the Jesuit
+is not worth more than lettuce without oil.' 'For the Jesuits to deceive
+Spain, would be tantamount to deceiving themselves.' _Ibid._ vol. i. pp.
+203, 384, vol. ii. p. 48. Compare passages in vol. i. pp. 184, 189. He
+only perceived a difference in the degrees of their noxiousness to
+Europe. Thus, 'the worst Spaniard is better than the least bad of the
+Jesuits' (vol. i. p. 212).]
+
+[Footnote 158: Study of the Jesuits must be founded on _Institutum
+Societatis Jesu_, 7 vols. Avenione; Orlandino, _Hist. Soc. Jesu_;
+Cretineau-Joly, _Histoire de la Compagnie de Jesus_; Ribadaneira, _Vita
+Ignatii_; Genelli's Life of Ignatius in German, or the French
+translation; the Jesuit work, _Imago Primi Saeculi_; Ranke's account in
+his _History of the Popes_, and the three chapters assigned to this
+subject in Philippson's _La Contre-Revolution Religieuse_. The latter
+will be found a most valuable summary.]
+
+He could boast but little education; and his favorite reading was in
+_Amadis of Gaul_. That romance appeared during the boy's earliest
+childhood, and Spain was now devouring its high-flown rhapsodies with
+rapture. The peculiar admixture of mystical piety, Catholic enthusiasm,
+and chivalrous passion, which distinguishes _Amadis_, exactly
+corresponded to the spirit of the Spaniards at an epoch when they had
+terminated their age-long struggle with the Moors, and were combining
+propagandist zeal with martial fervor in the conquest of the New World.
+Its pages inflamed the imagination of Ignatius. He began to compose a
+romance in honor of S. Peter, and chose a princess of blood royal for
+his Oriana. Thus, in the first days of youth, while his heart was still
+set on love and warfare, he revealed the three leading features of his
+character--soaring ambition, the piety of a devotee, and the tendency to
+view religion from the point of fiction.
+
+Ignatius was barely twenty when the events happened which determined the
+future of his life and so powerfully affected the destinies of Catholic
+Christendom. The French were invading Navarre; and he was engaged in the
+defense of its capital, Pampeluna. On May 20, 1521, a bullet shattered
+his right leg, while his left foot was injured by a fragment of stone
+detached from a breach in the bastion. Transported to his father's
+castle, he suffered protracted anguish under the hands of unskilled
+medical attendants. The badly set bone in his right leg had twice to be
+broken; and when at last it joined, the young knight found himself a
+cripple. This limb was shorter than the other; the surgeons endeavored
+to elongate it by machines of iron, which put him to exquisite pain.
+After months of torture, he remained lame for life.
+
+During his illness Ignatius read such books as the castle of Loyola
+contained. These were a 'Life of Christ' and the 'Flowers of the Saints'
+in Spanish. His mind, prepared by chivalrous romance, and strongly
+inclined to devotion, felt a special fascination in the tales of Dominic
+and Francis. Their heroism suggested new paths which the aspirant after
+fame might tread with honor. Military glory and the love of women had to
+be renounced; for so ambitious a man could not content himself with the
+successes of a cripple in these spheres of action. But the legends of
+saints and martyrs pointed out careers no less noble, no less useful,
+and even more enticing to the fancy. He would become the spiritual
+Knight of Christ and Our Lady. To S. Peter, his chosen protector, he
+prayed fervently; and when at length he rose from the bed of sickness,
+he firmly believed that his life had been saved by the intercession of
+this patron, and that it must be henceforth consecrated to the service
+of the faith. The world should be abandoned. Instead of warring with the
+enemies of Christ on earth, he would carry on a crusade against the
+powers of darkness. They were first to be met and fought in his own
+heart. Afterwards, he would form and lead a militia of like-hearted
+champions against the strongholds of evil in human nature.
+
+It must not be thought that the scheme of founding a Society had so
+early entered into the mind of Ignatius. What we have at the present
+stage to notice is that he owed his adoption of the religious life to
+romantic fancy and fervid ambition, combined with a devotion to Peter,
+the saint of orthodoxy and the Church. Animated by this new enthusiasm,
+he managed to escape from home in the spring of 1522. His friends
+opposed themselves to his vocation; but he gave them the slip, took vows
+of chastity and abstinence, and began a pilgrimage to our Lady of
+Montserrat near Barcelona. On the road he scourged himself daily. When
+he reached the shrine he hung his arms up as a votive offering, and
+performed the vigil which chivalrous custom exacted from a squire before
+the morning of his being dubbed a knight. This ceremony was observed
+point by point, according to the ritual he had read in _Amadis of Gaul_.
+Next day he gave his raiment to a beggar, and assumed the garb of a
+mendicant pilgrim. By self-dedication he had now made himself the Knight
+of Holy Church.
+
+His first intention was to set sail for Palestine, with the object of
+preaching to the infidels. But the plague prevented him from leaving
+port; and he retired to a Dominican convent at Manresa, a little town of
+Catalonia, north-west of Barcelona. Here he abandoned himself to the
+crudest self-discipline. Feeding upon bread and water, kneeling for
+seven hours together rapt in prayer, scourging his flesh thrice daily,
+and reducing sleep to the barest minimum, Ignatius sought by austerity
+to snatch that crown of sainthood which he felt to be his due. Outraged
+nature soon warned him that he was upon a path which led to failure.
+Despair took possession of his soul, sometimes prompting him to end his
+life by suicide, sometimes plaguing him with hideous visions. At last he
+fell dangerously ill. Enlightened by the expectation of early death, he
+then became convinced that his fanatical asceticism was a folly. The
+despair, the dreadful phantoms which had haunted him, were ascribed
+immediately to the devil. In those rarer visitings of brighter visions,
+which sometimes brought consolation, bidding him repose upon God's
+mercy, he recognized angels sent to lead him on the pathway of
+salvation. God's hand appeared in these dealings; and he resolved to
+dedicate his body as well as his soul to God's service, respecting both
+as instruments of the divine will, and entertaining both in efficiency
+for the work required of them.
+
+The experiences of Manresa proved eminently fruitful for the future
+method of Ignatius. It was here that he began to regard self-discipline
+and self-examination as the needful prelude to a consecrated life. It
+was here that he learned to condemn the ascetism of anchorites as
+pernicious or unprofitable to a militant Christian. It was here that,
+while studying the manual of devotion written by Garcia de Cisneros, he
+laid foundations for those famous _Exercitia_, which became his
+instrument for rapidly passing neophytes through spiritual training
+similar to his own. It was here that he first distinguished two kinds of
+visions, infernal and celestial. Here also he grew familiar with the
+uses of concrete imagination;, and understood how the faculty of
+sensuous realization might be made a powerful engine for presenting the
+past of sacred history or the dogmas of orthodox theology under shapes
+of fancy to the mind. Finally, in all the experiences of Manresa, he
+tried the temper of his own character, which was really not that of a
+poet or a mystic, but of a sagacious man of action, preparing a system
+calculated to subjugate the intelligence and will of millions. Tested by
+self-imposed sufferings and by diseased hallucinations, his sound sense,
+the sense of one destined to control men, gathered energy, and grew in,
+solid strength: yet enough remained of his fanaticism to operate as a
+motive force in the scheme which he afterwards developed; enough
+survived from the ascetic phase he had surmounted, to make him
+comprehend that some such agony as he had suffered should form the
+vestibule to a devoted life. We may compare the throes of Ignatius at
+Manresa with the contemporary struggles of Luther at Wittenberg and in
+the Wartzburg. Our imagination will dwell upon the different issues to
+which two heroes distinguished by practical ability were led through
+their contention with the powers of spiritual evil. Protagonists
+respectively of Reformation and Counter-Reformation, they arrived at
+opposite conclusions; the one championing the cause of spiritual freedom
+in the modern world, the other consecrating his genius to the
+maintenance of Catholic orthodoxy by spiritual despotism. Yet each alike
+fulfilled his mission by having conquered mysticism at the outset of his
+world-historical career.
+
+Ignatius remained for the space of ten months at Manresa. He then found
+means to realize his cherished journey to the Holy Land. In Palestine he
+was treated with coldness as an ignorant enthusiast, capable of
+subverting the existing order of things, but too feeble to be counted on
+for permanent support. His motive ideas were still visionary; he could
+not cope with conservatism and frigidity established in comfortable
+places of emolument. It was necessary that he should learn the wisdom of
+compromise. Accordingly he returned to Spain, and put himself to school.
+Two years spent in preparatory studies at Barcelona, another period at
+Alcala, and another at Salamanca, introduced him to languages, grammar,
+philosophy, and theology. This man of noble blood and vast ambition,
+past the age of thirty, sat with boys upon the common benches. This
+self-consecrated saint imbibed the commonplaces of scholastic logic. It
+was a further stage in the evolution of his iron character from romance
+and mysticism, into political and practical sagacity. It was a further
+education of his stubborn will to pliant temper. But he could not divest
+himself of his mission as a founder and apostle. He taught disciples,
+preached, and formed a sect of devotees. Then the Holy Office attacked
+him. He was imprisoned, once at Alcala for forty-two days, once at
+Salamanca for three weeks, upon charges of heresy. Ignatius proved his
+innocence. The Inquisitors released him with certificates of acquittal;
+but they sentenced him to four years' study of theology before he should
+presume to preach. These years he resolved to spend at Paris.
+Accordingly he performed the journey on foot, and arrived in the capital
+of France upon February 2, 1528. He was then thirty-seven years old, and
+sixteen years had elapsed since he received his wounds at Pampeluna.
+
+At Paris he had to go to school again from the beginning. The alms of
+well-wishers, chiefly devout women at Barcelona, amply provided him with
+funds. These he employed not only in advancing his own studies, but also
+in securing the attachment of adherents to his cause. At this epoch he
+visited the towns of Belgium and London during his vacations. But the
+main outcome of his residence at Paris was the formation of the Company
+of Jesus. Those long years of his novitiate and wandering were not
+without their uses now. They had taught him, while clinging stubbornly
+to the main projects of his life, prudence in the choice of means,
+temperance in expectation, sagacity in the manipulation of
+fellow-workers selected for the still romantic ends he had in view. His
+first two disciples were a Savoyard, Peter Faber or Le Fevre, and
+Francis Xavier of Pampeluna. Faber was a poor student, whom Ignatius
+helped with money. Xavier sprang from a noble stock, famous in arms
+through generations, for which he was eager to win the additional honors
+of science and the Church. Ignatius assisted him by bringing students to
+his lectures. Under the personal influence of their friend and
+benefactor, both of these men determined to leave all and follow the new
+light. Visionary as the object yet was, the firm will, fervent
+confidence, and saintly life of Loyola inspired them with absolute
+trust. That the Christian faith, as they understood it, remained exposed
+to grievous dangers from without and form within, that millions of souls
+were perishing through ignorance, that tens of thousands were falling
+away through incredulity and heresy, was certain. The realm of Christ on
+earth needed champions, soldiers devoted to a crusade against Satan and
+his hosts. And here was a leader, a man among men, a man whose words
+were as a fire, and whose method of spiritual discipline was salutary
+and illuminative; and this man bade them join him in the Holy War. He
+gained them in a hundred ways, by kindness, by precept, by patience, by
+persuasion, by attention to their physical and spiritual needs, by words
+of warmth and wisdom, by the direction of their conscience, by profound
+and intense sympathy with souls struggling after the higher life. The
+means he had employed to gain Faber and Xavier were used with equal
+success in the case of seven other disciples. The names of these men
+deserve to be recorded; for some of them played a part of importance in
+European history, while all of them contributed to the foundation of the
+Jesuits. They were James Lainez, Alfonzo Salmeron, and Nicholas
+Bobadilla, three Spaniards; Simon Rodriguez d'Azevedo, a Portuguese; two
+Frenchmen, Jean Codure and Brouet; and Claude le Jay, a Savoyard. All
+these neophytes were subjected by Ignatius to rigid discipline, based
+upon his _Exercitia_. They met together for prayer, meditation, and
+discussion, in his chamber at the College of S. Barbe. Here he unfolded
+to them his own plans, and poured out on them his spirit. At length,
+upon August 15, 1534, the ten together took the vows of chastity and
+poverty in the church of S. Mary at Montmartre, and bound themselves to
+conduct a missionary crusade in Palestine, or, if this should prove
+impracticable, to place themselves as devoted instruments, without
+conditions and without remuneration, in the hands of the Sovereign
+Pontiff.
+
+The society was thus established, although its purpose remained
+indecisive. The founder's romantic dream of a crusade in Holy Land,
+though never realized, gave an object of immediate interest to the
+associated friends. Meanwhile two main features of its historical
+manifestation, the propaganda of the Catholic faith and unqualified
+devotion to the cause of the Roman See, had been clearly indicated.
+Nothing proves the mastery which Ignatius had now acquired over his own
+enthusiasm, or the insight he had gained into the right method of
+dealing with men, more than the use he made of his authority in this
+first instance. The society was bound to grow and to expand; and it was
+fated to receive the lasting impress of his genius. But, as though
+inspired by some prophetic vision of its future greatness, he refrained
+from circumscribing the still tender embryo within definite limits which
+might have been pernicious to its development.
+
+The associates completed their studies at Paris, and in 1535 they
+separated, after agreeing to meet at Venice in the first months of 1537.
+Ignatius meanwhile traveled to Spain, where he settled his affairs by
+bestowing such property as he possessed on charitable institutions. He
+also resumed preaching, with a zeal that aroused enthusiasm and extended
+his personal influence. At the appointed time the ten came together at
+Venice, ostensibly bent on carrying out their project of visiting
+Palestine. But war was now declared between the Turks and the Republic
+of S. Mark. Ignatius found himself once more accused of heresy, and had
+some trouble in clearing himself before the Inquisition. It was resolved
+in these circumstances to abandon the mission to Holy Land as
+impracticable for the moment, and to remain in Venice waiting for more
+favorable opportunities. We may believe that the romance of a crusade
+among the infidels of Syria had already begun to fade from the
+imagination of the founder, in whose career nothing is more striking
+than his gradual abandonment of visionary for tangible ends, and his
+progressive substitution of real for shadowy objects of ambition.
+
+Loyola's first contact with Italian society during this residence in
+Venice exercised decisive influence over his plans. He seems to have
+perceived with the acute scent of an eagle that here lay the quarry he
+had sought so long. Italy, the fountain-head of intellectual
+enlightenment for Europe, was the realm which he must win. Italy alone
+offered the fulcrum needed by his firm and limitless desire of
+domination over souls. It was with Caraffa and the Theatines that
+Ignatius obtained a home. They were now established in the States of S.
+Mark through the beneficence of a rich Venetian noble, Girolamo Miani,
+who had opened religious houses and placed these at their disposition.
+Under the direction of their founder, they carried on their designed
+function of training a higher class of clergy for the duties of
+preaching and the priesthood, and for the repression of heresy by
+educational means. Caraffa's scheme was too limited to suit Ignatius:
+and the characters of both men were ill adapted for co-operation. One
+zeal for the faith inspired both. Here they agreed. But Ignatius was a
+Spaniard; and the second passion in Caraffa's breast was a Neapolitan's
+hatred for that nation. Ignatius, moreover, contemplated a vastly more
+expansive and elastic machinery for his workers in the vineyard of the
+faith, than the future Pope's coercive temper could have tolerated.
+These two leaders of the Counter-Reformation, equally ambitious, equally
+intolerant of opposition, equally bent upon a vast dominion, had to
+separate. The one was destined to organize the Inquisition and the
+Index. The other evolved what is historically known as Jesuitry.
+Nevertheless we know that Ignatius learned much from Caraffa. The
+subsequent organization of his Order showed that the Theatines suggested
+many practical points in the method he eventually adopted for effecting
+his designs.
+
+Some of his companions, meanwhile, journeyed to Rome. There they
+obtained from Paul III. permission to visit Palestine upon a missionary
+enterprise, together with special privileges for their entrance into
+sacerdotal orders. Those of the ten friends who were not yet priests,
+were ordained at Venice in June 1537. They then began to preach in
+public, roaming the streets with faces emaciated by abstinence, clad in
+ragged clothes, and using a language strangely compounded of Italian and
+Spanish. Their obvious enthusiasm, and the holy lives they were known to
+lead, brought them rapidly into high reputation of sanctity. Both the
+secular and the religious clergy of Italy could show but few men at
+that epoch equal to these brethren. It was settled in the autumn that
+they should all revisit Rome, traveling by different routes, and
+meditating on the form which the Order should assume. Palestine had now
+been definitely, if tacitly, abandoned. As might have been expected, it
+was Loyola who baptized his Order, and impressed a character upon the
+infant institution. He determined to call it the Company of Jesus, with
+direct reference to those Companies of Adventure which had given
+irregular organization to restless military spirits in the past. The new
+Company was to be a 'cohort, or century, combined for combat against
+spiritual foes; men-at-arms, devoted, body and soul, to our Lord Jesus
+Christ and to his true and lawful Vicar upon earth.'[159] An Englishman
+of the present day may pause to meditate upon the grotesque parallel
+between the nascent Order of the Jesuits and the Salvation Army, and can
+draw such conclusions from it as may seem profitable.
+
+[Footnote 159: These phrases occur in the _Deliberatio primorum
+patrum_.]
+
+Loyola's withdrawal from all participation in the nominal honor of his
+institution, his enrollment of the militia he had levied under the name
+of Jesus, and the combative functions which he ascribed to it, were very
+decided marks of originality. It stamped the body with impersonality
+from the outset, and indicated the belligerent attitude it was destined
+to assume. There was nothing exactly similar to its dominant conception
+in any of the previous religious orders. These had usually received
+their title from the founder, had aimed at a life retired from the
+world, had studied the sanctification of their individual members, and
+had only contemplated an indirect operation upon society. Ignatius, on
+the contrary, placed his community under the protection of Christ, and
+defined it at the outset as a militant and movable legion of
+auxiliaries, dedicated, not to retirement or to the pursuit of
+salvation, but to freely avowed and active combat in defense of their
+Master's vicegerent upon earth. It was as though he had divined the
+deficiencies of Catholicism at that epoch, and had determined to
+supplement them by the creation of a novel and a special weapon of
+attack. Some institutions of mediaeval chivalry, the Knights of the
+Temple, and S. John, for instance, furnished the closest analogy to his
+foundation. Their spirit he transferred from the sphere of physical
+combat with visible forces, infidel and Mussulman, to the sphere of
+intellectual warfare against heresy, unbelief, insubordination in the
+Church. He had refined upon the crude enthusiasm of romance which
+inspired him at Montserrat. Without losing its intensity, this had
+become a motive force of actual and political gravity.
+
+The Company of Jesus was far from obtaining the immediate approval of
+the Church. Paul III. indeed, perceived its utility, and showed marked
+favor to the associates when they arrived in Rome about the end of 1537.
+The people, too, welcomed their ministration gladly, and recognized the
+zeal which they displayed in acts of charity and their exemplary
+behavior. But the Curia and higher clergy organized an opposition
+against them. They were accused of heresy, and attempts to seduce the
+common folk. Ignatius demanded full and public inquiry, which was at
+first refused him. He then addressed the Pope in person, who ordered a
+trial, out of which the brethren came with full acquittal. After this
+success, they obtained a hold upon religious instruction in many schools
+of Rome. Adherents flocked around them; and they saw that it was time to
+give the society a defined organization, and to demand its official
+recognition as an Order. It was resolved to add the vow of obedience to
+their former vows of chastity and poverty. Obedience had always been a
+prime virtue in monastic institutions; but Ignatius conceived of it in a
+new and military spirit. The obedience of the Jesuits was to be
+absolute, extending even to the duty of committing sins at a superior's
+orders. The General, instead of holding office for a term of years, was
+to be elected for life, with unlimited command over the whole Order in
+its several degrees. He was to be regarded as Christ present and
+personified. This autocracy of the General might have seemed to menace
+the overlordship of the Holy See, but for a fourth vow which the Company
+determined to adopt. It ran as follows: 'That the members will
+consecrate their lives to the continual service of Christ and of the
+Popes, will fight under the banner of the Cross, and will serve the
+Lord and the Roman Pontiff as God's vicar upon earth, in such wise that
+they shall be bound to execute immediately and without hesitation or
+excuse all that the reigning Pope or his successors may enjoin upon them
+for the profit of souls or for the propagation of the faith, and shall
+do so in all provinces whithersoever he may send them, among Turks or
+any other infidels, to furthest Ind, as well as in the region of
+heretics, schismatics, or believers of any kind.'
+
+Loyola himself drew up these constitutions in five chapters, and had
+them introduced to Paul III., with the petition that they might be
+confirmed. This was in September 1539, and it is singular that the man
+selected to bring them under the Pope's notice should have been Cardinal
+Contarini. Paul had no difficulty in recognizing the support which this
+new Order would bring to the Papacy in its conflict with Reformers, and
+its diplomatic embarrassments with Charles V. He is even reported to
+have said, 'The finger of God is there!' Yet he could not confirm the
+constitutions without the previous approval of three Cardinals appointed
+to report on them. This committee condemned Loyola's scheme; and nearly
+a year passed in negotiations with foreign princes and powerful
+prelates, before a reluctant consent was yielded to the Pope's avowed
+inclination. At length the Bull of Sept. 27, 1540, _Regimini militantis
+Ecclesiae_, launched the Society of Jesus on the world. Ignatius became
+the first General of the Order; and the rest of his life, a period of
+sixteen years, was spent in perfecting the machinery and extending the
+growth of this institution, which in all essentials was the emanation of
+his own mind.
+
+It may be well at this point to sketch the organization of the Jesuits,
+and to describe the progress of the Society during its founder's
+lifetime, in order that a correct conception may be gained of Loyola's
+share in its creation. Many historians of eminence, and among them so
+acute an observer as Paolo Sarpi, have been of the opinion that Jesuitry
+in its later developments was a deflection from the spirit and intention
+of Ignatius. It is affirmed that Lainez and Salmeron, rather than
+Loyola, gave that complexion to the Order which has rendered it a mark
+for the hatred and disgust of Europe. Aquaviva, the fifth General, has
+been credited with its policy of interference in affairs of states and
+nations. Yet I think it can be shown that the Society, as it appeared in
+the seventeenth century, was a logical and necessary development of the
+Society as Ignatius framed it in the sixteenth.[160]
+
+[Footnote 160: Sarpi, though he expressed an opinion that the Jesuits of
+his day had departed from the spirit of their founders, spoke thus of
+Loyola's worldly aims (_Lettere_, vol. i. p 224): 'Even Father Ignatius,
+Founder of the Company, as his biography attests, based himself in such
+wise upon human interest as though there were none divine to think
+about.']
+
+Lainez, who succeeded the founder as General, digested the constitutions
+and supplied them with a commentary or Directorium. He defined,
+formulated, and stereotyped the system; but the essential qualities of
+Jesuitry, its concentration upon political objects, its unscrupulousness
+in choice of means to ends, the worldliness which lurked beneath the
+famous motto _Ad Majorem Dei Gloriam_, were implicit in Loyola's express
+words, and in his actual administration. The framework of the Order, as
+he fixed it, was so firmly traced, and so cunningly devised for
+practical efficiency, that it admitted of no alteration except in the
+direction of more rigid definition. Lainez may, indeed, have emphasized
+its tendency to become a political machine, and may have weakened its
+religious tone, by his rules for the interpretation of the
+constitutions; but we have seen that the development of Loyola's own
+ideas ran in this direction. The real strength, as well as the worst
+vices of Jesuitry, were inherent in the system from the first; and in it
+we have perhaps the most remarkable instance on record, of the evolution
+of a cosmopolitan and world-important organism from the embryo of one
+man's conception.
+
+The Bull _Regimini militantis Ecclesiae_ restricted the number of the
+Jesuits to sixty. If Ignatius did not himself propose this limit, the
+restriction may perhaps have suggested his policy of reserving the full
+privileges of the Society for a small band of selected members--the very
+essence of the body, extracted by processes which will be afterwards
+described. Anyhow, it is certain that though the Papal limitation was
+removed in 1543, and though candidates flowed on the tide of fashion
+toward the Order, yet the representative and responsible Fathers
+remained few in numbers. These were distributed as the General thought
+fit. He stayed in Rome; for Rome was the chosen headquarters of the
+Society, the nucleus of their growth, and the fulcrum of their energy.
+From Rome, as from a center, Ignatius moved his men about the field of
+Europe. We might compare him under one metaphor to a chess-player
+directing his pieces upon the squares of the political and
+ecclesiastical chessboard; under another, to a spider spinning his web
+so as to net the greatest number of profitable partisans. The fathers
+were kept in perpetual motion. To shift them from place to place, to
+exclude them from their native soil, to render them cosmopolitan and
+pliant was the first care of the founder. He forbade the follies of
+ascetic piety, inculcated the study of languages and exact knowledge,
+and above all things recommended the acquisition of those social arts
+which find favor with princes and folk of high condition. 'Prudence of
+an exquisite quality,' he said, 'combined with average sanctity, is more
+valuable than eminent sanctity and less of prudence.' Also he bade them
+keep their eyes open for neophytes 'less marked by pure goodness than by
+firmness of character and ability in conduct of affairs, since men who
+are not apt for public business do not suit the requirements of the
+Company.' Orlandino tells us that though Ignatius felt drawn to men who
+showed eminent gifts for erudition, he preferred, in the difficulties of
+the Church, to choose such as knew the world well and were distinguished
+by their social station. The fathers were to seek out youths 'of good
+natural parts, adapted to the acquisition of knowledge and to practical
+works of utility.' Their pupils were, if possible, to have physical
+advantages and manners that should render them agreeable. These points
+had more of practical value than a bare vocation for piety. In their
+dealings with tender consciences, they were to act like 'good fishers of
+souls, passing over many things in silence as though these had not been
+observed, until the time came when the will was gained, and the
+character could be directed as they thought best.'[161] Loyola's dislike
+for the common forms of monasticism appears in his choice of the
+ordinary secular priest's cassock for their dress, and in his
+emancipation of the members from devotional exercises and attendance in
+the choir. The aversion he felt for ascetic discipline is evinced in a
+letter he addressed to Francis Borgia in 1548. It is better, he writes,
+to strengthen your stomach and other faculties, than to impair the body
+and enfeeble the intellect by fasting. God needs both our physical and
+mental powers for his service; and every drop of blood you shed in
+flagellation is a loss.
+
+[Footnote 161: See Philippson, _op. cit._ pp. 61, 62.]
+
+The end in view was to serve the Church by penetrating European society,
+taking possession of its leaders in rank and hereditary influence,
+directing education, assuming the control of the confessional, and
+preaching the faith in forms adapted to the foibles and the fancies of
+the age. The interests of the Church were paramount: 'If she teaches
+that what seems to us white is black, we must declare it to be black
+upon the spot.' There were other precepts added. These, for instance,
+seem worth commemoration: 'The workers in the Lord's vineyard should
+have but one foot on earth, the other should be raised to travel
+forward.' 'The abnegation of our own will is of more value than if one
+should bring the dead to life again.' 'No storm is so pernicious as a
+calm, and no enemy is so dangerous as having none.' It will be seen that
+what is known as Jesuitry, in its mundane force and in its personal
+devotion to a cause, emerges from the precepts of Ignatius. We may
+wonder how the romances of the mountain-keep of Loyola, the mysticism of
+Montserrat, and the struggles of Manresa should have brought the founder
+of the Jesuits to these results. Yet, if we analyze the problem, it will
+yield a probable solution. What survived from that first period was the
+spirit of enthusiastic service to the Church, the vast ambition of a man
+who felt himself a destined instrument for shoring up the crumbling
+walls of Catholicity, the martial instinct of a warrior fighting at
+fearful odds with nations running toward infidelity.
+
+He had no doubt where the right lay. He was a Spaniard, a servant of S.
+Peter; and for him the creed enounced by Rome was all in all. But his
+commerce with the world, his astute Basque nature, and his judgment of
+the European situation, taught him that he must use other means than
+those which Francis and Dominic had employed. He had to make his
+Company, that forlorn hope of Catholicism, the exponent of a decadent
+and rotten faith. He had to adapt it to the necessities of Christendom
+in dissolution, to constitute it by a guileful and sagacious method. He
+had to render it wise in the wisdom of the world, in order that he might
+catch the powers of this world by their interests and vices for the
+Church. He was like Machiavelli, endeavoring to save a corrupt state by
+utilizing corruption for ends acknowledged sound. And, like Machiavelli,
+he was mistaken, because it will not profit man to trust in craft or the
+manipulation of evil. Luther was stronger in his weakness than the
+creator of the Jesuit machinery, wiser in his simplicity than the
+deviser of that subtle engine. But Luther had the onward forces of
+humanity upon his side. Ignatius could but retard them by his ingenuity.
+We may be therefore excused if we admire Ignatius for the virile effort
+which he made in a failing cause, and for the splendid gifts of
+organizing prudence which he devoted to a misplaced object.
+
+Under his direction, the members of the Society spread themselves over
+Europe, and always with similar results. Wherever they went, hundreds of
+adherents joined the Order. Paul III. and Julius III. heaped privileges
+upon it, seeing what a power it had become in warfare with heresy.
+Ignatius spared no pains to secure his position in Rome, paying court to
+Cardinals and prelates, visiting ambassadors and princes, soliciting
+their favors and offering the service of his brethren in return.
+Profitable negotiations were opened with the King of Spain and the Duke
+of Bavaria, which, under cover of reforming convents, led to a partition
+of ecclesiastical property between the Jesuits and the State. Good
+reasons seemed to justify such acts of spoliation; for the old orders
+were sunk in sloth and immorality beyond redemption, while the Company
+kept alive all that was sound in Catholic discipline, preaching, and
+instruction. In Italy the Jesuits made rapid progress from the first.
+Lainez occupied the Venetian territory, opposing Protestant opinions in
+Venice itself, at Brescia, and among the mountains of the Valtelline. Le
+Jay combated the forces of Calvin and Renee of France at Ferrara.
+Salmeron took possession of Naples and Sicily. Piacenza, Modena, Faenza,
+Bologna, and Montepulciano received the fathers with open arms. The
+Farnesi welcomed them in Parma. Wherever they went, they secured the
+good will of noble women, and gained some hold on universities. Colleges
+were founded in the chief cities of the peninsula, where they not only
+taught gratis, but used methods superior to those previously in vogue.
+Rome, however, remained the stronghold of the Company. Here Ignatius
+founded its first house in 1550. This was the Collegium Romanum; and in
+1555, some hundred pupils, who had followed a course of studies in
+Greek, Latin, Hebrew, and theology, issued from its walls. In 1557 he
+purchased the palace Salviati, on the site of which now stands the vast
+establishment of the Gesu. In 1552 he started a separate institution,
+Collegium Germanicum, for the special training of young Germans. There
+was also a subordinate institution for the education of the sons of
+nobles. These colleges afforded models for similar schools throughout
+Europe; some of them intended to supply the society with members, and
+some to impress the laity with Catholic principles. Uniformity was an
+object which the Jesuits always held in view.
+
+They did not meet at first with like success in all Catholic countries.
+In Spain, Charles V. treated them with suspicion as the sworn men of the
+Papacy; and the Dominican order, so powerful through its hold upon the
+Inquisition, regarded them justly as rivals. Though working for the same
+end, the means employed by Jesuits and Dominicans were too diverse for
+these champions of orthodoxy to work harmoniously together. The Jesuits
+belonged to the future, to the party of accommodation and control by
+subterfuge. The Dominicans were rooted in the past; their dogmatism
+admitted of no compromise; they strove to rule by force. There was
+therefore, at the outset, war between the kennels of the elder and the
+younger dogs of God in Spain. Yet Jesuitism gained ground. It had the
+advantage of being a native, and a recent product. It was powerful by
+its appeals to the sensuous imagination and carnal superstitions of that
+Iberian-Latin people. It was seductive by its mitigation of oppressive
+orthodoxy and inflexible prescriptive law. Where the Dominican was
+steel, the Jesuit was reed; where the Dominican breathed fire and
+fagots, the Jesuit suggested casuistical distinctions; where the
+Dominican raised difficulties, the Jesuit solved scruples; where the
+Dominican presented theological abstractions, the Jesuit offered
+stimulative or agreeable images; where the Dominican preached dogma, the
+Jesuit retailed romance. It only needed one illustrious convert to plant
+the Jesuits in Spain. Him they found in Francis Borgia, Duke of Gandia,
+Viceroy of Catalonia, and subsequently the third General of the Order
+and a saint. This man placed the university, which he had founded, in
+their hands; and about the same time they gained a footing in the
+university of Salamanca. Still they continued to retain their strongest
+hold upon the people, who regarded them as saviours from the tyranny and
+ennui of the established Dominican hierarchy.
+
+Portugal was won at a blow. Xavier and Rodriguez planted the Company
+there under the affectionate protection of King John III. When Xavier
+started on his mission to the Indies in 1541, Rodriguez took the affairs
+of the realm into his hands, controlled the cabinet, and formed the
+heir-apparent to their will.
+
+With France they had more trouble. Both the University and the
+Parliament of Paris opposed their settlement. The Sorbonne even declared
+them 'dangerous in matters of the faith, fit to disturb the peace of the
+Church, and to reverse the order of monastic life; more adapted to
+destroy than to build.' The Gallican Church scented danger in these
+bondsmen of the Papacy; and it was only when they helped to organize the
+League that the influence of the Guises gave them a foothold in the
+kingdom. Even then their seminaries at Reims, Douai, and S. Omer must be
+rather regarded as outposts _epiteichismoi_ against England and
+Flanders, than, as nationally French establishments. In France they long
+remained a seditious and belligerent faction.[162]
+
+[Footnote 162: It was not till the epoch of Maria de'Medici's Regency
+that the Jesuits obtained firm hold on France.]
+
+They had the same partial and clandestine success in the Low Countries,
+where their position was at first equivocal, though they early gained
+some practical hold upon the University of Louvain. We are perhaps
+justified in attributing the evil fame of Reims, Douai, S. Omer, and
+Louvain to the incomplete sympathy which existed between the Jesuits and
+the countries where they made these settlements. Not perfectly at home,
+surrounded by discontent and jealousy, upon the borderlands of the
+heresies they were bound to combat, their system assumed its darkest
+colors in those hotbeds of intrigue and feverish fanaticism. In time,
+however, the Jesuits fixed their talons firmly upon the Netherlands,
+through the favor of Anne of Austria; and the year 1562 saw them
+comfortably ensconced at Antwerp, Louvain, Brussels, and Lille, in spite
+of the previous antipathy of the population. Here, as elsewhere, they
+pushed their way by gaining women and people of birth to their cause,
+and by showily meritorious services to education. Faber achieved
+ephemeral success as lecturer at Louvain.
+
+To take firm hold on Germany had been the cherished wish of Ignatius;
+'for there,' to use his own words, 'the pest of heresy exposed men to
+graver dangers than elsewhere.' The Society had scarcely been founded
+when Faber, Le Jay, and Bobadilla were sent north. Faber made small
+progress, and was removed to Spain. But Bobadilla secured the confidence
+of William, Duke of Bavaria; while Le Jay won that of Ferdinand of
+Austria. In both provinces they avowed their intention of working at the
+reformation of the clergy and the improvement of popular
+education--ends, which in the disorganized condition of Germany, seemed
+of highest importance to those princes. Through the influence of
+Bavaria, Bobadilla succeeded in rendering the Interim proclaimed by
+Charles V. nugatory; while Le Jay founded the college of the Order at
+Vienna. In this important post he was soon succeeded by Canisius,
+Ferdinand's confessor, through whose co-operation Cardinal Morone
+afterwards brought this Emperor into harmony with the Papal plan for
+winding up the Council of Trent. It should be added that Ingolstadt, in
+Bavaria, became the second headquarters of the Jesuit propaganda in
+Germany.
+
+The methods adopted by Ignatius in dealing with his three lieutenants,
+Bobadilla, Le Jay, and Canisius, are so characteristic of Jesuit policy
+that they demand particular attention. Checkmated by Bobadilla in the
+matter of the Interim, Charles V. manifested his resentment. He was
+already ill-affected toward the Society, and its founder felt the need
+of humoring him. The highest grade of the Order was therefore
+ostentatiously refused to Bobadilla, until such time as the Emperor's
+attention was distracted from the cause of his disappointment. With Le
+Jay and Canisius the case stood differently. Ferdinand wished to make
+the former Bishop of Triest and the latter Archbishop of Vienna.
+Ignatius opposed both projects, alleging that the Company of Jesus could
+not afford to part with its best servants, and that their vows of
+obedience and poverty were inconsistent with high office in the Church.
+He discerned the necessity of reducing each member of the Society to
+absolute dependence on the General, which would have been impracticable
+if any one of them attained to the position of a prelate. A law was
+therefore passed declaring it mortal sin for Jesuits to accept
+bishoprics or other posts of honor in the Church. Instead of assuming
+the miter, Canisius was permitted to administer the See of Vienna
+without usufruct of its revenues. To the world this manifested the
+disinterested zeal of the Jesuits in a seductive light; while the
+integrity of the Society, as an independent self-sufficing body,
+exacting the servitude of absolute devotion from its members, was
+secured. Another instance of the same adroitness may be mentioned. The
+Emperor in 1552 offered a Cardinal's hat to Francis Borgia, who was by
+birth the most illustrious of living Jesuits. Ignatius refrained from
+rebuffing the Emperor and insulting the Duke of Gandia by an open
+prohibition; but he told the former to expect the Duke's refusal, while
+he wrote to the latter expressing his own earnest hope that he would
+renounce an honor injurious to the Society. This diplomacy elicited a
+grateful but firm answer of _Nolo Episcopari_ from the Duke, who thus
+took the responsibility of offending Charles V. upon himself. Meanwhile
+the missionary objects of the Company were not neglected. Xavier left
+Portugal in 1541 for that famous journey through India and China, the
+facts of which may be compared for their romantic interest with Cortes'
+or Pizarro's exploits. Brazil, the transatlantic Portugal, was abandoned
+to the Jesuits, and they began to feel their way in Mexico. In the year
+of Loyola's death, 1561, thirty-two members of the Society were
+resident in South America; one hundred in India, China, and Japan; and a
+mission was established in Ethiopia. Even Ireland had been explored by a
+couple of fathers, who returned without success, after undergoing
+terrible hardships. At this epoch the Society counted in round numbers
+one thousand men. It was divided in Europe into thirteen provinces:
+seven of these were Portuguese and Spanish; three were Italian, namely,
+Rome, Upper Italy, and Sicily; one was French; two were German. Castile
+contained ten colleges of the Order; Aragon, five; Andalusia, five.
+Portugal was penetrated through and through with Jesuits. Rome displayed
+the central Roman and Teutonic colleges. Upper Italy had ten colleges.
+France could show only one college. In Upper Germany the Company held
+firm hold on Vienna, Prag, Munich, and Ingolstadt. The province of Lower
+Germany, including the Netherlands, was still undetermined. This
+expansion of the Order during the first sixteen years of its existence,
+enables us to form some conception of the intellectual vigor and
+commanding will of Ignatius. He lived, as no founder of an order, as few
+founders of religions, ever lived, to see his work accomplished, and the
+impress of his genius stereotyped exactly in the forms he had designed,
+upon the most formidable social and political organization of modern
+Europe.
+
+In his administration of the Order, Ignatius was absolute and
+autocratic. We have seen how he dealt with aspirants after
+ecclesiastical honors, and how he shifted his subordinates, as he
+thought best, from point to point upon the surface of the globe. The
+least attempt at independence on the part of his most trusted
+lieutenants was summarily checked by him. Simon Rodriguez, one of the
+earliest disciples of the College of S. Barbe at Paris, ruled the
+kingdom of Portugal through the ascendency which he had gained over John
+III. Elated by the vastness of his victory, Rodriguez arrogated to
+himself the right of private judgment, and introduced that ascetic
+discipline into the houses of his province which Ignatius had forbidden
+as inexpedient. Without loss of time, the General superseded him in his
+command; and, after a sharp struggle, Rodriguez was compelled to spend
+the rest of his days under strict surveillance at Rome. Lainez, in like
+manner, while acting as Provincial of Upper Italy, thought fit to
+complain that his best coadjutors were drawn from the colleges under his
+control, to Rome. Ignatius wrote to this old friend, the man who best
+understood the spirit of its institution, and who was destined to
+succeed him in his headship, a cold and terrible epistle. 'Reflect upon
+your conduct. Let me know whether you acknowledge your sin, and tell me
+at the same time what punishment you are ready to undergo for this
+dereliction of duty.' Lainez expressed immediate submission in the most
+abject terms; he was ready to resign his post, abstain from preaching,
+confine his studies to the Breviary, walk as a beggar to Rome, and
+there teach grammar to children, or perform menial offices. This was all
+Ignatius wanted. If he were the Christ of the Society, he well knew that
+Lainez was its S. Paul. He could not prevent him from being his
+successor, and he probably was well aware that Lainez would complete and
+supplement what he must leave unfinished in his life-work. The groveling
+apology of such an eminent apostle, dictated as it was by hypocrisy and
+cunning, sufficed to procure his pardon, and remained among the archives
+of the Jesuits as a model for the spirit in which obedience should be
+manifested by them.
+
+Obedience was, in fact, the cardinal and dominant quality of the Jesuit
+Order. To call it a virtue, in the sense in which Ignatius understood
+it, is impossible. The _Exercitia_, the Constitutions, and the Letter to
+the Portuguese Jesuits, all of which undoubtedly explain Loyola's views,
+reveal to us the essence of historical Jesuitry, the _fons et origo_ of
+that long-continued evil which impested modern society. Let us examine
+some of his precepts on this topic. 'I ought to desire to be ruled by a
+superior who endeavors to subjugate my judgment and subdue my
+understanding.'--'When it seems to me that I am commanded by my superior
+to do a thing against which my conscience revolts as sinful, and my
+superior judges otherwise, it is my duty to yield my doubts to him,
+unless I am constrained by evident reasons.'--'I ought not to be my own,
+but His who created me, and his too through whom God governs me.'--'I
+ought to be like a corpse, which has neither will nor understanding;
+like a crucifix, that is turned about by him that holds it; like a staff
+in the hands of an old man, who uses it at will for his assistance or
+pleasure.'--'In our Company the person who commands must never be
+regarded in his own capacity, but as Jesus Christ in him.'--'I desire
+that you strive and exercise yourselves to recognize Christ our Lord in
+every Superior.'--'He who wishes to offer himself wholly up to God, must
+make the sacrifice not only of his will but of his intelligence.'--'In
+order to secure the faithful and successful execution of a Superior's
+orders, all private judgment must be yielded up.'--'A sin, whether
+venial or mortal, must be committed, if it is commanded by the Superior
+in the name of our Lord Jesus Christ, or in virtue of obedience.' Of
+such nature was the virtue of obedience within the Order.[163] It
+rendered every member a tool in the hands of his immediate Superior, and
+the whole body one instrument in the hand of the General. The General's
+responsibility for the oblique acts and evasions of moral law, committed
+in the name of this virtue, was covered by the sounding phrase, 'Unto
+the greater glory of God.'
+
+[Footnote 163: The letter addressed by Ignatius to the Portuguese
+Jesuits, March 22, 1553, on the virtue of obedience, the Constitutions
+and the glosses on them called Declarations, and the last chapter of the
+_Exercitia_, furnish the above sentences. _See_, too, Philippson, _op.
+cit._ pp. 60, 120-124.]
+
+He had also his own duty of obedience, which was to Holy Church. 'In
+making the sacrifice of our own judgment, the mind must keep itself ever
+whole and ready for obedience to the spouse of Christ, our Holy Mother,
+the Church orthodox, apostolical and hierarchical.'[164] Not a portion
+of the Catholic creed, of Catholic habits, of Catholic institutions, of
+Catholic superstitions, but must be valiantly defended.--'It is our duty
+loudly to uphold reliques, the cult of saints, stations, pilgrimages
+indulgences, jubilees, the candles which are lighted before altars.' To
+criticise the clergy, even though notoriously corrupt, is a sin. The
+philosophy of the Church, as expressed by S. Thomas Aquinas, S.
+Bonaventura, and others, must be recognized as equal in authority with
+Holy Writ. It follows that just as a subordinate was enjoined to sin, if
+sin were ordered by his Superior, so the whole Company were bound to
+lie, and do the things they disapproved, and preach the mummeries in
+which they disbelieved, in virtue of obedience to the Church. They may
+not even trust their senses; for 'If the Church pronounces a thing which
+seems to us white to be black, we must immediately say that it is
+black.'[165]
+
+[Footnote 164: Read in the _Exercitia_ (_Inst. Jesu_, vol. iv. p.
+167-173) the Rules for right accord with the Orthodox Church. What
+follows above is taken from that chapter.]
+
+[Footnote 165: _Exercitia_, ibid. p. 171. In this spirit a Jesuit of the
+present century writing on astronomy develops the heliocentric theory
+while he professes his submission to the geocentric theory as maintained
+by the Church.]
+
+The Jesuits were enrolled as an army, in an hour of grave peril for the
+Church, to undertake her defense. They pledged themselves, by this vow
+of obedience, to perform that duty with their eyes shut. It was not
+their mission to reform or purify or revivify Catholicism, but to
+maintain it intact with all its intellectual anachronisms. How well they
+succeeded may be judged from the issue of the Council of Trent, in which
+Lainez and Salmeron played so prominent a part. That rigid enforcement
+of every jot and tittle in the Catholic hierarchical organization, in
+Catholic ritual, in the Catholic cult of saints and images, in the
+Catholic interpretation of Sacraments, in Catholic tradition as of equal
+value with the Bible, and lastly in the theory of Papal Supremacy, which
+was the astounding result of a Council convened to alter and reform the
+Church, can be attributed in no small measure to Jesuit persistency.
+
+Ignatius attained his object. Obedience, blind, servile, unquestioning,
+unscrupulous, became the distinguishing feature of the Jesuits. But he
+condemned his Order to mediocrity. No really great man in any department
+of human knowledge or activity has arisen in the Company of Jesus. In
+course of time it became obvious to any one of independent character and
+original intellect that their ranks were not the place for him. And if
+youths of real eminence entered it before they perceived this truth,
+their spirit was crushed. The machine was powerful enough for good and
+evil; but it remained an aggregate of individual inferiorities. Its
+merit and its perfection lay in this, that so complex an instrument
+could be moved by a single finger of the General in Rome. He
+consistently employed its delicate system of wheels and pulleys for the
+aggrandizement of the Order in the first place, in the second place for
+the control of the Catholic Church, and always for the subjugation and
+cretinization of the mind of Europe.
+
+The training of a Jesuit began with study of the _Exercitia
+Spiritualia_.[166] This manual had been composed by Loyola himself at
+intervals between 1522 and 1548, when it received the imprimatur of Pope
+Paul III. He based it on his own experiences at Manresa, and meant it to
+serve as a perpetual introduction to the mysteries of the religious
+life. It was used under the direction of a father, who prescribed a
+portion of its text for each day's meditation, employing various means
+to concentrate attention and enforce effect. The whole course of this
+spiritual drill extended over four weeks, during which the pupil
+remained in solitude. Light and sound and all distractions of the outer
+world were carefully excluded from his chamber. He was bidden to direct
+his soul inward upon itself and God, and was led by graduated stages to
+realize in the most vivid way the torments of the damned and the scheme
+of man's, salvation. The first week was occupied in an examination of
+the conscience; the second in contemplation of Christ's Kingdom upon
+earth; the third in meditation on the Passion; the fourth in an ascent
+to the glory of the risen Lord. Materialism of the crudest type mingled
+with the indulgence of a reverie in this long spiritual journey. At
+every step the neophyte employed his five senses in the effort of
+intellectual realization. Prostrate upon the ground, gazing with closed
+eyelids in the twilight of his cell upon the mirror of imagination, he
+had to _see_ the boundless flames of hell and souls encased in burning
+bodies, to _hear_ the shrieks and blasphemies, to _smell_ their sulphur
+and intolerable stench, to _taste_ the bitterness of tears and _feel_
+the stings of ineffectual remorse.
+
+[Footnote 166: _Inst. Soc. Jesu_, vol. iv. The same volume contains the
+Directorium, or rules for the use of the _Exercitia_.]
+
+He had to localize each object in the camera obscura of the brain. If
+the Garden of Gethsemane, for instance, were the subject of his
+meditation, he was bound to place Christ here and the sleeping apostles
+there, and to form an accurate image of the angel and the cup. He gazed
+and gazed, until he was able to handle the raiment of the Saviour, to
+watch the drops of bloody sweat beading his forehead and trickling down
+his cheeks, to grasp the chalice with the fingers of the soul. As each
+carefully chosen and sagaciously suggested scene was presented, he had
+to identify his very being, soul, will, intellect, and senses, with the
+mental vision. He lived again, so far as this was possible through
+fancy, the facts of sacred history. If the director judged it advisable,
+symbolic objects were placed before him in the cell; at one time skulls
+and bones, at another fresh sweetsmelling flowers. Fasting and
+flagellation, peculiar postures of the body, groanings and weepings,
+were prescribed as mechanical aids in cases where the soul seemed
+sluggish. The sphere traversed in these exercises was a narrow one. The
+drill aimed at intensity of discipline, at a concentrated and concrete
+impression, not at width of education or at intellectual enlightenment.
+Speculation upon the fundamental principles of religion was excluded.
+God's dealings with mankind revealed in the Old Testament found no place
+in this theory of salvation. Attention was riveted upon a very few
+points in the life of Christ and Mary, such as every Catholic child
+might be supposed to be familiar with. But it was fixed in such a way as
+to bring the terrors and raptures of the mystics, of a S. Catharine or a
+S. Teresa, within the reach of all; to place spiritual experience _a la
+portee de tout le monde_. The vulgarity is only equaled by the ingenuity
+and psychological adroitness of the method. The soul inspired with
+carnal dread of the doom impending over it, passed into almost physical
+contact with the incarnate Saviour. The designed effect was to induce a
+vivid and varied hypnotic dream of thirty days, from the influence of
+which a man should never wholly free himself. The end at which he
+arrived upon this path of self-scrutiny and materialistic realization,
+was the conclusion that his highest hope, his most imperative duty, lay
+in the resignation of his intellect and will to spiritual guidance, and
+in blind obedience to the Church. Thousands and thousands of souls in
+the modern world have passed through this discipline; and those who
+responded to it best, have ever been selected, when this was possible,
+as novices of the Order. The director had ample opportunity of observing
+at each turn in the process whether his neophyte displayed a likely
+disposition.
+
+When the _Exercitia_ had been performed, there was an end of asceticism.
+Ignatius, as we have seen, dreaded nothing more than the intrusion of
+that dark spirit into his Company; he aimed at nothing more earnestly
+than at securing agreeable manners, a cheerful temper, and ability for
+worldly business in its members.
+
+The novice, when first received into one of the Jesuit houses, was
+separated, so far as possible, for two years from his family, and placed
+under the control of a master, who inspected his correspondence and
+undertook the full surveillance of his life. He received cautiously
+restricted information on the constitutions of the Society, and was
+recommended, instead of renouncing his worldly possessions, to reserve
+his legal rights and make oblation of them when he took the vows. It was
+not then made clear to him that what he gave would never under any
+circumstances be restored, although the Society might send him forth at
+will a penniless wanderer into the world. Yet this was the hard
+condition of a Jesuit's existence. After entering the order, he owned
+nothing, and he had no power to depart if he repented. But the General
+could cashier him by a stroke of the pen, condemning him to destitution
+in every land where Jesuits held sway, and to suspicion in every land
+where Jesuits were loathed. Before the end of two years, the novice
+generally signed an obligation to assume the vows. He was then drafted
+into the secular or spiritual service. Some novices became what is
+called Temporal Coadjutors; their duty was to administer the property of
+the Society, to superintend its houses, to distribute alms, to work in
+hospitals, to cook, garden, wash, and act as porters. They took the
+three vows of poverty, chastity, and obedience. Those, on the other
+hand, who showed some aptitude for learning, were classified as
+Scholastics, and were distributed among the colleges of the order. They
+studied languages, sciences, and theology, for a period of five years;
+after which they taught in schools for another period of five or six
+years; and when they reached the age of about thirty, they might be
+ordained priests with the title of Spiritual Coadjutors. From this body
+the Society drew the rectors and professors of its colleges, its
+preachers, confessors, and teachers in schools for the laity. They were
+not yet full members, though they had taken the three vows, and were
+irrevocably devoted to the service of the order. The final stage of
+initiation was reached toward the age of forty-five, after long and
+various trials. Then the Jesuit received the title of Professed. He was
+either a professed of the three vows, or a professed of the four vows;
+having in the latter case dedicated his life to the special service of
+the Papacy, in missions or in any other cause. The professed of four
+vows constituted the veritable Company of Jesus, the kernel of the
+organization. They were never numerous. At Loyola's death they numbered
+thirty-five out of a thousand; and it has been calculated that their
+average proportion to the whole body is as two to a hundred.[167] Even
+these had no indefeasible tenure of their place in the Society. They
+might be dismissed by the General without indemnification.
+
+[Footnote 167: Philippson, _op. cit._ p. 142.]
+
+The General was chosen for life from the professed of four vows by the
+General Congregation, which consisted of the provincials and two members
+of each province. He held the whole Society at his discretion; for he
+could deal at pleasure with each part of its machinery. The
+constitutions, strict as they appeared, imposed no barriers upon his
+will; for almost unlimited power was surrendered to him of dispensing
+with formalities, freeing from obligations, shortening or lengthening
+the periods of initiation, retarding or advancing a member in his
+career. Ideal fixity of type, qualified by the utmost elasticity in
+practice, formed the essence of the system. And we shall see that this
+principle pervaded the Jesuit treatment of morality. The General resided
+at Rome, consecrated solely to the government of the Society, holding
+the threads of all its complicated affairs in his hands, studying the
+personal history of each of its members in the minute reports which he
+constantly received from every province, and acting precisely as he
+chose with the highest as well as the lowest of his subordinates.
+Contrary to all precedents of previous religious orders, Ignatius framed
+the Company of Jesus upon the lines of a close aristocracy with
+autocratic authority confided to an elected chief. Yet the General of
+the Jesuits, like the Doge of Venice, had his hands tied by subtly
+powerful though almost invisible fetters. He was subjected at every hour
+of the day and night to the surveillance of five sworn spies, especially
+appointed to prevent him from altering the type or neglecting the
+concerns of the Order. The first of these functionaries, named the
+Administrator, who was frequently also the confessor of the General,
+exhorted him to obedience, and reminded him that he must do all things
+for the glory of God. Obedience and the glory of God, in Jesuit
+phraseology, meant the maintenance of the Company. The other four were
+styled Assistants. They had under their charge the affairs of the chief
+provinces; one overseeing the Indies, another Portugal and Spain, a
+third France and Germany, a fourth Italy and Sicily. Together with the
+Administrator, the Assistants were nominated by the General Congregation
+and could not be removed or replaced without its sanction. It was their
+duty to regulate the daily life of the General, to control his private
+expenditure on the scale which they determined, to prescribe what he
+should eat and drink, and to appoint his hours for sleep, and religious
+exercises, and the transaction of public business. If they saw grave
+reasons for his deposition, they were bound to convene the General
+Congregation for that purpose. And since the Founder knew that guardians
+need to be guarded, he provided that the Provincials might convene this
+assembly to call in question the acts of the Assistants. The General
+himself had no power to oppose its convocation.
+
+The Company of Jesus was thus based upon a system of mutual and
+pervasive espionage. The novice on first entering had all his acts,
+habits, and personal qualities registered. As he advanced in his career,
+he was surrounded by jealous brethren, who felt it their duty to report
+his slightest weakness to a superior. The superiors were watched by one
+another and by their inferiors. Masses of secret intelligence poured
+into the central cabinet of the General; and the General himself ate,
+slept, prayed, worked, and moved about the world beneath the fixed gaze
+of ten vigilant eyes. Men accustomed to domesticity and freedom may
+wonder that life should have been tolerable upon these terms. Yet we
+must remember that from the moment when a youth had undergone the
+_Exercitia_ and taken the vows, he became no less in fact than in spirit
+_perinde ac cadaver_ in the hands of his superior. The Company replaced
+for him both family and state; and in spite of the fourth vow, it is
+very evident that the Black Pope, as the General came to be nicknamed,
+owned more of his allegiance than the White Pope, who filled the chair
+of S. Peter. He could, indeed, at any moment be expelled and ruined. But
+if he served the Order well, he belonged to a vast incalculably-potent
+organism, of which he might naturally, after such training as he had
+received, be proud. The sacrifice of his personal volition and
+intelligence made him part of an indestructible corporation, which
+seemed capable of breaking all resistance by its continuity of will and
+effecting all purposes by its condensed sagacity. Nor was he in the
+hands of rigid disciplinarians. His peccadilloes were condoned, unless
+the credit of the order came in question. His natural abilities obtained
+free scope for their employment; for it suited the interest of the
+Company to make the most of each member's special gifts. He had no
+tedious duties of the regular monastic routine to follow. He was
+encouraged to become a man of the world, and to mix freely with society.
+And thus, while he resigned himself, he lived the large life of a
+complex microcosm. Nor were men of resolute ambition without the
+prospect of eventually swaying an authority beyond that possessed by
+princes; for any one of the professed might rise to the supreme power in
+the order.
+
+Something must be said about Loyola's interpretation of the vow of
+poverty. During his lifetime the Company acquired considerable wealth;
+and after his death it became a large owner of estates in Europe. How
+was this consistent with the observance of that vow, so strictly
+inculcated by the founder on his first disciples, and so pompously
+proclaimed in their constitutions? The professed and all their houses,
+as well as their churches, were bound to subsist on alms; they preached,
+administered the sacraments of the Church, and educated gratis. They
+could inherit nothing, and were not allowed to receive money for their
+journeys. But here appeared the wisdom of restricting the numbers of the
+professed to a small percentage of the whole Society. The same rigid
+prohibition with regard to property was not imposed upon the houses of
+novices, colleges, and other educational establishments of the Jesuits;
+while the secular coadjutors were specially appointed for the
+administration of wealth which the professed might use but could not
+own.[168] In like manner, as they lived on alms, there was no objection
+to a priest of the order receiving valuable gifts in cash or kind from
+grateful recipients of his spiritual bounty. A separate article of the
+constitutions furthermore reserved for the General the right of
+accepting any donation whatsoever, made in favor of the whole Company,
+and of assigning capital or revenue as he judged wisest.
+
+[Footnote 168: Quinet calculates that at the close of the sixteenth
+century there were twenty-one houses of the professed (incapable of
+owning property) to 293 colleges (free from this inability).]
+
+Scholastics, even after they had taken the vow of poverty, were not
+obliged to relinquish their private possessions. Sooner or later, it was
+hoped that these would become the property of the order. In a word, the
+principle of this solemn obligation was so manipulated as to facilitate
+the acquisition and accumulation of wealth by the Jesuit like any other
+corporation. Only no individual Jesuit owned anything. He was rich or
+poor, he wore the clothes of princes or the rags of a mendicant, he
+lived sumptuously or begged in the street, he traveled with a following
+of servants or he walked on foot, according as it seemed good to his
+superiors. The vow of poverty, thus interpreted in practice, meant a
+total disengagement from temporalities on the part of every member, an
+absolute dependence of each subordinate upon his superior in the
+hierarchy.
+
+Having thus far treated the organization of the Jesuits as implicit in
+Loyola's own conception and administration, I ought to add that it
+received definite form from his successor, Lainez. The founder
+pronounced the Constitutions in 1553. But they were thoroughly revised
+after his death in 1558, at which date they first issued from the press.
+Lainez, again, supplemented these laws with a perpetual commentary,
+which is styled the Declarations. These contain the bulk of those
+easements and indulgent interpretations, whereby the strictness of the
+original rules was explained away, and an almost unbounded elasticity
+was communicated to the system.
+
+It would be rash to pronounce a decided opinion upon the much disputed
+question, whether, in addition to their Constitutions and Declarations,
+the Jesuits were provided with an esoteric code of rules known as
+_Monita Secreta_.[169] The existence of such a manual, which was
+supposed to contain the very pith of Jesuitical policy, has been
+confidently asserted and no less confidently denied. In the absence of
+direct evidence, it may be worth quoting two passages from Sarpi's
+Letters, which prove that this keen-sighted observer believed the
+Society to be governed in its practice by statutes inaccessible to all
+but its most trusted members. 'I have always admired the policy of the
+Jesuits,' he writes in 1608, 'and their method of maintaining secrecy.
+Their Constitutions are in print, and yet one cannot set eyes upon a
+copy. I do not mean their Rules, which are published at Lyons, for those
+are mere puerilities; but the digest of laws which guide their conduct
+of the order, and which they keep concealed. Every day many members
+leave, or are expelled from the Company; and yet their artifices are not
+exposed to view.'[170] In another letter, of the date 1610, Sarpi
+returns to the same point. 'The Jesuits before this Aquaviva was elected
+General were saints in comparison with what they afterwards became.
+Formerly they had not mixed in affairs of state or thought of governing
+cities. Since then, they have indulged a hope of controlling the whole
+world.
+
+[Footnote 169: A book with this title was published in 1612 at Cracow.
+It was declared a forgery at Rome by a congregation of Cardinals.]
+
+[Footnote 170: _Lettere_, vol. i. p. 100.]
+
+And I am sure that the least part of their Cabala is in the Ordinances
+and Constitutions of 1570. All the same, I am very glad to possess even
+these. Their true Cabala they never communicate to any but men who have
+been well tested, and proved by every species of trial; nor is it
+possible for those who have been initiated into it, to think of retiring
+from the order, since the congregation, through their excellent
+management of its machinery, know how to procure the immediate death of
+any such initiated member who may wish to leave their ranks.'[171]
+Probably the mistake which Sarpi and the world made, was in supposing
+that the Jesuits needed a written code for their most vital action.
+Being a potent and life-penetrated organism, the secret of their policy
+was not such as could be reduced to rule. It was not such as, if reduced
+to rule, could have been plastic in the affairs of public importance
+which the Company sought to control. Better than rule or statute, it was
+biological function. The supreme deliberative bodies of the order
+created, transmitted, and continuously modified its tradition of policy.
+This tradition some member, partially initiated into their counsels, may
+have reduced to precepts in the published _Monita Secreta_ of 1612. But
+the quintessential flame which breathed a breath of life into the fabric
+of the Jesuits through two centuries of organic activity, was far too
+vivid and too spiritual to be condensed in any charter. A friar and a
+jurist, like Sarpi, expected to discover some controlling code. The
+public, grossly ignorant of evolutionary laws in the formation of social
+organisms, could not comprehend the non-existence of this code.
+Adventurers supplied the demand from their knowledge of the ruling
+policy. But like the _Liber Trium Impostorum_ we may regard the _Monita
+Secreta_ of the Jesuits as an _ex post facto_ fabrication.
+
+[Footnote 171: _Lettere_, vol. ii. p. 174.]
+
+There is no need to trace the further history of the Jesuits. Their part
+in the Counter-Reformation has rather been exaggerated than
+insufficiently recognized. Though it was incontestably considerable, we
+cannot now concede, as Macaulay in his random way conceded to this
+Company, the _spolia opima_ of down-beaten Protestantism. Without the
+ecclesiastical reform which originated in the Tridentine Council;
+without the gold and sword of Spain; without the stakes and prisons of
+the Inquisition; without the warfare against thought conducted by the
+Congregation of the Index; the Jesuits alone could not have masterfully
+governed the Catholic revival. That revival was a movement of
+world-historical importance, in which they participated. It was their
+fortune to find forces in the world which they partially understood; it
+was their merit to know how to manipulate those forces; it was their
+misfortune and their demerit that they proved themselves incapable of
+diverting those forces to any wholesome end. In Italy a succession of
+worldly Popes, Paul III., Julius III., Pius IV., and Gregory XIII.,
+heaped favors and showered wealth upon the order. The Jesuits
+incarnated the political spirit of the Papacy at this epoch; they lent
+it a potency for good and evil which the decrepit but still vigorous
+institution arrogated to itself. They adapted its anachronisms with
+singular adroitness to the needs of modern society. They transfused
+their throbbing blood into its flaccid veins, until it became doubtful
+whether the Papacy had been absorbed into the Jesuits, or whether the
+Jesuits had remodeled the Papacy for contemporary uses. But this
+tendency in the aspiring order to identify itself with Rome, this
+ambition to command the prestige of Rome as leverage for carrying out
+its own designs, stirred the resentment of haughty and _intransigeant_
+Pontiffs. The Jesuits were not beloved by Paul IV., Pius V., and Sixtus
+V.
+
+It remains, however, to inquire in what the originality, the effective
+operation, and the modifying influence of the Jesuit Society consisted
+during the period with which we are concerned. It was their object to
+gain control over Europe by preaching, education, the direction of
+souls, and the management of public affairs. In each of these
+departments their immediate success was startling; for they labored with
+zeal, and they adapted their methods to the requirements of the age.
+Yet, in the long run, art, science, literature, religion, morality and
+politics, all suffered from their interference. By preferring artifice
+to reality, affectation to sincerity, shams and subterfuges to plain
+principle and candor, they confused the conscience and enfeebled the
+intellect of Catholic Europe. When we speak of the Jesuit style in
+architecture, rhetoric and poetry, of Jesuit learning and scholarship,
+of Jesuit casuistry and of Jesuit diplomacy, it is either with languid
+contempt for bad taste and insipidity, or with the burning indignation
+which systematic falsehood and corruption inspire in honorable minds.
+
+In education, the Jesuits, if they did not precisely innovate, improved
+upon the methods of the grammarians which had persisted from the Middle
+Ages through the Renaissance. They spared no pains in training a large
+and competent body of professors, men of extensive culture, formed upon
+one uniform pattern, and exercised in the art of popularizing knowledge.
+These teachers were distributed over the Jesuit colleges; and in every
+country their system was the same. New catechisms, grammars, primers,
+manuals of history, enabled their pupils to learn with facility in a few
+months what it had cost years of painful labor to acquire under pompous
+pedants of the old _regime_. The mental and physical aptitudes of youths
+committed to their charge were carefully observed; and classes were
+adapted to various ages and degrees of capacity. Hours of recreation
+alternated with hours of study, so that the effort of learning should be
+neither irksome nor injurious to health. Nor was religious education
+neglected. Attendance upon daily Mass, monthly confession, and
+instruction in the articles of the faith, formed an indispensable part
+of the system. When we remember that these advantages were offered
+gratuitously to the public, it is not surprising that people of all
+ranks and conditions should have sent their boys to the Jesuit colleges.
+Even Protestants availed themselves of what appeared so excellent a
+method; and the Jesuits obtained the reputation of being the best
+instructors of youth.[172] It soon became the mark of a good Catholic to
+have frequented Jesuit schools; and in after life a pupil who had
+studied creditably in their colleges, found himself everywhere at home.
+Yet the Society took but little interest in elementary or popular
+education. Their object was to gain possession of the nobility, gentry,
+and upper middle class. The proletariat might remain ignorant; it was
+the destiny of such folk to be passive instruments in the hands of
+spiritual and temporal rulers. Nor were they always scrupulous in the
+means employed for taking hold on young men of distinction. One instance
+of the animosity they aroused, even in Italy, at an early period of
+their activity, will suffice. Tuscany was thrown into commotion by the
+discovery of their designs upon the boys they undertook to teach.
+
+[Footnote 172: See Sarpi's _Letters_, vol. i. p. 352, for Protestant
+pupils of Jesuits. Sarpi's _Memorial to the Signory of Venice on the
+Collegio de'Greci in Rome_ exposes the fallacy of their being reputed
+the best teachers of youth, by pointing out how their aim is to withdraw
+their pupils' allegiance from the nation, the government, and the
+family, to themselves.]
+
+'They were so madly bent,' says Galluzzi, 'upon filling the ranks of
+their Company with individuals of wealth and birth, that in 1584, in the
+single city of Siena, under the pretense of devotion, they seduced
+thirty youths of the noblest and richest houses, not without great
+injury to their families and grief to their parents. The most notorious
+of these cases Was that of two sons of Pandolfo Petrucci, whose name
+indicates his high position in the aristocracy of Siena. These young men
+they got into their power by inducing them to commit a theft, and then
+compelled them to pledge fealty to the Society. Escaping by night in the
+direction of Rome, the lads were arrested by the city guards, and
+confessed that they had agreed to meet two Jesuits, who were waiting to
+conduct them on their journey.'[173]
+
+[Footnote 173: _Storia del Granducato di Toscana_, vol. iv. p. 275.]
+
+It was, indeed, not the propagation of sound principles or liberal
+learning, but the aggrandizement of the order and the enforcement of
+Catholic usages, at which the Jesuits aimed in their scheme of
+education. This was noticeable in their attitude toward literature and
+science. Michelet has described their method in a brilliant and exact
+metaphor, as the attempt to counteract the poison of free thought and
+stimulative studies by means of vaccination. They taught the classics in
+expurgated editions, history in drugged epitomes, science in popular
+lectures. Instead of banning what M. Renan is wont to style _etudes
+fortes_, they undertook to emasculate these and render them innocuous.
+While Bruno was burned by the Inquisition for proclaiming what the
+Copernican discovery involved for faith and metaphysics, Father Koster
+at Cologne vulgarized it into something pretty and agreeable. While
+Scaliger and Casaubon used the humanities as a propaedeutic of the
+virile reason, the Jesuits contrived to sterilize and mechanize their
+influences by insipid rhetoric. Everywhere through Europe, by the side
+of stalwart thinkers, crept plausible Jesuit professors, following the
+light of learning like its shadow, mimicking the accent of the gods like
+parrots, and mocking their gestures like apes. Their adroit admixture of
+falsehood with truth in all departments of knowledge, their substitution
+of veneer for solid timber, and of pinchbeck for sterling metal, was
+more profitable to the end they had in view than the torture-chamber of
+the Inquisition or the quarantine of the Index. Mediocrities and
+respectabilities of every description--that is to say, the majority of
+the influential classes--were delighted with their method. What could be
+better than to see sons growing up, good Catholics in all external
+observances, devoted to the order of society and Mother Church, and at
+the same time showy Latinists, furnished with a cyclopaedia of current
+knowledge, glib at speechifying, ingenious in the construction of an
+epigram or compliment? If some of the more sensible sort grumbled that
+Jesuit learning was shallow, and Jesuit morality of base alloy, the
+reply, like that of an Italian draper selling palpable shoddy for
+broadcloth, came easily and cynically to the surface: _Imita bene_! The
+stuff is a good match enough! What more do you want? To produce
+plausible imitations, to save appearances, to amuse the mind with
+tricks, was the last resort of Catholicism in its warfare against
+rationalism. And such is the banality of human nature as a whole, that
+the Jesuits, those monopolists of Brummagem manufactures, achieved
+eminent success. Their hideous churches, daubed with plaster painted to
+resemble costly marbles, encrusted with stucco polished to deceive the
+eye, loaded with gewgaws and tinsel and superfluous ornament and
+frescoes, turning flat surfaces into cupolas and arcades, passed for
+masterpieces of architectonic beauty. The conceits of their pulpit
+oratory, its artificial cadences and flowery verbiage, its theatrical
+appeals to gross sensations, wrought miracles and converted thousands.
+Their sickly Ciceronian style, their sentimental books of piety, 'the
+worse for being warm,' the execrable taste of their poetry, their flimsy
+philosophy and disingenuous history, infected the taste of Catholic
+Europe like a slow seductive poison, flattering and accelerating the
+diseases of mental decadence. Sound learning died down beneath the
+tyranny of the Inquisition, the Index, the Council of Trent, Spain and
+the Papacy. A rank growth of unwholesome culture arose and flourished on
+its tomb under the forcing-frames of Jesuitry. But if we peruse the
+records of literature and science during the last three centuries, few
+indeed are the eminences even of a second order which can be claimed by
+the Company of Jesus.
+
+The same critique applies to Jesuit morality. It was the Company's aim
+to control the conscience by direction and confession, and especially
+the conscience of princes, women, youths in high position. To do so by
+plain speaking and honest dealing was clearly dangerous. The world had
+had enough of Dominican austerity and dogmatism. To do so by open
+toleration and avowed cynicism did not suit the temper of the time. A
+reform of the monastic orders and the regular clergy had been undertaken
+by the Church. Pardoners, palmers, indulgence-mongers, jolly Franciscan
+confessors, and such-like folk were out of date. But the Jesuits were
+equal to the exigencies of the moment. We have seen how Ignatius
+recommended fishers of souls to humor queasy consciences. His successors
+expanded and applied the hint.--You must not begin by talking about
+spiritual things to people immersed in worldly interests. That is as
+simple as trying to fish without bait. On the contrary, you must
+insinuate yourself into their confidence by studying their habits, and
+spying out their propensities. You must appear to notice little at the
+first, and show yourself a good companion. When you become acquainted
+with the bosom sins and pleasant vices of folk in high position, you can
+lead them on the path of virtue at your pleasure. You must certainly
+tell them then that indulgence in sensuality, falsehood, fraud,
+violence, covetousness, and tyrannical oppression, is unconditionally
+wrong. Make no show of compromise with evil in the gross; but refine
+away the evil by distinctions, reservations, hypothetical conditions,
+until it disappears. Explain how hard it is to know whether a sin be
+venial or mortal, and how many chances there are against its being in
+any strict sense a sin at all. Do not leave folk to their own blunt
+sense of right and wrong, but let them admire the finer edge of your
+scalpel, while you shred up evil into morsels they can hardly see. A
+ready way may thus be opened for the satisfaction of every human desire
+without falling into theological faults. The advantages are manifest.
+You will be able to absolve with a clear conscience. Your penitent will
+abound in gratitude and open out his heart to you. You will fulfill your
+function as confessor and counselor. He will be secured for the sacred
+ends of our Society, and will contribute to the greater glory of
+God.--It was thus that the Jesuit labyrinth of casuistry, with its
+windings, turnings, secret chambers, whispering galleries, blind alleys,
+issues of evasion, came into existence; the whole vicious and monstrous
+edifice being crowned with the saving virtue of obedience, and the
+theory of ends justifying means. After the irony of Pascal, the
+condensed rage of La Chalotais, and the grave verdict of the Parlement
+of Paris (1762), it is not necessary now to refute the errors or to
+expose the abominations of this casuistry in detail.[174] Yet it cannot
+be wholly passed in silence here; for its application materially favored
+the influence of Jesuits in modern Europe.
+
+[Footnote 174: Having mentioned the names of these illustrious
+Frenchmen, I feel bound to point out how accurately their criticism of
+the Jesuits was anticipated by Paolo Sarpi. His correspondence between
+the years 1608 and 1622 demonstrates that this body of social corrupters
+had been early recognized by him in their true light. Sarpi calls them
+'sottilissimi maestri in mal fare,' 'donde esce ogni falsita et
+bestemmia,' 'il vero morbo Gallico,' 'peste pubblica,' 'peste del mondo'
+(_Letters_, vol. i. pp. 142, 183, 245, ii. 82, 109). He says that they
+'hanno messo l'ultima mano a stabilire una corruzione universale' (_ib._
+vol. i. p. 304). By their equivocations and mental reservations 'fanno
+essi prova di gabbare Iddio' (_ib._ vol. ii. p. 82). 'La menzogna non
+iscusano soltanto ma lodano' (_ib._ vol. ii. p. 106). So far, the
+utterances which I have quoted might pass for the rhetoric of mere
+spite. But the portrait gradually becomes more definite in details
+limned from life. 'The Jesuits have so many loopholes for escape,
+pretexts, colors of insinuation, that they are more changeful than the
+Sophist of Plato; and when one thinks to have caught them between thumb
+and finger, they wriggle out and vanish' (_ib._ vol. i. p. 230). 'The
+Jesuit fathers have methods of acquiring in this world, and making their
+neophytes acquire, heaven without diminution, or rather with
+augmentation, of this life's indulgences' (_ib._ vol. i. p. 313). 'The
+Jesuit fathers used to confer Paradise; they now have become dispensers
+of fame in this world' (_ibid._ p. 363). 'When they seek entrance into
+any place, they do not hesitate to make what promises may be demanded of
+them, possessing as they do the art of escape by lying with
+equivocations and mental reservations' (_ib._ vol. ii. p. 147). 'The
+Jesuit is a man of every color; he repeats the marvel of the chameleon'
+(_ibid._ p. 105). 'When they play a losing game, they yet rise winners
+from the table. For it is their habit to insinuate themselves upon any
+condition demanded, having arts enough whereby to make themselves
+masters of those who bind them by prescribed rules. They are glad to
+enter in the guise of galley-slaves with irons on their ankles; since,
+when they have got in, they will find no difficulty in loosing their own
+bonds and binding others' (_ibid._ p. 134). 'They command two arts: the
+one of escaping from the bonds and obligations of any vow or promise
+they shall have made, by means of equivocation, tacit reservation, and
+mental restriction; the other of insinuating, like the hedgehog, into
+the narrowest recesses, being well aware that when they unfold their
+piercing bristles, they will obtain the full possession of the dwelling
+and exclude its master' _(ibid_. p. 144). 'Everybody in Italy is well
+aware how they have wrought confession into an art. They never receive
+confidences under that seal without disclosing all particulars in the
+conferences of their Society; and that with the view of using confession
+to the advantage of their order and the Church. At the same time they
+preach the doctrine that the seal of the confessional precludes a
+penitent from disclosing what the confessor may have said to him, albeit
+his utterances have had no reference to sins or to the safety of the
+soul' (_ib._ vol. ii. p. 108). 'Should the Jesuits in France get hold of
+education, they will dominate the university, and eradicate sound
+letters. Yet why do I speak of healthy literature? I ought to have said
+good and wholesome doctrine, the which is verily mortal to that Company'
+(_ibid._ p. 162). 'Every species of vice finds its patronage in them.
+The avaricious trust their maxims, for trafficking in spiritual
+commodities; the superstitious, for substituting kisses upon images for
+the exercise of Christian virtues; the base fry of ambitious upstarts,
+for cloaking every act of scoundreldom with a veil of holiness. The
+indifferent find in them a palliative for their spiritual deadness; and
+whoso fears no God, has a visible God ready made for him, whom he may
+worship with merit to his soul. In fine, there is nor perjury, nor
+sacrilege, nor parricide, nor incest, nor rapine, nor fraud, nor
+treason, which cannot be masked as meritorious beneath the mantle of
+their dispensation' (_ibid._ p. 330). 'I apprehend the difficulty of
+attacking their teachings; seeing that they merge their own interests
+with those of the Papacy; and that not only in the article of Pontifical
+authority, but in all points. At present they stand for themselves upon
+the ground of equivocations. But believe me, they will adjust this also,
+and that speedily; forasmuch as they are omnipotent in the Roman Court,
+and the Pope himself fears them' (_ibid._ p. 333). 'Had S. Peter known
+the creed of the Jesuits, he could have found a way to deny our Lord
+without sinning' (_ibid._ p. 353). 'The Roman Court will never condemn
+Jesuit doctrine; for this is the secret of its empire--a secret of the
+highest and most capital importance, whereby those who openly refuse to
+worship it are excommunicated, and those who would do so if they dared,
+are held in check' (_ibid._ p. 105). The object of this lengthy note is
+to vindicate for Sarpi a prominent and early place among those candid
+analysts of Jesuitry who now are lost in the great light of Pascal's
+genius. Sarpi's _Familiar Letters_ have for my mind even more weight
+than the famous _Lettres Provinciales_ of Pascal. They were written with
+no polemical or literary bias, at a period when Jesuitry was in its
+prime; and their force as evidence is strengthened by their obvious
+spontaneity. A book of some utility was published in 1703 at Salzburg
+(?), under the title of _Artes Jesuiticae_ Christianus Aletophilus. This
+contains a compendium of those passages in casuistical writings on which
+Pascal based his brilliant satires. Paul Bert's modern work, _La Morale
+des Jesuites_ (Paris: Charpentier, 1881), is intended to prove that
+recent casuistical treatises of the school repeat those ancient
+perversions of sound morals.]
+
+The working of the Company, as we have seen, depended upon a skillful
+manipulation of apparently hard-and-fast principles. The Declarations
+explained away the Constitutions; and an infinite number of minute
+exceptions and distinctions volatilized vows and obligations into ether.
+Transferring the same method to the sphere of ethics, they so wrought
+upon the precepts of the moral law, whether expressed in holy writ, in
+the ecclesiastical decrees, or in civil jurisprudence, as to deprive
+them of their binding force. The subtlest elasticity had been gained for
+the machinery of the order by casuistical interpretation. A like
+elasticity was secured for the control and government of souls by an
+identical process. It was no wonder that the Jesuits became rapidly
+fashionable as confessors. The plainest prohibitions were as wax in
+their hands. The Decalogue laid down as rules for conduct: 'Thou shalt
+not steal;' 'Thou shalt not kill;' 'Thou shalt not commit adultery.'
+Christ spiritualized these rules into their essence: 'Thou shalt love
+thy neighbor as thyself;' 'Whosoever looketh on a woman to lust after
+her, hath committed adultery already with her in his heart.' It is
+manifest that both the old and the new covenant upon which modern
+Christianity is supposed to rest, suffered no transactions in matters
+so clear to the human conscience. Jesus himself refined upon the
+legality of the Mosaic code by defining sin as egotism or concupiscence.
+But the Company of Jesus took pains in their casuistry to provide
+attenuating circumstances for every sin in detail. By their doctrines of
+the invincible erroneous conscience, of occult compensation, of
+equivocation, of mental reservation, of probabilism, and of
+philosophical sin, they afforded loopholes for the gratification of
+every passion, and for the commission of every crime. Instead of
+maintaining that any injury done to a neighbor is wrong, they multiplied
+instances in which a neighbor may be injured. Instead of holding firm to
+Christ's verdict that sexual vice is implicit in licentious desire, they
+analyzed the sensual modes of crude voluptuousness, taxed each in turn
+at arbitrary values, and provided plausible excuses for indulgence.
+Instead of laying it down as a broad principle that men must keep their
+word, they taught them how to lie with spiritual impunity and with
+credit to their reputation as sons of the Church. Thus the inventive
+genius of the casuist, bent on dissecting immorality and reducing it to
+classes; the interrogative ingenuity of the confessor, pruriently
+inquisitive into private experience; the apologetic subtlety of the
+director, eager to supply his penitent with salves and anodynes; were
+all alike and all together applied to anti-social contamination in
+matters of lubricity, and to anti-social corruption in matters of
+dishonesty, fraud, falsehood, illegality and violence. The single
+doctrine of probabilism, as Pascal abundantly proved, facilitates the
+commission of crime; for there is no perverse act which some casuist of
+note has not plausibly excused.
+
+It may be urged that confession and direction, as adopted by the
+Catholic Church, bring the abominations of casuistry logically in their
+train. Priests who have to absolve sinners must be familiar with sin in
+all its branches. In the confessional they will be forced to listen to
+recitals, the exact bearings of which they cannot understand unless they
+are previously instructed. Therefore the writings of Sanchez, Diana,
+Liguori, Burchard, Billuard, Rousselot, Gordon, Gaisson, are put into
+their hands at an early age--works which reveal more secrets of
+impudicity than Aretino has described, or Commodus can have
+practiced--works which recommend more craft and treachery and fraud and
+falsehood than Machiavelli accorded to his misbegotten Saviour of
+Society. In these writings men vowed to celibacy probe the foulest
+labyrinths of sexual impurity; men claiming to stand outside the civil
+order and the state, imbibe false theories upon property and probity and
+public duty.
+
+The root of the matter is wrong indubitably. It is contrary to good
+government that a sacerdotal class, by means of confession and
+direction, should be placed in a position of deciding upon conduct. It
+is revolting to human dignity that this same class, without national
+allegiance, and without domestic ties, should have the opportunity of
+infecting young minds by unhealthy questionings and dishonorable
+suggestions. But this wrong, which is inherent in the modern Catholic
+system, becomes an atrocity when it is employed, as the Jesuits employed
+it, as an instrument for moulding and controlling society in their own
+interest.
+
+While the Jesuits rendered themselves obnoxious to criticism by their
+treatment of the individual in his private and social capacity, they
+speedily became what Hallam cautiously styles 'rather dangerous
+supporters of the See of Rome' in public and political affairs. The
+ultimate failure of their diplomacy and intrigue over the whole field of
+modern statecraft inclines historians of the present epoch to underrate
+their mechanics of obstruction, and to underestimate the many occasions
+on which they did successfully retard the progress of civil government
+and intellectual freedom. It were wiser to regard them in the same light
+as fanatics laying stones upon a railway, or of dynamiters blowing up an
+emperor or a corner of Westminster Hall. The final end of the nefarious
+traffic may not be attained. But credit can be claimed by those who took
+their part in it, for the wreck of express trains, the perturbation of
+cities, and the mourning of peaceable families. And thus it was with the
+Jesuits. Though the results of their political intrigues had not
+corresponded to their hopes, they yet worked appreciable mischief by
+the organization of the League in France, and the Thirty Years' War in
+Germany, and by their revolutionary theories which infected Europe with
+conspiracy and murder. Their method was not original. Machiavelli had
+expounded the doctrines they put in practice. He taught that in a
+desperate state of the nation, men may have recourse to treachery and
+violence. The nation of the Jesuits was a hybrid between their order and
+Catholicism. The peril to the Church was imminent; its decadence
+demanded desperate remedies. They invoked regicide, revolt, and treason,
+to effect an impossible cure.
+
+The political theory of the Jesuits was deduced from their fundamental
+principle of obedience to the Church. They maintained that the
+ecclesiastical is _jure divino_ superior to the secular power. The Pope
+through God's commission and appointment sways the Church; the Church
+takes rank above the State, as the soul above the body. Consequently,
+the first allegiance of a Christian nation, together with its secular
+rulers, belongs of right to the Supreme Pontiff. The people is the real
+sovereign; and kings are delegates from the people, with authority which
+they can only justly exercise so long as they remain in obedience to
+Rome. It follows from these positions that every nation must refuse
+fealty to an irreligious or contumacious ruler. In the last resort they
+may lawfully remove him by murder; and they are _ipso facto_ in a state
+of mortal sin if they elect or recognize a heretic as sovereign. This
+theory sprang from the writings of the English Jesuits, Allen and
+Parsons. It was elaborated in Rome by Cardinal Bellarmino, applied in
+Spain by Suarez and Mariana, and openly preached in France by Jean
+Boucher. The best energies of Paolo Sarpi were devoted to combating the
+main position of ecclesiastical supremacy. His works had a salutary
+effect by delimiting the relations of the Church to the State, and by
+demonstrating even to Catholics the pernicious results of acknowledging
+a Papal overlordship in temporal affairs. At the same time the boldly
+democratic principle of the sovereignty of the people, which the Jesuits
+advanced in order to establish their doctrine of ecclesiastical
+superiority, provoked opposition. It led to the contrary hypothesis of
+the Divine Right of sovereigns, which found favor in Protestant
+kingdoms, and especially in England under the Stuart dynasty. When the
+French Catholics resolved to terminate the discords of their country by
+the recognition of Henri IV., they had recourse to this argument for
+justifying their obedience to a heretic. It was felt by all sound
+thinkers and by every patriot in Europe, that the Papal prerogatives
+claimed by the Jesuits were too inconsistent with national liberties to
+be tolerated. The zeal of the Society had clearly outrun its discretion;
+and the free discussion of the theory of government which their insolent
+assumptions stimulated, weakened the cause they sought to strengthen.
+Their ingenuity overreached itself.
+
+This, however, was as nothing compared with the hostility evoked by
+their unscrupulous application of these principles in practice. There
+was hardly a plot against established rule in Protestant countries with
+which they were not known or believed to be connected. The invasion of
+Ireland in 1579, the murder of the Regent Morton in Scotland, and
+Babington's conspiracy against Elizabeth, emanated from their councils.
+They were held responsible for the attempted murder of the Prince of
+Orange in 1580, and for his actual murder in 1584. They loudly applauded
+Jacques Clement, the assassin of Henri III. in 1589, as 'the eternal
+glory of France.'[175] Numerous unsuccessful attacks upon the life of
+Henri IV., culminating in that of Jean Chastel in 1594, caused their
+expulsion from France. When they returned in 1603, they set to work
+again;[176] and the assassin Ravaillac, who succeeded in removing the
+obnoxious champion of European independence in 1610, was probably
+inspired by their doctrine.[177] They had a hand in the Gunpowder Plot
+of 1605, and were thought by some to have instigated the Massaere of S.
+Bartholomew. They fomented the League of the Guises, which had for its
+object a change in the French dynasty. They organized the Thirty Years'
+War, and they procured the revocation of the Edict of Nantes. If it is
+not possible to connect them immediately with all and each of the
+criminal acts laid to their charge, the fact that a Jesuit in every case
+was lurking in the background, counts by the force of cumulative
+evidence heavily against them, and explains the universal suspicion with
+which they came to be regarded as factious intermeddlers in the concerns
+of nations. Moreover, their written words accused them; for the
+tyrannicide of heretics was plainly advocated in their treatises on
+government. So profound was the conviction of their guilt, that the
+death of Sixtus V. in 1590, predicted by Bellarmino, the sudden death of
+Urban VII. in the same year, and the death of Clement VIII. in 1805,
+also predicted by Bellarmino--these three Popes being ill-affected
+toward the order--were popularly ascribed to their agency. But of their
+practical intervention there is no proof. Old age and fever must be
+credited, in these as in other cases, with the decease of Roman Pontiffs
+supposed to have been poisoned.
+
+[Footnote 175: See Mariana, _De Rege_, lib. i. cap. 6. This book, be it
+remembered, was written for the instruction of the heir apparent,
+afterwards Philip III.]
+
+[Footnote 176: Henri IV. let them return to France, in mere dread of
+their machinations against him. See Sully, vol. v. p. 113.]
+
+[Footnote 177: Sarpi, who was living at the time of Henri's murder, and
+who saw his best hopes for Italy and the Church of God extinguished by
+that crime, at first credited the Jesuits with the deliberate
+instigation Ravaillac. He gradually came to the conclusion that, though
+they were not directly responsible, their doctrine of regicide had
+inflamed the fanatic's imagination. See, in succession, _Letters_, vol.
+ii. pp. 78, 79, 81, 83, 86, 91, 105, 121, 170, 181, 192.]
+
+It is not, however, to be wondered that sooner, or later the Jesuits
+made themselves insupportable by their intrigues in all the countries
+where they were established.[178] Even to the Papacy itself they proved
+too irksome to be borne. The Company showed plainly that what they meant
+by obedience to Rome was obedience to a Rome controlled and fashioned by
+themselves. It was their ambition to stand in the same relation to the
+Pope as the Shogun to the Mikado of Japan. Nor does the analysis of
+their opinions fail to justify the condemnation passed upon them by the
+Parlement of Paris in 1762. 'These doctrines tend to destroy the natural
+law, that rule of manners which God Himself has imprinted on the hearts
+of men, and in consequence to sever all the bonds of civil society, by
+the authorization of theft, falsehood, perjury, the most culpable
+impurity, and in a word each passion and each crime of human weakness;
+to obliterate all sentiments of humanity by favoring homicide and
+parricide; and to annihilate the authority of sovereigns in the State.'
+
+[Footnote 178: Expelled from Venice in 1606, from Bohemia in 1618, from
+Naples and the Netherlands in 1622, from Russia in 1676, from Portugal
+in 1759, from Spain in 1767, from France in 1764. Suppressed by the Bull
+of Clement XIV. in 1773. Restored in 1814, as an instrument against the
+Revolution.]
+
+Great psychological and pathological interest, attaches to the study of
+the Jesuit order. To withhold our admiration from the zeal, energy,
+self-devotion and constructive ability of its founders, would be
+impossible. Equally futile would it be to affect indifference before the
+sinister spectacle of so world-embracing an organism, persistently
+maintained in action for an anti-social end. There is something Roman in
+the colossal proportions of Loyola's idea, something Roman in the
+durability of the structure which perpetuates it. Yet the philosopher
+cannot but agree with the vulgar in his final judgment on the odiousness
+of these sacerdotal despots, these unflinching foes not merely to the
+heroes of the human intellect, and to the champions of right conduct,
+but also to the very angels of Christianity. That the Jesuits should
+claim to have been founded by Him who preached the Sermon on the Mount,
+that they should flaunt their motto, A.M.D.G., in the sight of Him who
+spake from Sinai, is one of those practical paradoxes in which the
+history of decrepit religions abounds.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER V.
+
+SOCIAL AND DOMESTIC MORALS: PART I.
+
+     How did the Catholic Revival affect Italian Society?--Difficulty of
+     Answering this Question--Frequency of Private Crimes of
+     Violence--Homicides and Bandits--Savage Criminal Justice--Paid
+     Assassins--Toleration of Outlaws--Honorable Murder--Example of the
+     Lucchese Army--State of the Convents--The History of Virginia de
+     Leyva--Lucrezia Buonvisi--The True Tale of the Cenci--The Brothers
+     of the House of Massimo--Vittoria Accoramboni--The Duchess of
+     Palliano--Wife-Murders--The Family of Medici.
+
+
+We are naturally led to inquire what discernible effect the Catholic
+Revival and the Counter-Reformation had upon the manners and morals of
+the Italians as a nation. Much has been said about the contrast between
+intellectual refinement and almost savage license which marked the
+Renaissance. Yet it can with justice be maintained that, while ferocity
+and brutal sensuality survived from the Middle Ages, humanism, by means
+of the new ideal it introduced, tended to civilize and educate the race.
+Now, however, the Church was stifling culture and attempting to restore
+that ecclesiastical conception of human life which the Renaissance had
+superseded. Did then her resuscitated Catholicism succeed in permeating
+the Italians with the spirit of Christ and of the Gospel? Were the
+nobles more quiet in their demeanor, less quarrelsome and haughty, more
+law-abiding and less given to acts of violence, than they had been in
+the previous period? Were the people more contented and less torn by
+factions, happier in their homes, less abandoned to the insanities of
+baleful superstitions?
+
+It is obviously difficult to answer these questions with either
+completeness or accuracy. In the first place, we have no right to expect
+that the religious revival, signalized by the Tridentine Council, should
+have made itself immediately felt in the sphere of national conduct. In
+the second place, it was not, like the German Reformation, a renewal of
+Christianity at its sources, but a resuscitation of mediaeval
+Catholicity, in direct antagonism to the intellectual tendencies of the
+age. The new learning among northern races disintegrated that system of
+ideas upon which mediaeval society rested; but it also introduced
+religious and moral conceptions more vital than those ideas in their
+decadence. In Italy the disintegrating process had been no less
+thorough, nay far more subtle and pervasive. Yet the new learning had
+not led the nation to attempt a reconstruction of primitive
+Christianity. The Catholic Revival gave nothing vital or enthusiastic to
+the conscience of the race. It brought the old creeds, old cult, old
+superstitions, old abuses back, with stricter discipline and under a
+_regime_ of terror. Meanwhile, it resolutely ranged its forces in
+opposition to what had been salutary and life-giving in the mental
+movement of the Renaissance. It compelled people who had watched the
+dawning of a new light, to shut their eyes upon that dayspring. It
+extinguished the studies of the Classical Revival; bade philosophers
+return to Thomas of Aquino; threatened thinkers with the dungeon or the
+stake who should presume to pass the Pillars of Hercules, when a whole
+Atlantic of knowledge had been opened to their curiosity. Under these
+circumstances it was impossible that a revolution, so retrograde in its
+nature, checking the tide of national energy in full flow, should have
+exercised a healthy influence over the Italian temperament at large. We
+have a right to expect, what in fact we find, the advent of hypocrisy
+and ceremonial observances, but little actual amendment in manners. In
+the third place, the question is still further complicated by the
+Catholic Revival having been effected concurrently with the
+establishment of the Spanish Hegemony. At the end of the first chapter
+of this volume I pointed out the evils brought on Italy by her servitude
+to a foreign and unsympathetic despot: the decline of commercial
+activity, the multiplication of slothful lordlings, the depression of
+industry, the diminution of wealth, and the suffering of the lower
+classes from pirates, bandits and tax-gatherers. These conditions were
+sufficient to demoralize a people. And mediaeval Catholicism, restored
+by edict, enforced by the Inquisition, propagated by Jesuits, was not of
+the fine enthusiastic quality to counteract them. Servile in its
+conception, it sufficed to bridle and benumb a race of serfs, but not
+to soften or to purify their brutal instincts.[179]
+
+In this chapter I shall not attempt a general survey of Italian
+society.[180] I shall content myself with supplying materials for the
+formation of a judgment by narrating some of the most remarkable
+domestic tragedies of the second half of the sixteenth century, choosing
+those only which rest upon well-sifted documentary evidence, and which
+bring the social conditions of the country into strong relief. Before
+engaging in these historical romances, it will be well to preface them
+with a few general remarks upon the state of manners they will
+illustrate.
+
+The first thing which strikes a student of Italy between 1530 and 1600
+is that crimes of violence, committed by private individuals for
+personal ends, continued steadily upon the increase.[181]
+
+[Footnote 179: The last section of Loyola's _Exercitia_ is an epitome of
+post-Tridentine Catholicism, though penned before the opening of the
+Council. In its last paragraph it inculcates the fear of God: 'neque
+porro is timor solum, quem filialem appellamus, qui pius est ac sanctus
+maxime; verum etiam alter, servilis dictus' (_Inst. Soc. Jesu_, vol. iv.
+p. 173).]
+
+[Footnote 180: An interesting survey of this wider kind has been
+attempted by U.A. Canello for the whole sixteenth century in his _Storia
+della Lett. It. nel Secolo XVI_. (Milano: Vallardi, 1880). He tries to
+demonstrate that, in the sphere of private life, Italian society
+gradually refined the brutal lusts of the Middle Ages, and passed
+through fornication to a true conception of woman as man's companion in
+the family. The theme is bold; and the author seems to have based it
+upon too slight acquaintance with the real conditions of the Middle
+Ages.]
+
+[Footnote 181: Galluzzi, in his _Storia del Granducato di Toscana_, vol.
+iv. p. 34, estimates the murders committed in Florence alone during the
+eighteen months which followed the death of Cosimo I., at 186.]
+
+Compared with the later Middle Ages, compared with the Renaissance, this
+period is distinguished by extraordinary ferocity of temper and by an
+almost unparalleled facility of bloodshed.[182]
+
+[Footnote 182: In drawing up these paragraphs I am greatly indebted to a
+vigorous passage by Signor Salvatore Bonghi in his _Storia di Lucrezia
+Buonvisi_, pp. 7-9, of which I have made free use, translating his words
+when they served my purpose, and interpolating such further details as
+might render the picture more complete.]
+
+The broad political and religious contests which had torn the country in
+the first years of the sixteenth century, were pacified. Foreign armies
+had ceased to dispute the provinces of Italy. The victorious powers of
+Spain, the Church, and the protected principalities, seemed secure in
+the possession of their gains. But those international quarrels which
+kept the nation in unrest through a long period of municipal wars,
+ending in the horrors of successive invasions, were now succeeded by an
+almost universal discord between families and persons. Each province,
+each city, each village became the theater of private feuds and
+assassinations. Each household was the scene of homicide and
+empoisonment. Italy presented the spectacle of a nation armed against
+itself, not to decide the issue of antagonistic political principles by
+civil strife, but to gratify lawless passions--cupidity, revenge,
+resentment--by deeds of personal high-handedness. Among the common
+people of the country and the towns, crimes of brutality and bloodshed
+were of daily occurrence; every man bore weapons for self-defence, and
+for attack upon his neighbor. The aristocracy and the upper classes of
+the _bourgeoisie_ lived in a perpetual state of mutual mistrust, ready
+upon the slightest occasion of fancied affront to blaze forth into
+murder. Much of this savagery was due to the false ideas of honor and
+punctilio which the Spaniards introduced. Quarrels arose concerning a
+salute, a title, a question of precedence, a seat in church, a place in
+the prince's ante-chamber, a meeting in the public streets. Noblemen
+were ushered on their way by servants, who measured distances, and took
+the height of dais or of bench, before their master committed his
+dignity by advancing a step beyond the minimum that was due.
+Love-affairs and the code of honor with regard to women opened endless
+sources of implacable jealousies, irreconcilable hatreds, and offenses
+that could only be wiped out with blood. On each and all of these
+occasions, the sword was ready to the right hand; and where this
+generous weapon would not reach, the harquebuss and knife of paid
+assassins were employed without compunction.[183] We must not, however,
+ascribe this condition of society wholly or chiefly to Spanish
+influences.
+
+[Footnote 183: The lax indulgence accorded by the Jesuit casuists to
+every kind of homicide appears in the extracts from those writers
+collected in _Artes Jesuiticae_ (Salisburgi, 1703, pp. 75-83).
+Tamburinus went so far as to hold that if a man mixed poison for his
+enemy, and a friend came in and drank it up before his eyes, he was not
+bound to warn his friend, nor was he guilty of his friend's death (_Ib._
+p. 135, Art. 651).]
+
+It was in fact a survival of mediaeval habits under altered
+circumstances. During the municipal wars of the thirteenth century, and
+afterwards during the struggle of the despots for ascendency, the nation
+had become accustomed to internecine contests which set party against
+party, household against household, man against man. These humors in the
+cities, as Italian historians were wont to call them, had been partially
+suppressed by the confederation of the five great Powers at the close of
+the fifteenth century, and also by a prevalent urbanity of manners. At
+that epoch, moreover, they were systematized and controlled by the
+methods of _condottiere_ warfare, which offered a legitimate outlet to
+the passions of turbulent young men. But when Italy sank into the sloth
+of pacification after the settlement of Charles V. at Bologna in 1530,
+when there were no longer _condottieri_ to levy troops in rival armies,
+when political parties ceased in the cities, the old humors broke out
+again under the aspect of private and personal feuds. Though the names
+of Guelf and Ghibelline had lost their meaning, these factions
+reappeared, and divided Milan, the towns of Romagna, the villages of the
+Campagna. In the place of _condottieri_ arose brigand chiefs, who, like
+Piccolomini and Sciarra, placed themselves at the head of regiments, and
+swept the country on marauding expeditions. Instead of exiles, driven by
+victorious parties in the state to seek precarious living on a foreign
+soil, bandits, proscribed for acts of violence, abounded. Thus the
+habits which had been created through centuries of political ferment,
+subsisted when the nation was at rest in servitude, assuming baser and
+more selfish forms of ferocity. The end of the sixteenth century
+witnessed the final degeneration and corruption of a mediaeval state of
+warfare, which the Renaissance had checked, but which the miseries of
+foreign invasions had resuscitated by brutalizing the population, and
+which now threatened to disintegrate society in aimless anarchy and
+private lawlessness.
+
+It must not be imagined that governments and magistracies were slack in
+their pursuit of criminals. Repressive statutes, proclamations of
+outlawry, and elaborate prosecutions succeeded one another with
+unwearied conscientiousness. The revenues of states were taxed to
+furnish blood-money and to support spies. Large sums were invariably
+offered for the capture or assassination of escaped delinquents; and woe
+to the wretches who became involved in criminal proceedings! Witnesses
+were tortured with infernal cruelty. Convicted culprits suffered
+horrible agonies before their death, or were condemned to languish out a
+miserable life in pestilential dungeons. But the very inhumanity of this
+judicial method, without mercy for the innocent, from whom evidence
+could be extorted, and frequently inequitable in the punishments
+assigned to criminals of varying degrees of guilt, taught the people to
+defy justice, and encouraged them in brutality. They found it more
+tolerable to join the bands of brigands who preyed upon their fields
+and villages, than to assist rulers who governed so unequally and
+cruelly. We know, for instance, that a robber chief, Marianazzo, refused
+the Pope's pardon, alleging that the profession of brigandage was more
+lucrative and offered greater security of life than any trade within the
+walls of Rome. Thus the bandits of that generation occupied the specious
+attitude of opposition to oppressive governments. There were, moreover,
+many favorable chances for a homicide. The Church was jealous of her
+rights of sanctuary. Whatever may have been her zeal for orthodoxy, she
+showed herself an indulgent mother to culprits who demanded an asylum.
+Feudal nobles prided themselves on protecting refugees within their
+fiefs and castles. There were innumerable petty domains left, which
+carried privileges of signorial courts and local justice. Cardinals,
+ambassadors, and powerful princes claimed immunity from common
+jurisdiction in their palaces, the courts and basements of which soon
+became the resort of escaped criminals. No extradition treaties
+subsisted between the several and numerous states into which Italy was
+then divided, so that it was only necessary to cross a frontier in order
+to gain safety from the law. The position of an outlaw in that case was
+tolerably secure, except against private vengeance or the cupidity of
+professional cut-throats, who gained an honest livelihood by murdering
+bandits with a good price on their heads. Condemned for the most part in
+their absence, these homicides entered a recognized and not
+dishonorable class. They were tolerated, received, and even favored by
+neighboring princes, who generally had some grudge against the state
+from which the outlaws fled. After obtaining letters of safe-conduct and
+protection, they enrolled themselves in the militia of their adopted
+country, while the worst of them became spies or secret agents of
+police. No government seems to have regarded crimes of violence with
+severity, provided these had been committed on a foreign soil. Murders
+for the sake of robbery or rape were indeed esteemed ignoble. But a man
+who had killed an avowed enemy, or had shed blood in the heat of a
+quarrel, or had avenged his honor by the assassination of a sister
+convicted of light love, only established a reputation for bravery,
+which stood him in good stead. He was likely to make a stout soldier,
+and he had done nothing socially discreditable. On the contrary, if he
+had been useful in ridding the world of an outlaw some prince wished to
+kill, this murder made him a hero. In addition to the blood-money, he
+not unfrequently received lucrative office, or a pension for life.
+
+A very curious state of things resulted from these customs. States
+depended, in large measure, for the execution of their judicial
+sentences in cases of manslaughter and treason, upon foreign murderers
+and traitors. Towns were full of outlaws, each with a price upon his
+head, mutually suspicious, individually desirous of killing some
+fellow-criminal and thereby enriching his own treasury. If he were
+successful, he received a fair sum of money, with privileges and
+immunities from the state which had advertised the outlaw; and not
+unfrequently he obtained the further right of releasing one or more
+bandits from penalties of death or prison. It may be imagined at what
+cross-purposes the outlaws dwelt together, with crimes in many states
+accumulated on their shoulders; and what peril might ensue to society
+should they combine together, as indeed they tried to do in Bedmar's
+conspiracy against Venice. Meanwhile, the states kept this floating
+population of criminals in check by various political and social
+contrivances, which grew up from the exigencies and the habits of the
+moment. Instead of recruiting soldiers from the stationary population,
+it became usual, when a war was imminent, to enroll outlaws. Thus, when
+Lucca had to make an inroad into Garfagnana in 1613, the Republic issued
+a proclamation promising pardon and pay to those of its own bandits who
+should join its standard. Men to the number of 591 answered this call,
+and the little war which followed was conducted with more than customary
+fierceness.[184]
+
+[Footnote 184: See Salvatore Bonghi, _op. cit._ p. 159.]
+
+Even the ordinary police and guards of cities were composed of fugitives
+from other states, care being taken to select by preference those who
+came stained only with honorable bloodshed. In 1593 the guard of the
+palace of Lucca was reinforced by the addition of forty-three men,
+among whom four were bandits for wounds inflicted upon enemies in open
+fight; twelve for homicide in duel, sword to sword; five for the murder
+of more than one person in similar encounters; one for the murder of a
+sister, and the wounding of her seducer; two for mutilating an enemy in
+the face; one for unlawful recruiting; one for wounding; one for
+countenancing bandits; and sixteen simple refugees.[185] The phrases
+employed to describe these men in the official report are sufficiently
+illustrative of contemporary moral standards. Thus we read 'Banditi per
+omicidi semplici _da buono a buono_, a sangue caldo, da spada a spada,
+_o di nemici_.' 'Per omicidio d'una sorella _per causa d'onore_.' To
+murder an enemy, or a sister who had misbehaved herself, was accounted
+excusable.
+
+The prevalence of lawlessness encouraged a domestic custom which soon
+grew into a system. This was the maintenance of so-called _bravi_ by
+nobles and folk rich enough to afford so expensive a luxury. The outlaws
+found their advantage in the bargain which they drew with their
+employers; for besides being lodged, fed, clothed and armed, they
+obtained a certain protection from the spies and professional murderers
+who were always on the watch to kill them. Their masters used them to
+defend their persons when a feud was being carried on, or directed them
+against private enemies whom they wished to injure.
+
+[Footnote 185: Bonghi, _op. cit._ p. 159, note.]
+
+It is not uncommon in the annals of these times to read: 'Messer
+So-and-so, having received an affront from the Count of V., employed the
+services of three _bravi_, valiant fellows up to any mischief, with whom
+he retired to his country house.' Or again: 'The Marquis, perceiving
+that his neighbor had a grudge against him on account of the Signora
+Lucrezia, thought it prudent to increase his bodyguard, and therefore
+added Pepi and Lo Scarabone, bandits from Tuscany for murders of a
+priest and a citizen, to his household.' Or again: 'During the vacation
+of the Holy See the Baron X had, as usual, engaged men-at-arms for the
+protection of his palace.'
+
+In course of time it became the mark of birth and wealth to lodge a
+rabble of such rascals. They lived on terms of familiarity with their
+employer, shared his secrets, served him in his amours, and executed any
+devil's job he chose to command. Apartments in the basement of the
+palace were assigned to them, so that a nobleman's house continued to
+resemble the castle of a mediaeval baron. But the _bravi_, unlike
+soldiery, were rarely employed in honorable business. They formed a
+permanent element of treachery and violence within the social organism.
+Not a little singular were the relations thus established. The community
+of crime, involving common interests and common perils, established a
+peculiar bond between the noble and his _bravo_. This was complexioned
+by a certain sense of 'honor rooted in dishonor,' and by a faint
+reflection from elder retainership. The compact struck between
+landowner and bandit parodied that which drew feudal lord and wandering
+squire together. There was something ignobly noble in it, corresponding
+to the confused conscience and perilous conditions of the epoch.
+
+While studying this organized and half-tolerated system of social
+violence, we are surprised to observe how largely it was countenanced
+and how frequently it was set in motion by the Church. In a previous
+chapter on the Jesuits, I have adverted to their encouragement of
+assassination for ends which they considered sacred. In a coming chapter
+upon Sarpi, I shall show to what extent the Roman prelacy was implicated
+in more than one attempt to take away his life. The chiefs of the
+Church, then, instead of protesting against this vice of corrupt
+civilization in Italy, lent the weight of their encouragement to what
+strikes us now, not only as eminently unchristian, but also as
+pernicious to healthy national conditions of existence. We may draw two
+conclusions from these observations: first, that religions, except in
+the first fervor of their growth and forward progress, recognize the
+moral conventions of the society which they pretend to regulate:
+secondly, that it is well-nigh impossible for men of one century to
+sympathize with the ethics of a past and different epoch. We cannot
+comprehend the regicidal theories of the Jesuits, or the murderous
+intrigues of a Borghese Pontiff's Court, without admitting that priests,
+specially dedicated to the service of Christ and to the propagation of
+his gospel, felt themselves justified in employing the immoral and
+unchristian means which social custom placed at their disposal for
+ridding themselves of inconvenient enemies. This is at the same time
+their defense as human beings in the sixteenth century, and their
+indictment as self-styled and professed successors of the Founder who
+rebuked Peter in the Garden of Gethsemane.
+
+To make general remarks upon the state of sexual morality at this epoch,
+is hardly needful. Yet there are some peculiar circumstances which
+deserve to be noticed, in order to render the typical stories which I
+mean to relate intelligible. We have already seen that society condoned
+the murder of a sister by a brother, if she brought dishonor on her
+family; and the same privilege was extended to a husband in the case of
+a notoriously faithless wife. Such homicides did not escape judicial
+sentence, but they shared in the conventional toleration which was
+extended to murders in hot blood or in the prosecution of a feud. The
+state of the Italian convents at this period gave occasion to crimes in
+which women played a prominent part. After the Council of Trent reforms
+were instituted in religious houses. But they could not be immediately
+carried out; and, meanwhile, the economical changes which were taking
+place in the commercial aristocracy, filled nunneries with girls who had
+no vocation for a secluded life. Less money was yearly made in trade;
+merchants became nobles, investing their capital in land, and securing
+their estates on their eldest sons by entails. It followed that they
+could not afford to marry all their daughters with dowries befitting the
+station they aspired to assume. A large percentage of well-born women,
+accustomed to luxury, and vitiated by bad examples in their homes, were
+thus thrown on a monastic life. Signor Bonghi reckons that at the end of
+the sixteenth century, more than five hundred girls, who had become
+superfluous in noble families, crowded the convents in the single little
+town of Lucca. At a later epoch there would have been no special peril
+in this circumstance. But at the time with which we are now occupied, an
+objectionable license still survived from earlier ages. The nunneries
+obtained evil notoriety as houses of licentious pleasure, to which
+soldiers and youths of dissolute habits resorted by preference.[186]
+There appears to have been a specific profligate fanaticism, a
+well-marked morbid partiality for these amours with cloistered virgins.
+The young men who prosecuted them, obtained a nickname indicative of
+their absorbing passion.[187] The attraction of mystery and danger had
+something, no doubt, to do with this infatuation; and the fascination
+that sacrilege has for depraved natures, may also be reckoned into the
+account. To enjoy a lawless amour was not enough; but to possess a woman
+who alternated between transports of passion and torments of remorse,
+added zest to guilty pleasure. For men who habitually tampered with
+magic arts and believed firmly in the devil, this raised romance to
+rapture. It was a common thing for debauchees to seek what they called
+_peripetezie di nuova idea_, or novel and exciting adventures
+stimulative of a jaded appetite, in consecrated places. At any rate, as
+will appear in the sequel of this chapter, convent intrigues occupied a
+large space in the criminal annals of the day.
+
+_The Lady of Monza_.
+
+Virginia Maria de Leyva was a descendant of Charles V.'s general,
+Antonio de Leyva, who through many years administered the Duchy of
+Milan, and died loaded with wealth and honors.[188]
+
+[Footnote 186: In support of this assertion I translate a letter
+addressed (Milan, September 15, 1622) by Cardinal Federigo Borromeo to
+the Prioress of the Convent of S. Margherita at Monza (Dandolo, _Signora
+di Monza_, p. 132). 'Experience of similar cases has shown how dangerous
+to your holy state is the vicinity of soldiers, owing to the
+correspondence which young and idle soldiers continually try to
+entertain with monasteries, sometimes even under fair and honorable
+pretexts.... Wherefore we have heard with much displeasure that in those
+places of our diocese where there are convents of nuns and congregations
+of virgins, ordinary lodgings for the soldiery have been established,
+called lonely houses (_case erme_), where they are suffered or obliged
+to dwell through long periods.' The Bishop commands the Prioress to
+admit no soldier, on any plea of piety, devotion or family relationship,
+into her convent; to receive no servant or emissary of a soldier; to
+forbid special services being performed in the chapel at the instance of
+a soldier; and, finally, to institute a more rigorous system of watch
+and ward than had been formerly practiced.]
+
+[Footnote 187: In Venice, for example, they were called _Monachini_. But
+the name varied in various provinces.]
+
+[Footnote 188: The following abstract of the history of Virginia Maria
+de Leyva is based on Dandolo's _Signora di Monza_ (Milano, 1855).
+Readers of Manzoni's _I Promessi Sposi_, and of Rosini's tiresome novel,
+_La Signora di Monza_, will be already familiar with her in romance
+under the name of Gertrude.]
+
+For his military service he was rewarded with the principality of
+Ascoli, the federal lordship of the town of Monza, and the life-tenure
+of the city of Pavia. Virginia's father was named Martino, and upon his
+death her cousin succeeded to the titles of the house. She, for family
+reasons, entered the convent of S. Margherita at Monza, about the year
+1595. Here she occupied a place of considerable importance, being the
+daughter of the Lord of Monza, of princely blood, wealthy, and allied to
+the great houses of the Milanese. S. Margherita was a convent of the
+Umiliate, dedicated to the education of noble girls, in which,
+therefore, considerable laxity of discipline prevailed.[189]
+
+[Footnote 189: Carlo Borromeo found it necessary to suppress the
+Umiliati. But he left the female establishment of S. Margherita
+untouched.]
+
+Sister Virginia dwelt at ease within its walls, holding a kind of little
+court, and exercising an undefined authority in petty affairs which was
+conceded to her rank. Among her favorite companions at the time of the
+events I am about to narrate, were numbered the Sisters Ottavia Ricci,
+Benedetta Homata, Candida Brancolina, and Silvia Casata; she was waited
+on by a converse sister, Caterina da Meda. Adjoining the convent stood
+the house and garden of a certain Gianpaolo Osio, who plays the
+principal part in Virginia's tragedy. He must have been a young man of
+distinguished appearance; for when Virginia first set eyes upon him
+from a window overlooking his grounds, she exclaimed: 'Is it possible
+that one could ever gaze on anything more beautiful?' He attracted her
+notice as early as the year 1599 or 1600, under circumstances not very
+favorable to the plan he had in view. His hands were red with the blood
+of Virginia's bailiff, Giuseppe Molteno, whom he had murdered for some
+cause unknown to us. During their first interview (Virginia leaning from
+the window of her friend Candida's cell, and Osio standing on his
+garden-plot beneath), the young man courteously excused himself for this
+act of violence, adding that he would serve her even more devotedly than
+the dead Molteno, and begging to be allowed to write her a letter. When
+the letter came, it was couched in terms expressive of a lawless
+passion. Virginia's noble blood rebelled against the insult, and she
+sent an answer back, rebuffing her audacious suitor. The go-betweens in
+the correspondence which ensued were the two nuns, Ottavia and
+Benedetta, and a certain Giuseppe Pesen, who served as letter-carrier.
+Osio did not allow himself to be discouraged by a first refusal, but
+took the hazardous step of opening his mind to the confessor of the
+convent, Paolo Arrigone, a priest of San Maurizio in Milan. Arrigone at
+once lent himself to the intrigue, and taught Osio what kind of letters
+he should write Virginia. They were to be courteous, respectful,
+blending pious rhetoric with mystical suggestions of romantic passion.
+It seems that the confessor composed these documents himself, and
+advised his fair penitent that there was no sin in perusing them. From
+correspondence, Osio next passed to interviews. By the aid of Arrigone
+he gained access to the parlor of the convent, where he conversed with
+Virginia through the bars. In their earlier meetings the lover did not
+venture beyond compliments and modest protestations of devotion. But as
+time went on, he advanced to kisses and caresses, and once he made
+Virginia take a little jewel into her mouth. This was a white loadstone,
+blessed by Arrigone, and intended to operate like a love-charm. The
+girl, in fact, began to feel the influence of her seducer. In the final
+confession which she made, she relates how she fought against
+temptation. 'Some diabolical force compelled me to go to the window
+overlooking his garden; and one day when Sister Ottavia told me that
+Osio was standing there, I fainted from the effort to restrain myself.
+This happened several times. At one moment I flew into a rage, and
+prayed to God to help me; at another I felt lifted from the ground, and
+forced to go and gaze on him. Sometimes when the fit was on me, I tore
+my hair; I even thought of killing myself.' Virginia was surrounded by
+persons who had an interest in helping Osio. Not only the confessor, who
+was a man of infamous character, but her friends among the nuns,
+themselves accustomed to intrigue of a like nature, led her down the
+path to ruin. False keys were made, and one or other of the faithless
+sisters introduced the young man into the convent at night. When
+Virginia resisted, and enlarged upon the sacrilege of breaking cloister,
+Arrigone supplied her with a printed book of casuistry, in which it was
+written that though it might be sinful for a nun to leave her convent,
+there was no sin in a man entering it. At last she fell; and for seven
+years she lived in close intimacy with her lover, passing the nights
+with him, either in his own house or in one of the cells of S.
+Margherita. On one occasion, when he had to fly from justice, the girls
+concealed him in their rooms for fifteen days. The first fruit of this
+amour was a stillborn child; after giving birth to which, Virginia sold
+all the silver she possessed, and sent a votive tablet to Our Lady of
+Loreto, on which she had portrayed a nun and baby, kneeling and weeping.
+'Twice again I sent the same memorial to our Lady, imploring the grace
+of liberation from this passion. But the sorceries with which I was
+surrounded, prevailed. In my bed were found the bones of the dead, hooks
+of iron, and many other things, of which the nuns were well informed.
+Nay, I would fain have given up my life to save my soul; and so great
+were my afflictions, that in despair I went to throw myself into the
+well, but was restrained by the image of the Virgin at the bottom of the
+garden, for which I had a special devotion.' In course of time she gave
+birth to a little girl, named Francesca, who frequented the convent,
+and whom Osio legitimated as his child.
+
+It was impossible that a connection of long standing, known to several
+accomplices, and corroborated by the presence of the child Francesca,
+should remain hidden from the world. People began to speak about the
+fact in Monza. A druggist, named Reinaro Soncini, gossiped somewhat too
+openly. Osio had him shot one night by a servant in his pay.
+
+And now the lovers were engaged in a career of crime, which brought them
+finally to justice. Virginia's waiting-woman Caterina fell into disgrace
+with her mistress, and was shut up in a kind of prison by her orders.
+The girl declared that she would bring the whole bad affair before the
+superior authorities, and would do so immediately, seeing that Monsignor
+Barca, the Visitor of S. Margherita, was about to make one of his
+official tours of inspection.
+
+This threat cost Caterina her life. About midnight, while a
+thunder-storm was raging, Virginia, accompanied by her usual associates,
+Ottavia, Benedetta, Silvia, and Candida, entered the room where the girl
+was confined. They were followed by Osio, holding in his hand a heavy
+instrument of wood and iron, called _piede di bicocca_, which he had
+snatched up in the convent outhouse. He found Caterina lying face
+downward on the bed, and smashed her skull with a single blow. The body
+was conveyed by him and the nuns into the fowl-house of the sisters,
+whence he removed it on the following night by the aid of Benedetta into
+his own dwelling. From evidence which afterwards transpired, Osio
+decapitated the corpse, concealed the body in a sort of cellar, and
+flung the head into an empty well at Velate.
+
+The disappearance of Caterina just before the visitation of Monsignor
+Barca, roused suspicion; and, though a murder was not immediately
+apprehended, the guilty associates felt that the cord of fate was being
+drawn around them. In the autumn of 1607 the tempest broke upon their
+heads. Virginia was removed from Monza to the convent called Del
+Bocchetto at Milan; and on November 27 the depositions of the abbess,
+prioress, and other members of S. Margherita were taken regarding Osio's
+intrigues, the assassination of Soncini, and the disappearance of
+Caterina.
+
+Among the nuns who had abetted Osio, the two most criminally implicated
+were Ottavia and Benedetta. Their evidence, if closely scrutinized, must
+reveal each secret of the past. It was much to Osio's interest,
+therefore, that they should not fall into the hands of justice; nor had
+he any difficulty in persuading them to rely on his assistance for
+contriving their escape to some convent in the Bergamasque territory. We
+may wonder, by the way, what sort of discipline was then maintained in
+nunneries, if two so guilty sisters counted upon safe entrance into an
+asylum, provided only they could leave the diocese of Milan for
+another.[190] On the night of Thursday, November 30, 1607, Osio came to
+the wall of the convent garden, and began to break a hole in it, through
+which Ottavia and Benedetta crept. The three then prowled along the city
+wall of Monza, till they found a breach wide enough for exit. Afterwards
+they took a path beside the river Lambro, and stopped for awhile at the
+church of the Madonna delle Grazie. Here the sisters prayed for
+assistance from our Lady in their journey, and recited the _Salve
+Regina_ seven times. Then they resumed their walk along the Lambro, and
+at a certain point Ottavia fell into the river. In her dying depositions
+she accused Osio of having pushed her in; and there seems little doubt
+that he did so; for while she was struggling in the water, he disengaged
+his harquebuss from his mantle and struck her several blows upon the
+head and hands.
+
+[Footnote 190: In ecclesiastical affairs the diocese of Milan exercised
+jurisdiction over that of Bergamo, although Bergamo was subject in civil
+affairs to Venice. This makes the matter more puzzling.]
+
+She pretended to be dead, and was carried down the stream to a place
+where she contrived to crawl to land. Some peasants came by, whose
+assistance she implored. But they, observing that she was a nun of S.
+Margherita by her dress, refused to house her for the rest of the night.
+They gave her a staff to lean on, and after a painful journey she
+regained the church of the Grazie at early dawn. Ottavia's wounds upon
+the head, face, and right hand, inflicted by the stock of Osio's gun,
+were so serious that after making a clean breast to her judges, she died
+of them upon December 26, 1607.
+
+When Osio had pushed Ottavia into the Lambro, and had tried to smash her
+brains out with his harquebuss, he resumed his midnight journey with
+Sister Benedetta. They reached an uninhabited house in the country about
+five or six miles distant from Monza. Here Osio shut Benedetta up in an
+empty room with a stone bench running along the wall. She remained there
+all Friday, visited once by her dreaded companion, who brought her
+bread, cheese, and wine. She abstained from touching any of this food,
+in fear of poison. About nine in the evening he returned, and bade her
+prepare to march. They set out again, together, in the dark; and after
+walking about three miles they came to a well, down which Osio threw
+her. The well was deep, and had no water in it. Benedetta injured her
+left side in the fall; and when she had reached the bottom, her would-be
+murderer flung a big stone on her which broke her right leg. She
+contrived to protect her head by gathering stones around it, and lay
+without moaning or moving, in the fear that Osio would attempt fresh
+violence unless he thought her dead. From the middle of Friday night,
+until Sunday morning, she remained thus, exploring with her eyes the
+surface of her dungeon. It was dry and strewn with bones. In one corner
+lay a round black object which bore the aspect of a human skull. As it
+eventually turned out, this was the head of Caterina, whom Benedetta
+herself had helped to murder, and which Osio had thrown there. On
+Sunday, during Mass, the men of the village of Velate were in church,
+when they heard a voice from outside calling out, 'Help, help! I am at
+the bottom of this well!' The well, as it happened, was distant some
+dozen paces from the church door, and Benedetta had timed her call for
+assistance at a lucky moment. The villagers ran to the spot, and drew
+her out by means of a man who went down with a rope. She was then taken
+to the house of a gentleman, Signor Alberico degli Alberici, who, when
+no one else was charitable enough to receive her, opened his doors to
+the exhausted victim of that murderous outrage. It may be remarked that
+the same surgeon who had been employed to report on Ottavia's wounds,
+now appeared to examine Benedetta. His name was Ambrogio Vimercati.
+Benedetta was taken to the convent of S. Orsola, where her friend
+Ottavia lay dying; and after making a full confession, she eventually
+recovered her health, and suffered life-long incarceration in her old
+convent.
+
+Osio was still at large. On December 20, he addressed a long letter to
+the Cardinal Federigo Borromeo, in which he vainly attempted to defend
+himself, and throw the blame on his associates. It is a loathsome
+document, blending fulsome protestations and fawning phrases, with
+brutal denouncements of his victims, and treacherous insinuations. One
+passage deserves notice. 'Who was it,' he says, 'who suggested my
+correspondence with Virginia? The priest Paolo Arrigone, that ruin of
+the monastery! The Canon Pisnato, who is now confessor to the nuns of
+Meda; in his house you will find what will never be discovered in mine,
+presents from nuns, incitements to amours, and other such things. The
+priest Giacomo Bertola, confessor of the nuns of S. Margherita; who was
+his devotee? Sacha!--and he stayed there all the day through. These men,
+being priests, are not prosecuted; they are protected by their cloth,
+forsooth! It is only of poor Osio that folk talk. Only he is persecuted,
+only he is a malefactor, only he is the traitor!' Arrigone, as a matter
+of fact, was tried, and condemned to two years' labor at the galleys,
+after the expiration of which term he was not to return to Monza or its
+territory. This seems a slight sentence; for the judges found him
+guilty, not only of promoting Osio's intrigue with Virginia, by
+conducting the correspondence, and watching the door during their
+interviews in the parlor, but also of pursuing the Signora himself with
+infamous proposals.
+
+In his absence Osio was condemned to death on the gibbet. His goods were
+confiscated to the State. His house in Monza was destroyed, and a
+pillar of infamy recording his crimes, was erected on its site. A
+proclamation of outlawry was issued on April 5, 1608, under the seal of
+Don Pietro de Acevedo, Count of Fuentes, and governor of the State of
+Milan, which offered 'to any person not himself an outlaw, or to any
+commune, that shall consign Gianpaolo Osio to the hands of justice, the
+reward of a thousand scudi from the royal ducal treasury, together with
+the right to free four bandits condemned for similar or less offenses;
+and in case of his being delivered dead, even though he shall be slain
+in foreign parts, then the half of the aforesaid sum of money, and the
+freedom of two bandits as above. And if the person who shall consign him
+alive be himself an outlaw for similar or less offenses, he shall
+receive, beside the freedom of himself and two other bandits, the half
+of the aforesaid sum of money; and in the case of his consignment after
+death, the freedom of himself and of two other bandits as aforesaid.' I
+have recited this _Bando_, because it is a good instance of the
+procedure in use under like conditions. Justice preferred to obtain the
+culprit alive, and desired to receive him at honest hands. But there was
+an expectation of getting hold of him through less reputable agents.
+Therefore they offered free pardon to a bandit and a couple of
+accomplices, who might undertake the capture or the murder of the
+proscribed outlaw in concert, and in the event of his being produced
+alive, a sum of money down. Osio, apparently, spent some years in
+exile, changing place, and name, and dress, living as he could from hand
+to mouth, until the rumor spread abroad that he was dead. He then
+returned to his country, and begged for sanctuary from an old friend.
+That friend betrayed him, had his throat cut in a cellar, and exposed
+his head upon the public market place.
+
+Virginia was sentenced to perpetual incarceration in the convent of S.
+Valeria at Milan. She was to be 'inclosed within a little dungeon, the
+door of which shall be walled up with stones and mortar, so that the
+said Virginia Maria shall abide there for the term of her natural life,
+immured both day and night, never to issue thence, but shall receive
+food and other necessaries through a small hole in the wall of the said
+chamber, and light and air through an aperture or other opening.' This
+sentence was carried into effect. But at the expiration of many years,
+her behavior justified some mitigation of the penalty. She was set at
+large, and allowed to occupy a more wholesome apartment, where the
+charity of Cardinal Borromeo supplied her with comforts befitting her
+station, and the reputation she acquired for sanctity. Her own family
+cherished implacable sentiments of resentment against the woman who had
+brought disgrace upon them. Ripamonte, the historian of Milan, says that
+in his own time she was still alive: 'a bent old woman, tall of stature,
+dried and fleshless, but venerable in her aspect, whom no one could
+believe to have been once a charming and immodest beauty.' Her
+associates in guilt, the nuns of S. Margherita, were consigned to
+punishments resembling hers. Sisters Benedetta, Silvia and Candida
+suffered the same close incarceration.
+
+
+_Lucrezia Buonvisi_.
+
+The tale of Lucrezia Buonvisi presents some points of similarity to that
+of the Signora di Monza.[191]
+
+[Footnote 191: _Storia di Lucrezia Buonvisi_, by Salvatore Bonghi,
+Lucca, 1864. This is an admirably written historical monograph, based on
+accurate studies and wide researches, containing a mine of valuable
+information for a student of those times.]
+
+Her father was a Lucchese gentleman, named Vincenzo Malpigli, who passed
+the better portion of his life at Ferrara, as treasurer to Duke Afonsono
+II. He had four children; one son, Giovan Lorenzo, and three daughters,
+of whom Lucrezia, born at Lucca in 1572, was probably the youngest.
+Vincenzo's wife sprang from the noble Lucchese family of Buonvisi, at
+that time by their wealth and alliances the most powerful house of the
+Republic. Lucrezia spent some years of her girlhood at Ferrara, where
+she formed a romantic friendship for a nobleman of Lucca named
+Massimiliano Arnolfini. This early attachment was not countenanced by
+her parents. They destined her to be the wife of one of Paolo Buonvisi's
+numerous sons, her relatives upon the mother's side. In consequence of
+this determination, she was first affianced to an heir of that house,
+who died; again to another, who also died; and in the third place to
+their brother, called Lelio, whom she eventually married in the year
+1591. Lelio was then twenty-five years of age, and Lucrezia nineteen.
+Her beauty was so distinguished, that in poems written on the ladies of
+Lucca it received this celebration in a madrigal:--
+
+    Like the young maiden rose
+      Which at the opening of the dawn,
+        Still sprinkled with heaven's gracious dew,
+      Her beauty and her bosom on the lawn
+    Doth charmingly disclose,
+        For nymphs and amorous swains with love to view;
+    So delicate, so fair, Lucrezia yields
+    New pearls, new purple to our homely fields,
+        While Cupid plays and Flora laughs in her fresh hue.
+
+Less than a year after her marriage with Lelia Buonvisi, Lucrezia
+resumed her former intimacy with Massimiliano Arnolfini. He was scarcely
+two yeara her elder, and they had already exchanged vows of fidelity in
+Ferrara. Massimiliano's temper inclined him to extreme courses; he was
+quick and fervent in all the disputes of his age, ready to back his
+quarrels with the sword, and impatient of delay in any matter he had
+undertaken. Owing to a feud which then subsisted between the families of
+Arnolfini and Boccella, he kept certain _bravi_ in his service, upon
+whose devotion he relied. This young man soon found means to open a
+correspondence with Lucrezia, and arranged meetings with her in the
+house of some poor weavers who lived opposite the palace of the
+Buonvisi. Nothing passed between them that exceeded the limits of
+respectful courtship. But the situation became irksome to a lover so
+hot of blood as Massimiliano was. On the evening of June 5, in 1593, his
+men attacked Lelio Buonvisi, while returning with Lucrezia from prayers
+in an adjacent church. Lelio fell, stabbed with nineteen thrusts of the
+poignard, and was carried lifeless to his house. Lucrezia made her way
+back alone; and when her husband's corpse was brought into the palace,
+she requested that it should be laid out in the basement. A solitary
+witness of this act of violence, Vincenzo di Coreglia, deposed to having
+raised the dying man from the ground, put earth into his mouth by way of
+Sacrament, and urged him to forgive his enemies before he breathed his
+last. The weather had been very bad that day, and at nightfall it was
+thundering incessantly.
+
+Inquisition was made immediately into the causes of Lelio's death.
+According to Lucrezia's account, her husband had reproved some men upon
+the road for singing obscene songs, whereupon they turned and murdered
+him. The corpse was exposed in the Church of the Servi, where multitudes
+of people gathered round it; and there an ancient dame of the Buonvisi
+house, flinging herself upon her nephew's body, vowed vengeance, after
+the old custom of the _Vocero_, against his murderers. Other members of
+the family indicated Massimiliano as the probable assassin; but he
+meantime had escaped, with three of his retainers, to a villa of his
+mother's at S. Pancrazio, whence he managed to take the open country
+and place himself in temporary safety. During this while, the judicial
+authorities of Lucca were not idle. The Podesta issued a proclamation
+inviting evidence, under the menace of decapitation and confiscation of
+goods for whomsoever should be found to have withheld information. To
+this call a certain Orazio Carli, most imprudently, responded. He
+confessed to having been aware that Massimiliano was plotting the
+assassination of somebody--not Lelio; and said that he had himself
+facilitated the flight of the assassins by preparing a ladder, which he
+placed in the hands of a _bravo_ called Ottavio da Trapani. This
+revelation delivered him over, bound hand and foot, to the judicial
+authorities, who at the same time imprisoned Vincenzo da Coreglia, the
+soldier present at the murder.
+
+Massimiliano and his men meanwhile had made their way across the
+frontier to Garfagnana. Their flight, and the suspicions which attached
+to them, rendered it tolerably certain that they were the authors of the
+crime. But justice demanded more circumstantial information, and the
+Podesta decided to work upon the two men already in his clutches. On
+June 4, Carli was submitted to the torture. The rack elicited nothing
+new from him, but had the result of dislocating his arms. He was then
+placed upon an instrument called the 'she-goat,' a sharp wooden trestle,
+to which the man was bound with weights attached to his feet, and where
+he sat for nearly four hours. In the course of this painful exercise,
+he deposed that Massimiliano and Lucrezia had been in the habit of
+meeting in the house of Vincenzo del Zoppo and Pollonia his wife, where
+the _bravi_ also congregated and kept their arms. Grave suspicion was
+thus cast on Lucrezia. Had she perchance connived at her husband's
+murder? Was she an accomplice in the tragedy?
+
+Lucrezia's peril now became imminent. Her brother, Giovan Lorenzo
+Malpigli, who remained her friend throughout, thought it best for her to
+retire as secretly as possible into a convent. The house chosen was that
+of S. Chiara in the town of Lucca. On June 5, she assumed the habit of
+S. Francis, cut her hair, changed her name from Lucrezia to Umilia, and
+offered two thousand crowns of dower to this monastery. Only four days
+had elapsed since her husband's assassination. But she, at all events,
+was safe from immediate peril; for the Church must now be dealt with;
+and the Church neither relinquished its suppliants, nor disgorged the
+wealth they poured into its coffers. The Podesta, when news of this
+occurrence reached him, sent at once to make inquiries. His messenger,
+Ser Vincenzo Petrucci, was informed by the Abbess that Lucrezia had just
+arrived and was having her hair shorn. At his request, the novice
+herself appeared--'a young woman, tall and pale, dressed in a nun's
+habit, with a crown upon her head.' She declared herself to be 'Madonna
+Lucretiina Malpigli, widow of Lelio Buonvisi.' The priest who had
+conducted her reception, affirmed that 'the gentle lady, immediately
+upon her husband's death, conceived this good prompting of the spirit,
+and obeyed it on the spot.'
+
+For the moment, Lucrezia, whom in future we must call Sister Umilia, had
+to be left unmolested. The judges returned to the interrogation of their
+prisoners. Vincenzo del Zoppo and his wife Pollonia, in whose house the
+lovers used to meet, were tortured; but nothing that implied a criminal
+correspondence transpired from their evidence. Then the unlucky Carli
+was once more put to the strappado. He fell into a deep swoon, and was
+with difficulty brought to life again. Next his son, a youth of sixteen
+years, was racked with similar results. On June 7, they resolved to have
+another try at Vincenzo da Coreglia. This soldier had been kept on low
+diet in his prison during the last week, and was therefore ripe,
+according to the judicial theories of those times, for salutary
+torments. Having been strung up by his hands, he was jerked and shaken
+in the customary fashion, until he declared his willingness to make a
+full confession. He had been informed, he said, that Massimiliano
+intended to assassinate Lelio by means of his three bravi, Pietro da
+Castelnuovo, Ottavio da Trapani, and Niccolo da Pariana. He engaged to
+stand by and cover the retreat of these men. It was Carli, and not
+Massimiliano, who had made overtures to him. On being once more
+tortured, he only confirmed this confession. Carli was again summoned,
+and set upon the 'she-goat,' with heavy weights attached to his feet.
+The poor wretch sat for two hours on this infernal machine, the sharp
+edges and spikes of which were so contrived as to press slowly and
+deeply upon the tenderest portions of his body.[192] But he endured this
+agony without uttering a word, until the judges perceived that he was at
+the point of death. Next day, the 8th of June, Coreglia was again
+summoned to the justice-chamber. Terrified by the prospect of future
+torments, and wearied out with importunities, he at last made a clean
+breast of all he knew. It was not Carli, but Massimiliano himself, who
+had engaged him; and he had assisted at the murder of Lelio, which was
+accomplished by two of the bravi, Ottavio and Pietro. Coreglia said
+nothing to implicate Sister Umilia. On the contrary he asserted that she
+seemed to lose her senses when she saw her husband fall.
+
+[Footnote 192: Campanelia, who was tortured in this way at Naples, says
+that on one occasion a pound and a half of his flesh was macerated, and
+ten pounds of his blood shed. 'Perduravi horis quadraginta, funiculis
+arctissimis ossa usque secantibus ligatus, pendens manibus retro
+contortis de fune super acutissimum lignum qui (?) carnis sextertium (?)
+in posterioribus mihi devoravit et decem sanguinis libras tellus
+ebibit.' Preface to _Atheismus Triumphatus_.]
+
+The General Council, to whom the results of these proceedings were
+communicated, published an edict of outlawry against Massimiliano and
+his three _bravi_. A price of 500 crowns was put upon the head of each,
+wherever he should be killed; and 1,000 crowns were offered to any one
+who should kill Massimiliano within the city or state of Lucca. At the
+same time they sent an envoy to Rome requesting the Pope's permission to
+arrest Umilia, on the ground that she was gravely suspected of being
+privy to the murder, and of entering the convent to escape justice. A
+few days afterwards, the miserable witnesses, Carli and Coreglia, were
+beheaded in their prison.
+
+The Chancellor, Vincenzo Petrucci, left Lucca on June 12, and reached
+Rome on the 14th. He obtained an audience from Clement VIII. upon the
+15th. When the Pope had read the letter of the Republic, he struck his
+palm down on his chair, and cried: 'Jesus! This is a grave case! It
+seems hardly possible that a woman of her birth should have been induced
+to take share in the murder of her husband.' After some conversation
+with the envoy, he added: 'It is certainly an ugly business. But what
+can we do now that she has taken the veil?' Then he promised to
+deliberate upon the matter, and return an answer later. Petrucci soon
+perceived that the Church did not mean to relinquish its privileges, and
+that Umilia was supported by powerful friends at court. Cardinal
+Castrucci remarked in casual conversation: 'She is surely punished
+enough for her sins by the life of the cloister.' A second interview
+with Clement on June 21 confirmed him in the opinion that the Republic
+would not obtain the dispensation they requested. Meanwhile the Signory
+of Lucca prepared a schedule of the suspicions against Umilia, grounded
+upon her confused evidence, her correspondence with Massimiliano, the
+fact that she had done nothing to rescue Lelio by calling out, and her
+sudden resort to the convent. This paper reached the Pope, who, on July
+8, expressed his view that the Republic ought to be content with leaving
+Umilia immured in her monastery; and again, upon the 23rd, he pronounced
+his final decision that 'the lady, being a nun, and tonsured and
+prepared for the perfect life, is not within the jurisdiction of your
+Signory. It is further clear that, finding herself exposed to the
+calumnies of those two witnesses, and injured in her reputation, she
+took the veil to screen her honor.' On August 13, Petrucci returned to
+Lucca.
+
+Clement conceded one point. He gave commission to the Bishop of Lucca to
+inquire into Umilia's conduct within the precincts of the monastery. But
+the council refused this intervention, for they were on bad terms with
+the Bishop, and resented ecclesiastical interference in secular causes.
+Moreover, they judged that such an inquisition without torture used, and
+in a place of safety, would prove worse than useless. Thus the affair
+dropped.
+
+Meanwhile we may relate what happened to Massimiliano and his _bravi_.
+They escaped, through Garfagnana and Massa, into the territory of
+Alfonso Malaspina, Marquis of Villafranca and Tresana. This nobleman,
+who delighted in protecting outlaws, placed the four men in security in
+his stronghold of Tresana. Pietro da Castelnuovo was an outlaw from
+Tuscany for the murder of a Carmelite friar, which he had committed at
+Pietrasanta a few days before the assassination of Lelio. Seventeen
+years after these events he was still alive, and wanted for grave crimes
+committed in the Duchy of Modena. History knows no more about him,
+except that he had a wife and family. Of Niccolo da Pariana nothing has
+to be related. Ottavio da Trapani was caught at Milan, brought back to
+Lucca, and hanged there on June 13, 1604, after being torn with pincers.
+Massimiliano is said to have made his way to Flanders, where the
+Lucchese enjoyed many privileges, and where his family had probably
+hereditary connections.[193] Like all outlaws he lived in perpetual
+peril of assassination. Remorse and shame invaded him, especially when
+news arrived that the mistress, for whom he had risked all, was turning
+to a dissolute life (as we shall shortly read) in her monastery. His
+reason gave way; and, after twenty-two years of wandering, he returned
+to Lucca and was caught. Instead of executing the capital sentence which
+had been pronounced upon him, the Signory consigned him to perpetual
+prison in the tower of Viareggio, which was then an insalubrious and
+fever-stricken village on the coast. Here, walled up in a little room,
+alone, deprived of light and air and physical decency, he remained
+forgotten for ten years from 1615 to 1625. At the latter date report
+was made that he had refused food for three days and was suffering from
+a dangerous hemorrhage. When the authorities proposed to break the wall
+of his dungeon and send a priest and surgeon to relieve him, he declared
+that he would kill himself if they intruded on his misery. Nothing more
+was heard of him until 1629, when he was again reported to be at the
+point of death. This time he requested the assistance of a priest; and
+it is probable that he then died at the age of sixty-nine, having
+survived the other actors in this tragedy, and expiated the passion of
+his youth by life-long sufferings.
+
+[Footnote 193: I may here allude to a portrait in our National Gallery
+of a Lucchese Arnolfini and his wife, painted by Van Eyck.]
+
+When we return to Sister Umilia, and inquire how the years had worn with
+her, a new chapter in the story opens. In 1606 she was still cloistered
+in S. Chiara, which indeed remained her home until her death. She had
+now reached the age of thirty-four. Suspicion meanwhile fell upon the
+conduct of the nuns of S. Chiara; and on January 9, in that year, a
+rope-ladder was discovered hanging from the garden wall of the convent.
+Upon inquiry, it appeared that certain men were in the habit of entering
+the house and holding secret correspondence with the sisters. Among
+these the most notorious were Piero Passari, a painter, infamous for
+vulgar profligacy, and a young nobleman of Lucca, Tommaso Samminiati.
+Both of them contrived to evade justice, and were proclaimed, as usual,
+outlaws. In the further course of investigation the strongest proofs
+were brought to light, from which it appeared that the chief promoter
+of these scandals was a man of high position in the state, advanced in
+years, married to a second wife, and holding office of trust as
+Protector of the Nunnery of S. Chiara. He was named Giovanbattista Dati,
+and represented an ancient Lucchese family mentioned by Dante. While
+Dati carried on his own intrigue with Sister Cherubina Mei, he did his
+best to encourage the painter in promiscuous debauchery, and to foster
+the passion which Samminiati entertained for Sister Umilia Malpigli.
+Dati was taken prisoner and banished for life to the island of Sardinia;
+but his papers fell into the hands of the Signory, who extracted from
+them the evidence which follows, touching Umilia and Samminiati. This
+young man was ten years her junior; yet the quiet life of the cloister
+had preserved Umilia's beauty, and she was still capable of inspiring
+enthusiastic adoration. This transpires in the letters which Samminiati
+addressed to her through Dati from his asylum in Venice. They reveal,
+says Signor Bonghi, a strange confusion of madness, crime, and
+love.[194]
+
+[Footnote 194: Here again I have very closely followed the text of
+Signor Bonghi's monograph, pp. 112-115.]
+
+Their style is that of a delirious rhetorician. One might fancy they had
+been composed as exercises, except for certain traits which mark the
+frenzy of genuine exaltation. Threats, imprecations, and blasphemies
+alternate with prayers, vows of fidelity and reminiscences of past
+delights in love. Samminiati bends before 'his lady' in an attitude of
+respectful homage, offering upon his knees the service of awe-struck
+devotion. At one time he calls her 'his most beauteous angel,' at
+another 'his most lovely and adored enchantress.' He does not conceal
+his firm belief that she has laid him under some spell of sorcery; but
+entreats her to have mercy and to liberate him, reminding her how a
+certain Florentine lady restored Giovan Lorenzo Malpigli to health after
+keeping him in magic bondage till his life was in danger.[195] Then he
+swears unalterable fealty; heaven and fortune shall not change his love.
+It is untrue that at Florence, or at Venice, he has cast one glance on
+any other woman. Let lightning strike him, if he deserts Umilia. But she
+has caused him jealousy by stooping to a base amour. To this point he
+returns with some persistence. Then he entreats her to send him her
+portrait, painted in the character of S. Ursula. At another time he
+gossips about the nuns, forwarding messages, alluding to their several
+love-affairs, and condoling with them on the loss of a compliant
+confessor. This was a priest, who, when the indescribable corruptions of
+S. Chiara had been clearly proved, calmly remarked that there was no
+reason to make such a fuss--they were only affairs of gentlefolk, _cose
+di gentilhuomini_. The rival of whom Samminiati was jealous seems to
+have been the painter Pietro, who held the key to all the scandals of
+the convent in his hand. Umilia, Dati, and Samminiati at last agreed 'to
+rid their neighborhood of that pest.' The man had escaped to Rovigo,
+whither Samminiati repaired from Venice, 'attended by two good fellows
+thoroughly acquainted with the district.'
+
+[Footnote 195: It appears that violent passion for a person was commonly
+attributed at that epoch to enchantment. See above, the confession of
+the Lady of Monza, p. 320.]
+
+But Pietro got away to Ferrara, his enemy following and again missing
+him. Samminiati writes that he is resolved to hunt 'that rascal' out,
+and make an end of him. Meanwhile Umilia is commissioned to do for
+Calidonia Burlamacchi, a nun who had withdrawn from the company of her
+guilty sisters, and knew too many of their secrets. Samminiati sends a
+white powder, and a little phial containing a liquid, both of which, he
+informs Umilia, are potent poisons, with instructions how to use them
+and how to get Calidonia to swallow the ingredients. Then 'if the devil
+does not help her, she will pass from this life in half a night's time,
+and without the slightest sign of violence.'
+
+It may be imagined what disturbance was caused in the General Council by
+the reading of this correspondence. Nearly all the noble families of
+Lucca were connected by ties of blood or marriage with one or other of
+the culprits; and when the relatives of the accused had been excluded
+from the session, only sixty members were left to debate on further
+measures. I will briefly relate what happened to the three outlaws.
+Venice refused to give up Samminiati at the request of the Lucchese,
+saying that 'the Republic of S. Mark would not initiate a course of
+action prejudicial to the hospitality which every sort of person was
+wont to enjoy there.' But the young man was banished to Candia, whither
+he obediently retired. Pietro, the painter, was eventually permitted to
+return to the territory but not the town of Lucca. Dati surrounded
+himself with armed men, as was the custom of rich criminals on whose
+head a price was set. After wandering some time, he submitted, and took
+up his abode in Sardinia, whence he afterwards removed, by permission of
+the Signory, to France. There he died. With regard to the nuns, it
+seemed at first that the ends of justice would be defeated through the
+jealousies which divided the civil and ecclesiastical authorities in
+Lucca. The Bishop was absent, and his Vicar refused to institute a
+criminal process. Umilia remained at large in the convent, and even
+began a new intrigue with one Simo Menocchi. At last, in 1609, the Vicar
+prepared his indictment against the guilty nuns, and forwarded it to
+Rome. Their sentence was as follows: Sister Orizia condemned to
+incarceration for life, and loss of all her privileges; Sister Umilia,
+to the same penalties for a term of seven years; Sisters Paola,
+Cherubina, and Dionea, received a lighter punishment. Orizia, it may be
+mentioned, had written a letter with her own blood to some lover; but
+nothing leads us to suppose that she was equally guilty with Umilia,
+who had entered into the plot to poison Sister Calidonia.
+
+Umilia was duly immured, and bore her punishment until the year 1616, at
+which time the sentence expired. But she was not released for another
+two years; for she persistently refused to humble herself, or to request
+that liberation as a grace which was her due in justice. Nor would she
+submit to the shame of being seen about the convent without her monastic
+habit. Finally, in 1618, she obtained freedom and restoration to her
+privileges as a nun of S. Chiara. It may be added, as a last remark,
+that, when the convent was being set to rights, Umilia's portrait in the
+character of S. Ursula was ordered to be destroyed, or rendered fit for
+devout uses by alterations. Any nun who kept it in her cell incurred the
+penalty of excommunication. In what year Umilia died remains unknown.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+_The Cenci_.
+
+Shifting the scene to Rome, we light upon a group of notable misdeeds
+enacted in the last half of the sixteenth century, each of which is well
+calculated to illustrate the conditions of society and manners at that
+epoch. It may be well to begin with the Cenci tragedy. In Shelley's
+powerful drama, in Guerrazzi's tedious novel, and Scolari's digest, the
+legend of Beatrice Cenci has long appealed to modern sympathy. The real
+facts, extracted from legal documents and public registers, reduce its
+poetry of horror to comparatively squalid prose.[196] Yet, shorn of
+romantic glamour, the bare history speaks significantly to a student of
+Italian customs. Monsignore Cristoforo Cenci, who died about the year
+1562, was in holy orders, yet not a priest. One of the clerks of the
+Apostolic Camera, a Canon of S. Peter's, the titular incumbent of a
+Roman parish, and an occupant of minor offices about the Papal Court and
+Curia, he represented an epicene species, neither churchman nor layman,
+which the circumstances of ecclesiastical sovereignty rendered
+indispensable. Cristoforo belonged to a good family among that secondary
+Roman aristocracy which ranked beneath the princely feudatories and the
+Papal bastards. He accumulated large sums of money by maladministration
+of his official trusts, inherited the estates of two uncles, and
+bequeathed a colossal fortune to his son Francesco. This youth was the
+offspring of an illicit connection carried on between Monsignore Cenci
+and Beatrice Amias during the lifetime of that lady's husband. Upon the
+death of the husband the Monsignore obtained dispensation from his
+orders, married Beatrice, and legitimated his son, the inheritor of so
+much wealth. Francesco was born in 1549, and had therefore reached the
+age of thirteen when his father died. His mother, Beatrice, soon
+contracted a third matrimonial union; but during her guardianship of the
+boy she appeared before the courts, accused of having stolen clothing
+from his tutor's wardrobe.
+
+[Footnote 196: _Francesco Cenci e la sua Famiglia_. Per A. Bertolotti,
+Firenze, 1877.]
+
+Francesco Cenci disbursed a sum of 33,000 crowns to various public
+offices, in order to be allowed to enter unmolested into the enjoyment
+of his father's gains: 3,800 crowns of this sum went to the Chapter of
+S. Peter's.[197] He showed a certain precocity; for at the age of
+fourteen he owned an illegitimate child, and was accused of violence to
+domestics. In 1563 his family married him to Ersilia, a daughter of the
+noble Santa Croce house, who brought him a fair dowry. Francesco lived
+for twenty-one years with this lady, by whom he had twelve children.
+Upon her death he remained a widower for nine years, and in 1593 he
+married Lucrezia Petroni, widow of a Roman called Velli. Francesco's
+conduct during his first marriage was not without blame. Twice, at
+least, he had to pay fines for acts of brutality to servants; and once
+he was prosecuted for an attempt to murder a cousin, also named
+Francesco Cenci. On another occasion we find him outlawed from the
+States of the Church. Yet these offences were but peccadilloes in a
+wealthy Roman baron; and Francesco used to boast that, with money in his
+purse, he had no dread of justice. After the death of his wife Ersilia,
+his behavior grew more irregular. Three times between 1591 and 1594 he
+was sued for violent attacks on servants; and in February of the latter
+year he remained six months in prison on multiplied charges of unnatural
+vice. There was nothing even here to single Francesco Cenci out from
+other nobles of his age.[198] Scarcely a week passed in Rome without
+some affair of the sort involving outrage, being brought before the
+judges. Cardinals, prelates, princes, professional men and people of the
+lowest rank were alike implicated. The only difference between the
+culprits was that the rich bought themselves off, while the destitute
+were burned. Eleven poor Spaniards and Portuguese were sent to the stake
+in 1578 for an offence which Francesco Cenci compounded in 1594 by the
+payment of 100,000 crowns. After this warning and the loss of so much
+money, he grew more circumspect, married his second wife Lucrezia, and
+settled down to rule his family. His sons caused him considerable
+anxiety. Giacomo, the eldest, married against his father's will, and
+supported himself by forging obligations and raising money. Francesco's
+displeasure showed itself in several lawsuits, one of which accused
+Giacomo of having plotted against his life. The second son, Cristoforo,
+was assassinated by Paolo Bruno, a Corsican, in the prosecution of a
+love affair with the wife of a Trasteverine fisherman. The third son,
+Rocco, spent his time in street adventures, and on one occasion laid his
+hands on all the plate and portable property that he could carry off
+from his father's house. This young ruffian, less than twenty years of
+age, found a devoted friend in Monsignore Querro, a cousin of the family
+well placed at court, who assisted him in the burglary of the Cenci
+palace. Rocco was killed by Amilcare Orsini, a bastard of the Count of
+Pitigliano, in a brawl at night. The young men met, Cenci attended by
+three armed servants, Orsini by two. A single pass of rapiers, in which
+Rocco was pierced through the right eye, ended the affair.
+
+[Footnote 197: He was afterwards forced, in 1590, to disgorge a second
+sum of 25,000 crowns.]
+
+[Footnote 198: Prospero Farinaccio, the advocate of Cenci's murderers,
+was himself tried for this crime (Bertolotti, _op. cit._ p. 104). The
+curious story of the Spanish soldiers alluded to above will be found in
+Mutinelli, _Stor. Arc_. vol. i. p. 121. See the same work of Mutinelli,
+vol. i. p. 48, for a similar prosecution in Rome 1566; and vol. iv. p.
+152 for another involving some hundred people of condition at Milan in
+1679. Compare what Sarpi says about the Florentine merchants and Roman
+_cinedi_ in his _Letters_, date 1609, vol. i. p. 288. For the manners of
+the Neapolitans, _Vita di D. Pietro di Toledo (Arch. Stor. It_., vol.
+ix. p. 23). The most scandalous example of such vice in high quarters
+was given by Pietro de'Medici, one of Duke Cosimo's sons. _Galluzzi_,
+vol. v. p. 174, and Litta's pedigree of the Medici. The _Bandi
+Lucchesi_, ed. S. Bonghi, Bologna, 1863, pp. 377 381, treats the subject
+in full; and it has been discussed by Canello, _op. cit._ pp. 20-23. The
+_Artes Jesuiticae_, op. cit. Articles 62, 120, illustrate casuistry on
+the topic.]
+
+In addition to his vindictive persecution of his worthless eldest son,
+Francesco Cenci behaved with undue strictness to the younger, allowing
+them less money than befitted their station and treating them with a
+severity which contrasted comically with his own loose habits. The
+legend which represents him as an exceptionally wicked man, cruel for
+cruelty's sake and devoid of natural affection, receives some color from
+the facts. Yet these alone are not sufficient to justify its darker
+hues, while they amply prove that Francesco's children gave him
+grievous provocation. The discontents of this ill-governed family
+matured into rebellion; and in 1598 it was decided on removing the old
+Cenci by murder. His second wife Lucrezia, his eldest son Giacomo, his
+daughter Beatrice, and the youngest son Bernardo, were implicated in the
+crime. It was successfully carried out at the Rocca di Petrella in the
+Abruzzi on the night of September 9. Two hired _bravi_, Olimpio Calvetti
+and Marzio Catalani, entered the old man's bedroom, drove a nail into
+his head, and flung the corpse out from a gallery, whence it was alleged
+that he had fallen by accident. Six days after this assassination
+Giacomo and his brothers took out letters both at Rome and in the realm
+of Naples for the administration of their father's property; nor does
+suspicion seem for some time to have fallen upon them. It awoke at
+Petrella in November, the feudatory of which fief, Marzio Colonna,
+informed the government of Naples that proceedings ought to be taken
+against the Cenci and their cut-throats. Accordingly, on December 10, a
+ban was published against Olimpio and Marzio. Olimpio met his death at
+an inn door in a little village called Cantalice. Three desperate
+fellows, at the instigation of Giacomo de'Cenci and Monsignore Querro,
+surprised him there. But Marzio fell into the hands of justice, and his
+evidence caused the immediate arrest of the Cenci. It appears that they
+were tortured and that none of them denied the accusation; so that
+their advocates could only plead extenuating circumstances. To this fact
+may possibly be due the legend of Beatrice. In order to mitigate the
+guilt of parricide, Prospero Farinacci, who conducted her defense,
+established a theory of enormous cruelty and unspeakable outrages
+committed on her person by her father. With the same object in view, he
+tried to make out that Bernardo was half-witted. There is quite
+sufficient extant evidence to show that Bernardo was a young man of
+average intelligence; and with regard to Beatrice, nothing now remains
+to corroborate Farinaccio's hypothesis of incest. She was not a girl of
+sixteen, as the legend runs, but a woman of twenty-two;[199] and the
+codicils to her will render it nearly certain that she had given birth
+to an illegitimate son, for whose maintenance she made elaborate and
+secret provisions. That the picture ascribed to Guido Reni in the
+Barberini palace is not a portrait of Beatrice in prison, appears
+sufficiently proved. Guido did not come to Rome until 1608, nine years
+after her death; and catalogues of the Barberini gallery, compiled in
+1604 and 1623, contain no mention either of a painting by Guido or of
+Beatrice's portrait. The Cenci were lodged successively in the prisons
+of Torre di Nona, Savelli, and S. Angelo. They occupied wholesome
+apartments and were allowed the attendance of their own domestics. That
+their food was no scanty dungeon fare appears from the _menus_ of
+dinners and suppers supplied to them, which include fish, flesh, fruit
+salad, and snow to cool the water. In spite of powerful influence at
+court, Clement VIII. at last resolved to exercise strict justice on the
+Cenci. He was brought to this decision by a matricide perpetrated in
+cold blood at Subiaco, on September 5, 1599. Paolo di S. Croce, a
+relative of the Cenci, murdered his mother Costanza in her bed, with the
+view of obtaining property over which she had control. The sentence
+issued a few days after this event. Giacomo was condemned to be torn to
+pieces by red hot pincers, and finished with a _coup de grace_ from the
+hangman's hammer. Lucrezia and Beatrice received the slighter sentence
+of decapitation; while Bernardo, in consideration of his youth, was let
+off with the penalty of being present at the execution of his kinsfolk,
+after which he was to be imprisoned for a year and then sent to the
+galleys for life. Their property was confiscated to the Camera
+Apostolica. These punishments were carried out.[200] But Bernardo, after
+working at Civita Vecchia until 1606, obtained release and lived in
+banishment till his death in 1627. Monsignor Querro, for his connivance
+in the whole affair, was banished to the island of Malta, whence he
+returned at some date before the year 1633 to Rome, having expiated his
+guilt by long and painful exile. In this abstract of the Cenci tragedy,
+I have followed the documents published by Signor Bertolotti. They are
+at many points in startling contradiction to the legend, which is
+founded on MS. accounts compiled at no distant period after the events.
+One of these was translated by Shelley; another, differing in some
+particulars, was translated by De Stendhal. Both agree in painting that
+lurid portrait of Francesco Cenci which Shelley has animated with the
+force of a great dramatist.[201] Unluckily, no copy of the legal
+instructions upon which the trial was conducted is now extant. In the
+absence of this all-important source of information, it would be unsafe
+to adopt Bertolotti's argument, that the legend calumniates Francesco in
+order to exculpate Beatrice, without some reservation. There is room for
+the belief that facts adduced in evidence may have partly justified the
+prevalent opinion of Beatrice's infamous persecution by her father.
+
+[Footnote 199: De Stendhal's MS. authority says she was sixteen,
+Shelley's that she was twenty.]
+
+[Footnote 200: De Stendhal's MS. describes how Giacomo was torn by
+pincers; Shelley's says that this part of the sentence was remitted.]
+
+
+
+
+_The Massimi_.
+
+
+The tragedy of the Cenci, about which so much has been written in
+consequence of the supposed part taken in it by Beatrice, seems to me
+common-place compared with that of the Massimi.[202]
+
+[Footnote 201: The author of De Stendhal's MS. professes to have known
+the old Cenci, and gives a definite description of his personal
+appearance.]
+
+[Footnote 202: Litta supplies the facts related above.]
+
+Whether this family really descended from the Roman Fabii matters but
+little. In the sixteenth century they ranked, as they still rank, among
+the proudest nobles of the Eternal City. Lelio, the head of the house,
+had six stalwart sons by his first wife, Girolama Savelli. They were
+conspicuous for their gigantic stature and herculean strength. After
+their mother's death in 1571, their father became enamoured of a woman
+inferior at all points, in birth, breeding, and antecedents, to a person
+of his quality. She was a certain Eufrosina, who had been married to a
+man called Corberio. The great Marc Antonio Colonna murdered this
+husband, and brought the wife to Rome as his own mistress. Lelio Massimo
+committed the grand error of so loving her, after she had served
+Colonna's purpose, that he married her. This was an insult to the honor
+of the house, which his sons could not or would not bear. On the night
+of her wedding, in 1585, they refused to pay her their respects; and on
+the next morning, five of them entered her apartments and shot her dead.
+Only one of the six sons, Pompeo Massimo, bore no share in this
+assassination. Him, the father, Lelio, blessed; but he solemnly cursed
+the other five. After the lapse of a few weeks, he followed his wife to
+the grave with a broken heart, leaving this imprecation unrecalled.
+Pompeo grew up to continue the great line of Massimo. But disaster fell
+on each of his five brothers, the flower of Roman youth, exulting in
+their blood, and insolence, and vigor.--The first of them, Ottavio, was
+killed by a cannon-ball at sea in honorable combat with the Turk.
+Another, Girolamo, who sought refuge in France, was shot down in an
+ambuscade while pursuing his amours with a gentle lady. A third,
+Alessandro, died under arms before Paris in the troops of General
+Farnese. A fourth, Luca, was imprisoned at Rome for his share of the
+step-mother's murder, but was released on the plea that he had avenged
+the wounded honor of his race. He died, however, poisoned by his own
+brother, Marcantonio, in 1599.[203] Marcantonio was arrested on
+suspicion and imprisoned in Torre di Nona, where he confessed his guilt.
+He was shortly afterwards beheaded on the little square before the
+bridge of S. Angelo.
+
+
+
+_Vittoria Accoramboni_.
+
+
+Next in order, I shall take the story of Vittoria Accoramboni. It has
+been often told already,[204] yet it combines so many points of interest
+bearing upon the social life of the Italians in my period, that to omit
+it would be to sacrifice the most important document bearing on the
+matter of this chapter. As the Signora di Monza and Lucrezia Buonvisi
+help us to understand the secret history of families and convents, so
+Vittoria Accoramboni introduces us to that of courts.
+
+[Footnote 203: This fratricide, concurring with the matricide of S.
+Croce, contributed to the rigor with which the Cenci parricide was
+punished in that year of Roman crimes.]
+
+[Footnote 204: _The White Devil_, a tragedy by John Webster, London,
+1612; De Stendhal's _Chroniques et Nouvelles_, Vittoria Accoramboni,
+Paris 1855; _Vittoria Accoramboni_, D. Gnoli, Firenze, 1870; _Italian
+Byways_, by J.A. Symonds, London, 1883. The greater part of follows
+above is extracted from my _Italian Byways_.]
+
+It will be noticed how the same machinery of lawless nobles and
+profligate _bravi_, acting in concert with bold women, is brought into
+play throughout the tragedies which form the substance of our present
+inquiry.
+
+Vittoria was born in 1557, of a noble but impoverished family, at Gubbio
+among the hills of Umbria. Her biographers are rapturous in their
+praises of her beauty, grace, and exceeding charm of manner. Not only
+was her person most lovely, but her mind shone at first with all the
+amiable luster of a modest, innocent, and winning youth. Her father,
+Claudio Accoramboni, removed to Rome, where his numerous children were
+brought up under the care of their mother, Tarquinia, an ambitious
+woman, bent on rehabilitating the decayed honors of her house. Here
+Vittoria in early girlhood soon became the fashion. She exercised an
+irresistible influence over all who saw her, and many were the offers of
+marriage she refused. At length a suitor appeared whose condition and
+connection with the Roman ecclesiastical nobility rendered him
+acceptable in the eyes of the Accoramboni. Francesco Peretti was
+welcomed as the successful candidate for Vittoria's hand. His mother,
+Camilla, was sister to Felice, Cardinal of Montalto; and her son,
+Francesco Mignucci, had changed both of his names to Felice Peretti in
+compliment to this illustrious relative.[205]
+
+It was the nephew, then, of the future Sixtus V., that Vittoria
+Accoramboni married on June 28, 1573. For a short while the young couple
+lived happily together. According to some accounts of their married
+life, the bride secured the favor of her powerful uncle-in-law, who
+indulged her costly fancies to the full. It is, however, more probable
+that the Cardinal Montalto treated her follies with a grudging
+parsimony; for we soon find the Peretti household hopelessly involved in
+debt. Discord, too, arose between Vittoria and her husband on the score
+of levity in her behavior; and it was rumored that even during the brief
+space of their union she had proved a faithless wife. Yet she contrived
+to keep Francesco's confidence, and it is certain that her family
+profited by their connection with the Peretti. Of her six brothers,
+Mario, the eldest, was a favorite courtier of the great Cardinal d'Este.
+Ottavio was in orders, and through Montalto's influence obtained the See
+of Fossombrone. The same eminent protector placed Scipione in the
+service of the Cardinal Sforza. Camillo, famous for his beauty and his
+courage, followed the fortunes of Filibert of Savoy, and died in France.
+Flaminio was still a boy, dependent, as the sequel of this story shows,
+upon his sister's destiny.
+
+[Footnote 205: I find a Felice Peretti mentioned in the will of Giacomo
+Cenci condemned in 1597. But this was after the death of this Peretti,
+whom I shall continue to call Francesco.]
+
+Of Marcello, the second in age and most important in the action of this
+tragedy, it is needful to speak with more particularity. He was young,
+and, like the rest of his breed, singularly handsome--so handsome,
+indeed, that he is said to have gained an infamous ascendency over the
+great Duke of Bracciano, whose privy chamberlain he had become. Marcello
+was an outlaw for the murder of Matteo Pallavicino, the brother of the
+Cardinal of that name. This did not, however, prevent the chief of the
+Orsini house from making him his favorite and confidential friend.
+Marcello, who seems to have realized in actual life the worst vices of
+those Roman courtiers described for us by Aretino, very soon conceived
+the plan of exalting his own fortunes by trading on his sister's beauty.
+He worked upon the Duke of Bracciano's mind so cleverly that he brought
+this haughty prince to the point of an insane passion for Peretti's
+young wife; and meanwhile he so contrived to inflame the ambition of
+Vittoria and her mother, Tarquinia, that both were prepared to dare the
+worst of crimes in expectation of a dukedom. The game was a difficult
+one to play. Not only had Francesco Peretti first to be murdered, but
+the inequality of birth and wealth and station between Vittoria and the
+Duke of Bracciano rendered a marriage almost impossible. It was also an
+affair of delicacy to stimulate without satisfying the Duke s passion.
+Yet Marcello did not despair. The stakes were high enough to justify
+great risks; and all he put in peril was his sister's honor, the fame
+of the Accoramboni, and the favor of Montalto. Vittoria, for her part,
+trusted in her power to ensnare and secure the noble prey both had in
+view.
+
+Paolo Giordano Orsini, born about the year 1637, was reigning Duke of
+Bracciano. Among Italian princes he ranked almost upon a par with the
+Dukes of Urbino; and his family, by its alliances, was more illustrious
+than any of that time in Italy. He was a man of gigantic stature,
+prodigious corpulence, and marked personal daring; agreeable in manners,
+but subject to uncontrollable fits of passion, and incapable of
+self-restraint when crossed in any whim or fancy. Upon the habit of his
+body it is needful to insist, in order that the part he played in this
+tragedy of intrigue, crime, and passion may be well defined. He found it
+difficult to procure a charger equal to his weight, and he was so fat
+that a special dispensation relieved him from the duty of genuflexion in
+the Papal presence. Though lord of a large territory, yielding princely
+revenues, he labored under heavy debts; for no great noble of the period
+lived more splendidly, with less regard for his finances. In the
+politics of that age and country, Paolo Giordano leaned towards France.
+Yet he was a grandee of Spain, and had played a distinguished part in
+the battle of Lepanto. Now, the Duke of Bracciano was a widower. He had
+been married in 1553 to Isabella de'Medici, daughter of the Grand, Duke
+Cosimo, sister of Francesco, Bianca Capello's lover, and of the
+Cardinal Ferdinando. Suspicion of adultery with Troilo Orsini had fallen
+on Isabella; and her husband, with the full concurrence of her brothers,
+removed her in 1576 from this world by poison.[206] No one thought the
+worse of Bracciano for this murder of his wife. In those days of
+abandoned vice and intricate villany, certain points of honor were
+maintained with scrupulous fidelity. A wife's adultery was enough to
+justify the most savage and licentious husband in an act of
+semi-judicial vengeance; and the shame she brought upon his head was
+shared by the members of her own house, so that they stood by,
+consenting to her death. Isabella, it may be said, left one son,
+Virginio, who became, in due time, Duke of Bracciano.
+
+It appears that in the year 1581, four years after Vittoria's marriage,
+the Duke of Bracciano satisfied Marcello of his intention to make her
+his wife, and of his willingness to countenance Francesco Peretti's
+murder. Marcello, feeling sure of his game, now introduced the Duke in
+private to his sister, and induced her to overcome any natural
+repugnance she may have felt for the unwieldy and gross lover. Having
+reached this point, it was imperative to push matters quickly on toward
+matrimony.
+
+[Footnote 206: The balance of probability leans against Isabella in this
+affair. At the licentious court of the Medici she lived with
+unpardonable freedom. Troilo Orsini was himself assassinated in Paris by
+Bracciano's orders a few years afterwards.]
+
+But how should the unfortunate Francesco be entrapped? They caught him
+in a snare of peculiar atrocity, by working on the kindly feelings which
+his love for Vittoria had caused him to extend to all the Accoramboni.
+Marcello, the outlaw, was her favorite brother, and Marcello at that
+time lay in hiding, under the suspicion of more than ordinary crime,
+beyond the walls of Rome. Late in the evening of April 18, while the
+Peretti family were retiring to bed, a messenger from Marcello arrived,
+entreating Francesco to repair at once to Monte Cavallo. Marcello had
+affairs of the utmost importance to communicate, and begged his
+brother-in-law not to fail him at a grievous pinch. The letter
+containing this request was borne by one Dominico d'Aquaviva, _alias_ Il
+Mancino, a confederate of Vittoria's waiting-maid. This fellow, like
+Marcello, was an outlaw; but when he ventured into Rome he frequented
+Peretti's house, and he had made himself familiar with its master as a
+trusty bravo. Neither in the message, therefore, nor in the messenger
+was there much to rouse suspicion. The time, indeed, was oddly chosen,
+and Marcello had never made a similar appeal on any previous occasion.
+Yet his necessities might surely have obliged him to demand some more
+than ordinary favor from a brother. Francesco immediately made himself
+ready to start out, armed only with his sword and attended by a single
+servant. It was in vain that his wife and his mother reminded him of the
+dangers of the night, the loneliness of Monte Cavallo, its ruinous
+palaces and robber-haunted caves. He was resolved to undertake the
+adventure, and went forth, never to return. As he ascended the hill, he
+fell to earth, shot with three harquebusses. His body was afterwards
+found on Monte Cavallo, stabbed through and through, without a trace
+that could identify the murderers. Only, in the course of subsequent
+investigations, Il Mancino (February 24, 1582) made the following
+statements:--That Vittoria's mother, assisted by the waiting woman, had
+planned the trap; that Marchionne of Gubbio and Paolo Barca of
+Bracciano, two of the Duke's men, had despatched the victim. Marcello
+himself, it seems, had come from Bracciano to conduct the whole affair.
+Suspicion fell immediately upon Vittoria and her kindred, together with
+the Duke of Bracciano; nor was this diminished when the Accoramboni,
+fearing the pursuit of justice, took refuge in a villa of the Duke's at
+Magnanapoli a few days after the murder.
+
+A cardinal's nephew, even in those troublous times, was not killed
+without some noise being made about the matter. Accordingly, Pope
+Gregory XIII. began to take measures for discovering the authors of the
+crime. Strange to say, however, the Cardinal Montalto, notwithstanding
+the great love he was known to bear his nephew, begged that the
+investigation might be dropped. The coolness with which he first
+received the news of Francesco Peretti's death, the dissimulation with
+which he met the Pope's expression of sympathy in a full consistory, his
+reserve while greeting friends on ceremonial visits of condolence, and,
+more than all, the self-restraint he showed in the presence of the Duke
+of Bracciano, impressed the society of Rome with the belief that he was
+of a singularly moderate and patient temper. It was thought that the man
+who could so tamely submit to his nephew's murder, and suspend the arm
+of justice when already raised for vengeance, must prove a mild and
+indulgent ruler. When, therefore, in the fifth year after this event,
+Montalto was elected Pope, men ascribed his elevation in no small
+measure to his conduct at the present crisis. Some, indeed, attributed
+his extraordinary moderation and self-control to the right cause.
+'_Veramente costui e un gran frate_!' was Gregory's remark at the close
+of the consistory when Montalto begged him to let the matter of
+Peretti's murder rest. '_Of a truth, that fellow is a consummate
+hypocrite_!' How accurate this judgment was, appeared when Sixtus V.
+assumed the reins of power. The priest who, as monk and cardinal, had
+smiled on Bracciano, though he knew him to be his nephew's assassin,
+now, as Pontiff and sovereign, bade the chief of the Orsini purge his
+palace and dominions of the scoundrels he was wont to harbor, adding
+significantly, that if the Cardinal Felice Peretti forgave what had been
+done against him in a private station, the same man would exact
+uttermost vengeance for disobedience to the will of Sixtus. The Duke of
+Bracciano judged it best, after that warning, to withdraw from Rome.
+
+Francesco Peretti had been murdered on April 16, 1581. Sixtus V. was
+proclaimed on April 24, 1585. In this interval Vittoria underwent a
+series of extraordinary perils and adventures. First of all, she had
+been secretly married to the Duke in his gardens of Magnanapoli at the
+end of April 1581. That is to say, Marcello and she secured their prize,
+as well as they were able, the moment after Francesco had been removed
+by murder. But no sooner had the marriage become known, than the Pope,
+moved by the scandal it created, no less than by the urgent instance of
+the Orsini and Medici, declared it void. After some while spent in vain
+resistance, Bracciano submitted, and sent Vittoria back to her father's
+house. By an order issued under Gregory's own hand, she was next removed
+to the prison of Corte Savella, thence to the monastery of S. Cecilia in
+Trastevere, and finally to the Castle of S. Angelo. Here at the end of
+December 1581, she was put on her trial for the murder of her first
+husband. In prison she seems to have borne herself bravely, arraying her
+beautiful person in delicate attire, entertaining visitors, exacting
+from her friends the honors due to a duchess, and sustaining the
+frequent examinations to which she was submitted with a bold, proud
+front. In the middle of the month of July her constancy was sorely tried
+by the receipt of a letter in the Duke's own handwriting, formally
+renouncing his marriage. It was only by a lucky accident that she was
+prevented on this occasion from committing suicide. The Papal court
+meanwhile kept urging her either to retire to a monastery or to accept
+another husband. She firmly refused to embrace the religious life, and
+declared that she was already lawfully united to a living husband, the
+Duke of Bracciano. It seemed impossible to deal with her; and at last,
+on November 8, she was released from prison under the condition of
+retirement to Gubbio. The Duke had lulled his enemies to rest by the
+pretense of yielding to their wishes. But Marcello was continually
+beside him at Bracciano, where we read of a mysterious Greek enchantress
+whom he hired to brew love-philters for the furtherance of his ambitious
+plots. Whether Bracciano was stimulated by the brother's arguments or by
+the witch's potions need not be too curiously questioned. But it seems
+in any case certain that absence inflamed his passion instead of cooling
+it.
+
+Accordingly, in September 1583, under the excuse of a pilgrimage to
+Loreto, he contrived to meet Vittoria at Trevi, whence he carried her in
+triumph to Bracciano. Here he openly acknowledged her as his wife,
+installing her with all the splendor due to a sovereign duchess. On
+October 10 following, he once more performed the marriage ceremony in
+the principal church of his fief; and in the January of 1584 he brought
+her openly to Rome. This act of contumacy to the Pope, both as feudal
+superior and as Supreme Pontiff, roused all the former opposition to his
+marriage. Once more it was declared invalid. Once more the Duke
+pretended to give way. But at this juncture Gregory died; and while the
+conclave was sitting for the election of the new Pope, he resolved to
+take the law into his own hands, and to ratify his union with Vittoria
+by a third and public marriage in Rome. On the morning of April 24,
+1585, their nuptials were accordingly once more solemnized in the Orsini
+palace. Just one hour after the ceremony, as appears from the
+marriage-register, the news arrived of Cardinal Montalto's election to
+the Papacy. Vittoria lost no time in paying her respects to Camilla,
+sister of the new Pope, her former mother-in-law. The Duke visited
+Sixtus V. in state to compliment him on his elevation. But the reception
+which both received proved that Rome was no safe place for them to live
+in. They consequently made up their minds for flight.
+
+A chronic illness from which Bracciano had lately suffered furnished a
+sufficient pretext. This seems to have been something of the nature of a
+cancerous ulcer, which had to be treated by the application of raw meat
+to open sores. Such details are only excusable in the present narrative
+on the ground that Bracciano's disease considerably affects our moral
+judgment of the woman who could marry a man thus physically tainted, and
+with her husband's blood upon his hands. At any rate, the Duke's _lupa_
+justified his trying what change of air, together with the sulphur
+waters of Abano, would do for him.
+
+The Duke and Duchess arrived in safety at Venice, where they had engaged
+the Dandolo palace on the Zueca. There they only stayed a few days,
+removing to Padua, where they had hired palaces of the Foscari in the
+Arena and a house called De'Cavalli. At Salo, also, on the Lake of
+Garda, they provided themselves with fit dwellings for their princely
+state and their large retinues, intending to divide their time between
+the pleasures which the capital of luxury afforded and the simpler
+enjoyments of the most beautiful of the Italian lakes. But _la gioia dei
+profani e un fumo passaggier_. Paolo Giordano Orsini, Duke of Bracciano,
+died suddenly at Salo on November 10, 1585, leaving the young and
+beautiful Vittoria helpless among enemies. What was the cause of his
+death? It is not possible to give a clear and certain answer. We have
+seen that he suffered from a horrible and voracious disease, which after
+his removal from Rome seems to have made progress. Yet though this
+malady may well have cut his life short, suspicion of poison was not, in
+the circumstances, quite unreasonable. The Grand Duke of Tuscany, the
+Pope, and the Orsini family were all interested in his death. Anyhow, he
+had time to make a will in Vittoria's favor, leaving her large sums of
+money, jewels, goods, and houses--enough, in fact, to support her ducal
+dignity with splendor. His hereditary fiefs and honors passed by right
+to his only son, Virginio.
+
+Vittoria, accompanied by her brother, Marcello, and the whole court of
+Bracciano, repaired at once to Padua, where she was soon after joined by
+Flaminio, and by the Prince Lodovico Orsini. Lodovico Orsini assumed the
+duty of settling Vittoria's affairs under her dead husband's will. In
+life he had been the duke's ally as well as relative. His family pride
+was deeply wounded by what seemed to him an ignoble, as it was certainly
+an unequal, marriage. He now showed himself the relentless enemy of the
+Duchess. Disputes arose between them as to certain details, which seem
+to have been legally decided in the widow's favor. On the night of
+December 22, however, forty men, disguised in black and fantastically
+tricked out to elude detection, surrounded her palace. Through the long
+galleries and chambers hung with arras, eight of them went, bearing
+torches, in search of Vittoria and her brothers. Marcello escaped,
+having fled the house under suspicion of the murder of one of his own
+followers. Flaminio, the innocent and young, was playing on his lute and
+singing _Miserere_ in the great hall of the palace. The murderers
+surprised him with a shot from one of their harquebusses. He ran,
+wounded in the shoulder, to his sister's room. She, it is said, was
+telling her beads before retiring for the night. When three of the
+assassins entered, she knelt before the crucifix, and there they stabbed
+her in the left breast, turning the poignard in the wound, and asking
+her with savage insults if her heart was pierced. Her last words were,
+'Jesus, I pardon you.' Then they turned to Flaminio, and left him
+pierced with seventy-four stiletto wounds.
+
+The authorities of Padua identified the bodies of Vittoria and Flaminio,
+and sent at once for further instructions to Venice. Meanwhile it
+appears that both corpses were laid out in one open coffin for the
+people to contemplate. The palace and the church of the Eremitani, to
+which they had been removed, were crowded all through the following day
+with a vast concourse of the Paduans. Vittoria's dead body, pale yet
+sweet to look upon, the golden hair flowing around her marble shoulders,
+the red wound in her breast uncovered, the stately limbs arrayed in
+satin as she died, maddened the populace with its surpassing loveliness.
+'_Dentibus fremebant_.' says the chronicler, when they beheld that
+gracious lady stiff in death. And of a truth, if her corpse was actually
+exposed in the chapel of the Eremitani, as we have some right to assume,
+the spectacle must have been impressive. Those grim gaunt frescoes of
+Mantegna looked down on her as she lay stretched upon her bier, solemn
+and calm, and, but for pallor, beautiful as though in life. No wonder
+that the folk forgot her first husband's murder, her less than comely
+marriage to the second. It was enough for them that this flower of
+surpassing loveliness had been cropped by villains in its bloom.
+Gathering in knots around the torches placed beside the corpse, they
+vowed vengeance against the Orsini; for suspicion, not unnaturally, fell
+on Prince Lodovico.
+
+The Prince was arrested and interrogated before the court of Padua. He
+entered their hall attended by forty armed men, responded haughtily to
+their questions and demanded free passage for his courier to Virginio
+Orsini, then at Florence. To this demand the court acceded; but the
+precaution of waylaying the courier and searching his person was very
+wisely taken. Besides some formal despatches which announced Vittoria's
+assassination, they found in this man's boot a compromising letter,
+declaring Virginio a party to the crime, and asserting that Lodovico had
+with his own poignard killed their victim. Padua placed itself in a
+state of defense, and prepared to besiege the palace of Prince Lodovico,
+who also got himself in readiness for battle. Engines, culverins, and
+fire-brands were directed against the barricades which he had raised.
+The militia was called out and the Brenta was strongly guarded.
+Meanwhile the Senate of S. Mark had despatched the Avogadore, Aloisio
+Bragadin, with full power, to the scene of action. Lodovico Orsini, it
+may be mentioned, was in their service: and had not this affair
+intervened, he would in a few weeks have entered on his duties as
+Governor for Venice of Corfu.
+
+The bombardment of Orsini's palace began on Christmas Day. Three of the
+Prince's men were killed in the first assault; and since the artillery
+brought to bear upon him threatened speedy ruin to the house and its
+inhabitants, he made up his mind to surrender. 'The Prince Luigi,'
+writes one chronicler of these events, 'walked attired in brown, his
+poignard at his side, and his cloak slung elegantly under his arm. The
+weapon being taken from him he leaned upon a balustrade, and began to
+trim his nails with a little pair of scissors he happened to find
+there.'
+
+On the 27th he was strangled in prison by order of the Venetian
+Republic. His body was carried to be buried, according to his own will,
+in the church of S. Maria dell'Orto at Venice. Two of his followers were
+hanged next day. Fifteen were executed on the following Monday; two of
+these were quartered alive; one of them the Conte Paganello, who
+confessed to having slain Vittoria, had his left side probed with his
+own cruel dagger. Eight were condemned to the galleys, six to prison,
+and eleven were acquitted.
+
+Thus ended this terrible affair, which brought, it is said, good credit,
+and renown to the lords of Venice through all nations of the civilized
+world. It only remains to be added that Marcello Accoramboni was
+surrendered to the Pope's vengeance and beheaded at Ancona, where also
+his mysterious accomplice, the Greek sorceress, perished.
+
+
+
+_The Duchess of Palliano_.
+
+
+It was the custom of Italians in the 16th and 17th centuries to compose
+and circulate narratives of tragic or pathetic incidents in real life.
+They were intended to satisfy curiosity in an age when newspapers and
+law reports did not exist, and also to suit the taste of ladies and
+gentlemen versed in Boccaccio and Bandello. Resembling the London
+letters of our ancestors, they passed from hand to hand, rarely found
+their way into the printing office, and when they had performed their
+task were left to moulder in the dust of bookcases. The private archives
+of noble families abound in volumes of such tales, and some may still be
+found upon the shelves of public libraries. These MS. collections
+furnish a mine of inexhaustible riches to the student of manners. When
+checked by legal documents, they frequently reveal carelessness,
+inaccuracy, or even willful distortion of facts. The genius of the
+Novella, so paramount in popular Italian literature of that epoch,
+presided over their composition, adding _intreccio_ to disconnected
+facts, heightening sympathy by the suggestion of romantic motives,
+turning the heroes or the heroines of their adventures into saints, and
+blackening the faces of the villains. Yet these stories, pretending to
+be veracious and aiming at information no less than entertainment,
+present us with even a more vivid picture of customs than the Novelle.
+By their truthful touches of landscape and incident painting, by their
+unconscious revelation of contemporary sentiment in dialogue and ethical
+analysis of motives, they enable us to give form and substance to the
+drier details of the law-courts. One of these narratives I propose to
+condense from the transcript made by Henri Beyle, for the sake of the
+light it throws upon the tragedy of the Caraffa family.[207] It opens
+with an account of Paul IV.'s ascent to power and a description of his
+nephews. Don Giovanni, the eldest son of the Count of Montorio, was
+married to Violante de Cardona, sister of the Count Aliffe. Paul
+invested him with the Duchy of Palliano, which he wrested from Marc
+Antonio Colonna. Don Carlo, the second son, who had passed his life as a
+soldier, entered the Sacred College; and Don Antonio, the third, was
+created Marquis of Montebello. The cardinal, as prime minister, assumed
+the reins of government in Rome. The Duke of Palliano disposed of the
+Papal soldiery. The Marquis of Montebello, commanding the guard of the
+palace, excluded or admitted persons at his pleasure. Surrounded by
+these nephews, Paul saw only with their eyes, heard only what they
+whispered to him, and unwittingly lent his authority to their
+lawlessness. They exercised an unlimited tyranny in Rome, laying hands
+on property and abusing their position to gratify their lusts. No woman
+who had the misfortune to please them was safe; and the cells of
+convents were as little respected as the palaces of gentlefolk. To
+arrive at justice was impossible; for the three brothers commanded all
+avenues, civil, ecclesiastical, and military, by which the Pope could be
+approached.
+
+Violante, Duchess of Palliano, was a young woman distinguished for her
+beauty no less than for her Spanish pride. She had received a thoroughly
+Italian education; could recite the sonnets of Petrarch and the stanzas
+of Ariosto by heart, and repeated the tales of Ser Giovanni and other
+novelists with an originality that lent new charm to their style.[208]
+Her court was a splendid one, frequented by noble youths and gentlewomen
+of the best blood in Naples. Two of these require particular notice:
+Diana Brancaccio, a relative of the Marchioness of Montebello; and
+Marcello Capecce, a young man of exceptional beauty. Diana was a woman
+of thirty years, hot-tempered, tawny-haired, devotedly in love with
+Domiziano Fornari, a squire of the Marchese di Montebello's household.
+Marcello had conceived one of those bizarre passions for the Duchess, in
+which an almost religious adoration was mingled with audacity,
+persistence, and aptitude for any crime. The character of his mistress
+gave him but little hope. Though profoundly wounded by her husband's
+infidelities, insulted in her pride by the presence of his wanton
+favorites under her own roof, and assailed by the importunities of the
+most brilliant profligates in Rome, she held a haughty course, above
+suspicion, free from taint or stain, Marcello could do nothing but sigh
+at a distance and watch his opportunity.
+
+[Footnote 207: 'La Duchesse de Palliano,' in _Chroniques et Nouvelles_,
+De Stendhal (Henri Beyle).]
+
+[Footnote 208: This touch shows what were then considered the
+accomplishments of a noble woman.]
+
+At this point, the narrator seems to sacrifice historical accuracy for
+the sake of combining his chief characters in one intrigue.[209]
+
+[Footnote 209: It was a street-brawl, in which the Cardinal Monte played
+an indecent part, that finally aroused the anger of Paul IV. De
+Stendhal's MS. shifts the chief blame on to the shoulders of Cardinal
+Caraffa, who indeed appears to have been in the habit of keeping bad
+company.]
+
+Though he assumes the tone of a novelist rather than a chronicler, there
+has hitherto been nothing but what corresponds to fact in his
+description of the Caraffa Cabal. He now explains their downfall; and
+opens the subject after this fashion. At the beginning of the year 1559,
+the Pope's confessor ventured to bring before his notice the scandalous
+behavior of the Papal nephews. Paul at first refused to credit this
+report. But an incident happened which convinced him of its truth. On
+the feast of the Circumcision--a circumstance which aggravated matters
+in the eyes of a strictly pious Pontiff--Andrea Lanfranchi, secretary to
+the Duke of Palliano, invited the Cardinal Caraffa to a banquet. One of
+the loveliest and most notorious courtesans of Rome, Martuccia, was
+also present; and it so happened that Marcello Capecce at this epoch
+believed he had more right to her favors than any other man in the
+capital. That night he sought her in her lodgings, pursued her up and
+down, and learned at last that she was supping with Lanfranchi and the
+Cardinal. Attended by armed men, he made his way to Lanfranchi's house,
+entered the banquet room, and ordered Martuccia to come away with him at
+once. The Cardinal, who was dressed in secular habit, rose, and, drawing
+his sword, protested against this high-handed proceeding. Martuccia, by
+favor of their host, was his partner that evening. Upon this, Marcello
+called his men; but when they recognized the Cardinal nephew, they
+refused to employ violence. In the course of the quarrel, Martuccia made
+her escape, followed by Marcello, Caraffa, and the company. There ensued
+a street-brawl between the young man and the Cardinal; but no blood was
+spilt, and the incident need have had but slight importance, if the Duke
+of Palliano had not thought it necessary to place Lanfranchi and
+Marcello under arrest. They were soon released, because it became
+evident that the chief scandal would fall upon the Cardinal, who had
+clearly been scuffling and crossing swords in a dispute about a common
+prostitute. The three Caraffa brothers resolved on hushing the affair
+up. But it was too late. The Pope heard something, which sufficed to
+confirm his confessor's warnings; and on January 27, he pronounced the
+famous sentence on his nephews. The Cardinal was banished to Civita
+Lavinia, the Duke to Soriano, the Marquis to Montebello. The Duchess
+took up her abode with her court in the little village of Gallese. It
+was here that the episode of her love and tragic end ensued.
+
+Violante found herself almost alone in a simple village among mountains,
+half-way between Rome and Orvieto, surrounded indeed by lovely forest
+scenery, but deprived of all the luxuries and entertainments to which
+she was accustomed. Marcello and Diana were at her side, the one eager
+to pursue his hitherto hopeless suit, and the other to further it for
+her own profit. One day Marcello committed the apparent imprudence of
+avowing his passion. The Duchess rejected him with scorn, but disclosed
+the fact to Diana, who calculated that if she could contrive to
+compromise her mistress, she might herself be able to secure the end she
+had in view of marrying Domiziano. In the solitude of those long days of
+exile the waiting-woman returned again and again to the subject of
+Marcello's devotion, his beauty, his noble blood and his manifold good
+qualities. She arranged meetings in the woods between the Duchess and
+her lover, and played her cards so well that during the course of the
+fine summer weeks Violante yielded to Marcello. Diana now judged it wise
+to press her own suit forward with Domiziano. But this cold-blooded
+fellow knew that he was no fit match for a relative of the Marchioness
+of Montebello. He felt, besides, but little sentiment for his fiery
+_innamorata_. Dreading the poignard of the Caraffas, if he should
+presume to marry her, he took the prudent course of slipping away in
+disguise from the port of Nettuno. Diana maddened by disappointment,
+flew to the conclusion that the Duchess had planned her lover's removal,
+and resolved to take a cruel revenge. The Duke of Palliano was residing
+at Soriano, only a few miles from Gallese. To bring him secret
+information of his wife's intrigue was a matter of no difficulty. At
+first he refused to believe her report. Had not Violante resisted the
+seductions of all Rome, and repelled the advances even of the Duke of
+Guise? At last she contrived to introduce him into the bedroom of the
+Duchess at a moment when Marcello was also there. The circumstances were
+not precisely indicative of guilt. The sun had only just gone down
+behind the hills; a maid was in attendance; and the Duchess lay in bed,
+penciling some memoranda. Yet they were sufficient to arouse the Duke's
+anger. He disarmed Marcello and removed him to the prisons of Soriano,
+leaving Violante under strict guard at Gallese.
+
+The Duke of Palliano had no intention of proclaiming his jealousy or of
+suggesting his dishonor, until he had extracted complete proof. He
+therefore pretended to have arrested Marcello on the suspicion of an
+attempt to poison him. Some large toads, bought by the young man at a
+high price two or three months earlier, lent color to this accusation.
+Meanwhile the investigation was conducted as secretly as possible by the
+Duke in person, his brother-in-law Count Aliffe, and a certain Antonio
+Torando, with the sanction of the Podesta of Soriano. After examining
+several witnesses, they became convinced of Violante's guilt. Marcello
+was put to the torture, and eventually confessed. The Duke stabbed him
+to death with his own hands, and afterwards cut Diana's throat for her
+share in the business. Both bodies were thrown into the prison-sewer.
+Meanwhile Paul IV. had retained the young Cardinal, Alfonso Caraffa, son
+of the Marquis of Montebello, near his person. This prelate thought it
+right to inform his grand-uncle of the occurrences at Soriano. The Pope
+only answered: 'And the Duchess? What have they done with her?' Paul IV.
+died in August, and the Conclave, which ended in the election of Pius
+IV., was opened. During the important intrigues of that moment, Cardinal
+Alfonso found time to write to the Duke, imploring him not to leave so
+dark a stain upon his honor, but to exercise justice on a guilty wife.
+On August 28, 1559, the Duke sent the Count Aliffe, and Don Leonardo del
+Cardine, with a company of soldiers to Gallese. They told Violante that
+they had arrived to kill her, and offered her the offices of two
+Franciscan monks. Before her death, the Duchess repeatedly insisted on
+her innocence, and received the Sacrament from the hands of Friar
+Antonio of Pavia. The Count, her brother, then proceeded to her
+execution. She covered her eyes with a handkerchief, which she, with
+perfect _sang froid_, drew somewhat lower in order to shut his sight
+out. Then he adjusted the cord to her neck; but, finding that it would
+not exactly fit, he removed it and walked away. The Duchess raised the
+bandage from her face, and said: "Well! what are we about then?" He
+answered: "The cord was not quite right, and I am going to get another,
+in order that you may not suffer." When he returned to the room, he
+arranged the handkerchief again, fixed the cord, turned the wand in the
+knot behind her neck, and strangled her. The whole incident, on the part
+of the Duchess, passed in the tone of ordinary conversation. She died
+like a good Christian, frequently repeating the words _Credo, Credo_.
+
+Contrary to the usual custom and opinion of the age, this murder of an
+erring wife and sister formed part of the accusations brought against
+the Duke of Palliano and Count Aliffe. It will be remembered that they
+were executed in Rome, together with the elder Cardinal Caraffa, during
+the pontificate of Pius IV.
+
+_Wife-Murders._
+
+It would be difficult to give any adequate notion of the frequency of
+wife-murders at this epoch in the higher ranks of society. I will,
+however, mention a few, noticed by me in the course of study. Donna
+Pellegrina, daughter of Bianca Capello before her marriage with the
+Grand Duke of Tuscany, was killed at Bologna in 1598 by four masked
+assassins at the order of her husband, Count Ulisse Bentivoglio. She had
+been suspected or convicted of adultery; and the Court of Florence sent
+word to the Count, 'che essendo vero quanto scriveva, facesse quello che
+conveniva a cavaliere di honore.' In the light of open day, together
+with two of her gentlewomen and her coachman, she was cut to pieces and
+left on the road.[210] In 1690 at Naples Don Carlo Gesualdo, son of the
+Prince of Venosta, assassinated his wife and cousin Donna Maria
+d'Avalos, together with her lover, Fabricio Caraffa, Duke of Andri. This
+crime was committed in his palace by the husband, attended by a band of
+cut-throats.[211] In 1577, at Milan, Count Giovanni Borromeo, cousin of
+the Cardinal Federigo, stabbed his wife, the Countess Giulia
+Sanseverina, sister of the Contessa di Sala, at table, with three mortal
+wounds. A mere domestic squabble gave rise to this tragedy.[212] In
+1598, in his villa of Zenzalino at Ferrara, the Count Ercole Trotti,
+with the assistance of a bravo called Jacopo Lazzarini, killed his wife
+Anna, daughter of the poet Guarini. Her own brother Girolamo connived at
+the act and helped to facilitate its execution. She was
+accused--falsely, as it afterwards appeared from Girolamo's
+confession--of an improper intimacy with the Count Ercole Bevilacqua. I
+may add that Count Ercole Trotti's father, Alfonso, had murdered his own
+wife, Michela Granzena, in the same villa.[213]
+
+[Footnote 210: Mutinelli, _Storia Arcana_, vol. ii. p. 64.]
+
+[Footnote 211: _Ib._ vol. ii. p. 162.]
+
+[Footnote 212: _Ib._ vol. i. p. 343.]
+
+_The Medici_.
+
+The history of the Medicean family during the sixteenth century
+epitomizes the chief features of social morality upon which I have been
+dwelling in this chapter. It will be remembered that Alessandro de'
+Medici, the first Duke of Florence, poisoned his cousin Ippolito, and
+was himself assassinated by his cousin Lorenzino. To the second of these
+crimes Cosimo, afterwards Grand Duke of Tuscany, owed the throne of
+Florence, on which, however, he was not secure until he had removed
+Lorenzino from this world by the poignard of a bravo. Cosimo maintained
+his authority by a system of espionage, remorseless persecution, and
+assassination, which gave color even to the most improbable of
+legends.[214]
+
+[Footnote 213: _I Guarini, Famiglia Nobile Ferrarese_ (Bologna,
+Romagnoli, 1870), pp. 83-87.]
+
+[Footnote 214: In addition to the victims of his vengeance who perished
+by the poignard, he publicly executed in Florence forty-two political
+offenders.]
+
+But it is not of him so much as of his children that I have to speak.
+Francesco, who reigned from 1564 till 1587, brought disgrace upon his
+line by marrying the infamous Bianca Capello, after authorizing the
+murder of her previous husband. Bianca, though incapable of bearing
+children, flattered her besotted paramour before this marriage by
+pretending to have borne a son. In reality, she had secured the
+co-operation of three women on the point of child-birth; and when one of
+these was delivered of a boy, she presented this infant to Francesco,
+who christened him Antonio de'Medici. Of the three mothers who served
+in this nefarious transaction, Bianca contrived to assassinate two, but
+not before one of the victims to her dread of exposure made full
+confession at the point of death. The third escaped. Another woman who
+had superintended the affair was shot between Florence and Bologna in
+the valleys of the Apennines. Yet after the manifestation of Bianca's
+imposture, the Duke continued to recognize Antonio as belonging to the
+Medicean family; and his successor was obliged to compel this young man
+to assume the Cross of Malta, in order to exclude his posterity from the
+line of princes.[215]
+
+[Footnote 215: See Mutinelli, _Storia Arcana_, vol. ii. pp.54-56, for
+Antonio's reception into the Order.]
+
+The legend of Francesco's and Bianca's mysterious death is well known.
+The Duchess had engaged in fresh intrigues for palming off a spurious
+child upon her husband. These roused the suspicions of his brother
+Cardinal Ferdinando de'Medici, heir presumptive to the crown. An angry
+correspondence followed, ending in a reconciliation between the three
+princes. They met in the autumn of 1587 at the villa of Poggio a Cajano.
+Then the world was startled by the announcement that the Grand Duke had
+died of fever after a few days' illness, and that Bianca had almost
+immediately afterwards followed him to the grave. Ferdinand, on
+succeeding to the throne, refused her the interment suited to her rank,
+defaced her arms on public edifices, and for her name and titles in
+official documents substituted the words, 'la pessima Bianca.' What
+passed at Poggio a Cajano is not known. It was commonly believed in
+Italy that Bianca, meaning to poison the Cardinal at supper, had been
+frustrated in her designs by a blunder which made her husband the victim
+of this plot, and that she ended her own life in despair or fell a
+victim to the Cardinal's vengeance. This story is rejected both by Botta
+and Galluzzi; but Litta has given it a partial credence.[216] Two of
+Cosimo's sons died previously, in the year 1562, under circumstances
+which gave rise to similar malignant rumors. Don Garzia and the Cardinal
+Giovanni were hunting together in the Pisan marshes, when the latter
+expired after a short illness, and the former in a few days met with a
+like fate. Report ran that Don Garzia had stabbed his brother, and that
+Cosimo, in a fit of rage, ran him through the body with his own sword.
+In this case, although Litta attaches weight to the legend, the balance
+of evidence is strongly in favor of both brothers having been carried
+off by a pernicious fever contracted simultaneously during their
+hunting expedition.[217] Each instance serves however, to show in what
+an atmosphere of guilt the Medicean princes were enveloped. No one
+believed that they could die except by fraternal or paternal hands. And
+the authentic crimes of the family certainly justified this popular
+belief. I have already alluded to the murders of Ippolito, Alessandro,
+and Lorenzino. I have told how the Court of Florence sanctioned the
+assassination of Bianca's daughter by her husband at Bologna.[218] I
+must now proceed to relate the tragic tales of the princesses of the
+house.
+
+Pietro de'Medici, a fifth of Cosimo's sons, had rendered himself
+notorious in Spain and Italy by forming a secret society for the most
+revolting debaucheries.[219] Yet he married the noble lady Eleonora di
+Toledo, related by blood to Cosimo's first wife. Neglected and outraged
+by her husband, she proved unfaithful, and Pietro hewed her in pieces
+with his own hands at Caffaggiolo. Isabella de'Medici, daughter of
+Cosimo, was married to the Duke of Bracciano. Educated in the empoisoned
+atmosphere of Florence, she, like Eleonora di Toledo, yielded herself to
+fashionable profligacy, and was strangled by her husband at
+Cerretto.[220]
+
+[Footnote 216: I refer, of course, to Galluzzi's _Storia del Gran
+Ducato_, vol. iv. pp. 241-244. Botta's _Storia d'Italia_, Book xiv., and
+Litta's _Famiglie Celebri_ under the pedigree of Medici.]
+
+[Footnote 217: See Galluzzi, _op. cit._ vol. iii. p, 25, and Botta, _op.
+cit._ Book xii.]
+
+[Footnote 218: See above, p. 381.]
+
+[Footnote 219: Litta may be consulted for details; also Galluzzi, _op.
+cit._ vol. v. p. 174.]
+
+[Footnote 220: It maybe worth mentioning that Virginio Orsini,
+Bracciano's son and heir, married Donna Flavia, grand niece of Sixtus
+V., and consequently related to the man his father murdered in order to
+possess Vittoria Accoramboni. See Mutinelli, _Storia Arcana_, vol. ii.
+p. 72.]
+
+Both of these murders took place in 1576. Isabella's death, as I have
+elsewhere related, opened the way for the Duke of Bracciano's marriage
+with Vittoria Accoramboni, which had been prepared by the assassination
+of her first husband, and which led to her own murder at Padua.[221]
+Another of Cosimo's daughters, Lucrezia de'Medici, became Duchess of
+Ferrara, fell under a suspicion of infidelity, and was possibly removed
+by poison in 1561.[222] The last of his sons whom I have to mention, Don
+Giovanni, married a dissolute woman of low birth called Livia, and
+disgraced the name of Medici by the unprincely follies of his life.
+Eleonora de'Medici, third of his daughters, introduces a comic element
+into these funereal records. She was affianced to Vincenzo Gonzaga, heir
+of the Duchy of Mantua. But suspicions, arising out of the circumstances
+of his divorce from a former wife, obliged him to prove his marital
+capacity before the completion of the contract. This he did at Venice,
+before a witness, upon the person of a virgin selected for the
+experiment.[223] Maria de'Medici, the only child of Duke Francesco,
+became Queen of France.
+
+[Footnote 221: See above, pp. 361-369.]
+
+[Footnote 222: Galluzzi, vol. iii. p. 5, says that she died of a putrid
+fever. Litta again inclines to the probability of poison. But this must
+counted among the doubtful cases.]
+
+[Footnote 223: See Galluzzi, _op. cit._ vol. iv. pp. 195-197, for the
+account of a transaction which throws curious light upon the customs of
+the age. It was only stipulated that the trial should not take place
+upon a Friday. Otherwise, the highest ecclesiastics gave it their full
+approval.] The history of her amours with Concini forms an episode in
+French annals.
+
+If now we eliminate the deaths of Don Garcia, Cardinal Giovanni, Duke
+Francesco, Bianca Capello, and Lucrezia de'Medici, as doubtful, there
+will still remain the murders of Cardinal Ippolito, Duke Alessandro,
+Lorenzino de'Medici, Pietro Bonaventuri (Bianca's husband), Pellegrina
+Bentivoglio (Bianca's daughter), Eleonora di Toledo, Francesco Casi
+(Eleonora's lover), the Duchess of Bracciano, Troilo Orsini (lover of
+this Duchess), Felice Peretti (husband of Vittoria Accoramboni), and
+Vittoria Accoramboni--eleven murders, all occurring between 1535 and
+1585, an exact half century, in a single princely family and its
+immediate connections. The majority of these crimes, that is to say
+seven, had their origin in lawless passion.[224]
+
+[Footnote 224: I have told the stories in this chapter as dryly as I
+could. Yet it would be interesting to analyze the fascination they
+exercised over our Elizabethan playwrights, some of whose Italian
+tragedies handle the material with penetrative imagination. For the
+English mode of interpreting southern passions see my _Italian Byways_,
+pp. 142 _et seq._, and a brilliant essay in Vernon Lee's _Euphorion_.]
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VI.
+
+SOCIAL AND DOMESTIC MORALS: PART II.
+
+
+     Tales illustrative of Bravi and Banditti--Cecco Bibboni--Ambrogio
+     Tremazzi--Lodovico dall'Armi--Brigandage--Piracy--Plagues--The
+     Plagues of Milan, Venice, Piedmont--Persecution of the
+     Untori--Moral State of the Proletariate--Witchcraft--Its Italian
+     Features--History of Giacomo Centini.
+
+
+The stories related in the foregoing chapter abundantly demonstrate the
+close connection between the aristocracy and their accomplices--bravos
+and bandits. But it still remains to consider this connection from the
+professional murderer's own point of view. And for this purpose, I will
+now make use of two documents vividly illustrative of the habits,
+sentiments, and social status of men who undertook to speculate in
+bloodshed for reward. They are both autobiographical; and both relate
+tragedies which occupied the attention of all Italy.
+
+
+_Cecco Bibboni_.
+
+The first of these documents is the report made by Cecco Bibboni
+concerning his method adopted for the murder of Lorenzino de'Medici at
+Venice in 1546. Lorenzino, by the help of a bravo called Scoroncolo, had
+assassinated his cousin Alessandro, Duke of Florence, in 1537. After
+accomplishing this deed, which gained for him the name of Brutus, he
+escaped from the city; and a distant relative of the murdered and the
+murderer, Cosimo de'Medici, was chosen Duke in Alessandro's stead. One
+of the first acts of his reign was to publish a ban of outlawry against
+Lorenzino. His portrait was painted according to old Tuscan usage head
+downwards, and suspended by one foot, upon the wall of Alessandro's
+fortress. His house was cut in twain from roof to pavement, and a narrow
+passage was driven through it, which received the name of Traitor's
+Alley, _Chiasso del Traditore_. The price put upon his head was
+enormous--four thousand golden florins, with a pension of one hundred
+florins to the murderer and his heirs in perpetuity. The man who should
+kill Lorenzino was, further, to enjoy amnesty from all offenses and to
+exercise full civic rights; he was promised exemption from taxes, the
+privilege of carrying arms with two attendants in the whole domain of
+Florence, and the prerogative of restoring ten outlaws at his choice. If
+he captured Lorenzino and brought him alive to Florence, the reward
+would be double in each item. There was enough here to raise cupidity
+and stir the speculative spirit. Cecco Bibboni shall tell us how the
+business was brought to a successful termination.[225]
+
+[Footnote 225: For the Italian text see _Lorenzino de'Medici_, Daelli,
+Milano, 1862. The above is borrowed from my _Italian Byways_.]
+
+'When I returned from Germany,' begins Bibboni, 'where I had been in
+the pay of the Emperor, I found at Vicenza Bebo da Volterra, who was
+staying in the house of M. Antonio da Roma, a nobleman of that city.
+This gentleman employed him because of a great feud he had; and he was
+mighty pleased, moreover, at my coming, and desired that I too should
+take up my quarters in his palace.'
+
+Bibboni proceeds to say how another gentleman of Vicenza, M. Francesco
+Manente, had at this time a feud with certain of the Guazzi and the
+Laschi, which had lasted several years, and cost the lives of many
+members of both parties and their following. M. Francesco, being a
+friend of M. Antonio, besought that gentleman to lend him Bibboni and
+Bebo for a season; and the two _bravi_ went together with their new
+master to Celsano, a village in the neighborhood. 'There both parties
+had estates, and all of them kept armed men in their houses, so that not
+a day passed without feats of arms, and always there was some one killed
+or wounded. One day, soon afterwards, the leaders of our party resolved
+to attack the foe in their house, where we killed two, and the rest,
+numbering five men, entrenched themselves in a ground-floor apartment;
+whereupon we took possession of their harquebusses and other arms, which
+forced them to abandon the villa and retire to Vicenza; and within a
+short space of time this great feud was terminated by an ample peace.'
+After this Bebo took service with the Rector of the University in Padua,
+and was transferred by his new patron to Milan. Bibboni remained at
+Vicenza with M. Galeazzo della Seta, who stood in great fear of his
+life, notwithstanding the peace which had been concluded between the two
+factions. At the end of ten months he returned to M. Antonio da Roma and
+his six brothers, 'all of whom being very much attached to me, they
+proposed that I should live my life with them, for good or ill, and be
+treated as one of the family; upon the understanding that if war broke
+out and I wanted to take part in it, I should always have twenty-five
+crowns and arms and horse, with welcome home, so long as I lived; and in
+case I did not care to join the troops, the same provision for my
+maintenance.'
+
+From these details we comprehend the sort of calling which a bravo of
+Bibboni's species followed. Meanwhile Bebo was at Milan. 'There it
+happened that M. Francesco Vinta, of Volterra, was on embassy from the
+Duke of Florence. He saw Bebo, and asked him what he was doing in Milan,
+and Bebo answered that he was a knight errant.' This phrase--derived, no
+doubt, from the romantic epics then in vogue--was a pretty euphemism for
+a rogue of Bebo's quality. The ambassador now began cautiously to sound
+his man, who seems to have been outlawed from the Tuscan duchy, telling
+him he knew a way by which he might return with favor to his home, and
+at last disclosing the affair of Lorenzino. Bebo was puzzled at first,
+but when he understood the matter, he professed his willingness, took
+letters from the envoy to the Duke of Florence, and, in a private
+audience with Cosimo, informed him that he was ready to attempt
+Lorenzino's assassination. He added that 'he had a comrade fit for such
+a job, whose fellow for the business could not easily be found.'
+
+Bebo now traveled to Vicenza, and opened the whole matter to Bibboni,
+who weighed it well, and at last, being convinced that the Duke's
+commission to his comrade was _bona fide_, determined to take his share
+in the undertaking. The two agreed to have no accomplices. They went to
+Venice, and 'I,' says Bibboni, 'being most intimately acquainted with
+all that city, and provided there with many friends, soon quietly
+contrived to know where Lorenzino lodged, and took a room in the
+neighborhood, and spent some days in seeing how we best might rule our
+conduct.' Bibboni soon discovered that Lorenzino never left his palace;
+and he therefore remained in much perplexity, until, by good luck,
+Ruberto Strozzi arrived from France in Venice, bringing in his train a
+Navarrese servant, who had the nickname of Spagnoletto. This fellow was
+a great friend of the bravo. They met, and Bibboni told him that he
+should like to go and kiss the hands of Messer Ruberto, whom he had
+known in Rome. Strozzi inhabited the same palace as Lorenzino. 'When we
+arrived there, both Messer Ruberto and Lorenzino were leaving the house,
+and there were around them so many gentlemen and other persons, that I
+could not present myself, and both straightway stepped into the
+gondola. Then I, not having seen Lorenzino for a long while past, and
+because he was very quietly attired, could not recognize the man
+exactly, but only as it were between certainty and doubt. Wherefore I
+said to Spagnoletto, "I think I know that gentleman, but don't remember
+where I saw him." And Messer Ruberto was giving him his right hand. Then
+Spagnoletto answered, "You know him well enough; he is Messer Lorenzino.
+But see you tell this to nobody. He goes by the name of Messer Dario,
+because he lives in great fear for his safety, and people don't know
+that he is now in Venice." I answered that I marveled much, and if I
+could have helped him, would have done so willingly. Then I asked where
+they were going, and he said, to dine with Messer Giovanni della Casa,
+who was the Pope's Legate. I did not leave the man till I had drawn from
+him all I required.'
+
+Thus spoke the Italian Judas. The appearance of La Casa on the scene is
+interesting. He was the celebrated author of the _Capitolo del Forno_,
+the author of many sublime and melancholy sonnets, who was now at Venice
+prosecuting a charge of heresy against Pier Paolo Vergerio, and paying
+his addresses to a noble lady of the Quirini family. It seems that on
+the territory of San Marco he made common cause with the exiles from
+Florence, for he was himself by birth a Florentine, and he had no
+objection to take Brutus-Lorenzino by the hand.
+
+After the noblemen had rowed off in their gondola to dine with the
+Legate, Bibboni and his friend entered their palace, where he found
+another old acquaintance, the house-steward, or _spenditore_ of
+Lorenzino. From him he gathered much useful information. Pietro Strozzi,
+it seems, had allowed the tyrannicide one thousand five hundred crowns a
+year, with the keep of three brave and daring companions (_tre compagni
+bravi e facinorosi_), and a palace worth fifty crowns on lease. But
+Lorenzino had just taken another on the Campo di San Polo at three
+hundred crowns a year, for which swagger (_altura_) Pietro Strozzi had
+struck a thousand crowns off his allowance. Bibboni also learned that he
+was keeping house with his uncle, Alessandro Soderini, another
+Florentine outlaw, and that he was ardently in love with a certain
+beautiful Barozza. This woman was apparently one of the grand courtesans
+of Venice. He further ascertained the date when he was going to move
+into the palace at San Polo, and, 'to put it briefly, knew everything he
+did, and, as it were, how many times a day he spit.' Such were the
+intelligences of the servants' hall, and of such value were they to men
+of Bibboni's calling.
+
+In the Carnival of 1546 Lorenzino meant to go masqued in the habit of a
+gypsy woman to the square of San Spirito, where there was to be a joust.
+Great crowds of people would assemble, and Bibboni hoped to do his
+business there. The assassination, however, failed on this occasion, and
+Lorenzino took up his abode in the palace he had hired upon the Campo
+di San Polo. This Campo is one of the largest open places in Venice,
+shaped irregularly, with a finely curving line upon the western side,
+where two of the noblest private houses in the city are still standing.
+Nearly opposite these, in the south-western angle, stands, detached, the
+little old church of San Polo. One of its side entrances opens upon the
+square; the other on a lane which leads eventually to the Frari. There
+is nothing in Bibboni's narrative to make it clear where Lorenzino hired
+his dwelling. But it would seem from certain things which he says later
+on, that in order to enter the church his victim had to cross the
+square. Meanwhile Bibboni took the precaution of making friends with a
+shoemaker, whose shop commanded the whole Campo, including Lorenzino's
+palace. In this shop he began to spend much of his time; 'and oftentimes
+I feigned to be asleep; but God knows whether I was sleeping, for my
+mind, at any rate, was wide awake.'
+
+A second convenient occasion for murdering Lorenzino soon seemed to
+offer. He was bidden to dine with Monsignor della Casa; and Bibboni,
+putting a bold face on, entered the Legate's palace, having left Bebo
+below in the loggia, fully resolved to do the business. 'But we found,'
+he says, 'that they had gone to dine at Murano, so that we remained with
+our tabors in their bag.' The island of Murano at that period was a
+favorite resort of the Venetian nobles, especially of the more literary
+and artistic, who kept country-houses there, where they enjoyed the
+fresh air of the lagoons and the quiet of their gardens.
+
+The third occasion, after all these weeks of watching, brought success
+to Bibboni's schemes. He had observed how Lorenzino occasionally so far
+broke his rules of caution as to go on foot, past the church of San
+Polo, to visit the beautiful Barozza; and he resolved, if possible, to
+catch him on one of these journeys. 'It so chanced on February 28, which
+was the second Sunday of Lent, that having gone, as was my wont, to pry
+out whether Lorenzino would give orders for going abroad that day, I
+entered the shoemaker's shop, and stayed awhile, until Lorenzino came to
+the window with a napkin round his neck--for he was combing his hair
+--and at the same moment I saw a certain Giovan Battista Martelli, who
+kept his sword for the defense of Lorenzino's person, enter and come
+forth again. Concluding that they would probably go abroad, I went home
+to get ready and procure the necessary weapons, and there I found Bebo
+asleep in bed, and made him get up at once, and we came to our
+accustomed post of observation, by the church of San Polo, where our men
+would have to pass.' Bibboni now retired to his friend the shoemaker's,
+and Bebo took up his station at one of the side doors of San Polo: 'and,
+as good luck would have it, Giovan Battista Martelli came forth, and
+walked a piece in front, and then Lorenzino came, and then Alessandro
+Soderini, going the one behind the other, like storks, and Lorenzino, on
+entering the church, and lifting up the curtain of the door, was seen
+from the opposite door by Bebo, who at the same time noticed how I had
+left the shop, and so we met upon the street as we had agreed, and he
+told me that Lorenzino was inside the church.'
+
+To any one who knows the Campo di San Polo, it will be apparent that
+Lorenzino had crossed from the western side of the piazza and entered
+the church by what is technically called its northern door. Bebo,
+stationed at the southern door, could see him when he pushed the heavy
+_stoia_ or leather curtain aside, and at the same time could observe
+Bibboni's movements in the cobbler's shop. Meanwhile Lorenzino walked
+across the church and came to the same door where Bebo had been
+standing. 'I saw him issue from the church and take the main street;
+then came Alessandro Soderini, and I walked last of all; and when we
+reached the point we had determined on, I jumped in front of Alessandro
+with the poignard in my hand, crying, "Hold hard, Alessandro, and get
+along with you, in God's name, for we are not here for you!" He then
+threw himself around my waist, and grasped my arms, and kept on calling
+out. Seeing how wrong I had been to try to spare his life, I wrenched
+myself as well as I could from his grip, and with my lifted poignard
+struck him, as God willed, above the eyebrow, and a little blood
+trickled from the wound. He, in high fury, gave me such a thrust that I
+fell backward, and the ground besides was slippery from having rained a
+little. Then Alessandro drew his sword, which he carried in its
+scabbard, and thrust at me in front, and struck me on the corselet,
+which for my good fortune was of double mail. Before I could get ready I
+received three passes, which, had I worn a doublet instead of that
+mailed corselet, would certainly have run me through. At the fourth pass
+I had regained my strength and spirit, and closed with him, and stabbed
+him four times in the head, and being so close he could not use his
+sword, but tried to parry with his hand and hilt, and I, as God willed,
+struck him at the wrist below the sleeve of mail, and cut his hand off
+clean, and gave him then one last stroke on his head. Thereupon he
+begged for God's sake spare his life, and I, in trouble about Bebo, left
+him in the arms of a Venetian nobleman, who held him back from jumping
+into the canal.'
+
+Who this Venetian nobleman, found unexpectedly upon the scene, was, does
+not appear. Nor, what is still more curious, do we hear anything of that
+Martelli, the bravo, 'who kept his sword for the defense of Lorenzino's
+person.' The one had arrived accidentally, it seems. The other must have
+been a coward and escaped from the scuffle.
+
+'When I turned,' proceeds Bibboni, 'I found Lorenzino on his knees. He
+raised himself, and I in anger, gave him a great cut across the head,
+which split it in two pieces, and laid him at my feet, and he never
+rose again.'
+
+Bebo, meanwhile, had made off from the scene of action. And Bibboni,
+taking to his heels, came up with him in the little square of San
+Marcello. They now ran for their lives till they reached the traghetto
+di San Spirito, where they threw their poignards into the water,
+remembering that no man might carry these in Venice under penalty of the
+galleys. Bibboni's white hose were drenched with blood. He therefore
+agreed to separate from Bebo, having named a rendezvous. Left alone, his
+ill luck brought him face to face with twenty constables (_sbirri_). 'In
+a moment I conceived that they knew everything, and were come to capture
+me, and of a truth I saw that it was over with me. As swiftly as I could
+I quickened pace and got into a church, near to which was the house of a
+Compagnia, and the one opened into the other, and knelt down and prayed
+commending myself with fervor to God for my deliverance and safety. Yet
+while I prayed, I kept my eyes well opened and saw the whole band pass
+the church, except one man who entered, and I strained my sight so that
+I seemed to see behind as well as in front, and then it was I longed for
+my poignard, for I should not have heeded being in a church.' But the
+constable, it soon appeared, was not looking for Bibboni. So he gathered
+up his courage, and ran for the Church of San Spirito, where the Padre
+Andrea Volterrano was preaching to a great congregation. He hoped to go
+in by one door and out by the other, but the crowd prevented him, and he
+had to turn back and face the _sbirri_. One of them followed him, having
+probably caught sight of the blood upon his hose. Then Bibboni resolved
+to have done with the fellow, and rushed at him, and flung him down with
+his head upon the pavement, and ran like mad, and came at last, all out
+of breath to San Marco.
+
+It seems clear that before Bibboni separated from Bebo they had crossed
+the water, for the Sestiere di San Polo is separated from the Sestiere
+di San Marco by the Grand Canal. And this they must have done at the
+traghetto di San Spirito. Neither the church nor the traghetto are now
+in existence, and this part of the story is therefore obscure.[226]
+
+[Footnote 226: So far as I can discover, the only church of San Spirito
+in Venice was a building on the island of San Spirito, erected by
+Sansavino, which belonged to the Sestiere di S. Croce, and which was
+suppressed in 1656. Its plate and the fine pictures which Titian painted
+there were transferred at that date to S. M. della Salute. I cannot help
+inferring that either Bibboni's memory failed him, or that his words
+were wrongly understood by printer or amanuensis. If for S. Spirito, we
+substitute S. Stefano, the account would be intelligible.]
+
+Having reached San Marco, he took a gondola at the Ponte della Paglia,
+where tourists are now wont to stand and contemplate the Ducal Palace
+and the Bridge of Sighs. First, he sought the house of a woman of the
+town who was his friend; then changed purpose, and rowed to the palace
+of the Count Salici da Collalto. 'He was a great friend and intimate of
+ours, because Bebo and I had done him many and great services in times
+past. There I knocked; and Bebo opened the door, and when he saw me
+dabbled with blood, he marveled that I had not come to grief and fallen
+into the hands of justice; and, indeed, had feared as much because I had
+remained so long away.' It appears, therefore, that the Palazzo Collalto
+was their rendezvous. 'The Count was from home; but being known to all
+his people, I played the master and went into the kitchen to the fire,
+and with soap and water turned my hose, which had been white, to a grey
+color.' This is a very delicate way of saying that he washed out the
+blood of Alessandro and Lorenzino!
+
+Soon after the Count returned, and 'lavished caresses' upon Bebo and his
+precious comrade. They did not tell him what they had achieved that
+morning, but put him off with a story of having settled a _sbirro_ in a
+quarrel about a girl. Then the Count invited them to dinner; and being
+himself bound to entertain the first physician of Venice, requested them
+to take it in an upper chamber. He and his secretary served them with
+their own hands at table. When the physician arrived, the Count went
+downstairs; and at this moment a messenger came from Lorenzino's mother,
+begging the doctor to go at once to San Polo, for that her son had been
+murdered and Soderini wounded to the death. It was now no longer
+possible to conceal their doings from the Count, who told them to pluck
+up courage and abide in patience. He had himself to dine and take his
+siesta, and then to attend a meeting of the Council.
+
+About the hour of vespers, Bibboni determined to seek better refuge.
+Followed at a discreet distance by Bebo, he first called at their
+lodgings and ordered supper. Two priests came in and fell into
+conversation with them. But something in the behavior of one of these
+good men roused his suspicions. So they left the house, took a gondola,
+and told the man to row hard to S. Maria Zobenigo. On the way he bade
+him put them on shore, paid him well, and ordered him to wait for them.
+They landed near the palace of the Spanish embassy; and here Bibboni
+meant to seek sanctuary. For it must be remembered that the houses of
+ambassadors, no less than those of princes of the Church, were
+inviolable. They offered the most convenient harboring-places to
+rascals. Charles V., moreover, was deeply interested in the vengeance
+taken on Alessandro de'Medici's murderer, for his own natural daughter
+was Alessandro's widow and Duchess of Florence. In the palace they were
+received with much courtesy by about forty Spaniards, who showed
+considerable curiosity, and told them that Lorenzino and Alessandro
+Soderini had been murdered that morning by two men whose description
+answered to their appearance. Bibboni put their questions by and asked
+to see the ambassador. He was not at home. 'In that case,' said Bibboni,
+'take us to the secretary. Attended by some thirty Spaniards, 'with
+great joy and gladness,' they were shown into the secretary's chamber.
+He sent the rest of the folk away, 'and locked the door well, and then
+embraced and kissed us before we had said a word, and afterwards bade us
+talk freely without any fear.' When Bibboni had told the whole story, he
+was again embraced and kissed by the secretary, who thereupon left them
+and went to the private apartment of the ambassador. Shortly after he
+returned and led them by a winding staircase into the presence of his
+master. The ambassador greeted them with great honor, told them he would
+strain all the power of the empire to hand them in safety over to Duke
+Cosimo, and that he had already sent a courier to the Emperor with the
+good news.
+
+So they remained in hiding in the Spanish embassy; and in ten days' time
+commands were received from Charles himself that everything should be
+done to convey them safely to Florence. The difficulty was how to
+smuggle them out of Venice, where the police of the Republic were on
+watch, and Florentine outlaws were mounting guard on sea and shore to
+catch them. The ambassador began by spreading reports on the Rialto
+every morning of their having been seen at Padua, at Verona, in Friuli.
+He then hired a palace at Malghera, near Mestre, and went out daily with
+fifty Spaniards, and took carriage or amused himself with horse exercise
+and shooting. The Florentines, who were on watch, could only discover
+from his people that he did this for amusement. When he thought that he
+had put them sufficiently off their guard, the ambassador one day took
+Bibboni and Bebo out by Canaregio to Malghera, concealed in his own
+gondola, with the whole train of Spaniards in attendance. And though on
+landing, the Florentines challenged them, they durst not interfere with
+an ambassador or come to battle with his men. So Bebo and Bibboni were
+hustled into a coach, and afterwards provided with two comrades and four
+horses. They rode for ninety miles without stopping to sleep, and on the
+day following this long journey reached Trento, having probably threaded
+the mountain valleys above Bassano, for Bibboni speaks of a certain
+village where the people talked half German. The Imperial Ambassador at
+Trento forwarded them next day to Mantua; from Mantua they came to
+Piacenza; thence passing through the valley of the Taro, crossing the
+Apennines at Cisa, descending on Pontremoli, and reaching Pisa at night,
+the fourteenth day after their escape from Venice.
+
+When they arrived at Pisa, Duke Cosimo was supping. So they went to an
+inn, and next morning presented themselves to his Grace. Cosimo welcomed
+them kindly, assured them of his gratitude, confirmed them in the
+enjoyment of their rewards and privileges, and swore that they might
+rest secure of his protection in all parts of his dominion. We may
+imagine how the men caroused together after this reception. As Bibboni
+adds, 'We were now able for the whole time of life left us to live
+splendidly, without a thought or care.' The last words of his narrative
+are these: 'Bebo, from Pisa, at what date I know not, went home to
+Volterra, his native town, and there finished his days; while I abode in
+Florence, where I have had no further wish to hear of wars, but to live
+my life in holy peace.'
+
+So ends the story of the two _bravi_. We have reason to believe, from
+some contemporary documents which Cantu has brought to light, that
+Bibboni exaggerated his own part in the affair. Luca Martelli, writing
+to Varchi, says that it was Bebo who clove Lorenzino's skull with a
+cutlass. He adds this curious detail, that the weapons of both men were
+poisoned, and that the wound inflicted by Bibboni on Soderini's hand was
+a slight one. Yet, the poignard being poisoned, Soderini died of it. In
+other respects Martelli's brief account agrees with that given by
+Bibboni, who probably did no more, his comrade being dead, than claim
+for himself, at some expense of truth, the lion's share of their heroic
+action.
+
+_Ambrogio Tremazzi_.[227]
+
+[Footnote 227: The text is published, from Florentine Archives, in
+Gnoli's _Vittoria Accoramboni_, pp. 404-414.]
+
+In illustration of this narrative, and in evidence that it stands by no
+means solitary on the records of that century, I shall extract some
+passages from the report made by Ambrogio Tremazzi of Modigliana
+concerning the assassination of Troilo Orsini. Troilo it will be
+remembered, was the lover of the Medicean Duchess of Bracciano. After
+the discovery of their amours, and while the lady was being strangled by
+her husband, with the sanction of her brother Troilo escaped to France.
+Ambrogio Tremazzi knowing that his murder would be acceptable to the
+Medici, undertook the adventure; moved, as he says, 'solely by the
+desire of bringing myself into favorable notice with the Grand Duke; for
+my mind revolted at the thought of money payments, and I had in view the
+acquisition of honor and praise rather, being willing to risk my life
+for the credit of my Prince, and not my life only, but also to incur
+deadly and perpetual feud with a powerful branch of the Orsini family.'
+On his return from France, having successfully accomplished the mission,
+Ambrogio Tremazzi found that the friends who had previously encouraged
+his hopes, especially the Count Ridolfo Isolami, wished to compromise
+his reward by the settlement of a pension on himself and his associate.
+Whether he really aimed at a more honorable recognition of his services,
+or whether he sought to obtain better pecuniary terms, does not appear.
+But he represents himself as gravely insulted; 'seeing that my tenor of
+life from boyhood upwards has been always honorable, and thus it ever
+shall be.' After this exordium in the form of a letter addressed to one
+Signor Antonio [Serguidi], he proceeds to render account of his
+proceedings. It seems that Don Piero de'Medici gave him three hundred
+crowns for his traveling expenses; after which, leaving his son, a boy
+of twelve years, as hostage in the service of Piero, he set off and
+reached Paris on August 12, 1577. There he took lodgings at the sign of
+the Red Horse, near the Cordeilliers, and began at once to make
+inquiries for Troilo. He had brought with him from Italy a man called
+Hieronimo Savorano. Their joint investigations elicited the fact that
+Troilo had been lately wounded in the service of the King of France, and
+was expected to arrive in Paris with the Court. It was not until the eve
+of All Saints' day that the Court returned. Soon afterwards, Ambrogio
+was talking at the door of a house with some Italian comedians, when a
+young man, covered with a tawny-colored mantle, passed by upon a brown
+horse, bearing a servant behind him on the crupper. This was Troilo
+Orsini; and Ambrogio marked him well. Troilo, after some minutes'
+conversation with the players, rode forward to the Louvre. The _bravo_
+followed him and discovered from his servant where he lodged.
+Accordingly, he engaged rooms in the Rue S. Honore, in order to be
+nearer to his victim.
+
+Some time, however, elapsed before he was able to ascertain Troilo's
+daily habits. Chance at last threw them together. He was playing
+_primiero_ one evening in the house of an actress called Vittoria, when
+Troilo entered, with two gentlemen of Florence. He said he had been
+absent ten days from Paris. Ambrogio, who had left his harquebuss at
+home, not expecting to meet him, 'was consequently on that occasion
+unable to do anything.' Days passed without a better opportunity, till,
+on November 30, 'the feast of S. Andrew, which is a lucky day for me, I
+rose and went at once to the palace, and, immediately on my arrival, saw
+him at the hour when the king goes forth to mass.' Ambrogio had to
+return as he went; for Troilo was surrounded by too many gentlemen of
+the French Court; but he made his mind up then and there 'to see the end
+of him or me.' He called his comrade Hieronimo, posted him on a bridge
+across the Seine, and proceeded to the Court, where Troilo was now
+playing racquets with princes of the royal family. Ambrogio hung about
+the gates until Troilo issued from the lodgings of Monseigneur de
+Montmorenci, still tracked by his unknown enemy, and thence returned to
+his own house on horseback attended by several servants. After waiting
+till the night fell, Troilo again left home on horseback preceded by his
+servants with torches. Ambrogio followed at full speed, watched a
+favorable opportunity, and stopped the horse. When I came up with him, I
+seized the reins with my left hand and with my right I set my harquebuss
+against his side, pushing it with such violence that if it had failed to
+go off it would at any rate have dislodged him from his seat. The gun
+took effect and he fell crying out "Eh! Eh!" In the tumult which
+ensued, I walked away, and do not know what happened afterwards.'
+Ambrogio then made his way back to his lodgings, recharged his
+harquebuss, ate some supper and went to bed. He told Hieronimo that
+nothing had occurred that night. Next day he rose as usual, and returned
+to the Court, hoping to hear news of Troilo. In the afternoon, at the
+Italian theatre, he was informed that an Italian had been murdered, at
+the instance, it was thought, of the Grand Duke of Florence. Hieronimo
+touched his arm, and whispered that he must have done the deed; but
+Ambrogio denied the fact. It seems to have been his object to reserve
+the credit of the murder for himself, and also to avoid the possibility
+of Hieronimo's treachery in case suspicion fell upon him. Afterwards he
+learned that Troilo lay dangerously wounded by a harquebuss. Further
+details made him aware that he was himself suspected of the murder, and
+that Troilo could not recover. He therefore conferred upon the matter
+with Hieronimo in Notre Dame, and both of them resolved to leave Paris
+secretly. This they did at once, relinquishing clothes, arms, and
+baggage in their lodgings, and reached Italy in safety.
+
+_Lodovico dall'Armi_.
+
+The relations of trust which _bravi_ occasionally maintained with
+foreign Courts, supply some curious illustrations of their position in
+Italian society. One characteristic instance may be selected from
+documents in the Venetian Archives referring to Lodovico dall'Armi.[228]
+This man belonged to a noble family of Bologna; and there are reasons
+for supposing that his mother was sister to Cardinal Campeggi, famous in
+the annals of the English Reformation. Outlawed from his native city for
+a homicide, Lodovico adopted the profession of arms and the management
+of secret diplomacy. He first took refuge at the Court of France, where
+in 1541 he obtained such credit, especially with the Dauphin, that he
+was entrusted with a mission for raising revolt in Siena against the
+Spaniards.[229] His transactions in that city with Giulio Salvi, then
+aspiring to its lordship, and in Rome with the French ambassador, led to
+a conspiracy which only awaited the appearance of French troops upon the
+Tuscan frontier to break out into open rebellion. The plot, however,
+transpired before it had been matured; and Lodovico took flight through
+the Florentine territory. He was arrested at Montevarchi and confined in
+the fortress of Florence, where he made such revelations as rendered the
+extinction of the Sienese revolt an easy matter. After this we do not
+hear of him until he reappears at Venice in the year 1545. He was now
+accredited to the English ambassador with the title of Henry VIII.'s
+'Colonel,' and enjoyed the consideration accorded to a powerful
+monarch's privy agent.
+
+[Footnote 228: See Rawdon Brown's _Calendar of State Papers_, vol. iv.]
+
+[Footnote 229: See Botta, Book IV., for the story of Lodovico's
+intrigues at Siena.]
+
+His pension amounted to fifty crowns a month, while he kept eight
+captains at his orders, each of whom received half that sum as pay.
+These subordinates were people of some social standing. We find among
+them a Trissino of Vicenza and a Bonifacio of Verona, the one entitled
+Marquis and the other Count. What the object of Lodovico's residence in
+Italy might be, did not appear. Though he carried letters of
+recommendation from the English Court, he laid no claim to the rank of
+diplomatic envoy. But it was tolerably well known that he employed
+himself in levying troops. Whether these were meant to be used against
+France or in favor of Savoy, or whether, as the Court of Rome suggested,
+Henry had given orders for the murder of his cousin, Cardinal Pole, at
+Trento, remained an open question. Lodovico might have dwelt in peace
+under the tolerant rule of the Venetians, had he not exposed himself to
+a collision with their police. In the month of August he assaulted the
+captain of the night guard in a street brawl; and it was also proved
+against him that he had despatched two of his men to inflict a wound of
+infamy upon a gentleman at Treviso. These offenses, coinciding with
+urgent remonstrances from the Papal Curia, gave the Venetian Government
+fair pretext for expelling him from their dominions. A ban was therefore
+published against him and fourteen of his followers. The English
+ambassador declined to interfere in his behalf, and the man left Italy.
+At the end of August he appeared at Brussels, where he attempted to
+excuse himself in an interview with the Venetian ambassador. Now began a
+diplomatic correspondence between the English Court and the Venetian
+Council, which clearly demonstrates what kind of importance attached to
+this private agent. The Chancellor Lord Wriothesley, and the Secretary
+Sir William Paget, used considerable urgency to obtain a suspension of
+the ban against Dall'Armi. After four months' negotiation, during which
+the Papal Court endeavored to neutralize Henry's influence, the Doge
+signed a safe-conduct for five years in favor of the bravo. Early in
+1546 Lodovico reappeared in Lombardy. At Mantua he delivered a letter
+signed by Henry himself to the Duke Francesco Gonzaga, introducing 'our
+noble and beloved familiar Lodovico Dall'Armi,' and begging the Duke to
+assist him in such matters as he should transact at Mantua in the king's
+service.[230] Lodovico presented this letter in April; but the Duchess,
+who then acted as regent for her son Francesco, refused to receive him.
+She alleged that the Duke forbade the levying of troops for foreign
+service, and declined to complicate his relations with foreign powers.
+It seems, from a sufficiently extensive correspondence on the affairs of
+Lodovico, that he was understood by the Italian princess to be charged
+with some special commission for recruiting soldiers against the French.
+
+[Footnote 230: This letter is dated February 16, 1546.]
+
+The peace between England and France, signed at Guines in June,
+rendered Lodovico's mission nugatory; and the death of Henry VIII. in
+January 1547 deprived him of his only powerful support. Meanwhile he had
+contrived to incur the serious displeasure of the Venetian Republic. In
+the autumn of 1546 they outlawed one of their own nobles, Ser Mafio
+Bernardo, on the charge of his having revealed state secrets to France.
+About the middle of November, Bernardo, then living in concealment at
+Ravenna, was lured into the pine forest by two men furnished with tokens
+which secured his confidence. He was there murdered, and the assassins
+turned out to be paid instruments of Lodovico. It now came to light that
+Lodovico and Ser Mafio Bernardo had for some time past colluded in
+political intrigue. If, therefore, the murder had a motive, this was
+found in Lodovico's dread of revelations under the event of Ser Mario's
+capture. Submitted to torture in the prisons of the Ten, Ser Mafio might
+have incriminated his accomplice both with England and Venice. It was
+obvious why he had been murdered by Lodovico's men. Dall'Armi was
+consequently arrested and confined in Venice. After examination,
+followed by a temporary release, he prudently took flight into the Duchy
+of Milan. Though they held proof of his guilt in the matter of Ser
+Mafio's murder, the Venetians were apparently unwilling to proceed to
+extremities against the King of England's man. Early in February,
+however, Sir William Paget surrendered him in the name of Lord
+Protector Somerset to the discretion of S. Mark. Furnished with this
+assurance that Dall'Armi had lost the favor of England, the Signory
+wrote to demand his arrest and extradition from the Spanish governor in
+Milan. He was in fact arrested on February 10. The letter announcing his
+capture describes him as a man of remarkably handsome figure, accustomed
+to wear a crimson velvet cloak and a red cap trimmed with gold. It is
+exactly in this costume that Lodovico has been represented by Bonifazio
+in a picture of the Massacre of the Innocents. The bravo there stands
+with his back partly turned, gazing stolidly upon a complex scene of
+bloodshed. He wears a crimson velvet mantle, scarlet cap and white
+feather, scarlet stockings, crimson velvet shoes, and rose-colored silk
+underjacket. His person is that of a gallant past the age of thirty,
+high-complexioned, with short brown beard, spare whiskers and moustache.
+He is good to look at, except that the sharp set mouth suggests cynical
+vulgarity and shallow rashness. On being arrested in Milan, Lodovico
+proclaimed himself a privileged person _(persona pubblica)_, bearing
+credentials from the King of England; and, during the first weeks of his
+confinement, he wrote to the Emperor for help. This was an idle step.
+Henry's death had left him without protectors, and Charles V. felt no
+hesitation in abandoning his suppliant to the Venetians. When the usual
+formalities regarding extradition had been completed, the Milanese
+Government delivered Lodovico at the end of April into the hands of the
+Rector of Brescia, who forwarded him under a guard of two hundred men to
+Padua. He was hand-cuffed; and special directions were given regarding
+his safety, it being even prescribed that if he refused food it should
+be thrust down his throat. What passed in the prisons of the State,
+after his arrival at Venice, is not known. But on May 14, he was
+beheaded between the columns on the Molo.
+
+Venice, at this epoch, incurred the reproaches of her neighbors for
+harboring adventurers of Lodovico's stamp. One of the Fregosi of Genoa a
+certain Valerio, and Pietro Strozzi, the notorious French agent, all of
+whom habitually haunted the lagoons, roused sufficient public anxiety to
+necessitate diplomatic communications between Courts, and to disquiet
+fretful Italian princelings. Banished from their own provinces, and
+plying a petty Condottiere trade, such men, when they came together on a
+neutral ground, engaged in cross-intrigues which made them politically
+dangerous. They served no interest but that of their own egotism, and
+they were notoriously unscrupulous in the means employed to effect
+immediate objects. At the same time, the protection which they claimed
+from foreign potentates withdrew them from the customary justice of the
+State. Bedmar's conspiracy in 1617-18 revealed to Venice the full extent
+of the peril which this harborage of ruffians involved; for though
+grandees of the distinction of the Duke of Ossuna were involved in it,
+the main agents, on whose ambition and audacity all depended, sprang
+from those French, English, Spanish, and Italian mercenaries, who
+crowded the low quarters of the city, alert for any mischief, and
+inflamed with the wildest projects of self-aggrandizement by policy and
+bloodshed. Nothing testifies to the social and political decrepitude of
+Italy in this period more plainly than the importance which folk like
+Lodovico Dall'Armi acquired, and the revolutionary force which a man
+like Jaffier commanded.
+
+
+_Brigands, Pirates, Plague_.
+
+After collecting these stories, which illustrate the manners of the
+upper classes in society and prove their dependence upon henchmen paid
+to subserve lawless passions, it would be interesting to lay bare the
+life of the common people with equal lucidity. This, however, is a more
+difficult matter. Statistics of dubious value can indeed be gathered
+regarding the desolation of villages by brigands, the multitudes
+destroyed by pestilence and famine, and the inroads of Mediterranean
+pirates. I propose, therefore, to touch lightly upon these points, and
+especially to use our records of plague in different Italian districts
+as tests for contrasting the condition of the people at this epoch with
+that of the same people in the Middle Ages.
+
+Brigandage, though this was certainly a curse of the first magnitude to
+Central and Southern Italy, cannot be paralleled, either for the
+miseries it inflicted, or for the ferocity it stimulated, with the
+municipal warfare of the twelfth, thirteenth and fourteenth centuries.
+In those internecine struggles whole cities disappeared, and fertile
+districts were periodically abandoned to wolves. The bands of an Alfonso
+Piccolomini or a Sciarra Colonna plundered villages, exacted black mail,
+and held prisoners for ransom.[231] But their barbarities were
+insignificant, when compared with those commonly perpetrated by
+wandering companies of adventure before the days of Alberigo da
+Barbiano; nor did brigands cost Italy so much as the mercenary troops,
+which, after the Condottiere system had been developed, became a
+permanent drain upon the resources of the country. The raids of Tunisian
+and Algerian Corsairs were more seriously mischievous; since the whole
+sea-board from Nice to Reggio lay open to the ravages of such incarnate
+fiends as Barbarossa and Dragut, while the Adriatic was infested by
+Uscocchi, and the natives of the Regno not unfrequently turned pirates
+in emulation of their persecutors.[232]
+
+[Footnote 231: See Mutinelli, _Storia Arcana_, vol. ii. p. 167, for the
+pillage of Lucera by Pacchiarotto.]
+
+[Footnote 232: Sarpi's _History of the Uscocchi_ may be consulted for
+this singular episode in the Iliad of human savagery. See Mutinelli,
+_op. cit._ vol. ii. p. 182, on the case of the son and heir of the Duke
+of Termoli joining them; and _ibid._ p. 180 on the existence of pirates
+at Capri.]
+
+Yet even these injuries may be reckoned light, when we consider what
+Italy had suffered between 1494 and 1527 from French, Spanish, German
+and Swiss troops in combat on her soil. The pestilences of the Middle
+Ages notably the Black Death of 1348, of which Boccaccio has left an
+immortal description, exceeded in virulence those which depopulated
+Italian cities during the period of my history. But plagues continued to
+be frequent; and some of these are so memorable that they require to be
+particularly noticed. At Venice in 1575-77, a total of about 50,000
+persons perished; and in 1630-31, 46,490 were carried off within a space
+of sixteen months in the city, while the number of those who died at
+large in the lagoons amounted to 94,235.[233] On these two occasions the
+Venetians commemorated their deliverance by the erection of the
+Redentore and S. Maria della Salute, churches which now form principal
+ornaments of the Giudecca and the Grand Canal. Milan was devastated at
+the same periods by plagues, of which we have detailed accounts in the
+dispatches of resident Venetian envoys.[234] The mortality in the second
+of these visitations was terrible. Before September 1629, fourteen
+thousand had succumbed; between May and August 1630, forty-five thousand
+victims had been added to the tale.[235]
+
+[Footnote 233: Mutinelli, _Annali Urbani di Venezia_, pp.
+470-483,549-550.]
+
+[Footnote 234: Mutinelli, _Storia Arcana_, vol. i. p. 310-340, and vol.
+xiv. pp. 30-65.]
+
+[Footnote 235: It is worth mentioning that Ripamonte calculates the
+mortality from plague in Milan in 1524 at 140,000.]
+
+At Naples in the year 1656, more than fifty thousand perished between
+May and July; the dead were cast naked into the sea, and the Venetian
+envoy describes the city as _'non piu citta ma spelonca di
+morti_.'[236] In July his diary is suddenly interrupted, whether by
+departure from the stricken town, or more probably by death, we know
+not. Savoy was scourged by a fearful pestilence in the years 1598-1600.
+Of this plague we possess a frightfully graphic picture in the same
+accurate series of the State documents.[237] Simeone Contarini, then
+resident at Savigliano, relates that more than two-thirds of the
+population in that province had been swept away before the autumn of
+1598, and that the evil was spreading far and wide through Piedmont. In
+Alpignano, a village of some four hundred inhabitants, only two
+remained. In Val Moriana, forty thousand expired out of a total of
+seventy thousand. The village of San Giovanni counted but twelve
+survivors from a population of more than four thousand souls. In May
+1599, the inhabitants of Turin were reduced by flight and death to four
+thousand; and of these there died daily numbers gradually rising through
+the summer from 50 to 180. The streets were encumbered with unburied
+corpses, the houses infested by robbers and marauders. Some incidents
+reported of this plague are ghastly in their horror. The infected were
+treated with inhuman barbarity, and retorted with savage fury, battering
+their assailants with the pestiferous bodies of unburied victims.
+
+[Footnote 236: Mutinelli, _op. cit._ vol. in. pp. 229-233. Botta has
+given an account of this plague in the twenty-sixth book of his
+_History_.]
+
+[Footnote 237: Mutinelli, _op. cit._ vol. ii. pp. 287-307.]
+
+To the miseries of pestilence and its attendant famine were added
+lawlessness and license, raging fires, and what was worst of all, the
+dark suspicion that the sickness had been introduced by malefactors.
+This belief appears to have taken hold upon the popular mind during the
+plague of 1598 in Savoy and in Milan.[238] Simeone Contarini reports
+that two men from Geneva confessed to having come with the express
+purpose of disseminating infection. He also gives curious particulars of
+two who were burned, and four who were quartered at Turin in 1600 for
+this offense.[239] 'These spirits of hell,' as he calls them, indicated
+a wood in which they declared that they had buried a pestilential liquid
+intended to be used for smearing houses. The wood was searched, and some
+jars were discovered. A surgeon at the same epoch confessed to having
+meant to spread the plague at Mondovi. Other persons, declaring
+themselves guilty of a similar intention, described a horn filled with
+poisonous stuff collected from the sores of plague-stricken corpses,
+which they had concealed outside the walls of Turin. This too was
+discovered; and these apparent proofs of guilt so infuriated the people
+that every day some criminals were sacrificed to judicial vengeance.
+
+[Footnote 238: See Mutinelli, _op. cit._ p. 241 and p. 289. We hear of
+the same belief at Milan in 1576, _op. cit._ vol. i. pp. 311-315.]
+
+[Footnote 239: _Ibid._ p. 309. See also vol. iii. p. 254 for a similar
+narration.]
+
+The name given to the unfortunate creatures accused of this diabolical
+conspiracy was _Untori_ or the Smearers. The plague of Milan in 1629-30
+obtained the name of 'La Peste degli Untori' (as that of 1576 had been
+called 'La Peste di S. Carlo'), because of the prominent part played in
+it by the smearers.[240] They were popularly supposed to go about the
+city daubing walls, doors, furniture, choir-stalls, flowers, and
+articles of food with plague stuff. They scattered powders in the air,
+or spread them in circles on the pavement. To set a foot upon one of
+these circles involved certain destruction. Hundreds of such _untori_
+were condemned to the most cruel deaths by justice firmly persuaded of
+their criminality. Exposed to prolonged tortures, the majority confessed
+palpable absurdities. One woman at Milan said she had killed four
+thousand people. But, says Pier Antonio Marioni, the Venetian envoy,
+although tormented to the utmost, none of them were capable of revealing
+the prime instigators of the plot. So thoroughly convinced was he,
+together with the whole world, of their guilt, that he never paused to
+reflect upon the fallacy contained in this remark. The rack-stretched
+wretches could not reveal their instigators, because there were none;
+and the acts of which they accused themselves were the delirious
+figments of their own torture-fretted brains. We possess documents
+relating to the trial of the Milanese _untori_, which make it clear that
+crimes of this sort must have been imaginary. As in cases of
+witchcraft, the first accusation was founded upon gossip and delation.
+The judicial proceedings were ruled by prejudice and cruelty. Fear and
+physical pain extorted confessions and complicated accusations of their
+neighbors from multitudes of innocent people.[241] Indeed the parallel
+between these unfortunate smearers and no less wretched witches is a
+close one. I am inclined to think that, as some crazy women fancied they
+were witches, so some morbid persons of this period in Italy believed in
+their power of spreading plague, and yielded to the fascination of
+malignity. Whether such moral mad folk really extended the sphere of the
+pestilence to any appreciable extent remains a matter for conjecture;
+and it is quite certain that all but a small percentage of the accused
+were victims of calumny.
+
+After taking brigandage, piracy, and pestilence into account, the
+decline of Italy must be attributed to other causes. These I believe to
+have been the extinction of commercial republics, the decay of free
+commonwealths, iniquitous systems of taxation, the insane display of
+wealth by unproductive princes, and the diversion of trade into foreign
+channels. Florence ceased to be the center of wool manufacture, Venice
+lost her hold upon the traffic between East and West.[242] Stagnation
+fell like night upon the land, and the population suffered from a
+general atrophy.
+
+[Footnote 240: Mutinelli, _op. cit._ vol. ii. pp. 51-65.]
+
+
+[Footnote 241: Cantu's _Ragionamenti sulla Storia Lombarda del Secolo
+XVII._ Milano, 1832. The trial may also be read in Mutinelli, _Storm
+Arcana_, vol. iv. pp. 175-201. Mutinelli inclines to believe in the
+_Untori_. So do many grave historians, including Nani and Botta. See
+Cantu, _Storia degli Italiani_, Milano, 1876, vol. ii. p. 215.]
+
+[Footnote 242: Mr. Ruskin has somewhere maintained that the decline of
+Venice was not due to this cause, but to fornication. He should read the
+record given by Mutinelli (_Diari Urbani_, p. 157), of Venetian
+fornication in 1340, at the time when the Ducal Palace was being covered
+with its sculpture. The public prostitutes were reckoned then at 11,654.
+Adulteries, rapes, infanticides were matters of daily occurrence. Yet
+the Renaissance had not begun, and the expansion of Venice, which roused
+the envious hostility of Europe, had yet to happen.]
+
+_The Proletariate_.
+
+In what concerns social morality it would be almost impossible to define
+the position of the proletariate, tillers of the soil, and artisans, at
+this epoch. These classes vary in their goodness and their badness, in
+their drawbacks and advantages, from age to age far less than those who
+mold the character of marked historical periods by culture. They enjoy
+indeed a greater or a smaller immunity from pressing miseries. They are
+innocent or criminal in different degrees. But the ground-work of
+humanity in them remains comparatively unaltered; and their moral
+qualities, so far as these may be exceptional, reflect the influences of
+an upper social stratum. It is clear from the histories related in this
+chapter that members of the lowest classes were continually mixing with
+the nobles and the gentry in the wild adventures of that troubled
+century. They, like their betters, were undergoing a tardy
+metamorphosis from mediaeval to modern conditions, retaining vices of
+ferocity and grossness, virtues of loyalty and self-reliance, which
+belonged to earlier periods. They, too, were now infected by the
+sensuous romance of pietism, the superstitious respect for sacraments
+and ceremonial observances which had been wrought by the Catholic
+Revival into ecstatic frenzy. They shared those correlative yearnings
+after sacrilegious debauchery, felt those allurements of magic arts,
+indulged that perverted sense of personal honor which constituted
+psychological disease in the century which we are studying. It can,
+moreover, be maintained that Italian society at no epoch has been so
+sharply divided into sections as that of the feudalized races. In this
+period of one hundred years, from 1530 to 1630, when education was a
+privilege of the few, and when Church and princes combined to retard
+intellectual progress, the distinction between noble and plebeian,
+burgher and plowman, though outwardly defined, was spiritually and
+morally insignificant. As in the Renaissance, so now, vice trickled
+downwards from above, infiltrating the masses of the people with its
+virus. But now, even more decidedly than then, the upper classes
+displayed obliquities of meanness, baseness, intemperance, cowardice,
+and brutal violence, which are commonly supposed to characterize
+villeins.
+
+I had thought to throw some light upon the manners of the Italian
+proletariate by exploring the archives of trials for witchcraft. But I
+found that these were less common than in Germany, France, Spain, and
+England at a corresponding period. In Italy witchcraft, pure and simple,
+was confined, for the most part, to mountain regions, the Apennines of
+the Abruzzi, and the Alps of Bergamo and Tyrol.[243] In other provinces
+it was confounded with crimes of poisoning, the procuring of abortion,
+and the fomentation of conspiracies in private families. These facts
+speak much for the superior civilization of the Italian people
+considered as a whole. We discover a common fund of intelligence, vice,
+superstition, prejudice, enthusiasm, craft, devotion, self-assertion,
+possessed by the race at large. Only in districts remote from civil life
+did witchcraft assume those anti-social and repulsive features which are
+familiar to Northern nations. Elsewhere it penetrated, as a subtle
+poison, through society, lending its supposed assistance to passions
+already powerful enough to work their own accomplishment. It existed,
+not as an endemic disease, a permanent delirium of maddened peasants,
+but as a weapon in the arsenal of malice on a par with poisons and
+provocatives to lust.
+
+I might illustrate this position by the relation of a fantastic attempt
+made against the life of Pope Urban VIII.[244]
+
+[Footnote 243: Dandolo's _Streghe Tirolesi_, and Cantu's work on the
+Diocese of Como show how much Subalpine Italy had in common in Northern
+Europe in this matter.]
+
+[Footnote 244: See _Rassegna Settimanale_, September 18, 1881.]
+
+Giacomo Centini, the nephew of Cardinal d'Ascoli, fostered a fixed idea,
+the motive of his madness being the promotion of his uncle to S. Peter's
+Chair. In 1633 he applied to a hermit, who professed profound science in
+the occult arts and close familiarity with demons. The man, in answer to
+Giacomo's inquiries, said that Urban had still many years to live, that
+the Cardinal d'Ascoli would certainly succeed him, and that he held it
+in his power to shorten the Pope's days. He added that a certain Fra
+Cherubino would be useful, if any matter of grave moment were resolved
+on; nor did he reject the assistance of other discreet persons. Giacomo,
+on his side, produced a Fra Domenico; and the four accomplices set at
+work to destroy the reigning Pope by means of sorcery. They caused a
+knife to be forged, after the model of the Key of Solomon, and had it
+inscribed with Cabalistic symbols. A clean virgin was employed to spin
+hemp into a thread. Then they resorted to a distant room in Giacomo's
+palace, where a circle was drawn with the mystic thread, a fire was
+lighted in the center, and upon it was placed an image of Pope Urban
+formed of purest wax. The devil was invoked to appear and answer whether
+Urban had deceased this life after the melting of the image. No infernal
+visitor responded to the call; and the hermit accounted for this failure
+by suggesting that some murder had been committed in the palace. As
+things went at that period, this excuse was by no means feeble, if only
+the audience, bent on unholy invocation of the power of evil, would
+accept it as sufficient. Probably more than one murder had taken place
+there, of which the owner was dimly conscious. The psychological
+curiosity to note is that avowed malefactors reckoned purity an
+essential element in their nefarious practice. They tried once more in a
+vineyard, under the open heavens at night. But no demon issued from the
+darkness, and the hermit laid this second mischance to the score of bad
+weather. Giacomo was incapable of holding his tongue. He talked about
+his undertaking to the neighbors, and promised to make them all
+Cardinals when he should become the Papal nephew. Meanwhile he pressed
+the hermit forward on the path of folly; and this man, driven to his
+wits' end for a device, said that they must find seven priests together,
+one of whom should be assassinated to enforce the spell. It was natural,
+while the countryside was being raked for seven convenient priests by
+such a tattler as Giacomo, that suspicions should be generated in the
+people. Information reached Rome, in consequence of which the persons
+implicated in this idiotic plot were conveyed thither and given over to
+the mercies of the Holy Office. The upshot of their trial was that
+Giacomo lost his head, while the hermit and Fra Cherubino were burned
+alive, and Fra Domenico went to the galleys for life. Several other men
+involved in the process received punishments of considerable severity.
+It must be added in conclusion that the whole story rests upon the
+testimony of Inquisitorial archives, and that the real method of Giacomo
+Centini's apparent madness yet remains to be investigated. The few facts
+that we know about him, from his behavior on the scaffold and a letter
+he wrote his wife, prejudice me in his favor.
+
+Enough, and more than enough, perhaps, has been collected in this
+chapter, to throw light upon the manners of Italians during the
+Counter-Reformation. It would have been easy to repeat the story of the
+Countess of Cellant and her murdered lovers, or of the Duchess of Amalfi
+strangled by her brothers for a marriage below her station. The
+massacres committed by the Raspanti in Ravenna would furnish a whole
+series of illustrative crimes. From the deeds of Alfonso Piccolomini,
+Sciarra and Fabrizio Colonna details sufficient to fill a volume with
+records of atrocious savagery could be drawn. The single episode of
+Elena Campireali, who plighted her troth to a bandit, became Abbess of
+the Convent at Castro, intrigued with a bishop, and killed herself for
+shame on the return of her first lover, would epitomize in one drama all
+the principal features of this social discord. The dreadful tale of the
+Baron of Montebello might be told again, who assaulted the castle of the
+Marquis of Pratidattolo, and, by the connivance of a sister whom he
+subsequently married, murdered the Marquis with his mother, children,
+and relatives. The hunted life of Alessandro Antelminelli, pursued
+through all the States of Europe by assassins, could be used to
+exemplify the miseries of proscribed exiles. But what is the use of
+multiplying instances, when every pedigree in Litta, every chronicle of
+the time, every history of the most insignificant township, swarms with
+evidence to the same purpose? We need not adopt the opinion that society
+had greatly altered for the worse. We must rather decide that mediaeval
+ferocity survived throughout the whole of that period which witnessed
+the Catholic Revival, and that the piety which distinguished it was not
+influential in curbing vehement passions.
+
+The conclusions to be drawn from the facts before us seem to be in
+general these. The link between government and governed in Italy had
+snapped. The social bond was broken, and the constituents that form a
+nation were pursuing divers aims. On the one hand stood Popes and
+princes, founding their claims to absolute authority upon titles that
+had slight rational or national validity. These potentates were
+ill-combined among themselves, and mutually jealous. On the other side
+were ranged disruptive forces of the most heterogeneous kinds--remnants
+from antique party-warfare, fragments of obsolete domestic feuds, new
+strivings after freer life in mentally down-trodden populations,
+blending with crime and misery and want and profligacy to compose an
+opposition which exasperated despotism. These anarchical conditions were
+due in large measure to the troubles caused by foreign campaigns of
+invasion. They were also due to the Spanish type of manners imposed upon
+the ruling classes, which the native genius accepted with fraudulent
+intelligence, and to which it adapted itself by artifice. We must
+further reckon the division between cultured and uncultured people,
+which humanism had effected, and which subsisted after the benefits
+conferred by humanism had been withdrawn from the race. The retirement
+of the commercial aristocracy from trade, and their assumption of
+princely indolence in this period of political stagnation, was another
+factor of importance. But the truest cause of Italian retrogression
+towards barbarism must finally be discerned in the sharp check given to
+intellectual evolution by the repressive forces of the Counter-Reformation.
+
+
+END OF THE FIRST VOLUME.
+
+
+
+
+INDEX.
+
+
+A
+
+ACADEMIES, Italian, the flourishing time of, i. 52.
+
+ACCIAIUOLI, Roberto, i. 33.
+
+ACCOLTI, Benedetto, conspirator against Pius IV., i. 132.
+
+ACCORAMBONI, Claudio (father of Vittoria), i. 356.
+
+---Marcello (brother of Vittoria):
+  intrigues for the marriage of his sister with the
+  Duke of Bracciano, i. 358 _sqq._;
+  procures the murder of her husband, 362;
+  employs a Greek enchantress to brew love-philters, 365;
+  his death, 372.
+
+---Tarquinia (mother of Vittoria), i. 356.
+
+---Vittoria, the story of, i. 355 _sqq._;
+  her birth and parentage, 356;
+  marriage with Felice Peretti, 357;
+  intrigue with the Duke of Bracciano, 360;
+  the murder of her husband, 362;
+  her marriage with Bracciano, 364;
+  annulled by the Pope, 364, 366;
+  the union renounced by the Duke, 365;
+  put on trial for the murder of Peretti, _ib._;
+  their union publicly ratified by the Duke, 366;
+  flight from Rome, _ib._;
+  death of Bracciano, 367;
+  her murder procured by Lodovico Orsini, 369.
+
+'ACTS of Faith,' i. 107, 176, 187.
+
+ADMINISTRATOR, the (Jesuit functionary), i. 273.
+
+'ADONE,' Marino's:
+  its publication, ii. 264;
+  critique of the poem, 266 _sqq._
+
+ALBANI, Francesco, Bolognese painter, ii. 355, 358.
+
+ALEXANDER VI., Pope, parallel between, and Pope Paul IV., i. 106.
+
+ALFONSO II., Duke of Ferrara:
+  sketch of his Court, ii. 28 _sqq._;
+  his second marriage, 30;
+  treatment of Tasso, 38, 51, 53, 58, 60 _sqq._;
+  his third marriage, 66;
+  estimate of the reasons why he imprisoned Tasso, 66 _sqq._
+
+ALFONSO the Magnanimous:
+  arrangements under his will, i. 4.
+
+ALIDOSI, Cardinal Francesco, murder of, i. 36.
+
+ALLEGORY, hypocrisy of the, exemplified in Tasso, ii. 44;
+  in Marino, 272;
+  in Ortensi's moral interpretations of Bandello's
+ _Novelle_, 272 _n._
+
+ALTEMPS, Cardinal d' (Mark of Hohen Ems), legate at Trent, i. 119 _n._
+
+ALVA, Duke of, defeat of the Duke of Guise by, i. 103.
+
+'AMADIS of Gaul,' the favorite book of Loyola in his youth, i. 232.
+
+AMIAS, Beatrice, mother of Francesco Cenci, i. 346.
+
+'AMINTA,' Tasso's pastoral drama, first production of, ii. 39;
+  its style, 114.
+
+ANGELUZZO, Giovanni, Tasso's first teacher, ii. 12.
+
+ANIMA Mundi, Bruno's doctrine of, ii. 177.
+
+ANTONIANO, a censor of the _Gerusalemme Liberata_, ii. 43.
+
+---Silvio, a boy _improvvisatore_, anecdote of, ii. 328.
+
+AQUAVIVA, the fifth General of the Jesuits, i. 248.
+
+AQUITAINE, Duke of, Guercino's painting of in Bologna, ii. 367.
+
+ARAGONESE Dynasty, the, in Italy, i. 4.
+
+ARBUES, Peter, Saint of the Inquisition in Aragon, i. 161, 178.
+
+ARETINO, Pietro, i. 42, 70;
+  satire of on Paul IV., 108.
+
+'ARIE Divote,' Palestrina's, ii. 335.
+
+ARISTOTLE'S Axiom on Taste, ii. 371, 374.
+
+ARMADA, Spanish, i. 149.
+
+ARMI, Lodovico dall', a _bravo_ of noble family, i. 409;
+  accredited at Venice as Henry VIII.'s 'Colonel,' 410;
+  his career of secret diplomacy, 411;
+  negotiations between Lord Wriothesley and Venice regarding
+  the ban issued against him, 412;
+  his downfall, 413;
+  personal appearance, 414;
+  execution, 415.
+
+ARNOLFINI, Massimiliano, paramour of Lucrezia Buonvisi, i. 331;
+  procures the assassination of her husband, 332;
+  flight from justice, 332;
+  outlawed, 336;
+  his wanderings and wretched end, 339.
+
+ART of Memory, Bruno's, ii. 139.
+
+ART of Poetry, Tasso's Dialogues on the, ii. 22, 24;
+  influence of its theory on Tasso's own work, 25.
+
+ASSISTANTS, the (Jesuit functionaries), i. 273.
+
+ASTORGA, Marquis of, i. 22.
+
+AURORA, the Ludovisi fresco of, ii. 368.
+
+AVILA, Don Luigi d', i. 128.
+
+
+B
+
+BAGLIONI, Malatesta, i. 46.
+
+BAINI'S _Life of Palestrina_, ii. 316 _sqq._
+
+BALBI, Cesare, on Italian decadence, ii. 3.
+
+BANDITTI, tales illustrative of, i. 388 _sqq._
+
+'BANDO' (of outlawry), recitation of the terms of a, i. 328.
+
+BARBIERI, Giovanni Francesco, _see_ IL GUERCINO.
+
+BARCELONA, the Treaty of, i. 15.
+
+BARNABITES, Order of the:
+  their foundation, i. 80.
+
+BAROCCIO, Federigo, ii. 349.
+
+BAROZZA, a Venetian courtezan, i. 394, 396.
+
+BASEL, Council of, i. 94.
+
+BEARD, unshorn, worn in sign of mourning, i. 36.
+
+BEDELL, William (Bishop of Kilmore), on Fra Paolo and
+  Fra Fulgenzio, ii. 231.
+
+BEDMAR'S conspiracy, ii. 186.
+
+BELLARMINO, Cardinal, on the inviolability of the Vulgate, i. 212;
+  relations of, with Fra Paolo Sarpi, ii. 213, 222;
+  his censure of the _Pastor Fido_, 251.
+
+BELRIGUARDO, the villa of, Tasso at, ii. 53.
+
+BEMBO, Pietro, i. 30, 41.
+
+BENDEDEI, Taddea, wife of Guarini, ii. 245.
+
+BENTIVOGLI, the semi-royal offspring of King Enzo of Sardinia, ii. 304.
+
+BIBBONI, Cecco:
+  his account of how he murdered Lorenzino de'Medici, i. 488 _sqq._;
+  his associate, Bebo, details of the life of a _bravo_, 389;
+  tracking an outlaw, 392;
+  the wages of a tyrannicide, 394;
+  the _bravo's_ patient watching, 395;
+  the murder, 397;
+  flight of the assassins, 399;
+  their reception by Count Collalto, 401;
+  they seek refuge at the Spanish embassy, 402;
+  protected by Charles V.'s orders, 403;
+  conveyed to Pisa, 404;
+  well provided for their future life, _ib._
+
+BITONTO. Pasquale di, one of the assassins of Sarpi, ii. 212.
+
+BLACK garments of Charles V., the, i. 43.
+
+BLACK Pope, the, i. 275.
+
+BLOIS, Treaty of, i. 12.
+
+BOBADILLA, Nicholas, associate of Ignatius Loyola, i. 240;
+  his work as a Jesuit in Bavaria, 258.
+
+BOLOGNA and Modena, humors of the conflict between, ii. 304.
+
+BOLOGNESE school of painters, the, ii. 343 _sqq._;
+  why their paintings are now neglected, 375 _sqq._;
+  mental condition of Bolognese art, 376.
+
+BONELLI, Michele, nephew of Pius V., i. 147.
+
+BONIFAZIO of Montferrat, Marquis, one of the Paleologi, i. 23.
+
+BORGIA, Francis (Duke of Gandia), third General of the Jesuits, i. 256;
+  prevented by Loyola from accepting a Cardinal's hat, 260.
+
+BORROMEO, Carlo:
+  his character, i. 115;
+  a possible successor to Pius IV., 135;
+  ruled in Rome by the Jesuits, 142;
+  his intimacy with Sarpi, ii. 194.
+
+---Federigo, i. 115;
+  letter of, forbidding soldiers' visits to convents, 316 _n._
+
+BRANCACCIO, Diana, treachery of, towards the Duchess of Palliano, i. 378;
+  her murder, 379.
+
+'BRAVI,' maintenance of by Italian nobles, i. 313;
+  tales illustrative of, 388 _sqq._;
+  relations of trust between _bravi_ and foreign Courts, 409.
+
+BRIGANDAGE in Italy, i. 416.
+
+BROWN, Mr. H.F., his researches in the Venetian archives, i. 189 _n._
+
+BRUCCIOLI, Antonio, translator of the Bible into Italian, i. 76.
+
+BRUNO, Giordano:
+  his birth, and training as a Dominican, ii. 129;
+  early speculative doubts, 130;
+  _Il Candelajo_, 131, 183;
+  early studies, 133;
+  prosecution for heresy, 134;
+  a wandering student, 135;
+  at Geneva, 136;
+  Toulouse, 137;
+  at the Sorbonne, 138;
+  the Art of Memory, 139, 154;
+  _De Umbris Idearum_, _ib._;
+  relations with Henri III., 140;
+  Bruno's person and conversation, 141;
+  in England, _ib._;
+  works printed in London, 142;
+  descriptions of London life, _ib._;
+  opinion of Queen Elizabeth, 143;
+  lecturer at Oxford, 144;
+  address to the Vice-Chancellor, 146;
+  academical opposition, 147;
+  the Ash-Wednesday Supper, _ib._;
+  in the family of Castelnau, 148;
+  in Germany, 149;
+  Bruno's opinion of the Reformers, _ib._;
+  the _De Monade_ and _De Triplici Minimo_, 150;
+  Bruno in a monastery at Frankfort, 151;
+  invited to Venice, 153;
+  a guest of Mocenigo there, 154;
+  his occupations, 156;
+  denounced by Mocenigo and imprisoned by the Inquisition, 157;
+  the heads of the accusation, 157 _sqq._;
+  trial, 159;
+  recantation, 160;
+  estimate of Bruno's apology, 161;
+  his removal to and long imprisonment at Rome, 163;
+  his execution, 164;
+  evidence of his martyrdom, 164 _sqq._;
+  Schoppe's account, 165;
+  details of Bruno's treatment in Rome, 167;
+  the burning at the stake, 167 _sq._;
+  Bruno a martyr, 168;
+  contrast with Tasso, 169;
+  Bruno's mental attitude, 170 _sq._;
+  his championship of the Copernican system, 172;
+  his relation to modern science and philosophy, 173;
+  conception of the universe, 173 _sqq._;
+  his theology, 175;
+  the _Anima Mundi_, 177;
+  anticipations of modern thought, 178, 182;
+  his want of method, 180;
+  the treatise on the Seven Arts, 182;
+  Bruno's literary style, 182 _sqq._;
+  his death contrasted with that of Sarpi, 239 _n._
+
+BRUSANTINI, Count Alessandro (Tassoni's 'Conte Culagna'), ii. 301, 306.
+
+BUCKET, the Bolognese, ii. 305.
+
+BUONCOMPAGNO, Giacomo, bastard, son of Gregory XIII., i. 150.
+
+---Ugo, _see_ GREGORY XIII.
+
+BUONVISI, Lucrezia, story of, i. 330;
+  intrigue with Arnolfini, 331;
+  murder of her husband, 332;
+  Lucrezia suspected of complicity, 334;
+  becomes a nun (Sister Umilia), _ib._;
+  the case against her, 338;
+  amours of inmates of her convent, 340;
+  Umilia's intrigue with Samminiati, _ib._;
+  discovery of their correspondence, 341;
+  trial and sentences of the nuns, 344;
+  Umilia's last days, 345.
+
+---Lelio, assassination of, i. 332.
+
+BURGUNDIAN diamond of Charles the Bold, the, i. 38.
+
+
+C
+
+CALCAGNINI, Celio, letter of, on religious controversies, i. 74.
+
+CALVAERT, Dionysius, a Flemish painter in Bologna, ii. 355.
+
+CALVETTI, Olimpio (one of the assassins of Francesco Cenci), i. 350.
+
+CALVIN, i. 73;
+  his relation to modern civilization, ii. 402.
+
+CAMBRAY, Treaty of (the Paix des Dames), i. 9, 15.
+
+CAMERA Apostolica, the, venality of, i. 140.
+
+CAMERINO, Duchy of, i. 86.
+
+CAMPANELLA, on the black robes of the Spaniards in Italy, i. 44.
+
+CAMPEGGI, Cardinal Lorenzo, i. 21.
+
+CAMPIREALI, Elena, the tale of, i. 428.
+
+CANELLO, U.A., on Italian society in the sixteenth century, i. 304 _n._
+
+CANISIUS, lieutenant of Loyola in Austria, i. 259;
+  appointed to the administration of the see of Vienna, 260.
+
+CANOSSA, Antonio, conspirator against Pius IV., i. 132.
+
+CAPELLO, Bianca, the story of, i. 382.
+
+CAPPELLA, Giulia (Rome), school for training choristers, ii. 316.
+
+CARACCI, the, Bolognese painters, ii. 345, 349 _sqq._
+
+CARAFFA, Cardinal, condemned to death by Pius IV., i. 115.
+
+---Giovanni Pietro (afterwards Pope Paul IV.),
+  causes the rejection of Contarini's
+  arrangement with the Lutherans, i. 78;
+  helps to found the Theatines, 79;
+  made Cardinal by Paul III., 88;
+  hatred of Spanish ascendency, 89;
+  becomes Pope Paul IV., 102;
+  quarrel with Philip II., 102 _sqq._;
+  opens negotiations with Soliman, 103;
+  reconciliation with Spain, 104;
+  nepotism, _ib._;
+  indignation against the misdoings of his relatives, 106;
+  ecclesiastical reforms, 107 _sq._;
+  zeal for the Holy Office, 107 _n._;
+  personal character, 108;
+  his death, _ib._;
+  his earlier relations with Ignatius Loyola, 242.
+
+CARAFFESCHI, evil character of the, i. 105;
+  four condemned to death by Pius IV., 115, 318.
+
+CARAVAGGIO, Michelangelo Amerighi da, Italian Realist painter, ii. 363 _n._
+
+CARDINE, Aliffe and Leonardo di (Caraffeschi),
+  condemned to death by Pius IV., i. 115.
+
+CARDONA, Violante de (Duchess of Palliano), story of, i. 373 _sqq._;
+  her accomplishments, 374;
+  character, _ib._;
+  passion of Marcello Capecce for her, _ib._;
+  her character compromised through Diana Brancaccio, 378;
+  murder of Marcello and Diana by the Duke, _ib._;
+  death of Violante at the hands of her brother, 380.
+
+CARLI, Orazio:
+  description of his being put to the torture, i. 333 _sq._
+
+CARLO Emmanuele of Savoy, Italian hopes founded on, ii. 246, 286;
+  friend of Marino, 262;
+  kindness to Chiabrera, 290;
+  treatment of Tassoni, 298.
+
+CARNESECCHI, condemned by the Roman Inquisition to be burned, i. 145.
+
+CARPI, attached to Ferrara, i. 40.
+
+CARRANZA, Archbishop of Toledo, condemned by the
+  Roman Inquisition to be burned, i. 145.
+
+CASA, Giovanni della (author of the _Capitolo del Forno_), i. 393, 395.
+
+CASTELNAU, Michel de, kindness of towards Giordano Bruno, ii. 141, 148.
+
+---Marie de, Bruno's admiration for, ii. 148.
+
+---Pierre de, the first Saint of the Inquisition, i. 161.
+
+CATALANI, Marzio (one of the assassins of Francesco Cenci), i. 350.
+
+CATEAU Cambresis, the Peace of, i. 48.
+
+CATHOLIC Revival, the inaugurators of, at Bologna, i. 16;
+  transition from the Renaissance to, 65;
+  new religious spirit in Italy, 67;
+  the Popes and the Council of Trent, 96 _sqq._;
+  a Papal triumph, 130;
+  the Catholic Reaction generated the Counter-Reformation, 133;
+  its effect on social and domestic morals, 301 _sqq._
+
+CELEBRITY, vicissitudes of, ii. 368.
+
+CELIBACY, clerical, the question of, at Trent, i. 123.
+
+CELLANT, Contessa di, the model of Luini's S. Catherine, ii. 360 _n._
+
+'CENA delle Ceneri, La,' Bruno's, i. 85 _n._; ii. 140, 142, 183.
+
+CENCI, Beatrice, examination of the legend of, i. 351 _sqq._
+
+---Francesco: bastard son of Cristoforo Cenci, i. 346;
+  his early life, _ib._;
+  disgraceful charges against him, 348;
+  compounds by heavy money payment for his crimes, _ib._;
+  violent deaths of his sons, _ib._;
+  severity towards his children, 349;
+  his assassination procured by his wife and three children, 350;
+  the murderers denounced, _ib._;
+  their trial and punishments, 351.
+
+---Msgr. Christoforo, father of Francesco Cenci, i. 346.
+
+CENTINI, Giacomo: story of his attempts by sorcery on the
+  life of Urban VIII., i. 425.
+
+CESI, Msgr., invites Tasso to Bologna, ii. 22.
+
+CHARLES V., his compact with Clement VII., i. 15;
+  Emperor Elect, 16;
+  relations with Andrea Doria, 17;
+  at Genoa, 18;
+  his journey to Bologna, 20;
+  his reception there, 22;
+  the meeting with Clement, 23;
+  mustering of Italian princes, 25;
+  negotiations on Italian affairs, 26 _sqq._;
+  a treaty of peace signed, 31;
+  the difficulty with Florence, 32;
+  the question of the two crowns, 34 _sqq._;
+  description of the coronation, 37 _sqq._;
+  the events that followed, 39 _sqq._;
+  the net results of Charles's administration of Italian affairs, 45 _sqq._;
+  his relations with Paul III., 100;
+  his abdication, 102;
+  he protects the assassins of Lorenzino de'Medici, 403.
+
+CHARLES VIII., of France: his invasion of Italy, i. 8.
+
+CHIABRERA, Gabriello: his birth, ii. 287;
+  educated by the Jesuits, _ib._;
+  his youth, 288;
+  the occupations of a long life, 289;
+  courtliness, 290;
+  ode to Cesare d'Este, 291;
+  Chiabrera's aim to remodel Italian poetry on a Greek pattern. 292 _sqq._;
+  would-be Pindaric flights, 296;
+  comparison with Marino and Tassoni, _ib._
+
+CIOTTO, Giambattista, relations of, with Giordano Bruno, ii. 152 _sqq._
+
+CISNEROS, Garcia de, author of a work which suggested
+  S. Ignatius's _Exercitia_, i. 236.
+
+CLEMENT VII.: a prisoner in S. Angelo, i. 14;
+  compact with Charles V., 15;
+  their meeting at Bologna, 16 _sqq._;
+  negotiations with the Emperor Elect, 26 _sqq._;
+  peace signed, 31.
+
+CLEMENT VIII.: his Concordat with Venice, i. 193;
+  Index of Prohibited Books issued by him, _ib._;
+  his rules for the censorship of books, 198 _sqq._;
+  he confers a pension on Tasso, ii. 76.
+
+CLOUGH, Mr., lines of, on 'Christianized' monuments in Papal Rome, i. 154.
+
+COADJUTORS, Temporal and Spiritual (Jesuit grades), i. 271.
+
+COLLALTO, Count Salici da, patron of the _bravo_ Bibboni, i. 400.
+
+COLONNA, the, reduced to submission to the Popes, i. 7.
+
+---Vespasiano, Duke of Palliano, i. 77.
+
+---Vittoria, i. 77;
+  letter to, from Tasso in his childhood, ii. 15.
+
+COMANDINO, Federigo, Tasso's teacher, ii. 19.
+
+COMPANY OF JESUS, _see_ JESUITS.
+
+CONCLAVES, external influences on, in the election of Popes, i. 134.
+
+CONFEDERATION between Clement VII. and Charles V., i. 31.
+
+'CONFIRMATIONS,' Fra Fulgenzio's, ii. 201.
+
+CONSERVATISM and Liberalism, necessary contest between, ii. 386.
+
+'CONSIDERATIONS on the Censures,' Sarpi's, ii. 201.
+
+CONSTANCE, Council of, i. 92.
+
+CONTARINI, Gasparo: his negotiations between Catholics
+  and Protestants, i. 30;
+  treatment of his writings by Inquisitors, 31;
+  suspected of heterodoxy, 72;
+  intimacy with Gaetano di Thiene, 76;
+  his concessions to the Reformers repudiated by the Curia, 78;
+  memorial on ecclesiastical abuses, 79.
+
+---Simeone: his account of a plague at Savigliano, i. 419 _sq._
+
+'CONTRIBUTIONS of the Clergy, Discourse upon the,' Sarpi's, ii. 221.
+
+COPERNICAN system, the, Bruno's championship of, ii. 172.
+
+COREGLIA, one of the assassins of Lelio Buonvisi, i. 333 _sqq._
+
+CORONATION of Charles V., description of, i. 34 _sqq._;
+  notable people present at, 39 _sqq._
+
+CORSAIRS, Tunisian and Algerian, raids of, on Italian coasts, i. 417.
+
+COSCIA, Giangiacopo, guardian of Tasso's sister, ii. 16.
+
+COSIMO I. of Tuscany, the rule of, i. 46, 47.
+
+COSTANTINI, Antonio, Tasso's last letter written to, ii. 77;
+  sonnet on the poet, 78.
+
+COTERIES, religious, in Rome, Venice, Naples, i. 75 _sqq._
+
+COUNTER-REFORMATION: its intellectual and moral character, i. 63;
+  the term defined, 64 _n._;
+  decline of Renaissance impulse, 65;
+  criticism and formalism in Italy, _ib._;
+  contrast with the development of other European races, 66;
+  transition to the Catholic Revival, 67;
+  attitudes of Italians towards the German Reformation, 71;
+  free-thinkers, 73;
+  the Oratory of Divine Love, 76;
+  the Moderate Reformers, _ib._;
+  Gasparo Contarini, 78;
+  new Religious Orders, 79;
+  the Council of Trent, 97, 119;
+  Tridentine Reforms, 107, 134;
+  asceticism fashionable in Rome, 108, 142;
+  active hostilities against Protestantism, 148;
+  the new spirit of Roman polity, 149 _sqq._;
+  work of the Inquisition, 159 _sqq._;
+  the Index, 195 _sqq._;
+  twofold aim of Papal policy, 226;
+  the Jesuits, 229 _sqq._;
+  an estimate of the results of the Reformation
+  and of the Counter-Reformation, ii. 385 _sqq._
+
+COURIERS, daily post of, between the Council of Trent
+  and the Vatican, i. 121.
+
+COURT life in Italy, i. 20, 37, 41, 51; ii. 17, 29, 65, 201, 251.
+
+CRIMES of violence, in Italy in the sixteenth century, i. 304 _sqq._
+
+CRIMINAL procedure, of Italian governments in the sixteenth
+  century, i. 308 _sqq._
+
+CRITICISM, fundamental principles of, ii. 370;
+  the future of, 374.
+
+CROWNS, the iron and the golden, of the Emperor, i. 34.
+
+CULAGNA, Conte di, _see_ BRUSANTINI.
+
+CURIA, the, complicity of, with the attempts on Sarpi's life, ii. 213.
+
+
+D
+
+'DATATARIO:' amount and sources of its income, i. 140.
+
+DATI, Giovanbattista, amount of, with nuns, i. 341 _sq._
+
+'DECAMERONE,' Boccaccio's expurgated editions of, issued
+  in Rome, i. 224 _sq._
+
+DELLA CRUSCANS, the, attack of, on Tasso's poetry, ii. 35, 72, 117 _n._
+
+'DE Monade,' Bruno's, ii. 150, 152 _n._, 167.
+
+DEPRES, Josquin, the leader of the contrapuntal style in music, ii. 316.
+
+'DE Triplici Minimo,' Bruno's, ii. 150, 152 _n._, 167.
+
+'DE Umbris Idearum,' Bruno's, ii. 139.
+
+DEZA, Diego, Spanish Inquisitor, i. 182.
+
+DIACATHOLICON, the, meaning of the term as used by Sarpi, i. 231; ii. 202.
+
+DIALOGUES, Tasso's, ii. 22, 112.
+
+DIRECTORIUM, the (Lainez' commentary on the constitution
+  of the Jesuits), i. 249.
+
+DIVINE Right of sovereigns, the: why it found favor
+  among Protestants, i. 296.
+
+DOMENICHINO, Bolognese painter, ii. 355;
+  critique of Mr. Ruskin's invectives against his work, 359 _sqq._
+
+DOMINICANS, the, ousted as theologians by the Jesuits at Trent, i. 101;
+  their reputation for learning, ii. 130.
+
+DOMINIS, Marcantonio de, publishes in England
+  Sarpi's _History of the Council of Trent_, ii. 223.
+
+DONATO, Leonardo, Doge of Venice, ii. 198.
+
+DORIA, Andrea:
+  his relations with Charles V., i. 18.
+
+---Cardinal Girolamo, i. 21.
+
+
+E
+
+ECLECTICISM in painting, ii. 345 _sqq._, 375 _sqq._
+
+ECONOMICAL stagnation in Italy, i. 423.
+
+ELIZABETH, Queen (of England), Bruno's admiration of, ii. 143.
+
+EMANCIPATION of the reason, retarded by both the Reformation and the
+    Counter-Reformation, ii. 385 _sqq._
+
+EMIGRANTS from Italy, regulations of the Inquisition regarding, i. 227.
+
+ENZO, King (of Sardinia), a prisoner at Bologna, ii. 304.
+
+EPIC poetry, Italian speculations on, ii. 24;
+  Tasso's Dialogues on, 26.
+
+'EROICI Furori, Gli,' Bruno's, ii. 142, 183.
+
+ESPIONAGE, system of among the Jesuits, i. 273.
+
+ESTE, Alfonso d' (Duke of Ferrara), relations of, with Charles V., i. 40.
+
+---Cardinal Ippolito d', i. 127 _sq._
+
+---Cardinal Luigi d', Tasso in the service of, ii. 12, 27.
+
+---Don Cesare d', Chiabrera's Ode to, ii. 291.
+
+---House of, their possessions in Italy, i. 45. 48.
+
+---Isabella d', at the coronation of Charles V.. i. 21.
+
+---Leonora d', the nature of Tasso's attachment to, ii. 31 _sqq._, 36, 40,
+    51, 54 _n._, 56, 68;
+  her death, 71.
+
+---Lucrezia d', Tasso's attachment to, ii. 32, 39;
+  her marriage, 35;
+  her death, 40 _n._
+
+EVOLUTION in relation to Art, ii. 371 _sqq._
+
+'EXERCITIA Spiritualia' (Loyola's), i. 236;
+  manner of their use, 267 _sqq._
+
+EXTINCTION of republics in Italy, i. 45 _sqq._
+
+
+F
+
+FABER, Peter, associate of Loyola, i. 239;
+  his work as a Jesuit in Spain, 258.
+
+FARNESE, Alessandro, _see_ PAUL III.
+
+---Giulia, mistress of Alexander VI., i. 81.
+
+---Ottavio (grandson of Paul III.), Duke of Camerino, i. 86.
+
+---Pier Luigi (son of Paul III.), Duke of Parma, i. 86.
+
+FEDERATION, Italian, the five members of the, i. 3 _sqq._;
+  how it was broken up, 11.
+
+FERDINAND, Emperor, successor of Charles V., i. 102, 118;
+  his relations with Canisius and the Jesuits, 259.
+
+FERRARA, i. 7;
+  settlement of the Duchy of, by Charles V., i. 40;
+  life at the Court of, ii. 29, 65, 247, 251.
+
+FERRUCCI, Francesco, i. 46.
+
+FESTA, Costanzo, the _Te Deum_ of, ii. 329.
+
+FINANCES of the Papacy under Sixtus V., i. 152.
+
+FIORENZA, Giovanni di, one of the assassins of Sarpi, ii. 212.
+
+FLAMINIO, Marcantonio, i. 76.
+
+FLEMISH musicians in Rome, ii. 316 _sqq._
+
+FLORENCE:
+  condition of the Republic in 1494, i. 10;
+  Siege of the town (1530), 30 _sq._;
+  capitulation, 46;
+  under the rule of Spain, _ib._;
+  extinction of the Republic, 47;
+  the rule of Cosimo I., 49.
+
+FORMALISM, the development of, i. 66.
+
+FOSCARI, Francesco, the dogeship of, i. 9.
+
+FRANCIS I.: his capture at Pavia, i. 9, 13.
+
+FRECCI, Maddalo de', the betrayer of Tasso's love-affairs, ii. 51.
+
+FREDERICK II., Emperor: his edicts against heresy, i. 163.
+
+FREETHINKERS, Italian, i. 73 _sq._
+
+FULGENZIO, Fra, the preaching of at Venice, ii. 207;
+  his biography of Sarpi, _ib._
+
+FULKE GREVILLE, a supper at the house of, described
+  by Giordano Bruno, ii. 142, 147.
+
+
+G
+
+GALLICAN CHURCH, the: its interests in the Council of Trent, i. 126.
+
+GALLUZZI'S record of Jesuit attempts to seduce youth, i. 284.
+
+GATTINARA, Cardinal, Grand Chancellor of the Empire, i. 31.
+
+GAMBARA, Veronica, i. 41.
+
+GENERAL Congregation of the Jesuits, functions of the, i. 273.
+
+GENERAL of the Jesuits, position of, in regard to the Order, i. 272.
+
+GENOA, becomes subject to Spain, i. 18.
+
+GENTILE, Valentino, i. 73.
+
+GERSON'S _Considerations upon Papal Excommunications_,
+  translated by Sarpi, ii. 200.
+
+'GERUSALEMME Conquistata,' Tasso's, ii. 75, 114 _sq._, 124.
+
+'GERUSALEMME Liberata:' at first called _Gottifredo_, ii. 35;
+  its dedication, 38, 47 _sq._;
+  submitted by Tasso to censors, 43;
+  their criticisms, 43 _sq._, 50;
+  successful publication of the poem, 71;
+  its subject-matter, 92;
+  the romance of the epic, 93;
+  Tancredi, the hero, 94;
+  imitations of Dante and Virgil, 95 _sqq._;
+  artificiality, 100;
+  pompous cadences, 101;
+  oratorical dexterity, 102;
+  the similes and metaphors, _ib._;
+  Armida, the heroine, 106.
+
+GHISLIERI, Michele, _see_ PIUS V.
+
+---Paolo, a relative of Pius V., i. 147.
+
+GIBERTI, Gianmatteo, Bishop of Verona, i. 19.
+
+GILLOT, Jacques, letter from Sarpi to, on the relations
+  of Church and State, ii. 203.
+
+GIOVANNI FRANCESCO, Fra, an accomplice in the attacks on Sarpi, ii. 214.
+
+'GLI ETEREI,' Academy of, at Padua, ii. 26.
+
+GOLDEN crown, the, significance of, i. 34.
+
+GONGORISM, i. 66.
+
+GONZAGA, Cardinal Ercole, ambassador from Clement VII.
+  to Charles V., i. 19.
+
+---Cardinal Scipione, a friend of Tasso, ii. 26, 42, 46, 67, 73.
+
+---Don Ferrante, i. 25.
+
+---Eleanora Ippolita, Duchess of Urbino, i. 37.
+
+---Federigo, Marquis of Mantua, i. 26.
+
+---Vincenzo, obtains Tasso's release, ii. 73;
+  the circumstances of his marriage, i. 386.
+
+'GOTTIFREDO.' Tasso's first title for the _Gerusalemme Liberata_, ii. 35.
+
+GOUDIMEL, Claude: his school of music at Rome, ii. 323.
+
+GRANADA, Treaty of, i. 12.
+
+GRAND style (in art), the so-called, ii. 379.
+
+GREGORY XIII., Pope (Ugo Buoncompagno): his early career
+  and election, i. 149;
+  manner of life, 150;
+  treatment of his relatives, 151;
+  revival of obsolete rights of the Church, 152;
+  consequent confusion in the Papal States, _ib._
+
+GRISON mercenaries in Italy, i. 103 _n._
+
+GUARINI, on the death of Tasso, ii. 69 _n._;
+  publishes a revised edition of Tasso's lyrics, 72;
+  Guarini's parentage, 244;
+  at the Court of Alfonso II. of Ferrara, 245;
+  a rival of Tasso, _ib._;
+  engaged on foreign embassies, 246;
+  appointed Court poet, 247;
+  domestic troubles, 249;
+  his last years, 251;
+  his death, _ib._;
+  argument of the _Pastor Fido_, _ib._;
+  satire upon the Court of Ferrara, 254;
+  critique of the poem, 255;
+  its style, 256;
+  comparison with Tasso's _Aminta_, 275.
+
+GUELF and Ghibelline contentions: how they ended in Italy, i. 57.
+
+GUICCIARDINI, Francesco, i. 33.
+
+GUISE, Duke of: his defeat by Alva, i. 103;
+  his murder, 129.
+
+GUZMAN, Domenigo de (S. Dominic), founder of the Dominican Order, i. 162.
+
+
+H
+
+HEGEMONY, Spanish, economical and social condition of
+  the Italians under, i. 50;
+  the evils of, 61.
+
+HENCHENEOR, Cardinal William, i. 36.
+
+HENRI III., favor shown to Giordano Bruno by, ii. 139.
+
+HENRI IV., the murder of, i. 297.
+
+HENRY VIII.: his divorce from Katharine of Aragon, i. 44.
+
+HEROICO-comic poetry, Tassoni's _Secchia Rapita_,
+  the first example of, ii. 303.
+
+'HISTORY of the Council of Trent,' Sarpi's, ii. 222 _sqq._
+
+HOLY Office, _see_ INQUISITION.
+
+HOLY Roman Empire, the, ii. 393.
+
+HOMATA, Benedetta, attempted murder of by Gianpaolo Osio, i. 323 _sqq._
+
+HOMICIDE, lax morality of the Jesuits in regard to, i. 306 _n._
+
+HOSIUS, Cardinal, legate at Trent, i. 118.
+
+HUMANISM, the work of, ii. 385, 391;
+  what it involved, 392;
+  Rationalism, its offspring, 404.
+
+HUMANITY, the past and future of, ii. 408 _sqq._
+
+
+I
+
+IL BORGA, a censor of the _Gerusalemme Liberata_, ii. 43.
+
+'IL Candelajo,' Giordano Bruno's comedy, ii. 131, 183.
+
+IL GUERCINO (G.F. Barbieri), Bolognese painter, ii. 365;
+  his masterpieces, 367.
+
+'IL PADRE di Famiglio,' Tasso's Dialogue, ii. 63.
+
+'IL Pentito,' Tasso's name as one of Gli Eterei, ii. 26.
+
+INGEGNERI, Antonio, a friend of Tasso, ii. 64;
+  publishes the _Gerusalemme_, 71.
+
+INDEX Expurgatorius:
+  its first publication at Venice, i. 192;
+  effects on the printing trade there, 193;
+  the Index in concert with the Inquisition, 194;
+  origin of the Index, 195;
+  local lists of prohibited books, _ib._;
+  establishment of the Congregation of the Index, 197;
+  Index of Clement VIII., 198;
+  its preambles, _ib._;
+  regulations, 199 _sq._;
+  details of the censorship and correction of books, 201;
+  rules as to printers, publishers, and booksellers, 203;
+  responsibility of the Holy Office, 204;
+  annoyances arising from delays and ignorance on the part of censors, 205;
+  spiteful delators of charges of heresy, 207;
+  extirpation of books, 208;
+  proscribed literature, 209;
+  garbled works by Vatican students, 210;
+  effect of the Tridentine decree about the Vulgate, 212;
+  influence of the Index on schools and lecture-rooms, 213;
+  decline of humanism, 218;
+  the statutes on the _Ratio Status_, 220;
+  their object and effect, 221;
+  the treatment of lewd and obscene publications, 223;
+  expurgation of secular books, 224.
+
+INQUISITION, the, i. 159 _sqq._;
+  the first germ of the Holy Office, 161;
+  developed during the crusade against the Albigenses, _ib._;
+  S. Dominic its founder, 162;
+  introduced into Lombardy, etc., 164;
+  the stigma of heresy, 165;
+  three types of Inquisition, 166;
+  the number of victims, 166 _n._;
+  the crimes of which it took cognizance, 167;
+  the methods of the Apostolical Holy Office, 168;
+  treatment of the New Christians in Castile, 169, 171;
+  origin of the Spanish Holy Office, 170;
+  opposition of Queen Isabella, 171;
+  exodus of New Christians, 172;
+  the punishments inflicted, _ib._;
+  futile appeals to Rome, 173;
+  constitution of the Inquisition, 174;
+  its two most formidable features, 175;
+  method of its judicial proceedings, 176;
+  the sentence and its execution, 177;
+  the holocausts and their pageant, _ib._;
+  Torquemada's insolence, 179;
+  the body-guard of the Grand Inquisitor, 180;
+  number of Torquemada's victims, 181;
+  exodus of Moors from Castile, 182;
+  victims under Torquemada's successors, _ib._;
+  an Aceldama at Madrid, 184;
+  the Roman Holy Office, _ib._;
+  remodelled by Giov. Paolo Caraffa, 185;
+  'Acts of Faith' in Rome, 186;
+  numbers of the victims, 187;
+  in other parts of Italy, 188;
+  the Venetian Holy Office, 190;
+  dependent on
+  the State, _ib._;
+  Tasso's dread of the Inquisition, ii. 42, 45, 49, 51;
+  the case of Giordano Bruno, 134, 157 _sqq._;
+  Sarpi denounced to the Holy Office, 195.
+
+INTELLECTUAL and social activity in Italian cities, i. 51.
+
+INTERDICT of Venice (1606), ii. 198 _sqq._;
+  the compromise, 205.
+
+INVASION, wars of, in Italy, i. 11 _sqq._
+
+IRON crown, the, sent from Monza to Bologna, i. 36.
+
+'ITALIA Liberata,' Trissino's, ii. 24, 303.
+
+ITALIA Unita, ii. 407.
+
+ITALY:
+  its political conditions in 1494, i. 2 _sqq._;
+  the five members of its federation, 3;
+  how the federation was broken up, 11;
+  the League between Clement VII. and Charles V., 31;
+  review of the settlement of Italy effected by Emperor
+  and Pope, 45 _sqq._;
+  extinction of republics, 47;
+  economical and social condition of the Italians under
+  Spanish hegemony, 48;
+  intellectual life, 51;
+  predominance of Spain and Rome, 53 _sqq._;
+  Italian servitude, 58;
+  the evils of Spanish rule, 59 _sqq._;
+  seven Spanish devils in Italy, 61;
+  changes wrought by the Counter-Reformation, 64 _sqq._;
+  criticism and formalism, 65;
+  transition from the Renaissance to the Catholic Revival, _ib._;
+  attitude of Italians towards the German Reformation, 71.
+
+
+J
+
+JESUITS, Order of:
+  its importance in the Counter-Reformation, i. 229;
+  the Diacatholicon, 231;
+  works on the history of the Order, 231 _n._;
+  sketch of the life of Ignatius Loyola, 231 _sqq._;
+  the first foundation of the _Exercitia_, 236;
+  Peter Faber and Francis Xavier, 239;
+  the vows taken by Ignatius and his neophytes at Paris, 240;
+  their proposed mission to the Holy Land, 241;
+  their visits to Venice and Rome, 242 _sq._;
+  the name of the Order, 244;
+  negotiations in Rome, 245;
+  the fourth vow, 246;
+  the constitutions approved by Paul III., 247;
+  the Directorium of Lainez, 249;
+  the original limit of the number of members, _ib._;
+  Loyola's administration, 250;
+  asceticism deprecated, 251;
+  worldly wisdom of the founder, 253;
+  rapid spread of the Order, 254;
+  the Collegium Romanum, 255;
+  Collegium Germanicum, _ib._;
+  the Order deemed rivals by the Dominicans in Spain, _ib._;
+  successes in Portugal, 256;
+  difficulties in France, 257;
+  in the Low Countries, _ib._;
+  in Bavaria and Austria, 258;
+  Loyola's dictatorship, 259;
+  his adroitness in managing distinguished members of his Order, 260;
+  statistics of the Jesuits at Loyola's death, _ib._;
+  the autocracy of the General, 261;
+  Jesuit precepts on obedience, 263 _sq._;
+  addiction to Catholicism, 266;
+  the spiritual drill of the _Exercitia Spiritualia_, 267;
+  materialistic imagination, 268;
+  psychological adroitness of the method, 269;
+  position and treatment of the novice, 270;
+  the Jesuit Hierarchy, 271;
+  the General, 272;
+  five sworn spies to watch him, 273;
+  a system of espionage through the Order, 274;
+  position of a Jesuit, _ib._;
+  the Black Pope, 275;
+  the working of the Jesuit vow of poverty, 275 _sq._;
+  revision of the Constitutions by Lainez, 277;
+  the question about the _Monita Secreta_, 277 _sqq._;
+  estimate of the historical importance of the Jesuits, 280 _sq._;
+  their methods of mental tyranny, 281;
+  Jesuitical education, 282;
+  desire to gain the control of youth, 283;
+  their general aim the aggrandizement of the Order, 284;
+  treatment of _etudes fortes_, _ib._;
+  admixture of falsehood and truth, 285;
+  sham learning and sham art, 286;
+  Jesuit morality, 287;
+  manipulation of the conscience, 288;
+  casuistical ethics, 290;
+  system of confession and direction, 293;
+  political intrigues and doctrines, 294 _sqq._;
+  the theory of the sovereignty of the people, 296;
+  Jesuit connection with political plots, 297;
+  suspected in regard to the deaths of Popes, 298;
+  the Order expelled from various countries, 299 _n._;
+  relations of Jesuits to Rome, 299;
+  their lax morality in regard to homicide, 306 _n._, 314;
+  their support of the Interdict of Venice, ii. 198 _sqq._
+
+JEWS, Spanish, wealth and influence of, i. 169;
+  adoption of Christianity, _ib._;
+  attacked by the Inquisition, 170;
+  the edict for their expulsion, 171;
+  its results, 172.
+
+JULIUS II.:
+  results of his martial energy, i. 7.
+
+---III., Pope (Giov. Maria del Monte), i. 101.
+
+
+K
+
+KEPLER, high opinion of Bruno's speculations held by, ii. 164.
+
+KINGDOMS and States of Italy in 1494, enumeration of, i. 3.
+
+
+L
+
+'LA Cuccagna,' a satire by Marino, ii. 263.
+
+LAINEZ, James, associate of Ignatius Loyola, i. 240;
+  his influence on the development of the Jesuits, 248;
+  his commentary on the Constitutions (the Directorium), 249;
+  his work in Venice, etc., 254;
+  abject submission to Loyola, 262.
+
+LATERAN, Council of the, i. 95.
+
+LATIN and Teutonic factors in European civilization, ii. 393 _sqq._
+
+LATINI, Latino, on the extirpation of books by the Index, i. 208.
+
+LEGATES, Papal, at Trent, i. 97 _n._, 119.
+
+LE JAY, Claude, associate of Ignatius Loyola, i. 240;
+  his work as a Jesuit at Ferrara, 254;
+  in Austria. 258.
+
+LEONI, Giambattista, employed by Sarpi to write against
+  the Jesuits, ii. 200.
+
+LEPANTO, battle of, i. 149.
+
+LESCHASSIER, Sarpi's letters to, ii. 229, 235.
+
+'LE Sette Giornate,' Tasso's, ii. 75, 115, 124.
+
+LEYVA, Antonio de, at Bologna, i. 22.
+
+---Virginia Maria de (the Lady of Monza):
+  birth and parentage, i. 317;
+  a nun in a convent of the Umiliate, 318;
+  her seduction by Gianpaolo Osio, 318 _sqq._;
+  birth of her child, 321;
+  murder of her waiting-woman by Osio, 322;
+  the intrigue discovered, 323;
+  attempted murder by Osio of two of her associates, 324;
+  Virginia's punishment and after-life, 329.
+
+LONDON, Bruno's account of the life of the people of, ii. 142;
+  social life in, 143.
+
+LORENTE'S History of the Inquisition, cited, 171 _sqq._;
+  his account of the number of victims of the Holy Office, i. 181, 183 _n._
+
+LORRAINE, Cardinal:
+  his influence in the Council of Trent, i. 125 _sq._
+
+LO SPAGNOLETTO (Giuseppe Ribera), Italian Realist painter, ii. 363.
+
+LOUISA of Savoy, one of the arrangers of the Paix des Dames, i. 16.
+
+LOUIS XII.: his descent into Lombardy, and its results, i. 9;
+  allied with the Austrian Emperor and the King of Spain, i. 12.
+
+LOYOLA, Ignatius, founder of the Jesuits:
+  his birth and childhood, i. 231;
+  his youth and early training, _ib._;
+  illness at Pampeluna, 232;
+  pilgrimage to Montserrat, 234;
+  retreat at Manresa, _ib._;
+  his romance and discipline, 235;
+  journey to the Holy Land, 237;
+  his apprenticeship to his future calling, _ib._;
+  imprisoned by the Inquisition, 238;
+  studies theology in Paris, _ib._;
+  gains disciples there, 239;
+  his methods with them, _ib._;
+  with ten companions takes the vows of chastity and poverty, 240;
+  Ignatius at Venice, 241;
+  his relations with Caraffa and the Theatines, 242;
+  in Rome, 243;
+  the name of the new Order, 244;
+  its military organization, 245;
+  the project favored by Paul III., _ib._;
+  the Constitution approved by the Pope, 247;
+  his worldly wisdom, 248 _n._;
+  Loyola's creative force, 249;
+  his administration, 250 _sq._;
+  dislike of the common forms of monasticism, 251;
+  his aims and principles, 252;
+  comparison with Luther, 253;
+  rapid spread of the Order, 254;
+  special desire of Ignatius to get a firm hold on Germany, 258;
+  his dictatorship, 259;
+  adroitness in managing his subordinates, 260;
+  autocratic administration, 261;
+  insistence on the virtue of obedience, 263;
+  devotion to the Roman Church, 265;
+  the _Exercitia Spiritualia_, 267 _sqq._;
+  Loyola's dislike of asceticism, 270;
+  his interpretation of the vow of poverty, 275;
+  his instructions as to the management of consciences, 287 _sq._;
+  his doctrine on the fear of God, 304 _n._
+
+LUCERO EL TENEBROSO, the Spanish Inquisitor, i. 180.
+
+LUINI'S picture of S. Catherine, ii. 360.
+
+LULLY, Raymond:
+  his Art of Memory and Classification of the Sciences,
+  adapted by Giordano Bruno, ii. 139.
+
+LUNA, Don Juan de, i. 47.
+
+LUTHER, Bruno's high estimate of, ii. 149;
+  his relation to modern civilization, 402.
+
+LUTHERAN soldiers in Italy, i. 44.
+
+LUTHERANISM in Italy, i. 185.
+
+
+M
+
+MACAULAY, Lord, on Sarpi's religious opinions, ii. 227 _n._;
+  critique of his survey of the Catholic Revival, 400 _sqq._
+
+MAIN events in modern history, the, ii. 383 _sqq._
+
+MALATESTA, Roberto, leader of bandits in the Papal States, i. 152.
+
+MALIPIERO, Alessandro, a friend of Sarpi, ii. 210.
+
+MALVASIA, Count C.C., writings of, on the Bolognese painters, ii. 350 _n._
+
+MANRESA, Ignatius Loyola at, i. 234.
+
+MANRIQUE, Thomas, Master of the Sacred Palace, an expurgated
+  edition of the _Decamerone_ issued by, i. 224.
+
+MANSO, Marquis:
+  his _Life of Tasso_, ii. 54, 56, 58, 64, 70, 115;
+  friend of Marino in his youth, 261.
+
+MANTUA, raised to the rank of a duchy, i. 27.
+
+MANUZIO, Aldo (the younger), ill-treatment of, in Rome, i. 217 _sq._
+
+---Paolo:
+  works produced at his press in Rome, i. 220;
+  a friend of Chiabrera, ii. 287.
+
+MARCELLUS II., Pope (Marcello Cervini), i. 97, 101.
+
+MARGARET of Austria, one of the arrangers of the Paix des Dames, i. 16.
+
+MARIANAZZO, a robber chief, refusal of pardon by, i. 309.
+
+MARIGNANO, Marquis of (Gian Giacomo Medici), i. 109, 115.
+
+MARINISM, i. 66; ii. 299, 302.
+
+MARINO, Giovanni Battista:
+  his birth and parentage, ii. 260;
+  escapades of his youth in Naples, 261;
+  at the Court of Carlo Emanuele, 262;
+  his life in Turin, _ib._;
+  at the Court of Maria de'Medici, 263;
+  successful publication of the _Adone_, 264;
+  return to Naples, 265;
+  critique of the _Adone_, 266 _sq._;
+  the Epic of Voluptuousness, 268;
+  its effeminate sensuality, 268 _sq._;
+  cynical hypocrisy, 270;
+  the character of Adonis, 272;
+  ugliness and discord, 273;
+  Marino's poetic gifts, 274;
+  great variety of episodes, 276;
+  unity of theme, 277;
+  purity of poetic style rarely attained, 279;
+  false rhetoric, 280;
+  Marinism, 281;
+  verbal fireworks, 282;
+  Marino's real inadequacy, 285;
+  the _Pianto d'Italia_, 286;
+  comparison of Marino with Chiabrera, 296.
+
+MARTELLI, Giovan Battista, a _bravo_ attendant on
+  Lorenzino de'Medici, i. 396.
+
+MARTUCCIA, a notorious Roman courtesan, i. 375.
+
+MASANIELLO, cause of the rising of, in Naples, i. 49.
+
+MASSACRE of S. Bartholomew, i. 55, 149.
+
+MASSIMI, Eufrosina (second wife of Lelio Massimi), the
+  murder of, i. 354 _sq._
+
+---Lelio: violent deaths of the five sons whom he cursed, i. 355 _sq._
+
+'MATERIE Beneficiarie, Delle,' Sarpi's, ii. 219.
+
+MAXIMILIAN, Emperor, allied against Venice with Louis XII., i. 12.
+
+MAZZOLA, Francesco (Il Parmigianino), i. 42.
+
+MEDA, Caterina da (waiting-woman of Virginia de Leyva), murder of, i. 322.
+
+MEDIAEVAL habits, survival of, in Italy in the sixteenth century, i. 306.
+
+MEDICI, de', family of:
+  their advances towards Despotism, i. 10;
+  violent deaths of members, 382 _sqq._;
+  eleven murdered in a half-century, 387.
+
+---Alessandro, Duke of Florence, i. 19, 46, 388.
+
+---Cosimo, i. 46;
+  made Grand Duke of Tuscany, 47.
+
+---Giovanni, i. 11.
+
+---Ippolito, i. 19.
+
+---Lorenzino, assassination of his cousin Alessandro
+  (Duke of Florence) by, i. 388;
+  details of his own murder, 389 _sqq._
+
+---Lorenzo, i. 10.
+
+---Maria, the Court of, as Regent of France, ii. 263.
+
+---Piero, i. 10.
+
+MEDICI, Gian Giacomo (brother of Pius IV.), i. 50, 109.
+
+---Giovanni Angelo, _see_ PIUS IV.
+
+---Margherita (sister of Pius IV.), mother of Carlo Borromeo, i. 115 _n._
+
+MENDOZA, Don Hurtado de, i. 47.
+
+MERSENNE, evidence of, as to the burning of Giordano Bruno, ii. 164 _n._
+
+METAPHYSICAL speculators in Italy, i. 73.
+
+METAURUS, the, Tasso's ode to, ii. 63.
+
+METEMPSYCHOSIS, Bruno's doctrine of, ii. 160.
+
+MEXICO, the early Jesuits in, i. 260.
+
+MIANI, Girolamo, founder of the congregation of the Somascans, i. 79;
+  his relations with Loyola, 242.
+
+MICANZI, Fulgenzio, _see_ FULGENZIO, FRA.
+
+MILAN, Duchy of:
+  its state in 1494, i. 8.
+
+MOCENIGO, Giovanni:
+  his character, ii. 152;
+  invites Giordano Bruno to Venice, 153;
+  the object of the invitation, 154;
+  their intercourse, 155;
+  Bruno denounced to the Inquisition by Mocenigo, 157.
+
+---Luigi, on the relations between Pius IV. and Cardinal Morone, i. 110 _n._
+
+MODENA and Bologna, humors of the conflict between, ii. 304.
+
+MONOPOLIES, system of, in Italy, i. 49.
+
+MONTALTO, Cardinal, nephew of Sixtus V., i. 157.
+
+MONTEBELLO, Baron, the tale of, i. 428.
+
+MONTECATINO, Antonio, an enemy of Tasso at Ferrara, ii. 48, 50, 60, 62;
+  his downfall, 66.
+
+MONTE OLIVETO, the monastery of, Tasso at, ii, 74.
+
+MONZA, the Lady of, _see_ LEYVA, VIRGINIA MARIA DE.
+
+MORALS, social and domestic, in Italy, effect of the
+  Catholic Revival on, i. 301 _sqq._;
+  outcome of the Tridentine decrees, 302;
+  hypocrisy and ceremonial observances, 303;
+  sufferings of the lower classes, _ib._;
+  increase of crimes of violence, 304;
+  mistrust between the aristocracy and the _bourgeoisie_, 306;
+  survival of mediaeval habits, _ib._;
+  brigandage, 307;
+  criminal procedure, 308;
+  mutual jealousy of States afforded security to refugee homicides, 309;
+  toleration of outlaws, 310;
+  the Lucchese army of bandits, 311;
+  honorable murder, 312;
+  maintenance of _bravi_, _ib._;
+social violence countenanced by the Church, 314;
+  sexual morality, 315;
+  state of convents, 316;
+  profligate fanaticism, _ib._;
+  convent intrigues, 318 _sqq._
+
+MORATO, Peregrino, letter from Celio Calcagnini to, i. 74.
+
+MORNAY, Duplessis, Sarpi's letters to, ii. 229.
+
+MORONE, Cardinal, i. 26;
+  Papal legate at Trent, 97 _n._;
+  imprisoned by Paul IV., 110;
+  relations with Pius IV., _ib._;
+  liberal thinkers among his associates, 111 _n._;
+  his work in connection with the Council of Trent, 127.
+
+---Girolamo, i. 26, 72.
+
+MUNICIPAL wars, Italian, ii. 304.
+
+MURDERS in Italy in the sixteenth century, i. 305 _sqq._
+
+MURETUS:
+  his difficulties as a professor in Rome, i. 214, 216.
+
+MURTOLA, Gasparo, attempted assassination of the poet Marino by, ii. 263.
+
+MUSIC, Italian, decadence of, in the sixteenth century, ii. 315;
+  foreign musicians in Rome, 316;
+  the contrapuntal style, 317;
+  licenses allowed to performers, _ib._;
+  the medleys prepared by composers, _ib._;
+  disgraceful condition of Church music, 318;
+  orchestral _ricercari_, 320 _n._;
+  Savonarola's opinion of the Church music of his time, _ib._;
+  musical aptitude of the people, 322;
+  lack of a controlling element of correct taste, _ib._;
+  advent of Palestrina, _ib._;
+  the Congregation for the Reform of Music, 325;
+  rise of the Oratorio, 334;
+  music in England in the sixteenth century, 338;
+  rise of the Opera, 340.
+
+MUSICIANS, Italian, of the seventeenth cenutry, ii. 243.
+
+
+N
+
+NAPLES, kingdom of, separated from Sicily, i. 4;
+  its extent, _ib._;
+  in the hands of Spain, 12.
+
+NASSAU, Count of, i. 38.
+
+NATURE, the study of, among Italian philosophers, ii. 128.
+
+NEPOTISM, Papal:
+  the Caraffas, i. 104 _sq._;
+  the Borromeos, 115;
+  the Ghislieri, 147;
+  Gregory XIII.'s relatives, 151;
+  estimate of the incomes of Papal nephews, 156 _sqq._
+
+NEW Christians, the, in Spain, _see_ JEWS.
+
+NOBILI, Flaminio de', a censor of the _Gerusalemme Liberata_, ii. 43.
+
+NOLA, survival of Greek customs in, ii. 132.
+
+NOVICES, Jesuit, position of, i. 271.
+
+NUNNERIES, state of, in the sixteenth century, i. 315 _sqq._
+
+
+O
+
+OMERO, Fuggiguerra, sobriquet chosen by Tasso in his wanderings, ii. 64.
+
+OPERA, rise of the, in Florence, ii. 341.
+
+ORANGE, Prince of, leader of the Spanish army in
+  the siege of Florence, i. 18.
+
+ORATORIO (Musical), the:
+  its origins in Rome, ii. 334.
+
+ORATORY of Divine Love, the, i. 76.
+
+ORSINI, the, reduced to submission to the Popes, i. 7.
+
+---Paolo Giordano (Duke of Bracciano):
+  his passion for Vittoria Accoramboni, i. 358;
+  his gigantic stature and corpulence, 359;
+  poisons his first wife, 360;
+  treatment by Sixtus V., 363;
+  secret marriage with Vittoria, 364;
+  renounces the marriage, 365;
+  ratifies the union by public marriage, 366;
+  flight from Rome, _ib._:
+  death of the Duke, 367.
+
+---Prince Lodovico:
+  procures the murder of Vittoria Accoramboni and her brother, i. 368;
+  siege of his palace, 370;
+  his violent death, 371.
+
+---Troilo, lover of the Duchess of Bracciano, i. 360;
+  details of his murder by Ambrogio Tremazzi, 405 _sqq._
+
+OSIO, Gianpaolo:
+  his intrigue with Virginia de Leyva, i. 318 _sqq._;
+  murders her waiting-woman, 322;
+  attempts to murder two other nuns, 324;
+  his letter of defence to Cardinal Federigo Borromeo, 326;
+  condemned to death and outlawed, 327;
+  terms of the _Bando_, 328;
+  his end, 329.
+
+OSORIO, Don Alvaro, Grand Marshal of Spain, i. 22.
+
+OUTLAWRY in Italy in the sixteenth century, i. 307 _sqq._
+
+OXFORD, Giordano Bruno's reception at, ii. 144.
+
+
+P
+
+PACHECO, Cardinal, the foe of the Caraffeschi, i. 105.
+
+PADUAN school of scepictism, the, influence of, on Tasso, ii. 20.
+
+PAGANELLO, Conte, assassin of Vittoria Accoramboni, i. 371.
+
+PAINTING in the late years of the sixteenth century, ii. 344;
+  Eclecticism, 345;
+  influence of the Tridentine Council, 347;
+  the Mannerists, 348;
+  Baroccio, 349;
+  the Caracci, 350 _sqq._;
+  studies of the Bolognese painters, 352;
+  academical ideality, 354;
+  Guido, Albani, Domenichino, 355 _sqq._;
+  criticism of Domenichino's work, 359;
+  the Italian Realists, 363 _sqq._;
+  Lo Spada, 364;
+  Il Guercino, 365;
+  critical reaction against the Eclectics, 368;
+  fundamental principles of criticism, 370 _sqq._
+
+PAIX des Dames, i. 9, 16.
+
+PALAZZO Vernio, Academy (musical) of the, ii. 340;
+  distinguished composers of its school, 341.
+
+PALEARIO, Aonio:
+  his opinion of the Index, i. 197, 214.
+
+PALESTRINA, Giovanni Pier Luigi:
+  his birth and early musical training, ii. 323;
+  uneventful life of the _Princeps Musicae_, 324;
+  relations with the Congregation for Musical Reform, 325;
+  the legend and the facts about
+  _Missa Papae Marcelli_, 326 _sqq._, 331 _n._;
+  Palestrina's commission, 331;
+  the three Masses in competition, 332;
+  the award by the Congregation and the Pope, 334;
+  Palestrina's connection with S. Filippo Neri, 334;
+  _Arie Divote_ composed for the Oratory, 335 _sq._;
+  character of the new music, 335;
+  influence of Palestrina on Italian music, 336;
+  estimate of the general benefit derived by music from him, 337 _sq._
+
+PALLAVICINI, on Paul IV.'s seal for the Holy Office, i. 107 _n._
+
+PALLAVICINO, Matteo, murder of, by Marcello Accoramboni, i. 358.
+
+PALLIANO, Duchess of, _see_ CARDONA, VIOLANTE DE.
+
+---Duke of (nephew of Paul IV.), murders committed by, i. 379;
+  his execution, 380.
+
+PANCIROLI, Guido, Tasso's master in the study of law, ii. 20.
+
+PAPACY, the, its position after the sack of Rome, i. 13;
+  tyranny of, arising from the instinct of self-preservation, 54;
+  dislike of, for General Councils, 90;
+  manipulation of the Council of Trent, 97 _sqq._, 119 _sqq._;
+  its supremacy founded by that Council, 131;
+  later policy of the Popes, 149 _sqq._, 226.
+
+PAPAL States, the:
+  their condition in 1447, i. 5;
+  attempts to consolidate them into a kingdom, 6.
+
+PARMA and Piacenza, creation of the Duchy of, by Paul III., i. 86.
+
+PARMA, Duchy of, added to the States of the Church, i. 7.
+
+PARMIGIANINO, Il, painting of Charles V. by, i. 42.
+
+PARRASIO, Alessandro, one of the assassins of Sarpi, ii. 212.
+
+PART-SONGS, French Protestant, influence of, on Palestrina, ii. 324.
+
+PASSARI, Pietro, amours of, with the nuns of S. Chiara, Lucca, i. 340 _sq._
+
+'PASTOR Fido,' Guarini's, critique of, ii. 252 _sqq._
+
+PAUL III., Pope, sends Contarini to the conference at Rechensburg, i. 78;
+  receives a memorial on ecclesiastical abuses, 79;
+  establishes the Roman Holy Office, 80;
+  sanctions the Company of Jesus, _ib._;
+  his early life and education, 81;
+  love of splendor, 82;
+  peculiarity of his position, _ib._;
+  the Pope of the transition, 84;
+  jealous of Spanish ascendency in Italy, 85;
+  creates the Duchy of Parma for his son, 86 _sqq._;
+  members of the moderate reforming party made Cardinals, 88;
+  his repugnance to a General Council, 90;
+  indiction of a Council to be held at Trent, 97;
+  difficulties of his position, 100;
+  his death, 101;
+  his connection with the founding of the Jesuit Order, 245.
+
+PAUL IV., Pope, _see_ CARAFFA, GIOV. PIETRO.
+
+PAUL V., Pope:
+  details of his nepotism, i. 157 _n._;
+  places Venice under an interdict, ii. 198.
+
+PAVIA, the battle of, 13.
+
+PELLEGRINI, Cammillo, panegyrist of Tasso, ii. 72.
+
+PEPERARA, Laura, Tasso's relations with, ii. 31.
+
+PERETTI, Felice (nephew of Sixtus V.), husband of Vittoria
+  Accoramboni, i. 357;
+  his murder, 358.
+
+PESCARA, Marquis of, husband of Vittoria Colonna, i. 25.
+
+'PESTE di S. Carlo, La,' i. 421.
+
+'PETRARCA, Considerazioni sopra le Rime, del,' Tassoni's, ii. 298, 300.
+
+PETRONI, Lucrezia, second wife of Francesco Cenci, i. 348 _sq._
+
+PETRONIO, S., Bologna, reception of Charles V. by Clement VII. at, i. 23;
+  the Emperor's coronation at, 37 _sqq._
+
+PETRUCCI, Pandolfo, seduction of two sons of, by the Jesuits, i. 284.
+
+PHILIP II. of Spain:
+  his quarrel with Paul IV., i. 102;
+  the reconciliation, 104.
+
+PHILOSOPHERS of Southern Italy in the sixteenth century, ii. 126 _sqq._
+
+PIACENZA, added to the States of the Church, i. 7.
+
+PICCOLOMINI, Alfonso, leader of bandits in the Papal States, i. 152.
+
+'PIETRO Soave Polano,' anagram of 'Paolo Sarpi Veneto,' ii. 223.
+
+PIGNA (secretary to the Duke of Ferrara), a rival of Tasso, ii. 34, 45, 48.
+
+PINDAR, the professed model of Chiabrera's poetry, ii. 291, 294.
+
+PIRATES, raids of, on Italy, i. 417.
+
+PISA, first Council of, i. 92;
+  the second, 95.
+
+PIUS IV., Pope (Giov. Angelo Medici):
+  his parentage, i. 109;
+  Caraffa's antipathy to him, 110;
+  makes Cardinal Morone his counsellor, _ib._;
+  negotiations with the autocrats of Europe, 111;
+  his diplomatic character, 112;
+  the Tridentine decrees, _ib._;
+  keen insight into the political conditions of his time, 113;
+  independent spirit, 115;
+  treatment of his relatives, _ib._;
+  his brother's death helped him to the Papacy, _ib._;
+  the felicity of his life, 116;
+  the religious condition of Northern Europe in his reign, 117;
+  re-opening of the Council of Trent, 119;
+  his management of the difficulties connected with the Council, 127 _sqq._;
+  use of cajoleries and menaces, 129;
+  success of the Pope's plans, 130;
+  his Bull of ratification of the Tridentine decrees, 131;
+  his last days, 132;
+  estimate of the work of his reign, 133 _sqq._;
+  his lack of generosity, 142;
+  coldness in religious exercises, 144;
+  love of ease and good companions, 147.
+
+PIUS V., Pope (Michele Ghislieri):
+  his election, i. 137;
+  influence of Carlo Borromeo on him, 137, 145, 147;
+  ascetic virtues, 145;
+  zeal for the Holy Office, 145;
+  edict for the expulsion of prostitutes from Rome, 146;
+  his exercise of the Papal Supremacy, 148;
+  his Tridentine Profession of Faith, _ib._;
+  advocates rigid uniformity, 148;
+  promotes attacks on Protestants, _ib._
+
+PLAGUES:
+  in Venice, i. 418;
+  at Naples and in Savoy, _ib._;
+  statistics of the mortality, 418 _n._;
+  disease supposed to be wilfully spread by malefactors, 420.
+
+POETRY, Heroic, the problem of creating, in Italy, ii. 80.
+
+POLAND, the crown of, sought by Italian princes, ii. 246.
+
+POLE, Cardinal Reginald, i. 76;
+  Papal legate at Trent, 97 _n._
+
+POMA, Ridolfo, one of the assassins of Sarpi, ii. 212.
+
+POMPONIUS LAETUS, the teacher of Paul III., i. 81, 82.
+
+POPULAR melodies employed in Church music in the
+  sixteenth century, ii. 318.
+
+PORTRAIT of Charles V. by Titian, i. 42.
+
+'PRESS, Discourse upon the,' Sarpi's, ii. 220.
+
+'PRINCEPS Musicae,' the title inscribed on Palestrina's tomb, ii. 325.
+
+PRINTING:
+  effects of the Index Expurgatorius on the trade in Venice, i. 192;
+  firms denounced by name by Paul IV., 198, 208.
+
+PROFESSED of three and of four vows (Jesuit grades), i. 271 _sq._
+
+PROLETARIATE, the Italian, social morality of in the
+  sixteenth century, i. 224 _sqq._
+
+PROSTITUTES, Roman, expulsion of by Pius V., i. 146.
+
+PROTESTANT Churches in Italy, persecution of, i. 186.
+
+PROTESTANTISM in Italy, i. 71.
+
+PROVINCES, Jesuit, enumeration of the, i. 161.
+
+PUNCTILIO in the Sei Cento, ii. 288.
+
+PURISTS, Tuscan, Tassoni's ridicule of, ii. 308.
+
+PUTEO, Cardinal, legate at Trent, i. 119.
+
+
+Q
+
+QUEMADERO, the Inquisition's place of punishment at Seville, i. 178.
+
+QUENTIN, S., battle of, i. 103.
+
+QUERRO, Msgr., an associate of the Cenci family, i. 349, 350, 352.
+
+
+R
+
+'RAGGUAGLI di Parnaso,' Boccalini's, ii. 313.
+
+RANGONI, the, friends of Tasso and of his father, ii. 6, 23.
+
+'RATIO Status,' statutes of the Index on the, i. 220.
+
+RATIONALISM, the real offspring of Humanism, ii. 404.
+
+RAVENNA, exarchate of, i. 7.
+
+REALISTS, Italian school of painters, ii. 363 _sqq._
+
+RECHENSBURG, the conference at, i. 78, 88
+
+'RECITATIVO,' Claudio Monteverde the pioneer of, ii. 341.
+
+REFORMATION, the: position of Italians towards its doctrines, i. 72.
+
+REFORMING theologians in Italy, i. 76 _sq._
+
+RELIGIOUS Orders, new, foundation of, in Italy, i. 79 _sq._
+
+RELIGIOUS spirit of the Italian Church in the sixteenth century, i. 71.
+
+RENAISSANCE and Reformation: the impulses of both
+  simultaneously received by England, ii. 388.
+
+RENEE of France, Duchess of Ferrara, i. 77.
+
+RENI, Guido, Bolognese painter, ii. 355;
+  his masterpieces, 358.
+
+REPUBLICAN governments in Italy, i. 5.
+
+RETROSPECT over the Renaissance, ii. 389 _sqq._
+
+REYNOLDS, Sir Joshua, admiration of, for the Bolognese
+  painters, ii. 359, 375.
+
+RIBERA, Giuseppe, _see_ LO SPAGNOLETTO.
+
+RICEI, Ottavia, attempted murder of, by Gianpaolo Osio, i. 323 _sqq._
+
+'RICERCARI,' employment of, in Italian music, ii. 343.
+
+RINALDO, Tasso's, first appearance of, ii. 22;
+  its preface, 82;
+  its subject-matter, 84;
+  its religious motive, 86;
+  its style, 86 _sqq._
+
+RODRIGUEZ d'Azevedo, Simon, associate of Ignatius Loyola, i. 240;
+  his work as a Jesuit in Portugal, 256, 262.
+
+ROMAN University, the, degraded condition of, in the sixteenth
+  century, i. 216.
+
+ROME, fluctuating population of, i. 137;
+  eleemosynary paupers, 139;
+  reform of Roman manners after the Council of Trent, 141;
+  expulsion of prostitutes, 146;
+  Roman society in Gregory XIII.'s reign, 152;
+  the headquarters of Catholicism, ii. 397;
+  relations with the Counter-Reformation, 398;
+  the complicated correlation of Italians with Papal Rome, 399;
+  the capital of a regenerated people, 408.
+
+RONDINELLI, Ercole, Tasso's instructions to, in regard to his MSS., ii. 35.
+
+ROSSI, Bastiano de', a critic of the _Gerusalemme Liberata_, ii. 72.
+
+---Porzia de' (mother of Torquato Tasso):
+  her parentage, ii. 5, 7;
+  her marriage, 7;
+  her death, probably by poison, 9;
+  her character, 12;
+  Torquato's love for her, 15.
+
+---Vittorio de':
+  his description of the ill-treatment of Aldo Manuzio in Rome, i. 217 _sq._
+
+ROVERE, Francesco della (Duke of Urbino), account of, i. 36.
+
+RUBBIERA, a fief of the Empire, i. 40.
+
+RUSKIN, Mr., on the cause of the decline of Venice, i. 423 _n._;
+  invectives of, against Domenichino's work, ii. 359.
+
+
+S
+
+SACRED Palace, the Master of the:
+  censor of books in Rome, i. 201.
+
+SALMERON, Alfonzo, associate of Ignatius Loyola, i. 240;
+  in Naples and Sicily, 254.
+
+SALUZZO ceded to Savoy, i. 56.
+
+SALVIATI, Leonardo, a critic of the _Gerusalemme Liberata_, ii. 72.
+
+SAMMINIATI, Tommaso, intrigue and correspondence of, with
+  Sister Umilia (Lucrezia Buonvisi), i. 341 _sqq._;
+  banished from Lucca, 344.
+
+S. ANNA, the hospital of, Tasso's confinement at, ii. 66 _sqq._
+
+SAN BENITO, the costume of persons condemned by the Inquisition, i. 177.
+
+SANSEVERINO, Amerigo, a friend of Bernardo Tasso, ii. 14.
+
+---Ferrante di, Prince of Salerno, i. 38; ii. 6 _sqq._
+
+SANTA CROCE, Ersilia di, first wife of Francesco Cenci, i. 347.
+
+SANVITALE, Eleonora, Tasso's love-affair with, ii. 48.
+
+SARDINIA, the island of, a Spanish province, i. 45.
+
+SARPI, Fra Paolo:
+  his birth and parentage, ii. 185;
+  his position in the history of Venice, 186;
+  his physical constitution, 189;
+  moral temperament, 190;
+  mental perspicacity, 191;
+  discoveries in magnetism and optics, 192;
+  studies and conversation, 193;
+  early entry into the Order of the Servites, _ib._;
+  his English type of character, 194;
+  denounced to the Inquisition, 195;
+  his independent attitude, 196;
+  his great love for Venice, 197;
+  the interdict of 1606, 198;
+  Sarpi's defence of Venice against the Jesuits, 199 _sqq._;
+  pamphlet warfare, 201;
+  importance of this episode, 202;
+  Sarpi's theory of Church and State, 203;
+  boldness of his views, 205;
+  compromise of the quarrel of the interdict, _ib._;
+  Sarpi's relations with Fra Fulgenzio, 207;
+  Sarpi warned by Schoppe of danger to his life, 208;
+  attacked by assassins, 209;
+  the _Stilus Romanae Curiae_, 211;
+  history of the assassins, 212;
+  complicity of the Papal Court, 213;
+  other attempts on Sarpi's life, 214 _sq._;
+  his opinion of the instigators, 216;
+  his so called heresy, 218;
+  his work as Theologian to the Republic, 219;
+  his minor writings, 221;
+  his opposition to Papal Supremacy, _ib._;
+  the _History of the Council of Trent_, 222;
+  its sources, 223;
+  its argument, 224;
+  deformation, not reformation, wrought by the Council, 225;
+  Sarpi's impartiality, 226;
+  was Sarpi a Protestant? 228;
+  his religious opinions, 229;
+  views on the possibility of uniting Christendom, 230;
+  hostility to ultra-papal Catholicism, 231;
+  critique of Jesuitry, 233;
+  of ultramontane education, 235;
+  the Tridentine Seminaries, 235;
+  Sarpi's dread lest Europe should succumb to Rome, 237;
+  his last days, 238;
+  his death contrasted with that of Giordano Bruno, 239 _n._;
+  his creed, 239;
+  Sarpi a Christian Stoic, 240.
+
+SARPI, citations from his writings, on the Papal
+  interpretation of the Tridentine decrees, i. 131 _n._;
+  details of the nepotism of the Popes, 156 _n._, 157 _n._;
+  denunciation of the Index, 197 _n._, 206, 208 _n._;
+  on the revival of polite learning, 215;
+  on the political philosophy of the statutes of the Index, 221;
+  on the Inquisition rules regarding emigrants from Italy, 227 _sq._;
+  his invention of the name 'Diacatholicon,' 231;
+  on the deflection of Jesuitry from Loyola's spirit and intention, 248;
+  on the secret statutes of the Jesuits, 278;
+  denunciations of Jesuit morality, 289 _n._;
+  on the murder of Henri IV., 297 _n._;
+  on the instigators of the attempts on his own life, ii. 215 _n._;
+  on the attitude of the Roman Court towards murder, 216;
+  on the literary polemics of James I., 229;
+  on Jesuit education and the Tridentine Seminaries, 237.
+
+SAVONAROLA'S opinion of the Church music of his time, ii. 320 _n._
+
+SAVOY, the house of:
+  its connection with important events in Italy, i. 16 _n._, 38, 56;
+  becomes an Italian dynasty, 58.
+
+'SCHERNO DEGLI DEI,' Bracciolini's, ii. 313.
+
+SCHOLASTICS (Jesuit grade), i. 271.
+
+SCHOPPE (Scioppius), Gaspar:
+  sketch of his career, ii. 165, 208;
+  his account of Bruno's heterodox opinions, 166;
+  description of the last hours of Bruno, 167.
+
+'SECCHIA RAPITA, LA,' Tassoni's, ii. 301 _sqq._
+
+SECONDARY writers of the Sei Cento, ii. 313.
+
+SEI CENTO, the, decline of culture in Italy in, ii. 242;
+  its musicians, 243.
+
+SEMINARIES, Tridentine, ii. 235.
+
+SERIPANDO, Cardinal, legate at Trent, i. 118.
+
+SERSALE, Alessandro and Antonio, Tasso's nephews, ii. 72.
+
+---Cornelia (sister of Tasso), ii. 7, 9, 15 _sq._, 55, 64;
+  her children, 72.
+
+SERVITES, General of the, complicity of, in the attempts on
+  Sarpi's life, ii. 214.
+
+SETTLEMENT of Italy effected by Charles V. and Clement VII.,
+  net results of, i. 45 _sqq._
+
+'SEVEN Liberal Arts, On the,' a lost treatise by Giordano
+  Bruno, ii. 156, 182.
+
+SFORZA, Francesco Maria, his relations with Charles V., i. 28.
+
+---Lodovico (Il Moro, ruler of Milan), invites Charles VIII.
+  into Italy, i. 8.
+
+SICILY, separated from Naples, i. 4.
+
+SIENA, republic of, subdued by Florence, i. 47.
+
+'SIGNS of the Times, The,' a lost work by Giordano Bruno, ii. 136.
+
+SIGONIUS: his _History of Bologna_ blocked by the Index, i. 207.
+
+SIMONETA, Cardinal, legate at Trent, i. 118, 121.
+
+SIXTUS V., Pope:
+  short-sighted hoarding of treasure by, i. 153;
+  his enactments against brigandage, 152;
+  accumulation of Papal revenues, _ib._;
+  public works, 153;
+  animosity against pagan art, _ib._;
+  works on and about S. Peter's, 154;
+  methods of increasing revenue, 155;
+  nepotism, 157;
+  development of the Papacy in his reign, 158;
+  his death predicted by Bellarmino, 298;
+  his behavior after the murder of his nephew (Felice Peretti), 362.
+
+SODERINI, Alessandro, assassinated together with his nephew
+  Lorenzino de'Medici, i. 398.
+
+SOLIMAN, Paul IV.'s negotiations with, i. 103.
+
+SOMASCAN Fathers, Congregation of the, i. 79.
+
+S. ONOFRIO, Tasso's death at, ii. 78;
+  the mask of his face at, 116.
+
+SORANZO, on the character of Pius IV., i. 111 _n._;
+  on Carlo Borromeo, 116 _n._;
+  on the changes in Roman society in 1565, 143.
+
+'SPACCIO della Bestia Trionfante, Lo,' Giordano Bruno's,
+  ii. 132 _n._, 140, 165, 183 _sq._
+
+SPADA, Lionello, Bolognese painter, ii. 364.
+
+SPAIN:
+  its position in Italy after the battle of Pavia, i. 14.
+
+SPANIARDS of the sixteenth century, character of, i. 59.
+
+SPERONI, Sperone:
+  his criticism of Tasso's _Gerusalemme_, ii. 44;
+  a friend of Chiabrera, 287.
+
+SPHERE, the, Giordano Bruno's doctrine of, ii. 135, 144 _sq._
+
+STENDHAL, De (Henri Beyle):
+  his _Chroniques et Nouvelles_ cited:
+    on the Cenci, i. 351 _sq._;
+    the Duchess of Palliano, 373.
+
+STERILITY of Protestantism, ii. 401.
+
+STROZZI, Filippo, i. 46.
+
+---Piero, i. 47.
+
+
+T
+
+TASSO, Bernardo (father of Torquato), i. 38;
+  his birth and parentage, ii. 5;
+  the _Amadigi_, 7, 11, 18, 35;
+  his youth and marriage, 7;
+  misfortunes, _ib._;
+  exile and poverty, 8;
+  death of his wife, 9;
+  his death, 10, 35;
+  his character, _ib._;
+  his _Floridante_, 35.
+
+---Christoforo (cousin of Torquato), ii. 14.
+
+---Torquato:
+  his relation to his epoch, ii. 2;
+  to the influences of Italian decadence, 4;
+  his father's position, 6;
+  Torquato's birth, 7;
+  the death of his mother, 9, 15;
+  what Tasso inherited from his father, 11;
+  Bernardo's treatment of his son, _ib._;
+  Tasso's precocity as a child, 12;
+  his early teachers, _ib._;
+  pious ecstasy in his ninth year, 13;
+  with his father in Rome, 14;
+  his first extant letter, 15;
+  his education, 16;
+  with his father at the Court of Urbino, 17;
+  mode of life here, 18;
+  acquires familiarity with Virgil, 19;
+  studies and annotates the _Divina Commedia_, _ib._;
+  metaphysical studies and religious doubts, 20;
+  reaction, _ib._;
+  the appearance of the _Rinaldo_, 21;
+  leaves Padua for Bologna, _ib._;
+  Dialogues on the Art of Poetry, 22, 24, 26;
+  flight to Modena, 22;
+  speculations upon Poetry, 23;
+  Tasso's theory of the Epic, 24;
+  he joins the Academy 'Gli Eterei' at Padua, as 'Il Pentito,' 26;
+  enters the service of Luigi d'Este, 27;
+  life at the Court of Ferrara, 28;
+  Tasso's love-affairs, 31;
+  the problem of his relations with Leonora and Lucrezia
+  d'Este, 32 _sqq._, 48, 51;
+  quarrel with Pigna, 34;
+  his want of tact, _ib._;
+  edits his _Floridante_, 35;
+  visit to Paris, _ib._;
+  the _Gottifredo_ (_Gerusalemme Liberata_), 35, 38, 42, 48, 50;
+  his instructions to Rondinelli, _ib._;
+  life at the Court of Charles IX., 36;
+  rupture with Luigi d'Este, 38;
+  enters the service of Alfonso, Duke of Ferrara, _ib._;
+  renewed relations with Leonora, _ib._;
+  production and success of _Aminta_, 39;
+  relations with Lucrezia d'Este (Duchess of Urbino), _ib._;
+  his letters to Leonora, 41;
+  his triumphant career, _ib._;
+  submits the _Gerusalemme_ to seven censors, 43;
+  their criticisms, _ib._;
+  literary annoyances, 44;
+  discontent with Ferrara, 45;
+  Tasso's sense of his importance, _ib._;
+  the beginning of his ruin, 46;
+  he courts the Medici, 47;
+  action of his enemies at Ferrara, 48;
+  doubts as to his sanity, 49;
+  his dread of the Inquisition, _ib._;
+  persecution by the courtiers, 50;
+  revelation of his love affairs by Maddalo de'Frecci, 51;
+  Tasso's fear of being poisoned, _ib._;
+  outbreak of mental malady, 52;
+  temporary imprisonment, _ib._;
+  estimate of the hypothesis that Tasso feigned madness, 53;
+  his escape from the Convent of S. Francis, 54;
+  with his sister at Sorrento, 55;
+  hankering after Ferrara, 56;
+  his attachment to the House of Este, 57;
+  terms on which he is received back, 58;
+  second flight from Ferrara, 61;
+  at Venice, Urbino, Turin, 63;
+  'Omero Fuggiguerra,' 64;
+  recall to Ferrara, 65;
+  imprisoned at S. Anna, 66;
+  reasons for his arrest, 67;
+  nature of his malady, 69;
+  life in the hospital, 71;
+  release and wanderings, 73;
+  the _Torrismondo_, _ib._;
+  work on the _Gerusalemme Conquistata_ and
+  the _Sette Giornate_, 75;
+  last years at Naples and Rome, 76;
+  at S. Onofrio, 76;
+  death, 78;
+  imaginary Tassos, 79;
+  condition of romantic and heroic poetry in Tasso's youth, 80;
+  his first essay in poetry, 81;
+  the preface to _Rinaldo_, 82;
+  subject-matter of the poem, 84;
+  its religious motive, 86;
+  Latinity of diction, _ib._;
+  weak points of style, 88;
+  lyrism and idyll, 89;
+  subject of the _Gerusalemme Liberata_, 92;
+  its romance, 94;
+  imitation of Virgil, 97;
+  of Dante, 97, 99;
+  rhetorical artificiality, 100;
+  sonorous verses, 101;
+  oratorical dexterity, 102;
+  similes and metaphors, _ib._;
+  majestic simplicity, 104;
+  the heroine, 106;
+  Tasso, the poet of Sentiment, 108;
+  the _Non so che_, 109 _sq._;
+  Sofronia, Erminia, Clorinda, 109 _sqq._;
+  the Dialogues and the tragedy _Torrismondo_, 113;
+  the _Gerusalemme Conquistata_ and
+  _Le Sette Giornate_, 115, 124;
+  personal appearance of Tasso, 115;
+  general survey of his character, 116 _sqq._;
+  his relation to his age, 120;
+  his mental attitude, 122;
+  his native genius, 124.
+
+TASSONI, Alessandro:
+  his birth, ii. 297;
+  treatment by Carlo Emmanuele, 298;
+  his independent spirit, _ib._;
+  aim at originality of thought, 299;
+  his criticism of Dante and Petrarch, 300;
+  the _Secchia Rapita_:
+    its origin and motive, 301;
+    its circulation in manuscript copies, 302;
+  Tassoni the inventor of heroico-comic poetry, 303;
+  humor and sarcasm in Italian municipal wars, 304;
+  the episode of the Bolognese bucket, _ib._;
+  irony of the _Secchia Rapita_, 306;
+  method of Tassoni's art, _ib._;
+  ridicule of contemporary poets, 307;
+  satire and parody, 308;
+  French imitators of Tasso, 310;
+  episodes of pure poetry, 311;
+  sustained antithesis between poetry and melodiously-worded slang, 312;
+  Tassoni's rank as a literary artist, _ib._
+
+TAXATION, the methods of, adopted by Spanish Viceroys in Italy, i. 49.
+
+TENEBROSI, the (school of painters), ii. 365.
+
+TESTI, Fulvio, Modenese poet, ii. 314.
+
+TEUTONIC tribes, relations of with the Italians, ii. 393;
+  unreconciled antagonisms, 394;
+  divergence, 395;
+  the Church, the battle-field of Renaissance and Reformation, 395.
+
+THEATINES, foundation of the Order of, i. 79.
+
+THEORY, Italian love of, in Tasso's time, ii. 25;
+  critique of Tasso's theory of poetry, 26, 42.
+
+THIENE, Gaetano di, founder of the Theatines, i. 76.
+
+THIRTY Divine Attributes, Bruno's doctrine of, ii. 139.
+
+TINTORETTO'S picture of S. Agnes, ii. 361.
+
+TITIAN, portrait of Charles V. by, i. 42.
+
+TOLEDO, Don Pietro di, Viceroy of Naples, i. 38; ii. 7.
+
+---Francesco da, confessor of Gregory XIII., i. 150.
+
+TORQUEMADA, the Spanish Inquisitor, i. 173, 179, 181.
+
+TORRE, Delia, the family of, ancestors, of the Tassi, ii. 5.
+
+'TORRISMONDO,' Tasso's tragedy of, ii. 73, 113 _sq._
+
+TORTURE, cases of witnesses put to, i. 333 _sqq._
+
+TOUCH, the sense of, Marino's praises of, ii. 270.
+
+TOULOUSE, power of the Inquisition in, ii. 137.
+
+TRAGIC narratives circulated in manuscript in the
+  sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, i. 372.
+
+'TREATISE on the Inquisition,' Sarpi's, ii. 220.
+
+---'on the Interdict,' Sarpi's, ii. 201.
+
+TREMAZZI, Ambrogio:
+  his own report of how he wrought the murder of Troilo
+  Orsini, i. 405 _sqq._;
+  his notions about his due reward, 406.
+
+TRENT, Council of:
+  Indiction of, by Paul III., i. 97;
+  numbers of its members, 97 _n._, 119 _n._;
+  diverse objects of the Spanish, French, and German
+  representatives, 98, 122;
+  the articles which it confirmed, 98;
+  method of procedure, 99, 120;
+  the Council transferred to Bologna, 100;
+  Paul IV.'s measures of ecclesiastical reform, 107;
+  the Council's decrees actually settled in the four Courts, 112, 119;
+  its organization by Pius IV., 118 _sqq._;
+  inauspicious commencement, 119;
+  the privileges of the Papal legates, 120;
+  daily post of couriers to the Vatican, 121;
+  arts of the Roman Curia, 122;
+  Spanish, French, Imperial Opposition, 123;
+  clerical celibacy and Communion under both forms, _ib._;
+  packing the Council with Italian bishops, 125;
+  the interests of the Gallican Church, 126;
+  interference of the Emperor Ferdinand, _ib._;
+  confusion in the Council, 126 _n._;
+  envoys to France and the Emperor, 127;
+  cajoleries and menaces, 129;
+  action of the Court of Spain, 130;
+  firmness of the Spanish bishops, 130 _n._;
+  Papal Supremacy decreed, 131;
+  reservation in the Papal Bull of ratification, 131 _and note_;
+  Tridentine Profession of Faith (Creed of Pius V.), 148.
+
+TUSCANY, creation of the Grand Duchy of, i. 47.
+
+TWO SICILIES, the kingdom of the, i. 45.
+
+'TYRANNY of the kiss,' the, exemplified in the _Rinaldo_, ii. 90;
+  in the _Pastor Fido_, 255;
+  in the _Adone_, 272.
+
+
+U
+
+UNIVERSAL Monarchy, end of the belief in, i. 34.
+
+UNIVERSE, Bruno's conception of the, ii. 173 _sqq._
+
+UNIVERSITIES, Italian, i. 51.
+
+'UNTORI, La Peste degli,' i. 421;
+  trial of the _Untoti_, 421.
+
+URBAN VIII., fantastic attempt made against the life of, i. 425 _sq._
+
+URBINO, the Court of, life at, ii. 17 _sq._
+
+
+V
+
+VALDES, Juan:
+  his work _On the Benefits of Christ's Death_, i. 76.
+
+VALORI, Baccio, i. 33.
+
+VASTO, Marquis of, i. 25.
+
+VENETIAN ambassadors' despatches cited:
+  on the manners of the Roman Court in 1565, i. 142, 147;
+  the expulsion of prostitutes from Rome, 146.
+
+VENICE, the Republic of, its possessions in the fifteenth century, i. 9;
+  relations with Spain in 1530, 45;
+  rise of a contempt for commerce in, 49;
+  the constitution of its Holy Office, 190;
+  Concordat with Clement VIII., 193;
+  Tasso at, ii. 19 _sq._;
+  its condition in Sarpi's youth, 185;
+  political indifference of its aristocracy, 186;
+  put under interdict by Paul V., 198.
+
+VENIERO, Maffeo, on Tasso's mental malady, ii. 52, 63.
+
+VERONA, Peter of (Peter Martyr), Italian Dominican Saint
+  of the Inquisition, i. 161.
+
+VERVINS, the Treaty of, i. 48, 56.
+
+VETTORI, Francesco, i. 33.
+
+VIRGIL, Tasso's admiration of, ii. 25;
+  translations and adaptations from, 98.
+
+VISCONTI, the dynasty of, i. 8.
+
+---Valentina, grandmother of Louis XII. of France, i. 8.
+
+VITELLI, Alessandro, i. 46.
+
+VITELLOZZI, Vitellozzo, influence of, in the reform of
+  Church music, ii. 325.
+
+VITI, Michele, one of the assassins of Sarpi, ii. 212.
+
+'VOCERO,' the, i. 332.
+
+VOLTERRA, Bebo da, associate of Bibboni in the murder of
+  Lorenzino de'Medici, i. 390 _sqq._
+
+VULGATE, the:
+  results of its being declared inviolable, i. 210.
+
+
+W
+
+WALDENSIANS in Calabria, the, i. 188.
+
+WITCHCRAFT, chiefly confined to the mountain regions of Italy, i. 425;
+  mainly used as a weapon of malice, _ib._;
+  details of the sorcery practised by Giacomo Centini, 425 _sqq._
+
+WIFE-MURDERS in Italy in the sixteenth century, i. 380 _sq._, 385.
+
+
+X
+
+XAVIER, Francis, associate of Ignatius Loyola, i. 239;
+  his work as a Jesuit in Portugal, 256;
+  his mission to the Indies, 260.
+
+XIMENES, Cardinal, as Inquisitor General, i. 182.
+
+
+Z
+
+ZANETTI, Guido, delivered over to the Roman Inquisition, i. 145.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+RENAISSANCE IN ITALY
+
+_THE CATHOLIC REACTION_
+
+In Two Parts
+
+BY
+
+JOHN ADDINGTON SYMONDS
+
+    _'Il mondo invecchia,
+    E invecchiando intristisce_'
+
+    TASSO, _Aminta_, Act 2, sc. 2
+
+
+PART II
+
+NEW YORK HENRY HOLT AND COMPANY
+
+1887 _AUTHOR'S EDITION_
+
+
+
+
+CONTENTS OF THE SECOND VOLUME.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+
+     CHAPTER VII.
+
+     TORQUATO TASSO.
+
+     Tasso's Relation to his Age--Balbi on that Period--The Life of
+     Bernardo Tasso--Torquato's Boyhood--Sorrento, Naples, Rome,
+     Urbino--His first Glimpse of the Court--Student Life at Padua and
+     Bologna--The _Rinaldo_--Dialogues on Epic Poetry--Enters the
+     Service of Cardinal d'Este--The Court of Ferrara--Alfonso II. and
+     the Princesses--Problem of Tasso's Love--Goes to France with
+     Cardinal d'Este--Enters the Service of Duke Alfonso--The
+     _Aminta_--Tasso at Urbino--Return to Ferrara--Revision of the
+     _Gerusalemme_--Jealousies at Court--Tasso's Sense of His own
+     Importance--Plans a Change from Ferrara to Florence--First Symptoms
+     of Mental Disorder--Persecutions of the Ferrarese Courtiers--Tasso
+     confined as a Semi-madman--Goes with Duke Alfonso to
+     Belriguardo--Flies in Disguise from Ferrara to Sorrento--Returns to
+     Court Life at Ferrara--Problem of his Madness--Flies again--Mantua,
+     Venice, Urbino, Turin--Returns once more to Ferrara--Alfonso's
+     Third Marriage--Tasso's Discontent--Imprisoned for Seven Years in
+     the Madhouse of S. Anna--Character of Tasso--Character of Duke
+     Alfonso--Nature of the Poet's Malady--His Course of Life in
+     Prison--Released at the Intercession of Vincenzo Gonzaga--Goes to
+     Mantua--The _Torrismondo_--An Odyssey of Nine Years--Death at Sant
+     Onofrio in Rome--Constantini's Sonnet
+
+
+     CHAPTER VIII.
+
+     THE "GERUSALEMME LIBERATA."
+
+     Problem of Creating Heroic Poetry--The Preface to Tasso's
+     _Rinaldo_--Subject of _Rinaldo_--Blending of Romantic Motives with
+     Heroic Style--Imitation of Virgil--Melody and Sentiment--Choice of
+     Theme for the _Gerusalemme_--It becomes a Romantic Poem after
+     all--Tancredi the real Hero--Nobility of Tone--Virgilian
+     Imitation--Borrowings from Dante--Involved Diction--Employment of
+     Sonorous Polysyllabic Words--Quality of Religious Emotion in this
+     Poem--Rhetoric--Similes--The Grand Style of Pathos--Verbal
+     Music--The Chant d'Amour--Armida--Tasso's Favorite Phrase, _Un non
+     so che_--His Power over Melody and Tender Feeling--Critique of
+     Tasso's Later Poems--General Survey of his Character
+
+
+     CHAPTER IX.
+
+     GIORDANO BRUNO.
+
+     Scientific Bias of the Italians checked by Catholic
+     Revival--Boyhood of Bruno--Enters Order of S. Dominic at
+     Naples--Early Accusations of Heresy--Escapes to Rome--Teaches the
+     Sphere at Noli--Visits Venice--At Geneva--At Toulouse--At
+     Paris--His Intercourse with Henri III.--Visits England--The French
+     Ambassador in London--Oxford--Bruno's Literary Work in
+     England--Returns to Paris--Journeys into Germany--Wittenberg,
+     Helmstaedt, Frankfort--Invitation to Venice from Giovanni
+     Mocenigo--His Life in Venice--Mocenigo denounces him to the
+     Inquisition--His Trial at Venice--Removal to Rome--Death by Burning
+     in 1600--Bruno's Relation to the Thought of his Age and to the
+     Thought of Modern Europe--Outlines of his Philosophy
+
+
+     CHAPTER X.
+
+     FRA PAOLO SARPI.
+
+     Sarpi's Position in the History of Venice--Parents and
+     Boyhood--Entrance into the Order of the Servites--His Personal
+     Qualities--Achievements as a Scholar and a Man of Science--His Life
+     among the Servites--In Bad Odor at Rome--Paul V. places Venice
+     under Interdict--Sarpi elected Theologian and Counselor of the
+     Republic--His Polemical Writings--Views on Church and State--The
+     Interdict Removed--Roman Vengeance--Sarpi attacked by Bravi--His
+     Wounds, Illness, Recovery--Subsequent History of the
+     Assassins--Further Attempts on Sarpi's Life--Sarpi's Political and
+     Historical Works--History of the Council of Trent--Sarpi's Attitude
+     towards Protestantism His Judgment of the Jesuits--Sarpi's
+     Death--The Christian Stoic
+
+
+     CHAPTER XI.
+
+     GUARINI, MARINO, CHIABRERA, TASSONI.
+
+     Dearth of Great Men--Guarini a Link between Tasso and the
+     Seventeenth Century--His Biography--The _Pastor Fido_--Qualities of
+     Guarini as Poet--Marino the Dictator of Letters--His Riotous Youth
+     at Naples--Life at Rome, Turin, Paris--Publishes the _Adone_--The
+     Epic of Voluptuousness--Character and Action of Adonis--Marino's
+     Hypocrisy--Sentimental Sweetness--Brutal Violence--Violation of
+     Artistic Taste--Great Powers of the Poet--Structure of the
+     _Adone_--Musical Fluency--Marinism--Marino's Patriotic
+     Verses--Contrast between Chiabrera and Marino--An Aspirant after
+     Pindar--Chiabrera's Biography--His Court Life--Efforts of Poets in
+     the Seventeenth Century to attain to Novelty--Chiabrera's
+     Failure--Tassoni's Life--His Thirst to Innovate--Origin of the
+     _Secchia Rapita_--Mock-Heroic Poetiy--The Plot of this Poem--Its
+     Peculiar Humor--Irony and Satire--Novelty of the Species--Lyrical
+     Interbreathings--Sustained Contrast of Parody and Pathos--The Poet
+     Testi
+
+
+     CHAPTER XII.
+
+     PALESTRINA AND THE ORIGINS OF MODERN MUSIC.
+
+     Italy in Renaissance produces no National School of Music--Flemish
+     Composers in Rome--Singers and Orchestra--The Chaotic, Indecency
+     of this Contrapuntal Style--Palestrina's Birth and Early
+     History--Decrees of the Tridentine Council upon Church Music--The
+     Mass of Pope Marcello--Palestrina Satisfies the Cardinals with his
+     New Style of Sacred Music--Pius IV. and his Partiality for
+     Music--Palestrina and Filippo Neri--His Motetts--The Song of
+     Solomon set to Melody--Palestrina, the Saviour of Music--The
+     Founder of the Modern Style--Florentine Essays in the Oratorio
+
+
+     CHAPTER XIII.
+
+     THE BOLOGNESE SCHOOL OF PAINTERS.
+
+     Decline of Plastic Art--Dates of the Eclectic Masters--The
+     Mannerists--Baroccio--Reaction started by Lodovico Caracci--His
+     Cousins Annibale and Agostino--Their Studies--Their Academy at
+     Bologna--Their Artistic Aims--Dionysius Calvaert--Guido Reni--The
+     Man and his Art--Domenichino--Ruskin's Criticism--Relation of
+     Domenichino to the Piety of his Age--Caravaggio and the
+     Realists--Ribera--Lo Spagna--Guercino--His Qualities as
+     Colorist--His Terribleness--Private Life--Digression upon
+     Criticism--Reasons why the Bolognese Painters, are justly now
+     Neglected
+
+
+     CHAPTER XIV.
+
+     CONCLUSION.
+
+     The Main Events of European History--Italy in the
+     Renaissance--Germany and Reformation--Catholic Reaction--Its
+     Antagonism to Renaissance and Reformation--Profound Identity of
+     Renaissance and Reformation--Place of Italy in European
+     Civilization--Want of Sympathy between Latin and Teutonic
+     Races--Relation of Rome to Italy--Macaulay on the Roman Church--On
+     Protestantism--Early Decline of Renaissance Enthusiasms--Italy's
+     Present and Future
+
+
+
+
+RENAISSANCE IN ITALY.
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VII.
+
+TORQUATO TASSO.
+
+     Tasso's Relation to his Age--Balbi on that Period--The Life of
+     Bernardo Tasso--Torquato's Boyhood--Sorrento, Naples, Rome,
+     Urbino--His first Glimpse of the Court--Student Life at Padua and
+     Bologna--The _Rinaldo_--Dialogues on Epic Poetry--Enters the
+     Service of Cardinal d'Este--The Court of Ferrara--Alfonso II. and
+     the Princesses--Problem of Tasso's Love--Goes to France with
+     Cardinal d'Este--Enters the Service of Duke Alfonso--The
+     _Aminta_--Tasso at Urbino--Return to Ferrara--Revision of the
+     _Gerusalemme_--Jealousies at Court--Tasso's Sense of His own
+     Importance--Plans a Change from Ferrara to Florence--First Symptoms
+     of Mental Disorder--Persecutions of the Ferrarese Courtiers--Tasso
+     confined as a Semi-madman--Goes with Duke Alfonso to
+     Belriguardo--Flies in Disguise from Ferrara to Sorrento--Returns to
+     Court Life at Ferrara--Problem of his madness--Flies again--Mantua,
+     Venice, Urbino, Turin--Returns once more to Ferrara--Alfonso's
+     Third Marriage--Tasso's Discontent--Imprisoned for Seven years in
+     the madhouse of S. Anna--Character of Tasso--Character of Duke
+     Alfonso--Nature of the Poet's Malady--His Course of Life in
+     Prison--Released at the Intercession of Vincenzo Gonzaga--Goes to
+     Mantua--The _Torrismondo_--An Odyssey of nine Years--Death at Sant
+     Onofrio in Rome--Constantini's Sonnet.
+
+
+It was under the conditions which have been set forth in the foregoing
+chapters that the greatest literary genius of his years in Europe, the
+poet who ranks among the four first of Italy, was educated, rose to
+eminence, and suffered. The political changes introduced in 1530, the
+tendencies of the Catholic Revival, the terrorism of the Inquisition,
+and the educational energy of the Jesuits had, each and all, their
+manifest effect in molding Tasso's character. He represents that period
+when the culture of the Renaissance was being superseded, when the
+caries of court-service was eating into the bone and marrow of Italian
+life, when earlier forms of art were tending to decay, or were passing
+into the new form of music. Tasso was at once the representative poet of
+his age and the representative martyr of his age. He was the latter,
+though this may seem paradoxical, in even a stricter sense than Bruno.
+Bruno, coming into violent collision with the prejudices of the century,
+expiated his antagonism by a cruel death. Tasso, yielding to those
+influences, lingered out a life of irresolute misery. His nature was
+such, that the very conditions which shaped it sufficed to enfeeble,
+envenom, and finally reduce it to a pitiable ruin.
+
+Some memorable words of Cesare Balbi may serve as introduction to a
+sketch of Tasso's life. 'If that can be called felicity which gives to
+the people peace without activity; to nobles rank without power; to
+princes undisturbed authority within their States without true
+independence or full sovereignty; to literary men and artists numerous
+occasions for writing, painting, making statues, and erecting edifices
+with the applause of contemporaries but the ridicule of posterity; to
+the whole nation ease without dignity and facilities for sinking
+tranquilly into corruption; then no period of her history was so
+felicitous for Italy as the 140 years which followed the peace of
+Cateau-Cambresis. Invasions ceased: her foreign lord saved Italy from
+intermeddling rivals. Internal struggles ceased: her foreign lord
+removed their causes and curbed national ambitions. Popular revolutions
+ceased: her foreign lord bitted and bridled the population of her
+provinces. Of bravi, highwaymen, vulgar acts of vengeance, tragedies
+among nobles and princes, we find indeed abundance; but these affected
+the mass of the people to no serious extent. The Italians enjoyed life,
+indulged in the sweets of leisure, the sweets of vice, the sweets of
+making love and dangling after women. From the camp and the
+council-chamber, where they had formerly been bred, the nobles passed
+into petty courts and moldered in a multitude of little capitals. Men
+bearing historic names, insensible of their own degradation, bowed the
+neck gladly, groveled in beatitude. Deprived of power, they consoled
+themselves with privileges, patented favors, impertinences vented on the
+common people. The princes amused themselves by debasing the old
+aristocracy to the mire, depreciating their honors by the creations of
+new titles, multiplying frivolous concessions, adding class to class of
+idle and servile dependents on their personal bounty. In one word, the
+paradise of mediocrities came into being.'
+
+Tasso was born before the beginning of this epoch. But he lived into
+the last decade of the sixteenth century. In every fiber of his
+character he felt the influences of Italian decadence, even while he
+reacted against them. His misfortunes resulted in great measure from his
+not having wholly discarded the traditions of the Renaissance, though
+his temperament and acquired habits made him in many points sympathetic
+to the Counter-Reformation. At the same time, he was not a mediocrity,
+but the last of an illustrious race of nobly gifted men of genius.
+Therefore he never patiently submitted to the humiliating conditions
+which his own conception of the Court, the Prince, the Church, and the
+Italian gentleman logically involved at that period. He could not be
+contented with the paradise of mediocrities described by Balbi. Yet he
+had not strength to live outside its pale. It was the pathos of his
+situation that he persisted in idealizing this paradise, and expected to
+find in it a paradise of exceptional natures. This it could not be. No
+one turns Circe's pigsty into a Parnassus. If Tasso had possessed force
+of character enough to rend the trammels of convention and to live his
+own life in a self-constructed sphere, he might still have been
+unfortunate. Nature condemned him to suffering. But from the study of
+his history we then had risen invigorated by the contemplation of
+heroism, instead of quitting it, as now we do, with pity, but with pity
+tempered by a slight contempt.
+
+Bernardo, the father of Torquato Tasso, drew noble blood from both his
+parents. The Tassi claimed to be a branch of that ancient Guelf house of
+Delia Torre, lords of Milan, who were all but extirpated by the Visconti
+in the fourteenth century. A remnant established themselves in mountain
+strongholds between Bergamo and Como, and afterwards took rank among the
+more distinguished families of the former city. Manso affirms that
+Bernardo's mother was a daughter of those Venetian Cornari who gave a
+queen to Cyprus.[1] He was born at Venice in the year 1493; and, since
+he died in 1568, his life covered the whole period of national glory,
+humiliation, and attempted reconstruction which began with the invasion
+of Charles VIII. and ended with the closing of the Council of Trent.
+Born in the pontificate of Alexander VI., he witnessed the reigns of
+Julius II., Leo X., Clement VII., Paul IV., Pius IV., and died in that
+of Pius V.
+
+All the illustrious works of Italian art and letters were produced while
+he was moving in the society of princes and scholars. He saw the
+Renaissance in its splendor and decline. He watched the growth,
+progress, and final triumph of the Catholic Revival. Having stated that
+the curve of his existence led upward from a Borgia and down to a
+Ghislieri Vicar of Christ, the merest tyro in Italian history knows what
+vicissitudes it spanned.
+
+[Footnote 1: This is doubtful. Serrassi believed that Bernardo's mother
+was also a Tasso.]
+
+Though the Tassi were so noble, Bernardo owned no wealth. He was left
+an orphan at an early age under the care of his uncle, Bishop of
+Recanati. But in 1520 the poignard of an assassin cut short this
+guardian's life; and, at the age of seventeen, he was thrown upon the
+world. After studying at Padua, where he enjoyed the patronage of Bembo,
+and laid foundations for his future fame as poet, Bernardo entered the
+service of the Modenese Rangoni in the capacity of secretary. Thus began
+the long career of servitude to princes, of which he frequently
+complained, but which only ended with his death.[2] The affairs of his
+first patrons took him to Paris at the time when a marriage was arranged
+between Renee of France and Ercole d'Este. He obtained the post of
+secretary to this princess, and having taken leave of the Rangoni, he
+next established himself at Ferrara. Only for three years, however; for
+in 1532 reasons of which we are ignorant, but which may have been
+connected with the heretical sympathies of Renee, induced him to resign
+his post. Shortly after this date, we find him attached to the person of
+Ferrante Sanseverino, Prince of Salerno, one of the chief feudatories
+and quasi-independent vassals of the Crown of Naples. In the quality of
+secretary he attended this patron through the campaign of Tunis in 1535,
+and accompanied him on all his diplomatic expeditions.
+
+[Footnote 2: He speaks in his letters of the difficulty 'di sottrarre il
+collo all difficile noioso arduo giogo della servitu dei Principi.'
+_Lettere Ined._ Bologna, Romagnoli, p. 34.]
+
+The Prince of Salerno treated him more as an honored friend and
+confidential adviser than as a paid official. His income was good, and
+leisure was allowed him for the prosecution of his literary studies. In
+this flourishing state of his affairs, Bernardo contracted an alliance
+with Porzia de'Rossi, a lady of a noble house, which came originally
+from Pistoja, but had been established for some generations in Naples.
+She was connected by descent or marriage with the houses of Gambacorti,
+Caracciolo, and Caraffa. Their first child, Cornelia, was born about the
+year 1537. Their second, Torquato, saw the light in March 1544 at
+Sorrento, where his father had been living some months previously and
+working at his poem, the _Amadigi_.
+
+At the time of Torquato's birth Bernardo was away from home, in
+Lombardy, France, and Flanders, traveling on missions from his Prince.
+However, he returned to Sorrento for a short while in 1545, and then
+again was forced to leave his family. Married at the mature age of
+forty-three, Bernardo was affectionately attached to his young wife, and
+proud of his children. But the exigencies of a courtier's life debarred
+him from enjoying the domestic happiness for which his sober and gentle
+nature would have fitted him. In 1547 the events happened which ruined
+him for life, separated him for ever from Porzia, drove him into
+indigent exile, and marred the prospects of his children. In that year,
+the Spanish Viceroy, Don Pietro Toledo, attempted to introduce the
+Inquisition, on its Spanish basis, into Naples. The population resented
+this exercise of authority with the fury of despair, rightly judging
+that the last remnants of their liberty would be devoured by the foul
+monster of the Holy Office. They besought the Prince of Salerno to
+intercede for them with his master, Charles V., whom he had served
+loyally up to this time, and who might therefore be inclined to yield to
+his expostulations. The Prince doubted much whether it would be prudent
+to accept the mission of intercessor. He had two counsellors, Bernardo
+Tasso and Vincenzo Martelli. The latter, who was an astute Florentine,
+advised him to undertake nothing so perilous as interposition between
+the Viceroy and the people. Tasso, on the contrary, exhorted him to
+sacrifice personal interest, honors, and glory, for the duty which he
+owed his country. The Prince chose the course which Tasso recommended.
+Charles V. disgraced him, and he fled from Naples to France, adopting
+openly the cause of his imperial sovereign's enemies. He was immediately
+declared a rebel, with confiscation of his fiefs and property. Bernardo
+and his infant son were included in the sentence. After twenty-two years
+of service, Bernardo now found himself obliged to choose between
+disloyalty to his Prince or a disastrous exile. He took the latter
+course, and followed Ferrante Sanseverino to Paris. But Bernardo Tasso,
+though proving himself a man of honor in this severe trial, was not of
+the stuff of Shakespeare's Kent; and when the Prince of Salerno
+suspended payment of his salary he took leave of that master. Some
+differences arising from the discomforts and irritations of both exiles
+had early intervened between them. Tasso was miserably poor. 'I have to
+stay in bed,' he writes, 'to mend my hose; and if it were not for the
+old arras I brought with me from home, I should not know how to cover my
+nakedness.'[3] Besides this he suffered grievously in the separation
+from his wife, who was detained at Naples by her relatives--'brothers
+who, instead of being brothers, are deadly foes, cruel wild beasts
+rather than men; a mother who is no mother but a fell enemy, a fury from
+hell rather than a woman.'[4] His wretchedness attained its climax when
+Porzia died suddenly on February 3, 1556. Bernardo suspected that her
+family had poisoned her; and this may well have been. His son Torquato,
+meanwhile had joined him in Rome; but Porzia's brothers refused to
+surrender his daughter Cornelia, whom they married to a Sorrentine
+gentleman, Marzio Sersale, much to Bernardo's disgust, for Sersale was
+apparently of inferior blood. They also withheld Porzia's dowry and the
+jointure settled on her by Bernardo--property of considerable value
+which neither he nor Torquato were subsequently able to recover.
+
+[Footnote 3: _Lett. Ined_. p. 100]
+
+[Footnote 4: _Letter di Torquato Tasso_, February 15, 1556, vol. II. p.
+157.]
+
+In this desperate condition of affairs, without friends or credit, but
+conscious of his noble birth and true to honor, the unhappy poet
+bethought him of the Church. If he could obtain a benefice, he would
+take orders. But the King of France and Margaret of Valois, on whose
+patronage he relied, turned him a deaf ear; and when war broke out
+between Paul IV. and Spain, he felt it prudent to leave Rome. It was at
+this epoch that Bernardo entered the service of Guidubaldo della Rovere,
+Duke of Urbino, with whom he remained until 1563, when he accepted the
+post of secretary from Guglielmo, Duke of Mantua. He died in 1569 at
+Ostiglia, so poor that his son could scarcely collect money enough to
+bury him after selling his effects. Manso says that a couple of
+door-curtains, embroidered with the arms of Tasso and De'Rossi, passed
+on this occasion into the wardrobe of the Gonzaghi. Thus it seems that
+the needy nobleman had preserved a scrap of his heraldic trophies till
+the last, although he had to patch his one pain of breeches in bed at
+Rome. It may be added, as characteristic of Bernardo's misfortunes, that
+even the plain marble sarcophagus, inscribed with the words _Ossa
+Bernardi Tassi_ which Duke Guglielmo erected to his memory in S. Egidio
+at Mantua, was removed in compliance with a papal edict ordering that
+monuments at a certain height above the ground should be destroyed to
+save the dignity of neighboring altars!
+
+Such were the events of Bernardo Tasso's life. I have dwelt upon them
+in detail, since they foreshadow and illustrate the miseries of his more
+famous son. In character and physical qualities Torquato inherited no
+little from his father. Bernardo was handsome, well-grown, conscious of
+his double dignity as a nobleman and poet. From the rules of honor, as
+he understood them, he deviated in no important point of conduct. Yet
+the life of courts made him an incorrigible dangler after princely
+favors. The _Amadigi_, upon which he set such store, was first planned
+and dedicated to Charles V., then altered to suit Henri II. of France,
+and finally adapted to the flattery of Philip II., according as its
+author's interests with the Prince of Salerno and the Duke of Urbino
+varied. No substantial reward accrued to him, however, from its
+publication. His compliments wasted their sweetness on the dull ears of
+the despot of Madrid. In misfortune Bernardo sank to neither crime nor
+baseness, even when he had no clothes to put upon his back. Yet he took
+the world to witness of his woes, as though his person ought to have
+been sacred from calamities of common manhood. A similar dependent
+spirit was manifested in his action as a man of letters. Before
+publishing the _Amadigi_ he submitted it to private criticism, with the
+inevitable result of obtaining feigned praises and malevolent
+strictures. Irresolution lay at the root of his treatment of Torquato.
+While groaning under the collar of courtly servitude, he determined
+that the youth should study law. While reckoning how little his own
+literary fame had helped him, he resolved that his son should adopt a
+lucrative profession. Yet no sooner had Torquato composed his _Rinaldo_,
+than the fond parent had it printed, and immediately procured a place
+for him in the train of the Cardinal Luigi d'Este. It is singular that
+the young man, witnessing the wretchedness of his father's life, should
+not have shunned a like career of gilded misery and famous indigence.
+But Torquato was born to reproduce Bernardo's qualities in their
+feebleness and respectability, to outshine him in genius, and to
+outstrip him in the celebrity of his misfortunes.
+
+In the absence of his father little Torquato grew up with his mother and
+sister at Sorrento under the care of a good man, Giovanni Angeluzzo who
+gave him the first rudiments of education. He was a precocious infant,
+grave in manners, quick at learning, free from the ordinary
+naughtinesses of childhood. Manso reports that he began to speak at six
+months, and that from the first he formed syllables with precision. His
+mother Porzia appears to have been a woman of much grace and sweetness,
+but timid and incapable of fighting the hard battle of the world. A
+certain shade of melancholy fell across the boy's path even in these
+earliest years, for Porzia, as we have seen, met with cruel treatment
+from her relatives, and her only support, Bernardo, was far away in
+exile. In 1552 she removed with her children to Naples, where Torquato
+was sent at once to the school which the Jesuits had opened there in the
+preceding year. These astute instructors soon perceived that they had no
+ordinary boy to deal with. They did their best to stimulate his mental
+faculties and to exalt his religious sentiments; so that he learned
+Greek and Latin before the age of ten, and was in the habit of
+communicating at the altar with transports of pious ecstasy in his ninth
+year.[5] The child recited speeches and poems in public, and received an
+elementary training in the arts of composition. He was in fact the
+infant prodigy of those plausible Fathers, the prize specimen of their
+educational method. As might have been expected, this forcing system
+overtaxed his nerves. He rose daily before daybreak to attack his books,
+and when the nights were long he went to morning school attended by a
+servant carrying torches.
+
+[Footnote 5: 'Sentendo in me non so qual nuova insolita contentezza,'
+'non so qual segreta divozione.' _Lettere_, vol. ii. p. 90.]
+
+Without seeking to press unduly on these circumstances, we may fairly
+assume that Torquato's character received a permanent impression from
+the fever of study and the premature pietism excited in him by the
+Jesuits in Naples. His servile attitude toward speculative thought, that
+anxious dependence upon ecclesiastical authority, that scrupulous
+mistrust of his own mental faculties, that pretense of solving problems
+by accumulated citations instead of going to the root of the matter,
+whereby his philosophical writings are rendered nugatory, may with
+probability be traced to the mechanical and interested system of the
+Jesuits. He was their pupil for three years, after which he joined his
+father in Rome. There he seems to have passed at once into a healthier
+atmosphere. Bernardo, though a sound Catholic, was no bigot; and he had
+the good sense to choose an able master for his son--'a man of profound
+learning, possessed of both the ancient languages, whose method of
+teaching is the finest and most time-saving that has yet been tried; a
+gentleman withal, with nothing of the pedant in him.'[6] The boy was
+lucky also in the companion of his studies, a cousin, Cristoforo Tasso,
+who had come from Bergamo to profit by the tutor's care.
+
+[Footnote 6: Bernardo's _Letter to Cav. Giangiacopo Tasso_, December 6,
+1554.]
+
+The young Tasso's home cannot, however, have been a cheerful one. The
+elderly hidalgo sitting up in bed to darn a single pair of hose, the
+absent mother pining for her husband and tormented by her savage
+brother's avarice, environed the precocious child of ten with sad
+presentiments. That melancholy temperament which he inherited from
+Bernardo was nourished by the half-concealed mysteriously-haunting
+troubles of his parents. And when Porzia died suddenly, in 1556, we can
+hardly doubt that the father broke out before his son into some such
+expressions of ungovernable grief as he openly expressed in the letter
+to Amerigo Sanseverino.[7] Is it possible, then, thought Torquato, that
+the mother from whose tender kisses and streaming tears I was severed
+but one year ago,[8] has died of poison--poisoned by my uncles? Sinking
+into the consciousness of a child so sensitive by nature and so early
+toned to sadness, this terrible suspicion of a secret death by poison
+incorporated itself with the very essence of his melancholy humor, and
+lurked within him to flash forth in madness at a future period of life.
+That he was well acquainted with the doleful situation of his family is
+proved by his first extant letter. Addressed to the noble lady Vittoria
+Colonna on behalf of Bernardo and his sister, this is a remarkable
+composition for a boy of twelve.[9] His poor father, he says, is on the
+point of dying of despair, oppressed by the malignity of fortune and the
+rapacity of impious men. His uncle is bent on marrying Cornelia to some
+needy gentleman, in order to secure her mother's estate for himself.
+'The grief, illustrious lady, of the loss of property is great, but that
+of blood is crushing. This poor old man has naught but my sister and
+myself; and now that fortune has deprived him of wealth and of the wife
+he loved like his own soul, he cannot bear that that man's avarice
+should rob him of his beloved daughter, with whom he hoped to end in
+rest these last years of his failing age. In Naples we have no friends;
+for my father's disaster makes every one shy of us: our relatives are
+our enemies. Cornelia is kept in the house of my uncle's kinsman
+Giangiacopo Coscia, where no one is allowed to speak to her or give her
+letters.'
+
+[Footnote 7: Dated February 13, 1556.]
+
+[Footnote 8: See _Opere_, vol. iv. p. 100, for Tasso's description of
+the farewell to his mother, which he remembered deeply, even in later
+life.]
+
+[Footnote 9: _Lettere_, vol. i. p. 6.]
+
+In the midst of these afflictions, which already tuned the future poet's
+utterance to a note of plaintive pathos and ingenuous appeal for aid,
+Torquato's studies were continued on a sounder plan and in a healthier
+spirit than at Naples. The perennial consolation of his troubled life,
+that delight in literature which made him able to anticipate the lines
+of Goethe--
+
+    That naught belongs to me I know,
+    Save thoughts that never cease to flow
+      From founts that cannot perish,
+    And every fleeting shape of bliss
+    Which kindly fortune lets me kiss,
+      Or in my bosom cherish--
+
+now became the source of an inner brightness which not even the
+'malignity of fortune,' the 'impiety of men,' the tragedy of his
+mother's death, the imprisonment of his sister, and the ever-present
+sorrow of his father, 'the poor gentleman fallen into misery and
+misfortune through no fault of his own,' could wholly overcloud. The boy
+had been accustomed in Naples to the applause of his teachers and
+friends. In Rome he began to cherish a presentiment of his own genius. A
+'vision splendid' dawned upon his mind; and every step he made in
+knowledge and in mastery of language enforced the delightful conviction
+that 'I too am a poet.' Nothing in Tasso's character was more tenacious
+than the consciousness of his vocation and the kind of self-support he
+gained from it. Like the melancholy humor which degenerated into
+madness, this sense of his own intellectual dignity assumed extravagant
+proportions, passed over into vanity, and encouraged him to indulge
+fantastic dreams of greatness. Yet it must be reckoned as a mitigation
+of his suffering; and what was solid in it at the period of which I now
+am writing, was the certainty of his rare gifts for art.
+
+The Roman residence was broken by Bernardo's journey to Urbino in quest
+of the appointment he expected from Duke Guidubaldo. He sent Torquato
+with his cousin Cristoforo meanwhile to Bergamo, where the boy enjoyed a
+few months of sympathy and freedom. This appears to have been the only
+period of his life in which Tasso experienced the wholesome influences
+of domesticity. In 1557 his father sent for him to Pesaro, and Tasso
+made his first entrance into a Court at the age of thirteen. This event
+decided the future of his existence. Urbino was not what it had been in
+the time of Duke Federigo, or when Castiglione composed his Mirror of
+the Courtier on its model. Yet it retained the old traditions of gentle
+living, splendor tempered by polite culture, aristocratic urbanity
+refined by arts and letters. The evil days of Spanish manners and
+Spanish bigotry, of exhausted revenues and insane taxation, were but
+dawning; and the young prince, Francesco Maria, who was destined to
+survive his heir and transfer a ruined duchy to the mortmain of the
+Church, was now a boy of eight years old. In fact, though the Court of
+Urbino labored already under that manifold disease of waste which
+drained the marrow of Italian principalities, its atrophy was not
+apparent to the eye. It could still boast of magnificent pageants,
+trains of noble youths and ladies moving through its stately palaces and
+shady villa-gardens, academies of learned men discussing the merits of
+Homer and Ariosto and discoursing on the principles of poetry and drama.
+Bernardo Tasso read his _Amadigi_ in the evenings to the Duchess. The
+days were spent in hunting and athletic exercises; the nights in
+masquerades or dances. Love and ambition wore an external garb of
+ceremonious beauty; the former draped itself in sonnets, the latter in
+rhetorical orations. Torquato, who was assigned as the companion in
+sport and study to the heir-apparent, shared in all these pleasures of
+the Court. After the melancholy of Rome, his visionary nature expanded
+under influences which he idealized with fatal facility. Too young to
+penetrate below that glittering surface, flattered by the attention paid
+to his personal charm or premature genius, stimulated by the
+conversation of politely educated pedants, encouraged in studies for
+which he felt a natural aptitude, gratified by the comradeship of the
+young prince whose temperament corresponded to his own in gravity, he
+conceived that radiant and romantic conception of Courts, as the only
+fit places of abode for men of noble birth and eminent abilities, which
+no disillusionment in after life was able to obscure. We cannot blame
+him for this error, though error it indubitably was. It was one which he
+shared with all men of his station at that period, which the poverty of
+his estate, the habits of his father, and his own ignorance of home-life
+almost forced upon his poet's temperament.
+
+At Urbino Tasso read mathematics under a real master, Federigo
+Comandino, and carried on his literary studies with enthusiasm. It was
+probably at this time that he acquired the familiar knowledge of Virgil
+which so powerfully influenced his style, and that he began to form his
+theory of epic as distinguished from romantic poetry. After a residence
+of two years he removed to Venice, where his father was engaged in
+polishing the _Amadigi_ for publication. Here a new scene of interest
+opened out for him; and here he first enjoyed the sweets of literary
+fame. Bernardo had been chosen secretary by an Academy, in which men
+like Veniero, Molino, Gradenigo, Mocenigo, and Manuzio, the most learned
+and the noblest Venetians, met together for discussion. The slim lad of
+fifteen was admitted to their sessions, and surprised these elders by
+his eloquence and erudition. It is noticeable that at this time he
+carefully studied and annotated Dante's _Divine Comedy_, a poem almost
+neglected by Italians in the Cinque Cento. It seemed good to his father
+now that he should prosecute his studies in earnest, with the view of
+choosing a more lucrative profession than that of letters or
+Court-service. Bernardo, while finishing the _Amadigi_, which he
+dedicated to Philip II., sent his son in 1560 to Padua. He was to become
+a lawyer under the guidance of Guido Panciroli. But Tasso, like Ovid,
+like Petrarch, like a hundred other poets, felt no inclination for
+juristic learning. He freely and frankly abandoned himself to the
+metaphysical conclusions which were being then tried between Piccolomini
+and Pendasio, the one an Aristotelian dualist, the other a materialist
+for whom the soul was not immortal. Without force of mind enough to
+penetrate the deepest problems of philosophy, Tasso was quick to
+apprehend their bearings. The Paduan school of scepticism, the logomachy
+in vogue there, unsettled his religious opinions. He began by
+criticising the doubts of others in his light of Jesuit-instilled
+belief; next he found a satisfaction for self-esteem in doubting too;
+finally he called the mysteries of the Creed in question, and debated
+the articles of creation, incarnation, and immortality. Yet he had not
+the mental vigor either to cut this Gordian knot, or to untie it by
+sound thinking. His erudition confused him; and he mistook the lumber of
+miscellaneous reading for philosophy. Then a reaction set in. He
+remembered those childish ecstasies before the Eucharist: he recalled
+the pictures of a burning hell his Jesuit teachers had painted; he
+heard the trumpets of the Day of Judgment, and the sentence 'Go ye
+wicked!' On the brink of heresy he trembled and recoiled. The spirit of
+the coming age, the spirit of Bruno, was not in him. To all appearances
+he had not heard of the Copernican discovery. He wished to remain a true
+son of the Church, and was in fact of such stuff as the Catholic Revival
+wanted. Yet the memory of these early doubts clung to him, principally,
+we may believe, because he had not force to purge them either by severe
+science or by vivid faith. Later, when his mind was yielding to
+disorder, they returned in the form of torturing scruples and vain
+terrors, which his fervent but superficial pietism, his imaginative but
+sensuous religion, were unable to efface. Meanwhile, with one part of
+his mind devoted to these problems, the larger and the livelier was
+occupied with poetry. To law, the _Brod-Studium_ indicated by his
+position in the world, he only paid perfunctory attention. The
+consequence was that before he had completed two years of residence in
+Padua, his first long poem, the _Rinaldo_, saw the light. In another
+chapter I mean to discuss the development of Tasso's literary theories
+and achievements. It is enough here to say that the applause which
+greeted the _Rinaldo_, conquered his father's opposition. Proud of its
+success, Bernardo had it printed, and Torquato in the beginning of his
+nineteenth year counted among the notable romantic poets of his
+country.
+
+At the end of 1563, Tasso received an invitation to transfer himself
+from Padua to Bologna. This proposal came from Monsignor Cesi, who had
+recently been appointed by Pope Pius IV. to superintend public studies
+in that city. The university was being placed on a new footing, and to
+secure the presence of a young man already famous seemed desirable. An
+exhibition was therefore offered as an inducement; and this Tasso
+readily accepted. He spent about two years at Bologna, studying
+philosophy and literature, planning his Dialogues on the Art of Poetry,
+and making projects for an epic on the history of Godfred. Yet in spite
+of public admiration and official favor, things did not go smoothly with
+Tasso at Bologna. One main defect of his character, which was a want of
+tact, began to manifest itself. He showed Monsignor Cesi that he had a
+poor opinion of his literary judgment, came into collision with the
+pedants who despised Italian, and finally uttered satiric epigrams in
+writing on various members of the university. Other students indulged
+their humor in like pasquinades. But those of Tasso were biting, and he
+had not contrived to render himself generally popular. His rooms were
+ransacked, his papers searched; and finding himself threatened with a
+prosecution for libel, he took flight to Modena. No importance can be
+attached to this insignificant affair, except in so far as it
+illustrates the unlucky aptitude for making enemies by want of _savoir
+vivre_ which pursued Tasso through life. His real superiority aroused
+jealousy; his frankness wounded the self-love of rivals whom he treated
+with a shadow of contempt. As these were unable to compete with him in
+eloquence, or to beat him in debate, they soothed their injured feelings
+by conspiracy and calumny against him.
+
+In an age of artifice and circumspection, while paying theoretical
+homage to its pedantries, and following the fashion of its compliments,
+Tasso was nothing if not spontaneous and heedless. This appears in the
+style of his letters and prose compositions, which have the air of being
+uttered from the heart. The excellences and defects of his poetry,
+soaring to the height of song and sinking into frigidity or baldness
+when the lyric impulse flags, reveal a similar quality. In conduct this
+spontaneity assumed a form of inconsiderate rashness, which brought him
+into collision with persons of importance, and rendered universities and
+Courts, the sphere of his adoption, perilous to the peace of so
+naturally out-spoken and self-engrossed a man. His irritable
+sensibilities caused him to suffer intensely from the petty vengeance of
+the people he annoyed; while a kind of amiable egotism blinded his eyes
+to his own faults, and made him blame fortune for sufferings of which
+his indiscretion was the cause.
+
+After leaving Bologna, Tasso became for some months house-guest of his
+father's earliest patrons, the Modenese Rangoni. With them he seems to
+have composed his Dialogues upon the Art of Poetry. For many years the
+learned men of Italy had been contesting the true nature of the Epic.
+One party affirmed that the ancients ought to be followed; and that the
+rules of Aristotle regarding unity of plot, dignity of style, and
+subordination of episodes, should be observed. The other party upheld
+the romantic manner of Ariosto, pleading for liberty of fancy, richness
+of execution, variety of incident, intricacy of design. Torquato from
+his earliest boyhood had heard these points discussed, and had watched
+his father's epic, the _Amadigi_, which was in effect a romantic poem
+petrified by classical convention, in process of production. Meanwhile
+he carefully studied the text of Homer and the Latin epics, examined
+Horace and Aristotle, and perused the numerous romances of the Italian
+school. Two conclusions were drawn from this preliminary course of
+reading: first, that Italy as yet possessed no proper epic; Trissino's
+_Italia Liberata_ was too tiresome, the _Orlando Furioso_ too
+capricious; secondly, that the _spolia opima_ in this field of art would
+be achieved by him who should combine the classic and romantic manners
+in a single work, enriching the unity of the antique epic with the
+graces of modern romance, choosing a noble and serious subject,
+sustaining style at a sublime altitude, but gratifying the prevalent
+desire for beauty in variety by the introduction of attractive episodes
+and the ornaments of picturesque description. Tasso, in fact, declared
+himself an eclectic; and the deep affinity he felt for Virgil, indicated
+the lines upon which the Latin language in its romantic or Italian stage
+of evolution might be made to yield a second Aeneid adapted to the
+requirements of modern taste. He had, indeed, already set before himself
+the high ambition of supplying this desideratum. The note of prelude had
+been struck in _Rinaldo_; the subject of the _Gerusalemme_ had been
+chosen. But the age in which he lived was nothing if not critical and
+argumentative. The time had long gone by when Dante's massive cathedral,
+Boccaccio's pleasure domes, Boiardo's and Ariosto's palaces of
+enchantment, arose as though unbidden and unreasoned from the maker's
+brain. It was now impossible to take a step in poetry or art without a
+theory; and, what was worse, that theory had to be exposed for
+dissertation and discussion. Therefore Tasso, though by genius the most
+spontaneous of men, commenced the great work of his life with criticism.
+Already acclimatized to courts, coteries, academies, formed in the
+school of disputants and pedants, he propounded his _Ars Poetica_ before
+establishing it by an example. This was undoubtedly beginning at the
+wrong end; he committed himself to principles which he was bound to
+illustrate by practice. In the state of thought at that time prevalent
+in Italy, burdened as he was with an irresolute and diffident
+self-consciousness, Tasso could not deviate from the theory he had
+promulgated. How this hampered him, will appear in the sequel, when we
+come to notice the discrepancy between his critical and creative
+faculties. For the moment, however, the Dialogues on Epic Poetry only
+augmented his fame.
+
+Scipione Gonzaga, one of Tasso's firmest and most illustrious friends,
+had recently established an Academy at Padua under the name of Gli
+Eterei. At his invitation the young poet joined this club in the autumn
+of 1564, assumed the title of Il Pentito in allusion to his desertion of
+legal studies, and soon became the soul of its society. His dialogues
+excited deep and wide-spread interest. After so much wrangling between
+classical and romantic champions, he had transferred the contest to new
+ground and introduced a fresh principle into the discussion. This
+principle was, in effect, that of common sense, good taste and instinct.
+Tasso meant to say: there is no vital discord between classical and
+romantic art; both have excellences, and it is possible to find defects
+in both; pedantic adherence to antique precedent must end in frigid
+failure under the present conditions of intellectual culture; yet it
+cannot be denied that the cycle of Renaissance poetry was closed by
+Ariosto; let us therefore attempt creation in a liberal spirit, trained
+by both these influences. He could not, however, when he put this theory
+forward in elaborate prose, abstain from propositions, distinctions,
+deductions, and conclusions, all of which were discutable, and each of
+which his critics and his honor held him bound to follow. In short,
+while planning and producing the _Gerusalemme_, he was involved in
+controversies on the very essence of his art. These controversies had
+been started by himself and he could not do otherwise than maintain the
+position he had chosen. His poet's inspiration, his singer's
+spontaneity, came thus constantly into collision with his own deliberate
+utterances. A perplexed self-scrutiny was the inevitable result, which
+pedagogues who were not inspired and could not sing, but who delighted
+in minute discussion, took good care to stimulate. The worst, however,
+was that he had erected in his own mind a critical standard with which
+his genius was not in harmony. The scholar and the poet disagreed in
+Tasso; and it must be reckoned one of the drawbacks of his age and
+education that the former preceded the latter in development. Something
+of the same discord can be traced in contemporary painting, as will be
+shown when I come to consider the founders of the Bolognese Academy.
+
+At the end of 1565 Tasso was withdrawn from literary studies and society
+in Padua. The Cardinal Luigi d'Este offered him a place in his
+household; and since this opened the way to Ferrara and Court-service,
+it was readily accepted. It would have been well for Tasso, at this
+crisis of his fate, if the line of his beloved Aeneid--
+
+    Heu, fuge crudeles terras, fuge littus avarum--
+
+that line which warned young Savonarola away from Ferrara, had sounded
+in his ears, or met his eyes in some Virgilian _Sortes_. It would have
+been well if his father, disillusioned by the _Amadigi's_ ill-success,
+and groaning under the galling yoke of servitude to Princes, had
+forbidden instead of encouraging this fatal step. He might himself have
+listened to the words of old Speroni, painting the Court as he had
+learned to know it, a Siren fair to behold and ravishing of song, but
+hiding in her secret caves the bones of men devoured, and 'mighty poets
+in their misery dead.' He might even have turned the pages of Aretino's
+_Dialogo delle Corti_, and have observed how the ruffian who best could
+profit by the vices of a Court, refused to bow his neck to servitude in
+their corruption. But no man avoids his destiny, because few draw wisdom
+from the past and none foresee the future. To Ferrara Tasso went with a
+blithe heart. Inclination, the custom of his country, the necessities of
+that poet's vocation for which he had abandoned a profession, poverty
+and ambition, vanity and the delights of life, combined to lure him to
+his ruin.
+
+He found Ferrara far more magnificent than Urbino. Pageants, hunting
+parties, theatrical entertainments, assumed fantastic forms of splendor
+in this capital, which no other city of Italy, except Florence and
+Venice upon rare occasions, rivaled. For a long while past Ferrara had
+been the center of a semi-feudal, semi-humanistic culture, out of which
+the Masque and Drama, music and painting, scholarship and poetry,
+emerged with brilliant originality, blending mediaeval and antique
+elements in a specific type of modern romance. This culminated in the
+permanent and monumental work began by Boiardo in the morning, and
+completed by Ariosto in the meridian of the Renaissance. Within the
+circuit of the Court the whole life of the Duchy seemed to concentrate
+itself. From the frontier of Venice to the Apennines a tract of fertile
+country, yielding all necessaries of life, corn, wine, cattle, game,
+fish, in abundance, poured its produce into the palaces and castles of
+the Duke. He, like other Princes of his epoch, sucked each province dry
+in order to maintain a dazzling show of artificial wealth. The people
+were ground down by taxes, monopolies of corn and salt, and sanguinary
+game-laws. Brutalized by being forced to serve the pleasures of their
+masters, they lived the lives of swine. But why repaint the picture of
+Italian decadence, or dwell again upon the fever of that phthisical
+consumption? Men like Tasso saw nothing to attract attention in the
+rotten state of Ferrara. They were only fascinated by the hectic bloom
+and rouged refinement of its Court. And even the least sympathetic
+student must confess that the Court at any rate was seductive. A more
+cunningly combined medley of polite culture, political astuteness,
+urbane learning, sumptuous display, diplomatic love-intrigue and genial
+artistic productiveness, never before or since has been exhibited upon a
+scale so grandiose within limits so precisely circumscribed, or been
+raised to eminence so high from such inadequate foundations of
+substantial wealth. Compare Ferrara in the sixteenth with Weimar in the
+eighteenth century, and reflect how wonderfully the Italians even at
+their last gasp understood the art of exquisite existence!
+
+Alfonso II., who was always vainly trying to bless Ferrara with an heir,
+had arranged his second sterile nuptials when Tasso joined the Court in
+1565. It was therefore at a moment of more than usual parade of splendor
+that the poet entered on the scene of his renown and his misfortune. He
+was twenty-one years of age; and twenty-one years had to elapse before
+he should quit Ferrara, ruined in physical and mental health,--_quantum
+mutatus ab illo_ Torquato! The diffident and handsome stripling, famous
+as the author of _Rinaldo_, was welcomed in person with special honors
+by the Cardinal, his patron. Of such favors as Court-lacqueys prize,
+Tasso from the first had plenty. He did not sit at the common table of
+the serving gentlemen, but ate his food apart; and after a short
+residence, the Princesses, sisters of the Duke, invited him to share
+their meals. The next five years formed the happiest and most tranquil
+period of his existence. He continued working at the poem which had then
+no name, but which we know as the _Gerusalemme Liberata_. Envies and
+jealousies had not arisen to mar the serenity in which he basked. Women
+contended for his smiles and sonnets. He repaid their kindness with
+somewhat indiscriminate homage and with the verses of occasion which
+flowed so easily from his pen. It is difficult to trace the history of
+Tasso's loves through the labyrinth of madrigals, odes and sonnets which
+belong to this epoch of his life. These compositions bear, indeed, the
+mark of a distinguished genius; no one but Tasso could have written them
+at that period of Italian literature. Yet they lack individuality of
+emotion, specific passion, insight into the profundities of human
+feeling. Such shades of difference as we perceive in them, indicate the
+rhetorician seeking to set forth his motive, rather than the lover
+pouring out his soul. Contrary to the commonly received legend, I am
+bound to record my opinion that love played a secondary part in Tasso's
+destinies. It is true that we can discern the silhouettes of some
+Court-ladies whom he fancied more than others. The first of these was
+Laura Peperara, for whom he is supposed to have produced some sixty
+compositions. The second was the Princess Leonora d'Este. Tasso's
+attachment to her has been so shrouded in mystery, conjecture and
+hair-splitting criticism, that none but a very rash man will pronounce
+confident judgment as to its real nature. Nearly the same may be said
+about his relations to her sister, Lucrezia. He has posed in literary
+history as the Rizzio of the one lady and the Chastelard of the other.
+Yet he was probably in no position at any moment of his Ferrarese
+existence to be more than the familiar friend and most devoted slave of
+either. When he joined the Court, Lucrezia was ten and Leonora nine
+years his senior. Each of the sisters was highly accomplished, graceful
+and of royal carriage. Neither could boast of eminent beauty. Of the
+two, Lucrezia possessed the more commanding character. It was she who
+left her husband, Francesco Maria della Rovere, because his society
+wearied her, and who helped Clement VIII. to ruin her family, when the
+Papacy resolved upon the conquest of Ferrara. Leonora's health was
+sickly. For this reason she refused marriage, living retired in studies,
+acts of charity, religion, and the company of intellectual men.
+Something in her won respect and touched the heart at the same moment;
+so that the verses in her honor, from whatever pen they flowed, ring
+with more than merely ceremonial compliment. The people revered her like
+a saint; and in times of difficulty she displayed high courage and the
+gifts of one born to govern. From the first entrance of Tasso into
+Ferrara, the sisters took him under their protection. He lived with them
+on terms of more than courtly intimacy; and for Leonora there is no
+doubt that he cherished something like a romantic attachment. This is
+proved by the episode of Sofronia and Olindo in the _Gerusalemme_, which
+points in carefully constructed innuendoes to his affection. It can
+even be conceded that Tasso, who was wont to indulge fantastic visions
+of unattainable greatness, may have raised his hopes so high as
+sometimes to entertain the possibility of winning her hand. But if he
+did dally with such dreams, the realities of his position must in sober
+moments have convinced him of their folly. Had not a Duchess of Amalfi
+been murdered for contracting a marriage with a gentleman of her
+household? And Leonora was a grand-daughter of France; and the cordon of
+royalty was being drawn tighter and tighter yearly in the Italy of his
+day. That a sympathy of no commonplace kind subsisted between this
+delicate and polished princess and her sensitively gifted poet, is
+apparent. But it may be doubted whether Tasso had in him the stuff of a
+grand passion. Mobile and impressible, he wandered from object to object
+without seeking or attaining permanence. He was neither a Dante nor a
+Petrarch; and nothing in his _Rime_ reveals solidity of emotion. It may
+finally be said that had Leonora returned real love, or had Tasso felt
+for her real love, his earnest wish to quit Ferrara when the Court grew
+irksome, would be inexplicable. Had their _liaison_ been scandalous, as
+some have fancied, his life would not have been worth two hours'
+Purchase either in the palace or the prison of Alfonso.
+
+Whatever may be thought of Tasso's love-relations to these sisters--and
+the problem is open to all conjectures in the absence of clear
+testimony--it is certain that he owed a great deal to their kindness.
+The marked favor they extended to him, was worth much at Court: and
+their maturer age and wider experience enabled them to give him many
+useful hints of conduct. Thus, when he blundered into seeming rivalry
+with Pigna (the Duke's secretary, the Cecil of that little state), by
+praising Pigna's mistress, Lucrezia Bendidio, in terms of imprudent
+warmth, it was Leonora who warned him to appease the great man's anger.
+This he did by writing a commentary upon three of Pigna's leaden
+Canzoni, which he had the impudence to rank beside the famous three
+sisters of Petrarch's Canzoniere. The flattery was swallowed, and the
+peril was averted. Yet in this first affair with Pigna we already hear
+the grumbling of that tempest which eventually ruined Tasso. So eminent
+a poet and so handsome a young man was insupportable among a crowd of
+literary mediocrities and middle-aged gallants. Furthermore the
+brilliant being, who aroused the jealousies of rhymesters and of lovers,
+had one fatal failing--want of tact. In 1568, for example, he set
+himself up as a target to all malice by sustaining fifty conclusions in
+the Science of Love before the Academy of Ferrara. As he afterwards
+confessed, he ran the greatest risks in this adventure; but who, he
+said, could take up arms against a lover? Doubtless there were many
+lovers present; but none of Tasso's eloquence and skill in argument.
+
+In 1569, Tasso was called to his father's sickbed at Ostiglia on the Po.
+He found the old man destitute and dying. There was not money to bury
+him decently; and when the funeral rites had been performed by the help
+of money-lenders, nothing remained to pay for a monument above his
+graven What the Romans called _pietas_ was a strong feature in
+Torquato's character. At crises of his life he invariably appealed to
+the memory of his parents for counsel and support. When the Delia
+Cruscans attacked his own poetry, he answered them with a defense of the
+_Amadigi_; and he spent much time and pains in editing the _Floridante_,
+which naught but filial feeling could possibly have made him value at
+the worth of publication.
+
+In the spring of the next year, Lucrezia d'Este made her inauspicious
+match with the Duke of Urbino, Tasso's former playmate. She was a woman
+of thirty-four, he a young man of twenty-one. They did not love each
+other, had no children, and soon parted with a sense of mutual relief.
+In the auturmn Tasso accompanied the Cardinal Luigi d'Este into France,
+leaving his MSS. in the charge of Ercole Rondinelli. The document drawn
+up for this friend's instructions in case of his death abroad is
+interesting. It proves that the _Gerusalemme_, here called _Gottifredo_,
+was nearly finished; for Tasso wished the last six cantos and portions
+of the first two to be published. He also gave directions for collection
+and publication of his lovesonnets and madrigals, but requested
+Rondinelli to bury 'the others, whether of love or other matters which
+were written in the service of some friend,' in his grave. This last
+commission demands comment. That Tasso should have written verses to
+oblige a friend, was not only natural but consistent with custom. Light
+wares like sonnets could be easily produced by a practiced man of
+letters, and the friend might find them valuable in bringing a fair foe
+to terms. But why should any one desire to have such verses buried in
+his grave? The hypothesis which has been strongly urged by those who
+believe in the gravity of Tasso's _liaison_ with Leonora, is that he
+used this phrase to indicate love-poems which might compromise his
+mistress. We cannot, however, do more than speculate upon the point.
+There is nothing to confirm or to refute conjecture in the evidence
+before us.
+
+Tasso met with his usual fortunes at the Court of Charles IX. That is to
+say, he was petted and caressed, wrote verses, and paid compliments. It
+was just two years before the Massacre of S. Bartholomew, and France
+presented to the eyes of earnest Catholics the spectacle of truly
+horrifying anarchy. Catherine de'Medici inclined to compromise matters
+with the Huguenots. The social atmosphere reeked with heresy and
+cynicism. In that Italianated Court, public affairs and religious
+questions were treated from a purely diplomatic point of view. Not
+principle, but practical convenience ruled conduct and opinion. The
+large scale on which Machiavellism manifested itself in the discordant
+realm of France, the apparent breakdown of Catholicism as a national
+institution, struck Tasso with horror. He openly proclaimed his views,
+and roundly taxed the government with dereliction of their duty to the
+Church. An incurable idealist by temperament, he could not comprehend
+the stubborn actualities of politics. A pupil of the Jesuits, he would
+not admit that men like Coligny deserved a hearing. An Italian of the
+decadence, he found it hard to tolerate the humors of a puissant nation
+in a state of civil warfare. But his master, Luigi d'Este, well
+understood the practical difficulties which forced the Valois into
+compromise, and felt no personal aversion for lucrative transaction with
+the heretic. Though a prince of the Church, he had not taken priest's
+orders. He kept two objects in view. One was succession to the Duchy of
+Ferrara, in case Alfonso should die without heirs.[10]
+
+[Footnote 10: Cardinal Ferdinando de'Medici succeeded in a like position
+to the Grand Duchy of Tuscany. But Luigi d'Este did not survive his
+brother.]
+
+The other was election to the Papacy. In the latter event France, the
+natural ally of the Estensi, would be of service to him, and the Valois
+monarchs, his cousins, must therefore be supported in their policy.
+Tasso had been brought to Paris to look graceful and to write madrigals.
+It was inconvenient, it was unseemly, that a man of letters in the
+Cardinal's train should utter censures on the Crown, and should profess
+more Catholic opinions than his patron. Without the scandal of a public
+dismissal, it was therefore contrived that Tasso should return to Italy;
+and after this rupture, the suspicious poet regarded Luigi d'Este as his
+enemy. During his confinement in S. Anna he even threw the chief blame
+of his detention upon the Cardinal.[11]
+
+After spending a short time at Rome in the company of the Cardinals
+Ippolito d'Este and Albano, Tasso returned to Ferrara in 1572. Alfonso
+offered him a place in his own household with an annual stipend worth
+about 88 _l_. of our money. No duties were attached to this post, except
+the delivery of a weekly lecture in the university. For the rest, Tasso
+was to prosecute his studies, polish his great poem, and augment the
+luster of the court by his accomplishments.[12] It was of course
+understood that the _Gerusalemme_, when completed, should be dedicated
+to the Duke and shed its splendor on the House of Este. Who was happier
+than Torquato now? Having recently experienced the discomforts of
+uncongenial service, he took his place again upon a firmer footing in
+the city of his dreams. The courtiers welcomed him with smiles. He was
+once more close to Leonora, basking like Rinaldo in Armida's garden,
+with golden prospects of the fame his epic would achieve to lift him
+higher in the coming years.
+
+[Footnote 11: See _Lettere_, vol. ii. p. 80: to Giacomo Buoncompagno.]
+
+[Footnote 12: 'Egli mi disse, allor che suo mi fece: Tu canta, or che
+se' 'n ozio.']
+
+No wonder that the felicity of this moment expanded in a flower of
+lyric beauty which surpassed all that Tasso had yet published. He
+produced _Aminta_ in the winter of 1572-3. It was acted with
+unparalleled applause; for this pastoral drama offered something
+ravishingly new, something which interpreted and gave a vocal utterance
+to tastes and sentiments that ruled the age. While professing to exalt
+the virtues of rusticity, the _Aminta_ was in truth a panegyric of Court
+life, and Silvia reflected Leonora in the magic mirror of languidly
+luxurious verse. Poetry melted into music. Emotion exhaled itself in
+sensuous harmony. The art of the next two centuries, the supreme art of
+song, of words subservient to musical expression, had been indicated.
+This explains the sudden and extraordinary success of the _Aminta_. It
+was nothing less than the discovery of a new realm, the revelation of a
+specific faculty which made its author master of the heart of Italy. The
+very lack of concentrated passion lent it power. Its suffusion of
+emotion in a shimmering atmosphere toned with voluptuous melancholy,
+seemed to invite the lutes and viols, the mellow tenors, and the trained
+soprano voices of the dawning age of melody. We may here remember that
+Palestrina, seven years earlier in Rome, had already given his Mass of
+Pope Marcello to the world.
+
+Lucrezia d'Este, now Duchess of Urbino, who was anxious to share the
+raptures of _Aminta_, invited Tasso to Pesaro in the summer of 1573,
+and took him with her to the mountain villa of Casteldurante. She was an
+unhappy wife, just on the point of breaking her irksome bonds of
+matrimony. Tasso, if we may credit the deductions which have been drawn
+from passages in his letters, had the privilege of consoling the
+disappointed woman and of distracting her tedious hours. They roamed
+together through the villa gardens, and spent days of quiet in the
+recesses of her apartments. He read aloud passages from his unpublished
+poem, and composed sonnets in her honor, praising the full-blown beauty
+of the rose as lovelier than its budding charm. The duke her husband,
+far from resenting this intimacy, heaped favors and substantial gifts
+upon his former comrade. He had not, indeed, enough affection for his
+wife to be jealous of her. Yet it is indubitable that if he had
+suspected her of infidelity the Italian code of honor would have
+compelled him to make short work with Tasso.[13]
+
+[Footnote 13: This is how he wrote in his Diary about Lucrezia. 'Finally
+the Duke decided upon his marriage with Donna Lucrezia d'Este, which
+took place, though little to his taste, for she was old enough to have
+been his mother.' 'The Duchess wished to return to Ferrara, where she
+subsequently chose to remain, a resolution which gave no annoyance to
+her husband; for, as she was unlikely to bring him a family, her absence
+mattered little.' 'February 15, 1598. Heard that Madame Lucrezia d'Este,
+Duchess of Urbino, my wife, died at Ferrara during the night of the
+11th.' (Dennistoun's _Dukes of Urbino_, vol. iii. pp. 127, 146, 156.)
+Francesco Maria had been attached in Spain to a lady of unsuitable
+condition, and his marriage with Lucrezia was arranged to keep him out
+of a _mesalliance_.]
+
+Meanwhile it seemed as though Leonora had been forgotten by her servant.
+We possess one letter written to her from Casteldurante on September 3,
+1573, in which he encloses a sonnet, disparaging it by comparison with
+those which he believes she has been receiving from another poet
+(Guarino probably), and saying that, though the verses were written, not
+for himself, but 'at the requisition of a poor lover, who, having been
+for some while angry with his lady, now is forced to yield and crave for
+pardon,' yet he hopes that they 'will effect the purpose he
+desires.'[14] Few of Tasso's letters to Leonora have survived. This,
+therefore, is a document of much importance; and it is difficult to
+resist the conclusion that he was indirectly begging Leonora to forgive
+him for some piece of petulance or irritation. At any rate, his position
+between the two princesses at this moment was one of delicacy, in which
+a less vain and more cautious man than Tasso might have found it hard to
+keep his head cool.
+
+[Footnote 14: _Lettere_, vol. i, p. 47. The sonnet begins, 'Sdegno,
+debil guerrier.']
+
+Up to the present time his life had been, in spite of poverty and
+domestic misfortunes, one almost uninterrupted career of triumph. But
+his fiber had been relaxed in the irresponsible luxurious atmosphere of
+Courts, and his self-esteem had been inflated by the honors paid to him
+as the first poet of his age in Europe. Moreover, he had been
+continuously over-worked and over-wrought from childhood onwards. Now,
+when he returned to Ferrara with the Duchess of Urbino at the age of
+twenty-nine, it remained to be seen whether he could support himself
+with stability upon the slippery foundation of princely favor, whether
+his health would hold out, and whether he would be able to bring the
+publication of his long expected poem to a successful issue.
+
+In 1574 he accompanied Duke Alfonso to Venice, and witnessed the
+magnificent reception of Henri III, on his return from Poland. A fever,
+contracted during those weeks of pleasure, prevented him from working at
+the epic for many months. This is the first sign of any serious failure
+in Tasso's health. At the end of August 1574, however, the _Gerusalemme_
+was finished, and in the following February he began sending the MS. to
+Scipione Gonzaga at Rome. So much depended on its success, that doubts
+immediately rose within its author's mind. Will it fulfill the
+expectation raised in every Court and literary coterie of Italy? Will it
+bear investigation in the light of the Dialogues on Epic Poetry? Will
+the Church be satisfied with its morality; the Holy Office with its
+doctrine? None of these diffidences assailed Tasso when he flung
+_Aminta_ negligently forth and found he had produced a masterpiece. It
+would have been well for him if he had turned a deaf ear to the doubting
+voice on this occasion also. But he was not of an independent character
+to start with; and his life had made him sensitively deferent to
+literary opinion. Therefore, in an evil hour, yielding to Gonzaga's
+advice, he resolved to submit the _Gerusalemme_ in MS. to four
+censors--Il Borga, Flaminio de'Nobili, vulpine Speroni with his
+poisoned fang of pedantry, precise Antoniano with his inquisitorial
+prudery. They were to pass their several criticisms on the plot,
+characters, diction, and ethics of the _Gerusalemme_; Tasso was to
+entertain and weigh their arguments, reserving the right of following or
+rejecting their advice, but promising to defend his own views. To the
+number of this committee he shortly after added three more scholars,
+Francesco Piccolomini, Domenico Veniero, and Celio Magno.[15] Not to
+have been half maddened by these critics would have proved Tasso more or
+less than human. They picked holes in the structure of the epic, in its
+episodes, in its theology, in its incidents, in its language, in its
+title. One censor required one alteration, and another demanded the
+contrary. This man seemed animated by an acrid spite; that veiled his
+malice in the flatteries of candid friendship. Antoniano was for cutting
+out the love passages: Armida, Sofronia, Erminia, Clorinda, were to
+vanish or to be adapted to conventual proprieties. It seemed to him more
+than doubtful whether the enchanted forest did not come within the
+prohibitions of the Tridentine decrees. As the revision advanced,
+matters grew more serious. Antoniano threw out some decided hints of
+ecclesiastical displeasure; Tasso, reading between the lines, scented
+the style of the Collegium Germanicum.
+
+[Footnote 15: Tasso consulted almost every scholar he could press into
+his service. But the official tribunal of correction was limited to the
+above named four acting in concert with Scipione Gonzaga.]
+
+Speroni spoke openly of plagiarism--plagiarism from himself
+forsooth!--and murmured the terrible words between his teeth, 'Tasso is
+mad!' He was in fact driven wild, and told his tormentors that he would
+delay the publication of the epic, perhaps for a year, perhaps for his
+whole life, so little hope had he of its success.[16] At last he
+resolved to compose an allegory to explain and moralize the poem. When
+he wrote the _Gerusalemme_ he had no thought of hidden meanings; but
+this seemed the only way of preventing it from being dismembered by
+hypocrites and pedants.[17] The expedient proved partially successful.
+When Antoniano and his friends were bidden to perceive a symbol in the
+enchanted wood and other marvels, a symbol in the loves of heroines and
+heroes, a symbol even in Armida, they relaxed their wrath. The
+_Gerusalemme_ might possibly pass muster now before the Congregation of
+the Index. Tasso's correspondence between March 1575 and July 1576 shows
+what he suffered at the hands of his revisers, and helps to explain the
+series of events which rendered the autumn of that latter year
+calamitous for him.[18] There are, indeed, already indications in the
+letters of those months that his nerves, enfeebled by the quartan fever
+under which he labored, and exasperated by carping or envious criticism,
+were overstrung.
+
+[Footnote 16: _Lettere_, vol. i. p. 114.]
+
+[Footnote 17: _Ib_. vol. i. p. 192.]
+
+[Footnote 18: Vol. i. pp. 55-215.]
+
+Suspicions began to invade his mind. He complained of headache. His
+spirits alternated between depression and hysterical gayety. A dread
+lest the Inquisition should refuse the imprimatur to his poem haunted
+him. He grew restless, and yearned for change of scene.
+
+The events of 1575, 1576, and 1577 require to be minutely studied: for
+upon our interpretation of them must depend the theory which we hold of
+Tasso's subsequent misfortunes. It appears that early in the year 1575
+he was becoming discontented with Ferrara. A party in the Court, led by
+Pigna, did their best to make his life there disagreeable. They were
+jealous of the poet's fame, which shone with trebled splendor after the
+production of _Aminta_. Tasso's own behavior provoked, if it did not
+exactly justify their animosity. He treated men at least his equals in
+position with haughtiness, which his irritable temper rendered
+insupportable. We have it from his own pen that 'he could not bear to
+live in a city where the nobles did not yield him the first place, or at
+least admit him to absolute equality'; that 'he expected to be adored by
+friends, served by serving-men, caressed by domestics, honored by
+masters, celebrated by poets, and pointed out by all.'[19]
+
+[Footnote 19: _Lettere_, vol. iii. p. 41, iv. p. 332.]
+
+He admitted that it was his habit 'to build castles in the air of
+honors, favors, gifts and graces, showered on him by emperors and kings
+and mighty princes'; that 'the slightest coldness from a patron seemed
+to him a tacit act of dismissal, or rather an open act of
+violence.'[20] His blood, he argued, placed him on a level with the
+aristocracy of Italy; but his poetry lifted him far above the vulgar
+herd of noblemen. At the same time, while claiming so much, he
+constantly declared himself unfit for any work or office but literary
+study, and expressed his opinion that princes ought to be his
+tributaries.[21] Though such pretensions may not have been openly
+expressed at this period of his life, it cannot be doubted that Tasso's
+temper made him an unpleasant comrade in Court-service. His
+sensitiveness, as well as the actual slenderness of his fortunes,
+exposed him only too obviously to the malevolent tricks and petty
+bullyings of rivals. One knows what a boy of that stamp has to suffer at
+public schools, and a Court is after all not very different from an
+academy.
+
+Such being the temper of his mind, Tasso at this epoch turned his
+thoughts to bettering himself, as servants say. His friend Scipione
+Gonzaga pointed out that both the Cardinal de'Medici and the Grand Duke
+of Tuscany would be glad to welcome him as an ornament of their
+households. Tasso nibbled at the bait all through the summer; and in
+November, under the pretext of profiting by the Jubilee, he traveled to
+Rome. This journey, as he afterwards declared, was the beginning of his
+ruin.[22] It was certainly one of the principal steps which led to the
+prison of S. Anna.
+
+[Footnote 20: _Lettere_, vol. iii. p. 164, v. p. 6.]
+
+[Footnote 21: _Ib._ vol. iii. pp. 85, 86, 88, 163, iv. pp. 8, 166, v. p.
+87.]
+
+[Footnote 22: Letter to Fabio Gonzaga in 1590 (vol. iv. p. 296).]
+
+There were many reasons why Alfonso should resent Tasso's entrance into
+other service at this moment. The House of Este had treated him with
+uniform kindness. The Cardinal, the duke and the princesses had
+severally marked him out by special tokens of esteem. In return they
+expected from him the honors of his now immortal epic. That he should
+desert them and transfer the dedication of the _Gerusalemme_ to the
+Medici, would have been nothing short of an insult; for it was notorious
+that the Estensi and the Medici were bitter foes, not only on account of
+domestic disagreements and political jealousies, but also because of the
+dispute about precedence in their titles which had agitated Italian
+society for some time past. In his impatience to leave Ferrara, Tasso
+cast prudence to the winds, and entered into negotiations with the
+Cardinal de'Medici in Rome. When he traveled northwards at the beginning
+of 1576, he betook himself to Florence. What passed between him and the
+Grand Duke is not apparent. Yet he seems to have still further
+complicated his position by making political disclosures which were
+injurious to the Duke of Ferrara. Nor did he gain anything by the offer
+of his services and his poem to Francesco de'Medici. In a letter of
+February 4, 1576, the Grand Duke wrote that the Florentine visit of that
+fellow, 'whether to call him a mad or an amusing and astute spirit, I
+hardly know,'[23] had been throughout a ridiculous affair; and that
+nothing could be less convenient than his putting the _Gerusalemme_ up
+to auction among princes. One year later, he said bluntly that 'he did
+not want to have a madman at his Court.'[24] Thus Tasso, like his
+father, discovered that a noble poem, the product of his best pains, had
+but small substantial value. It might, indeed, be worth something to the
+patron who paid a yearly exhibition to its author; but it was not a gem
+of such high price as to be wrangled for by dukes who had the cares of
+state upon their shoulders. He compromised himself with the Estensi, and
+failed to secure a retreat in Florence.
+
+[Footnote 23: _Lettere_, vol. iii. p. viii.]
+
+Meanwhile his enemies at Ferrara were not idle. Pigna had died in the
+preceding November. But Antonio Montecatino, who succeeded him as ducal
+secretary, proved even a more malicious foe, and poisoned Alfonso's mind
+against the unfortunate poet. The two princesses still remained his
+faithful friends, until Tasso's own want of tact alienated the
+sympathies of Leonora. When he returned in 1576, he found the beautiful
+Eleonora Sanvitale, Countess of Scandiano, at Court. Whether he really
+fell in love with her at first sight, or pretended to do so in order to
+revive Leonora d'Este's affection by jealousy, is uncertain.[25] At any
+rate he paid the countess such marked attentions, and wrote for her and
+a lady of her suite such splendid poetry, that all Ferrara rang with
+this amour. A sonnet in Tasso's handwriting, addressed to Leonora d'Este
+and commented by her own pen, which even Guasti, no credulous believer
+in the legend of the poet's love, accepts as genuine, may be taken as
+affording proof that the princess was deeply wounded by her servant's
+conduct.[26]
+
+[Footnote 24: _Lettere_, vol. iii. p. xxx. note 34.]
+
+[Footnote 25: Guarino, in a sonnet, hinted at the second supposition.
+See Rosini's _Saggio sugli Amori_, &c. vol. xxxiii. of his edition of
+Tasso, p. 51.]
+
+[Footnote 26: _Lettere_, vol. iii. p. xxxi.]
+
+It is obvious that, though Tasso's letters at this period show no signs
+of a diseased mind, his conduct began to strike outsiders as insane.
+Francesco de'Medici used the plain words _matto_ and _pazzo_. The
+courtiers of Ferrara, some in pity, some in derision, muttered 'Madman,'
+when he passed. And he spared no pains to prove that he was losing
+self-control. In the month of January 1577, he was seized with scruples
+of faith, and conceived the notion that he ought to open his mind to the
+Holy Office. Accordingly, he appeared before the Inquisitor of Bologna,
+who after hearing his confession, bade him be of good cheer, for his
+self-accusations were the outcome of a melancholy humor. Tasso was, in
+fact, a Catholic molded by Jesuit instruction in his earliest childhood;
+and though, like most young students, he had speculated on the
+groundwork of theology and metaphysic, there was no taint of heresy or
+disobedience to the Church in his nature. The terror of the Inquisition
+was a morbid nightmare, first implanted in his mind by the experience of
+his father's collision with the Holy Office, enforced by Antoniano's
+strictures on his poem, and justified to some extent by the sinister
+activity of the institution which had burned a Carnesecchi and a
+Paleario. However it grew up, this fancy that he was suspected as a
+heretic took firm possession of his brain, and subsequently formed a
+main feature of his mental disease. It combined with the suspiciousness
+which now became habitual. He thought that secret enemies were in the
+habit of forwarding delations against him to Rome.
+
+All through these years (1575-1577) his enemies drew tighter cords
+around him. They were led and directed by Montecatino, the omnipotent
+persecutor, and hypocritical betrayer. In his heedlessness Tasso left
+books and papers loose about his rooms. These, he had good reason to
+suppose, were ransacked in his absence. There follows a melancholy tale
+of treacherous friends, dishonest servants, false keys, forged
+correspondence, scraps and fragments of imprudent compositions pieced
+together and brought forth to incriminate him behind his back. These
+arts were employed all through the year which followed his return to
+Ferrara in 1576. But they reached their climax in the spring of 1577. He
+had lost his prestige, and every servant might insult him, and every cur
+snap at his heels. Even the _Gerusalemme_, became an object of derision.
+It transpired that the revisers, to whom he had confided it, were
+picking the poem to pieces; ignoramuses who could not scan a line, went
+about parroting their pedantries and strictures. At the beginning of
+1576 Tasso had begged Alfonso to give him the post of historiographer
+left vacant by Pigna. It was his secret hope that this would be refused,
+and that so he would obtain a good excuse for leaving Ferrara.[27] But
+the duke granted his request. In the autumn of that year, one of the
+band of his tormentors, Maddalo de'Frecci, betrayed some details of his
+love-affairs. What these were we do not know. Tasso resented the insult,
+and gave the traitor a box on the ears in the courtyard of the castle.
+Maddalo and his brothers, after this, attacked Tasso on the piazza, but
+ran away before they reached him with their swords. They were outlawed
+for the outrage, and the duke of Ferrara, still benignant to his poet,
+sent him a kind message by one of his servants. This incident weighed on
+Tasso's memory. The terror of the Inquisition blended now with two new
+terrors. He conceived that his exiled foes were plotting to poison him.
+He wondered whether Maddalo's revelations had reached the duke's ears,
+and if so, whether Alfonso would not inflict sudden vengeance. There is
+no sufficient reason, however, to surmise that Tasso's conscience was
+really burdened with a guilty secret touching Leonora d'Este. On the
+contrary, everything points to a different conclusion. His mind was
+simply giving way. Just as he conjured up the ghastly specter of the
+Inquisition, so he fancied that the duke would murder him. Both the
+Inquisition and the duke were formidable; but the Holy Office mildly
+told him to set his morbid doubts at rest, and the duke on a subsequent
+occasion coldly wrote: 'I know he thinks I want to kill him. But if
+indeed I did so, it would be easy enough.' The duke, in fact, had no
+sufficient reason and no inclination to tread upon this insect.
+
+[Footnote 27: _Lettere_, vol. i. p. 139.]
+
+In June 1577, the crisis came. On the seventeenth evening of the month
+Tasso was in the apartments of the Duchess of Urbino. He had just been
+declaiming on the subject of his imaginary difficulties with the
+Inquisition, when something in the manner of a servant who passed by
+aroused his suspicion. He drew a knife upon the man--like Hamlet in his
+mother's bedchamber. He was immediately put under arrest, and confined
+in a room of the castle. Next day Maffeo Veniero wrote thus to the Grand
+Duke of Tuscany about the incident. 'Yesterday Tasso was imprisoned for
+having drawn a knife upon a servant in the apartment of the Duchess of
+Urbino. The intention has been to stay disorder and to cure him, rather
+than to inflict punishment. He suffers under peculiar delusions,
+believing himself guilty of heresy and dreading poison; which state of
+mind arises, I incline to think, from melancholic blood forced in upon
+the heart and vaporing to the brain. A wretched case, in truth,
+considering his great parts and his goodness!'[28]
+
+Tasso was soon released, and taken by the duke his villa of Belriguardo.
+Probably this excursion was designed to soothe the perturbed spirits of
+the poet. But it may also have had a different object. Alfonso may have
+judged it prudent to sift the information laid before him by Tasso's
+enemies. We do not know what passed between them. Whether moral pressure
+was applied, resulting in the disclosure of secrets compromising Leonora
+d'Este, cannot now be ascertained; nor is it worth while to discuss the
+hypothesis that the Duke, in order to secure his family's honor, imposed
+on Tasso the obligation of feigning madness.[29] There is a something
+not entirely elucidated, a sediment of mystery in Tasso's fate, after
+this visit to Belriguardo, which criticism will not neglect to notice,
+but which no testing, no clarifying process of study, has hitherto
+explained. All we can rely upon for certain is that Alfonso sent him
+back to Ferrara to be treated physically and spiritually for
+derangement; and that Tasso thought his life was in danger. He took up
+his abode in the Convent of S. Francis, submitted to be purged, and
+began writing eloquent letters to his friends and patrons.
+
+[Footnote 28: _Lettere_, vol. i. p. 228.]
+
+[Footnote 29: This is Rosini's hypothesis in the Essay cited above. The
+whole of his elaborate and ingenious theory rests upon the supposition
+that Alfonso at Belriguardo extorted from Tasso an acknowledgment of his
+_liaison_ Leonora, and spared his life on the condition of his playing a
+fool's part before the world. But we have no evidence whatever adequate
+to support the supposition.]
+
+Those which he addressed to the Duke of Ferrara at this crisis, weigh
+naturally heaviest in the scale of criticism.[30] They turn upon his
+dread of the Inquisition, his fear of poison, and his diplomatic
+practice with Florence. While admitting 'faults of grave importance' and
+'vacillation in the service of his prince,' he maintains that his secret
+foes have exaggerated these offenses, and have succeeded in prejudicing
+the magnanimous and clement spirit of Alfonso. He is particularly
+anxious about the charge of heresy. Nothing indicates that any guilt of
+greater moment weighed upon his conscience.[31] After scrutinizing all
+accessible sources of information, we are thus driven to accept the
+prosaic hypothesis that Tasso was deranged, and that his Court-rivals
+had availed themselves of a favorable opportunity for making the duke
+sensible of his insanity.
+
+After the middle of July, the Convent of S. Francis became intolerable
+to Tasso. His malady had assumed the form of a multiplex fear, which
+never afterwards relaxed its hold on his imagination. The Inquisition,
+the duke, the multitude of secret enemies plotting murder, haunted him
+day and night like furies. He escaped, and made his way, disguised in a
+peasant's costume, avoiding cities, harboring in mountain hamlets, to
+Sorrento.
+
+[Footnote 30: _Lettere_, vol. i. 257-262.]
+
+[Footnote 31: Those who adhere to the belief that all Tasso's troubles
+came upon him through his _liaison_ with Leonora, are here of course
+justified in arguing that on _this_ point he could not write openly to
+the Duke. Or they may question the integrity of the document.]
+
+Manos, who wrote the history of Tasso's life in the spirit of a
+novelist, has painted for us a romantic picture of the poet in a
+shepherd's hut.[32] It recalls Erminia among the pastoral people.
+Indeed, the interest of that episode in the _Gerusalemme_ is heightened
+by the fact that its ill-starred author tested the reality of his
+creation ofttimes in the course of this pathetic pilgrimage. Artists of
+the Bolognese Academy have placed Erminia on their canvases. But, up to
+the present time, I know of no great painter who has chosen the more
+striking incident of Tasso exchanging his Court-dress for sheepskin and
+a fustian jacket in the smoky cottage at Velletri.
+
+He reached Sorrento safely--'that most enchanting region, which at all
+times offers a delightful sojourn to men and to the Muses; but at the
+warm season of the year, when other places are intolerable, affords
+peculiar solace in the verdure of its foliage, the shadow of its woods,
+the lightness of the fanning airs, the freshness of the limpid waters
+flowing from impendent hills, the fertile expanse of tilth, the serene
+air, the tranquil sea, the fishes and the birds and savory fruits in
+marvelous variety; all which delights compose a garden for the intellect
+and senses, planned by Nature in her rarest mood, and perfected by art
+with most consummate curiosity.'[33] Into this earthly paradise the
+wayworn pilgrim entered.
+
+[Footnote 32: Rosini's edition of Tasso, vol. xxx. p. 144.]
+
+[Footnote 33: Manso, _ib._ p. 46.]
+
+It was his birthplace; and here his sister still dwelt with her
+children. Tasso sought Cornelia's home. After a dramatic scene of
+suspense, he threw aside his disguise, declared himself to be the poet
+of Italy and her brother; and for a short while he seemed to forget
+Courts and schools, pedants and princes, in that genial atmosphere.
+
+Why did he ever leave Sorrento? That is the question which leaps to the
+lips of a modern free man. The question itself implies imperfect
+comprehension of Tasso's century and training. Outside the Court, there
+was no place for him. He had been molded for Court-life from childhood.
+It was not merely that he had no money; assiduous labor might have
+supplied him with means of subsistence. But his friends, his fame, his
+habits, his ingrained sense of service, called him back to Ferrara. He
+was not simply a man, but that specific sort of man which Italians
+called _gentiluomo_--a man definitely modified and wound about with
+intricacies of association. Therefore, he soon began a correspondence
+with the House of Este. If we may trust Manso, Leonora herself wrote
+urgently insisting upon his return.[34] Yet in his own letters Tasso
+says that he addressed apologies to the duke and both princesses.
+Alfonso and Lucrezia vouchsafed no answer. Leonora replied coldly that
+she could not help him.[35]
+
+[Footnote 34: Manso, _ib._ p. 147.]
+
+[Footnote 35: _Lettere_, vol. i. p. 275.]
+
+Anyhow, Ferrara drew him back. It is of some importance here to
+understand Tasso's own feeling for the duke, his master. A few months
+later, after he had once more experienced the miseries of Court-life,
+he wrote: 'I trusted in him, not as one hopes in men but as one trusts
+in God.... I was inflamed with the affection for my lord more than ever
+was man with the love of woman, and became unawares half an idolater....
+He it was who from the obscurity of my low fortunes raised me to the
+light and reputation of the Court; who relieved me from discomforts, and
+placed me in a position of honorable ease; he conferred value on my
+compositions by listening to them when I read them, and by every mark of
+favor; he deigned to honor me with a seat at his table and with his
+familiar conversation; he never refused a favor which I begged for;
+lastly, at the commencement of my troubles, he showed me the affection,
+not of a master, but of a father and a brother.'[36] These words, though
+meant for publication, have the ring of truth in them. Tasso was
+actually attached to the House of Este, and cherished a vassal's loyalty
+for the duke, in spite of the many efforts which he made to break the
+fetters of Ferrara. At a distance, in the isolation and the ennui of a
+village, the irksomeness of those chains was forgotten. The poet only
+remembered how sweet his happier years at Court had been. The sentiment
+of fidelity revived. His sanguine and visionary temperament made him
+hope that all might yet be well.
+
+Without receiving direct encouragement from the duke, Tasso accordingly
+decided on returning.
+
+[Footnote 36: _Lettere_, vol. i. p. 278, ii. p. 26.]
+
+His sister is said to have dissuaded him; and he is reported to have
+replied that he was going to place himself in a voluntary prison.[37] He
+first went to Rome, and opened negotiations with Alfonso's agents. In
+reply to their communications, the duke wrote upon March 22, 1578, as
+follows: 'We are content to take Tasso back; but first he must recognize
+the fact that he is full of melancholic humors, and that his old notions
+of enmities and persecutions are solely caused by the said humors. Among
+other signs of his disorder, he has conceived the idea that we want to
+compass his death, whereas we have always received him gladly and shown
+favor to him. It can easily be understood that if we had entertained
+such a fancy, the execution of it would have presented no difficulty.
+Therefore let him make his mind up well, before he comes, to submit
+quietly and unconditionally to medical treatment. Otherwise, if he means
+to scatter hints and words again as he did formerly, we shall not only
+give ourselves no further trouble about him, but if he should stay here
+without being willing to undergo a course of cure, we shall at once
+expel him from our state with the order not to return.'[38] Words could
+not be plainer than these. Yet, in spite of them, such was the
+allurement of the cage for this clipped singing-bird, that Tasso went
+obediently back to Ferrara. Possibly he had not read the letter written
+by a greater poet on a similar occasion: 'This is not the way of coming
+home, my father! Yet if you or others find one not beneath the fame of
+Dante and his honor, that will I pursue with no slack step. But if none
+such give entrance to Florence, I will never enter Florence. How! Shall
+I not behold the sun and stars from every spot of earth? Shall I not be
+free to meditate the sweetest truths in every place beneath the sky
+unless I make myself ignoble, nay, ignominious to the people and the
+state of Florence? Nor truly will bread fail.' These words, if Tasso had
+remembered them, might have made his cheek blush for his own servility
+and for the servile age in which he lived. But the truth is that the
+fleshpots of Egyptian bondage enticed him; and moreover he knew, as
+half-insane people always know, that he required treatment for his
+mental infirmities. In his heart of hearts he acknowledged the justice
+of the duke's conditions.
+
+[Footnote 37: Manso, p. 147. Here again the believers in the Leonora
+_liaison_ may argue that by prison he meant love-bondage, hopeless
+servitude to the lady from whom he could expect nothing now that her
+brother was acquainted with the truth.]
+
+[Footnote 38: _Lettere_, vol. i. p. 233.]
+
+An Epistle or Oration addressed by Tasso to the Duke of Urbino, sets
+forth what happened after his return to Ferrara in 1578.[39]
+
+[Footnote 39: _Lettere_, i. pp. 271-290.]
+
+He was aware that Alfonso thought him both malicious and mad. The first
+of these opinions, which he knew to be false, he resolved to pass in
+silence. But he openly admitted the latter, 'esteeming it no disgrace to
+make a third to Solon and Brutus.' Therefore he began to act the madman
+even in Rome, neglecting his health, exposing himself to hardships, and
+indulging intemperately in food and wine. By these means, strange as it
+may seem, he hoped to win back confidence and prove himself a discreet
+servant of Alfonso. Soon after reaching Ferrara, Tasso thought that he
+was gaining ground. He hints that the duke showed signs of raising him
+to such greatness and showering favors upon him so abundant that the
+sleeping viper of Court envy stirred. Montecatino now persuaded his
+master that prudence and his own dignity indicated a very different line
+of treatment. If Tasso was to be great and honored, he must feel that
+his reputation flowed wholly from the princely favor, not from his
+studies and illustrious works. Alfonso accordingly affected to despise
+the poems which Tasso presented, and showed his will that: 'I should
+aspire to no eminence of intellect, to no glory of literature, but
+should lead a soft delicate and idle life immersed in sloth and
+pleasure, escaping like a runaway from the honor of Parnassus, the
+Lyceum and the Academy, into the lodgings of Epicurus, and should harbor
+in those lodgings in a quarter where neither Virgil nor Catullus nor
+Horace nor Lucretius himself had ever stayed.' This excited such
+indignation in the poet's breast that: 'I said oftentimes with open face
+and free speech that I would rather be a servant of any prince his enemy
+than submit to this indignity, and in short _odia verbis aspera movi_.'
+Whereupon, the duke caused his papers to be seized, in order that the
+still imperfect epic might be prepared for publication by the hated
+hypocritical Montecatino. When Tasso complained, he only received
+indirect answers; and when he tried to gain access to the princesses, he
+was repulsed by their doorkeepers. At last: 'My infinite patience was
+exhausted. Leaving my books and writings, after the service of thirteen
+years, persisted in with luckless constancy, I wandered forth like a new
+Bias, and betook myself to Mantua, where I met with the same treatment
+as at Ferrara.'
+
+This account sufficiently betrays the diseased state of Tasso's mind.
+Being really deranged, yet still possessed of all his literary
+faculties, he affected that his eccentricity was feigned. The duke had
+formed a firm opinion of his madness; and he chose to flatter this whim.
+Yet when he arrived at Ferrara he forgot the strict conditions upon
+which Alfonso sanctioned his return, began to indulge in dreams of
+greatness, and refused the life of careless ease which formed part of
+the programme for his restoration to health. In these circumstances he
+became the laughing-stock of his detractors; and it is not impossible
+that Alfonso, convinced of his insanity, treated him like a Court-fool.
+Then he burst out into menaces and mutterings of anger. Having made
+himself wholly intolerable, his papers were sequestrated, very likely
+under the impression that he might destroy them or escape with them into
+some quarter where they would be used against the interests of his
+patron. Finally he so fatigued everybody by his suspicions and
+recriminations that the duke forebore to speak with him, and the
+princesses closed their doors against him.
+
+From this moment Tasso was a ruined man; he had become that worst of
+social scourges, a courtier with a grievance, a semi-lunatic all the
+more dangerous and tiresome because his mental powers were not so much
+impaired as warped. Studying his elaborate apology, we do not know
+whether to despise the obstinacy of his devotion to the House of Este,
+or to respect the sentiment of loyalty which survived all real or
+fancied insults. Against the duke he utters no word of blame. Alfonso is
+always magnanimous and clement, excellent in mind and body, good and
+courteous by nature, deserving the faithful service and warm love of his
+dependents. Montecatino is the real villain. 'The princes are not
+tyrants--they are not, no, no: he is the tyrant.'[40]
+
+After quitting Ferrara, Tasso wandered through Mantua, Padua, Venice,
+coldly received in all these cities; for 'the hearts of men were
+hardened by their interests against him.' Writing from Venice to the
+Grand Duke in July, Maffeo Veniero says: 'Tasso is here, disturbed in
+mind; and though his intellect is certainly not sound, he shows more
+signs of affliction than of insanity.'[41]
+
+[Footnote 40: _Lettere_, ibid. p. 289.]
+
+[Footnote 41: _Lettere_, ibid. p. 233.]
+
+The sequestration of his only copy of the _Gerusalemme_ not unnaturally
+caused him much distress; and Veniero adds that the chief difficulty
+under which he labored was want of money. Veniero hardly understood the
+case. Even with a competence it is incredible that Tasso would have been
+contented to work quietly at literature in a private position.[42] From
+Venice he found his way southward to Urbino, writing one of his
+sublimest odes upon the road from Pesaro.[43]
+
+[Footnote 42: Tasso declares his inability to live outside the Court.
+'Se fra i mali de l'animo, uno de'piu gravi e l'ambizione, egli ammalo
+di questo male gia molti anni sono, ne mai e risanato in modo ch'io
+abbia potuto sprezzare affatto i favori e gli onori del mondo, e chi puo
+dargli' (_Lettere_, vol. iii. p. 56). 'Io non posso acquetarmi in altra
+fortuna di quella ne la quale gia nacqui' (_Ibid._ p. 243).]
+
+[Footnote 43: It is addressed to the Metaurus, and begins: 'O del grand,
+Apennino.']
+
+Francesco Maria della Rovere received him with accustomed kindness; but
+the spirit of unrest drove him forth again, and after two months we find
+him once more, an indigent and homeless pedestrian, upon the banks of
+the Sesia. He wanted to reach Vercelli, but the river was in flood, and
+he owed a night's lodging to the chance courtesy of a young nobleman.
+Among the many picturesque episodes in Tasso's wanderings none is more
+idyllically beautiful than the tale of his meeting with this handsome
+youth. He has told it himself in the exordium to his Dialogue _Il Padre
+di Famiglia_. When asked who he was and whither he was going, he
+answered: 'I was born in the realm of Naples, and my mother was a
+Neapolitan; but I draw my paternal blood from Bergamo, a Lombard city.
+My name and surname I pass in silence: they are so obscure that if I
+uttered them, you would know neither more nor less of my condition. I am
+flying from the anger of a prince and fortune. My destination is the
+state of Savoy.' Upon this pilgrimage Tasso chose the sobriquet of
+_Omero Fuggiguerra_. Arriving at Turin, he was refused entrance by the
+guardians of the gate. The rags upon his back made them suspect he was a
+vagabond infected with the plague. A friend who knew him, Angelo
+Ingegneri, happened to pass by, and guaranteed his respectability. Manso
+compares the journey of this penniless and haggard fugitive through the
+cities of Italy to the meteoric passage of a comet.[44] Wherever he
+appeared, he blazed with momentary splendor. Nor was Turin slow to hail
+the lustrous apparition. The Marchese Filippo da Este entertained him in
+his palace. The Archbishop, Girolamo della Rovere, begged the honor of
+his company. The Duke of Savoy, Carlo Emanuele, offered him the same
+appointments as he had enjoyed at Ferrara. Nothing, however, would
+content his morbid spirit. Flattered and caressed through the months of
+October and November he began once more in December to hanker after his
+old home. Inconceivable as it may seem, he opened fresh negotiations
+with the duke; and Alfonso, on his side, already showed a will to take
+him back. Writing to his sister from Pesaro at the end of September,
+Tasso stay that a gentleman had been sent from Ferrara expressly to
+recall him.[45] The fact seems to be that Tasso was too illustrious to
+be neglected by the House of Este. Away from their protection, he was
+capable of bringing on their name the slur of bad treatment and
+ingratitude. Nor would it have looked well to publish the _Gerusalemme_
+with its praises of Alfonso, while the poet was lamenting his hard fate
+in every town of Italy. The upshot of these negotiations was that Tasso
+resolved on retracing his steps. He reached Ferrara again upon February
+21, 1579, two days before Margherita Gonzaga, the duke's new bride, made
+her pompous entrance into the city. But his reception was far from being
+what he had expected. The duke's heart seemed hardened. Apartments
+inferior to his quality were assigned him, and to these he was conducted
+by a courtier with ill-disguised insolence. The princesses refused him
+access to their lodgings, and his old enemies openly manifested their
+derision for the kill-joy and the skeleton who had returned to spoil
+their festival. Tasso, querulous as he was about his own share in the
+disagreeables of existence, remained wholly unsympathetic to the trials
+of his fellow-creatures. Self-engrossment closed him in a magic
+prison-house of discontent.
+
+[Footnote 44: _Op. cit._ p. 143.]
+
+[Footnote 45: _Lettere_, vol. i. p. 268.]
+
+Therefore when he saw Ferrara full of merry-making guests, and heard
+the marriage music ringing through the courtyards of the castle, he
+failed to reflect with what a heavy heart the duke might now be entering
+upon his third sterile nuptials. Alfonso was childless, brotherless,
+with no legitimate heir to defend his duchy from the Church in case of
+his decease. The irritable poet forgot how distasteful at such a moment
+of forced gayety and hollow parade his reappearance, with the old
+complaining murmurs, the old suspicions, the old restless eyes, might be
+to the master who had certainly borne much and long with him. He only
+felt himself neglected, insulted, outraged:
+
+                Questa e la data fede?
+    Son questi i miei bramati alti ritorni?[46]
+
+Then he burst out into angry words, which he afterwards acknowledged to
+have been 'false, mad and rash.'[47] The duke's patience had reached its
+utmost limit. Tasso was arrested, and confined in the hospital for mad
+folk at S. Anna. This happened in March 1579. He was detained there
+until July 19, 1586, a period of seven years and four months.
+
+[Footnote 46: From the sonnet, _Sposa regal_ (_Opere_ vol. iii. p.
+218).]
+
+[Footnote 47: _Lettere_, vol. ii. p. 67.]
+
+No one who has read the foregoing pages will wonder why Tasso was
+imprisoned. The marvel is rather that the fact should have roused so
+many speculations. Alfonso was an autocratic princeling. His favorite
+minister Montecatino fell in one moment from a height of power to
+irrecoverable ruin. The famous preacher Panigarola, for whom he
+negotiated a Cardinal's hat, lost his esteem by seeking promotion at
+another Court, and had to fly Ferrara. His friend, Ercole Contrario, was
+strangled in the castle on suspicion of having concealed a murder. Tasso
+had been warned repeatedly, repeatedly forgiven; and now when he turned
+up again with the same complaints and the same menaces, Alfonso
+determined to have done with the nuisance. He would not kill him, but he
+would put him out of sight and hearing. If he was guilty, S. Anna would
+be punishment enough. If he was mad, it might be hoped that S. Anna
+would cure him. To blame the duke for this exercise of authority, is
+difficult. Noble as is the poet's calling, and faithful as are the
+wounds of a devoted friend and servant, there are limits to princely
+patience. It is easier to blame Tasso for the incurable idealism which,
+when he was in comfort at Turin, made him pine 'to kiss the hand of his
+Highness, and recover some part of his favor on the occasion of his
+marriage.'[48]
+
+Three long letters, written by Tasso during the early months of his
+imprisonment, discuss the reasons for his arrest.[49] Two of these are
+directed to his staunch friend Scipione Gonzaga, the third to Giacomo
+Buoncompagno, nephew of Pope Gregory XIII. Partly owing to omissions
+made by the editors before publication, and partly perhaps to the
+writer's reticence, they throw no very certain light even on his own
+opinion.[50] But this much appears tolerably clear. Tasso was half-mad
+and altogether irritable. He had used language which could not be
+overlooked. The Duke continued to resent his former practice with the
+Medici, and disapproved of his perpetual wanderings. The courtiers had
+done their utmost to prejudice his mind by calumnies and gossip, raking
+up all that seemed injurious to Tasso's reputation in the past acts of
+his life and in the looser verses found among his papers. It may also be
+conceded that they contrived to cast an unfavorable light upon his
+affectionate correspondence with the two princesses. Tasso himself laid
+great stress upon his want of absolute loyalty, upon some lascivious
+compositions, and lastly upon his supposed heresies. It is not probable
+that the duke attached importance to such poetry as Tasso may have
+written in the heat of youth; and it is certain that he regarded the
+heresies as part of the poet's hallucinations. It is also far more
+likely that the Leonora episode passed in his mind for another proof of
+mental infirmity than that he judged it seriously. It was quite enough
+that Tasso had put himself in the wrong by petulant abuse of his
+benefactor and by persistent fretfulness. Moreover, he was plainly
+brain-sick. That alone justified Alfonso in his own eyes.
+
+
+[Footnote 48: _Lettere_, vol. ii. 34.]
+
+[Footnote 49: _Ibid._ pp. 7-62, 80-93.]
+
+[Footnote 50: We are met here as elsewhere in the perplexing problem of
+Tasso's misfortunes with the difficulty of having to deal with mutilated
+documents. Still the mere fact that Tasso was allowed to correspond
+freely with friends and patrons, shows that Alfonso dreaded no
+disclosures, and confirms the theory that he only kept Tasso locked up
+out of harm's way.]
+
+And brain-sick Tasso was, without a shadow of doubt.[51] It is hardly
+needful to recapitulate his terror of the Inquisition, dread of being
+poisoned, incapacity for self-control in word and act, and other signs
+of incipient disease. During the residence in S. Anna this malady made
+progress. He was tormented by spectral voices and apparitions. He
+believed himself to be under the influence of magic charms. He was
+haunted by a sprite, who stole his books and flung his MSS. about the
+room. A good genius, in the form of a handsome youth, appeared and
+conversed with him. He lost himself for hours together in abstraction,
+talking aloud, staring into vacancy, and expressing surprise that other
+people could not see the phantoms which surrounded him. He complained
+that his melancholy passed at moments into delirium (which he called
+_frenesia_), after which he suffered from loss of memory and
+prostration. His own mind became a constant cause of self-torture.
+Suspicious of others, he grew to be suspicious of himself. And when he
+left S. Anna, these disorders, instead of abating, continued to afflict
+him, so that his most enthusiastic admirers were forced to admit that
+'he was subject to constitutional melancholy with crises of delirium,
+but not to actual insanity.'[52] At first, his infirmity did not
+interfere with intellectual production of a high order, though none of
+his poetry, after the _Gerusalemme_ was completed in 1574, rose to the
+level of his earlier work. But in course of time the artist's faculty
+itself was injured, and the creations of his later life are unworthy of
+his genius.
+
+[Footnote 51: A letter written by Guarini, the old friend, rival and
+constant Court-companion of Tasso at Ferrara, upon the news of his death
+in 1595, shows how a man of cold intellect judged his case. 'The death
+by which Tasso has now paid his debt to nature, seems to me like the
+termination of that death of his in this world which only bore the outer
+semblance of life.' See Casella's _Pastor Fido_, p. xxxii. Guarini means
+that when Tasso's mind gave way, he had really died in his own higher
+self, and that his actual death was a release.]
+
+[Footnote 52: Tasso's own letters after the beginning of 1579, and
+Manso's Life (_op. cit._ pp. 156-176), are the authorities for the
+symptoms detailed above. Tasso so often alludes to his infirmities that
+it is not needful to accumulate citations. I will, however, quote two
+striking examples. 'Sono infermo come soleva, e stanco della infermita,
+la quale e _non sol malattia del corpo ma de la mente_' (_Lettere_, vol.
+iii. p. 160). 'Io sono poco sano e tanto maninconico che _sono riputato
+matto da gli altri e da me stesso_' (_Ib._ p. 262).]
+
+The seven years and four months of Tasso's imprisonment may be passed
+over briefly. With regard to his so-called dungeon, it is certain that,
+after some months spent in a narrow chamber, he obtained an apartment of
+several rooms. He was allowed to write and receive as many letters as he
+chose. Friends paid him visits, and he went abroad under surveillance in
+the city of Ferrara. To extenuate the suffering which a man of his
+temper endured in this enforced seclusion would be unjust to Tasso.
+There is no doubt that he was most unhappy. But to exaggerate his
+discomforts would be unjust to the duke. Even Manso describes 'the
+excellent and most convenient lodgings' assigned him in S. Anna,
+alludes to the provision for his cure by medicine, and remarks upon the
+opposition which he offered to medical treatment. According to this
+biographer, his own endeavors to escape necessitated a strict watch upon
+his movements.[53] Unless, therefore, we flatly deny the fact of his
+derangement, which is supported by a mass of testimony, it may be
+doubted whether Tasso was more miserable in S. Anna than he would have
+been at large. The subsequent events of his life prove that his release
+brought no mitigation of his malady.
+
+[Footnote 53: _Op. cit._ p. 155.]
+
+It was, however, a dreary time. He spent his days in writing letters to
+all the princes of Italy, to Naples, to Bergamo, to the Roman Curia,
+declaiming on his wretchedness and begging for emancipation. Occasional
+poems flowed from his pen. But during this period he devoted his serious
+hours mainly to prose composition. The bulk of his Dialogues issued from
+S. Anna. On August 7, 1580, Celio Malaspina published a portion of the
+_Gerusalemme_ at Venice, under the title of _Il Gottifredo di M.
+Torquato Tasso_. In February of the following year, his friend Angelo
+Ingegneri gave the whole epic to the world. Within six months from that
+date the poem was seven times reissued. This happened without the
+sanction or the supervision of the luckless author; and from the sale of
+the book he obtained no profit. Leonora d'Este died upon February 10,
+1581. A volume of elegies appeared on this occasion; but Tasso's Muse
+uttered no sound.[54] He wrote to Panigarola that 'a certain tacit
+repugnance of his genius' forced him to be mute.[55] His rival Guarini
+undertook a revised edition of his lyrics in 1582. Tasso had to bear
+this dubious compliment in silence. All Europe was devouring his poems;
+scribes and versifiers were building up their reputation on his fame.
+Yet he could do nothing. Embittered by the piracies of publishers,
+infuriated by the impertinence of editors, he lay like one forgotten in
+that hospital. His celebrity grew daily; but he languished, penniless
+and wretched, in confinement which he loathed. The strangest light is
+cast upon his state of mind by the efforts which he now made to place
+two of his sister's children in Court-service. He even tried to
+introduce one of them as a page into the household of Alfonso.
+Eventually, Alessandro Sersale was consigned to Odoardo Farnese, and
+Antonio to the Duke of Mantua. In 1585 new sources of annoyance rose.
+Two members of the Delia Crusca Academy in Florence, Leonardo Salviati
+and Bastiano de'Rossi, attacked the _Gerusalemme_. Their malevolence was
+aroused by the panegyric written on it by Cammillo Pellegrini, a
+Neapolitan, and they exposed it to pedantically quibbling criticism.
+Tasso replied in a dignified apology. But he does not seem to have
+troubled himself overmuch with this literary warfare, which served
+meanwhile to extend the fame of his immortal poem. At this time new
+friends gathered round him. Among these the excellent Benedictine,
+Angelo Grillo, and the faithful Antonio Costantini demand commemoration
+from all who appreciate disinterested devotion to genius in distress. At
+length, in July 1586, Vincenzo Gonzaga, heir apparent to the Duchy of
+Mantua, obtained Tasso's release. He rode off with this new patron to
+Mantua, leaving his effects at S. Anna, and only regretting that he had
+not waited on the Duke of Ferrara to kiss his hand as in duty bound.[56]
+Thus to the end he remained an incorrigible courtier; or rather shall we
+say that, after all his tribulations, he preserved a doglike feeling of
+attachment for his master?
+
+[Footnote 54: _Lacrime di diversi poeti volgari_, &c. (Vicenza, 1585).]
+
+[Footnote 55: _Lettere_, vol. ii. p. 103. The significance of this
+message to Panigarola is doubtful. Did Tasso mean that the contrast
+between past and present was too bitter? 'Most friendship is feigning,
+most loving mere folly.']
+
+[Footnote 56: All the letters written from Mantua abound in references
+to this neglect of duty.]
+
+The rest of Tasso's life was an Odyssey of nine years. He seemed at
+first contented with Mantua, wrote dialogues, completed the tragedy of
+_Torrismondo_ and edited his father's _Floridante_. But when Vincenzo
+Gonzaga succeeded to the dukedom, the restless poet felt himself
+neglected. His young friend had not leisure to pay him due attention. He
+therefore started on a journey to Loreto, which had long been the object
+of his pious aspiration. Loreto led to Rome, where Scipione Gonzaga
+resided as Patriarch of Jerusalem and Cardinal. Rome suggested Southern
+Italy, and Tasso hankered after the recovery of his mother's fortune.
+Accordingly he set off in March 1588 for Naples, where he stayed, partly
+with the monks of Monte Oliveto, and partly with the Marchese Manso.
+Rome saw him again in November; and not long afterwards an agent of the
+Duke of Urbino wrote this pitiful report of his condition. 'Every one is
+ready to welcome him to hearth and heart; but his humors render him
+mistrustful of mankind at large. In the palace of the Cardinal Gonzaga
+there are rooms and beds always ready for his use, and men reserved for
+his especial service. Yet he runs away and mistrusts even that friendly
+lord. In short, it is a sad misfortune that the present age should be
+deprived of the greatest genius which has appeared for centuries. What
+wise man ever spoke in prose or verse better than this madman?[57] In
+the following August, Scipione Gonzaga's servants, unable to endure
+Tasso's eccentricities, turned him from their master's house, and he
+took refuge in a monastery of the Olivetan monks. Soon afterwards he was
+carried to the hospital of the Bergamasques. His misery now was great,
+and his health so bad that friends expected a speedy end.[58] Yet the
+Cardinal Gonzaga again opened his doors to him in the spring of 1590.
+Then the morbid poet turned suspicious, and began to indulge fresh hopes
+of fortune in another place. He would again offer himself to the
+Medici. In April he set off for Tuscany, and alighted at the convent of
+Monte Oliveto, near Florence. Nobody wanted him; he wandered about the
+Pitti like a spectre, and the Florentines wrote: _actum est de eo_.[59]
+Some parting compliments and presents from the Grand Duke sweetened his
+dismissal. He returned to Rome; but each new journey told upon his
+broken health, and another illness made him desire a change of scene.
+This time Antonio Costantini offered to attend upon him. They visited
+Siena, Bologna and Mantua. At Mantua, Tasso made some halt, and took a
+new long poem, the _Gerusalemme Conquistata_, seriously in hand. But the
+demon of unrest pursued him, and in November 1591 he was off again with
+the Duke of Mantua to Rome. From Rome he went to Naples at the beginning
+of the following year, worked at the _Conquistata_, and began his poem
+of the _Sette Giornate_.[60] He was always occupied with the vain hope
+of recovering a portion of his mother's estate. April saw him once more
+upon his way to Rome. Clement VIII. had been elected, and Tasso expected
+patronage from the Papal nephews.[61]
+
+[Footnote 57: _Lettere_, vol. iv. p. 147.]
+
+[Footnote 58: _Ibid._ p. 229.]
+
+[Footnote 59: _Lettere_, vol. iv. p. 315.]
+
+[Footnote 60: Yet he now felt that his genius had expired. 'Non posso
+piu fare un verso: la vena e secca, e l'ingegno e stanco' (_Lettere_,
+vol. v. p. 90).]
+
+[Footnote 61: During the whole period of his Roman residence, Tasso,
+like his father in similar circumstances, hankered after ecclesiastical
+honors. His letters refer frequently to this ambition. He felt the
+parallel between himself and Bernardo Tasso: 'La mia depressa
+condizione, e la mia infelicita, quasi ereditaria' (vol. iv. p. 288).]
+
+He was not disappointed. They received him into their houses, and for a
+while he sojourned in the Vatican. The year 1593 seems, through their
+means, to have been one of comparative peace and prosperity. Early in
+the summer of 1594 his health obliged him to seek change of air. He went
+for the last time to Naples. The Cardinal of S. Giorgio, one of the
+Pope's nephews, recalled him in November to be crowned poet in Rome. His
+entrance into the Eternal City was honorable, and Clement granted him a
+special audience; but the ceremony of coronation had to be deferred
+because of the Cardinal's ill health.
+
+Meanwhile his prospects seemed likely to improve. Clement conferred on
+him a pension of one hundred ducats, and the Prince of Avellino, who had
+detained his mother's estate, compounded with him for a life-income of
+two hundred ducats. This good fortune came in the spring of 1595. But it
+came too late; for his death-illness was upon him. On the first of April
+he had himself transported to the convent of S. Onofrio, which overlooks
+Rome from the Janiculan hill. 'Torrents of rain were falling with a
+furious wind, when the carriage of Cardinal Cinzio was seen climbing the
+steep ascent. The badness of the weather made the fathers think there
+must be some grave cause for this arrival. So the prior and others
+hurried to the gate, where Tasso descended with considerable difficulty,
+greeting the monks with these words: 'I am come to die among you.''[62]
+The last of Tasso's letters, written to Antonio Costantini from S.
+Onofrio, has the quiet dignity of one who struggles for the last time
+with the frailty of his mortal nature.[63]
+
+'What will my good lord Antonio say when he shall hear of his Tasso's
+death? The news, as I incline to think, will not be long in coming; for
+I feel that I have reached the end of life, being unable to discover any
+remedy for this tedious indisposition which has supervened on the many
+others I am used to--like a rapid torrent resistlessly sweeping me away.
+The time is past when I should speak of my stubborn fate, to mention not
+the world's ingratitude, which, however, has willed to gain the victory
+of bearing me to the grave a pauper; the while I kept on thinking that
+the glory which, despite of those that like it not, this age will
+inherit from my writings, would not have left me wholly without guerdon.
+I have had myself carried to this monastery of S. Onofrio; not only
+because the air is commended by physicians above that of any other part
+of Rome, but also as it were upon this elevated spot and by the
+conversation of these devout fathers to commence my conversation in
+heaven. Pray God for me; and rest assured that as I have loved and
+honored you always in the present life, so will I perform for you in
+that other and more real life what appertains not to feigned but to
+veritable charity. And to the Divine grace I recommend you and myself.'
+
+[Footnote 62: Manso _op. cit._ p. 215.]
+
+[Footnote 63: This letter proves conclusively that, whatever was the
+nature of Tasso's malady, and however it had enfeebled his faculties as
+poet, he was in no vulgar sense a lunatic.]
+
+On April 25, Tasso expired at midnight, with the words _In manus tuas,
+Domine_, upon his lips. Had Costantini, his sincerest friend, been
+there, he might have said like Kent:
+
+             O, let him pass! he hates him much
+    That would upon the rack of this tough world
+    Stretch him out longer.
+
+But Costantini was in Mantua; and this sonnet, which he had written for
+his master, remains Tasso's truest epitaph, the pithiest summary of a
+life pathetically tragic in its adverse fate--
+
+    Friends, this is Tasso, not the sire but son;
+    For he of human offspring had no heed,
+    Begetting for himself immortal seed
+    Of art, style, genius and instruction.
+
+    In exile long he lived and utmost need;
+    In palace, temple, school, he dwelt alone;
+    He fled, and wandered through wild woods unknown;
+    On earth, on sea, suffered in thought and deed.
+
+    He knocked at death's door; yet he vanquished him
+    With lofty prose and with undying rhyme;
+    But fortune not, who laid him where he lies.
+
+    Guerdon for singing loves and arms sublime,
+    And showing truth whose light makes vices dim,
+    Is one green wreath; yet this the world denies.
+
+The wreath of laurel which the world grudged was placed upon his bier;
+and a simple stone, engraved with the words _Hic jacet Torquatus
+Tassus_, marked the spot where he was buried.
+
+The foregoing sketch of Tasso's life and character differs in some
+points from the prevalent conceptions of the poet. There is a legendary
+Tasso, the victim of malevolent persecution by pedants, the mysterious
+lover condemned to misery in prison by a tyrannous duke. There is also a
+Tasso formed by men of learning upon ingeniously constructed systems;
+Rosini's Tasso, condemned to feign madness in punishment for courting
+Leonora d'Este with lascivious verses; Capponi's Tasso, punished for
+seeking to exchange the service of the House of Este for that of the
+House of Medici; a Tasso who was wholly mad; a Tasso who remained
+through life the victim of Jesuitical influences. In short, there are as
+many Tassos as there are Hamlets. Yet these Tassos of the legend and of
+erudition do not reproduce his self-revealed lineaments. Tasso's letters
+furnish documents of sufficient extent to make the real man visible,
+though something yet remains perhaps not wholly explicable in his
+tragedy.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VIII.
+
+THE GERUSALEMME LIBERATA.
+
+     Problem of Creating Heroic Poetry--The Preface to Tasso's
+     _Rinaldo_--Subject of _Rinaldo_--Blending of Romantic Motives with
+     Heroic Style--Imitation of Virgil--Melody and Sentiment--Choice of
+     Theme for the _Gerusalemme_--It becomes a Romantic Poem after
+     all--Tancredi the real Hero--Nobility of Tone--Virgilian
+     Imitation--Borrowings from Dante--Involved Diction--Employment of
+     Sonorous Polysyllabic Words--Quality of Religious Emotion in this
+     Poem--Rhetoric--Similes--The Grand Style of Pathos--Verbal
+     Music--The Chant d'Amour--Armida--Tasso's Favorite Phrase, _Un non
+     so che_--His Power over Melody and Tender Feeling--Critique of
+     Tasso's Later Poems--General Survey of his Character.
+
+
+In a previous portion of this work, I attempted to define the Italian
+Romantic Epic, and traced the tale of Orlando from Pulci through Boiardo
+and Ariosto to the burlesque of Folengo. There is an element of humor
+more or less predominant in the _Morgante Maggiore_, the _Orlando
+Innamorato_, and the _Orlando Furioso_. This element might almost be
+regarded as inseparable from the species. Yet two circumstances
+contributed to alter the character of Italian Romance after the
+publication of the _Furioso_. One of these was the unapproachable
+perfection of that poem. No one could hope to surpass Ariosto in his own
+style, or to give a fresh turn to his humor without passing into broad
+burlesque. The romantic poet had therefore to choose between sinking
+into parody with Folengo and Aretino, or soaring into the sublimities of
+solemn art. Another circumstance was the keen interest aroused in
+academic circles by Trissino's unsuccessful epic, and by the discussion
+of heroic poetry which it stimulated. The Italian nation was becoming
+critical, and this critical spirit lent itself readily to experiments in
+hybrid styles of composition which aimed at combining the graces of the
+Romantic with the dignity of the Heroic poem. The most meritorious of
+these hybrids was Bernardo Tasso's _Amadigi_, a long romance in octave
+stanzas, sustained upon a grave tone throughout, and distinguished from
+the earlier romantic epics by a more obvious unity of subject. Bernardo
+Tasso possessed qualities of genius and temper which suited his proposed
+task. Deficient in humor, he had no difficulty in eliminating that
+element from the _Amadigi_. Chivalrous sentiment took the place of
+irony; scholarly method supplied the want of wayward fancy.
+
+It was just at this point that the young Torquato Tasso made his first
+essay in poetry. He had inherited his father's temperament, its want of
+humor, its melancholy, its aristocratic sensitiveness. At the age of
+seventeen he was already a ripe scholar, versed in the critical
+questions which then agitated learned coteries in Italy. The wilding
+graces and the freshness of the Romantic Epic, as conceived by Boiardo
+and perfected by Ariosto, had forever disappeared. To 'recapture that
+first fine careless rapture' was impossible. Contemporary conditions of
+society and thought rendered any attempt to do so futile. Italy had
+passed into a different stage of culture; and the representative poem of
+Tasso's epoch was imperatively forced to assume a different character.
+Its type already existed in the _Amadigi_, though Bernardo Tasso had not
+the genius to disengage it clearly, or to render it attractive. How
+Torquato, while still a student in his teens at Padua, attacked the
+problem of narrative poetry, appears distinctly in his preface to
+_Rinaldo_. 'I believe,' he says, 'that you, my gentle readers, will not
+take it amiss if I have diverged from the path of modern poets, and have
+sought to approach the best among the ancients. You shall not, however,
+find that I am bound by the precise rules of Aristotle, which often
+render those poems irksome which might otherwise have yielded you much
+pleasure. I have only followed such of his precepts as do not limit your
+delight: for instance, in the frequent use of episodes, making the
+characters talk in their own persons, introducing recognitions and
+peripeties by necessary or plausible motives, and withdrawing the poet
+as far as possible from the narration. I have also endeavored to
+construct my poem with unity of interest and action, not, indeed, in any
+strict sense, but so that the subordinate portions should be seen to
+have their due relation to the whole.' He then proceeds to explain why
+he has abandoned the discourses on moral and general topics with which
+Ariosto opened his Cantos, and hints that he has taken Virgil, the
+'Prince of Poets,' for his model. Thus the Romantic Epic, as conceived
+by Tasso, was to break with the tradition of the Cantastorie, who told
+the tale in his own person and introduced reflections on its incidents.
+It was to aim at unity of subject and to observe classical rules of art,
+without, however, sacrificing the charm of variety and those delights
+which episodes and marvelous adventures yielded to a modern audience.
+The youthful poet begs that his _Rinaldo_ should not be censured on the
+one hand by severely Aristotelian critics who exclude pleasure from
+their ideal, or on the other by amateurs who regard the _Orlando
+Furioso_ as the perfection of poetic art. In a word, he hopes to produce
+something midway between the strict heroic epic, which had failed in
+Trissino's _Italia Liberata_ through dullness, and the genuine romantic
+epic, which in Ariosto's masterpiece diverged too widely from the rules
+of classical pure taste. This new species, combining the attractions of
+romance with the simplicity of epic poetry, was the gift which Tasso at
+the age of eighteen sought to present in his _Rinaldo_ to Italy. The
+_Rinaldo_ fulfilled fairly well the conditions propounded by its author.
+It had a single hero and a single subject--
+
+    Canto i felici affanni, e i primi ardori,
+      Che giovinetto ancor soffri Rinaldo,
+      E come il trasse in perigliosi errori
+      Desir di gloria ed amoroso caldo.
+
+The perilous achievements and the passion of Rinaldo in his youth form
+the theme of a poem which is systematically evolved from the first
+meeting of the son of Amon with Clarice to their marriage under the
+auspices of Malagigi. There are interesting episodes like those of young
+Florindo and Olinda, unhappy Clizia and abandoned Floriana. Rinaldo's
+combat with Orlando in the Christian camp furnishes an anagnorisis;
+while the plot is brought to its conclusion by the peripeteia of
+Clarice's jealousy and the accidents which restore her to her lover's
+arms. Yet though observant of his own classical rules, Tasso remained in
+all essential points beneath the spell of the Romantic Epic. The changes
+which he introduced were obvious to none but professional critics. In
+warp and woof the _Rinaldo_ is similar to Boiardo's and Ariosto's tale
+of chivalry; only the loom is narrower, and the pattern of the web less
+intricate. The air of artlessness which lent its charm to Romance in
+Italy has disappeared, yielding place to sustained elaboration of
+Latinizing style. Otherwise the fabric remains substantially
+unaltered--like a Gothic dwelling furnished with Palladian
+window-frames. We move in the old familiar sphere of Paladins and
+Paynims, knights errant and Oriental damsels, magicians and distressed
+maidens. The action is impelled by the same series of marvelous
+adventures and felicitous mishaps. There are the same encounters in war
+and rivalries in love between Christian and Pagan champions; journeys
+through undiscovered lands and over untracked oceans; fantastic
+hyperboles of desire, ambition, jealousy, and rage, employed as motive
+passions. Enchanted forests; fairy ships that skim the waves without
+helm or pilot; lances endowed with supernatural virtues; charmed gardens
+of perpetual spring; dismal dungeons and glittering palaces, supply the
+furniture of this romance no less than of its predecessors. Rinaldo,
+like any other hero of the Renaissance, is agitated by burning thirst
+for fame and blind devotion to a woman's beauty. We first behold him
+pining in inglorious leisure[64]:--
+
+    Poi, ch'oprar non poss'io che di me s'oda
+      Con mia gloria ed onor novella alcuna,
+      O cosa, ond' io pregio n'acquisti e loda,
+      E mia fama rischiari oscura e bruna.
+
+The vision of Clarice, appearing like Virgil's Camilla, stirs him from
+this lethargy. He falls in love at first sight, as Tasso's heroes always
+do, and vows to prove himself her worthy knight by deeds of unexampled
+daring. Thus the plot is put in motion; and we read in well-appointed
+order how the hero acquired his horse, Baiardo, Tristram's magic lance,
+his sword Fusberta from Atlante, his armor from Orlando, the trappings
+of his charger from the House of Courtesy, the ensign of the lion
+rampant on his shield from Chiarello, and the hand of his lady after
+some delays from Malagigi.
+
+[Footnote 64: Canto i. 17.]
+
+No new principle is introduced into the romance. As in earlier poems of
+this species, the religious motive of Christendom at war with Islam
+becomes a mere machine; the chivalrous environment affords a vehicle for
+fanciful adventures. Humor, indeed, is conspicuous by its absence.
+Charles the Great assumes the sobriety of empire; and his camp, in its
+well-ordered gravity, prefigures that of Goffredo in the
+_Gerusalemme_.[65] Thus Tasso's originality must not be sought in the
+material of his work, which is precisely that of the Italian romantic
+school in general, nor yet in its form, which departs from the romantic
+tradition in details so insignificant as to be inessential. We find it
+rather in his touch upon the old material, in his handling of the
+familiar form. The qualities of style, sympathy, sentiment, selection in
+the use of phrase and image, which determined his individuality as a
+poet, rendered the _Rinaldo_ a novelty in literature. It will be
+therefore well to concentrate attention for a while upon those
+subjective peculiarities by right of which the _Rinaldo_ ranks as a
+precursor of the _Gerusalemme_.
+
+The first and the most salient of these is a pronounced effort to
+heighten style by imitation of Latin poets. The presiding genius of the
+work is Virgil. Pulci's racy Florentine idiom; Boiardo's frank and
+natural Lombard manner; Ariosto's transparent and unfettered modern
+phrase, have been supplanted by a pompous intricacy of construction.
+
+[Footnote 65: Canto vi. 64-9.]
+
+The effort to impose Latin rules of syntax on Italian is obvious in
+such lines as the following:[66]
+
+    Torre ei l'immagin volle, che sospesa
+      Era presso l'altar gemmato e sacro,
+      Ove in chiaro cristal lampade accesa
+      Fea lume di Ciprigna al simulacro:
+
+or in these:
+
+    Umida i gigli e le vermiglie rose
+    Del volto, e gli occhi bei conversa al piano,
+    Gli occhi, onde in perle accolto il pianto uscia,
+    La giovinetta il cavalier seguia.
+
+Virgil is directly imitated, where he is least worthy of imitation, in
+the details of his battle-pieces. Thus:[67]
+
+    Si riversa Isolier tremando al piano,
+    Privo di senso e di vigore ignudo,
+    Ed a lui gli occhi oscura notte involve,
+    Ed ogni membro ancor se gli dissolve.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+    Quel col braccio sospeso in aria stando,
+    Ne lo movendo a questa o a quella parte,
+    Che dalla spada cio gli era conteso,
+    Voto sembrava in sacro tempio appeso.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+    Mentre ignaro di cio che 'l ciel destine,
+    Cosi diceva ancor, la lancia ultrice
+    Rinaldo per la bocca entro gli mise,
+    E la lingua e 'l parlar per mezzo incise.
+
+This Virgilian imitation yields some glowing flowers of poetry in longer
+passages of description. Among these may be cited the conquest of
+Baiardo in the second canto, the shipwreck in the tenth, the chariot of
+Pluto in the fourth, and the supper with queen Floriana in the ninth.
+
+[Footnote 66: Canto iii. 40, 45.]
+
+[Footnote 67: Canto ii. 22, iv. 28, 33.]
+
+The episode of Floriana, while closely studied upon the Aeneid, is also
+a first sketch for that of Armida. Indeed, it should be said in passing
+that Tasso anticipates the _Gerusalemme_ throughout the _Rinaldo_. The
+murder of Anselmo by Rinaldo (Canto XI.) forecasts the murder of
+Gernando by his namesake, and leads to the same result of the hero's
+banishment. The shipwreck, the garden of courtesy, the enchanted boat,
+and the charmed forest, are motives which reappear improved and
+elaborated in Tasso's masterpiece.[68]
+
+While Tasso thus sought to heighten diction by Latinisms, he revealed
+another specific quality of his manner in _Rinaldo_. This is the
+inability to sustain heroic style at its ambitious level. He frequently
+drops at the close of the octave stanza into a prosaic couplet, which
+has all the effect of bathos. Instances are not far to seek:[69]
+
+    Gia tal insegna acquisto l'avo, e poi
+    La portar molti de'nipoti suoi.
+       *       *       *       *       *
+    E a questi segni ed al crin raro e bianco
+    Monstrava esser dagli anni oppresses e stanco.
+       *       *       *       *       *
+    Fu qui vicin dal saggio Alchiso il Mago,
+    Di far qualch'opra memorabil vago.
+       *       *       *       *       *
+                         Io son Rinaldo,
+    Solo di servir voi bramoso e caldo.
+
+[Footnote 68: _Rinaldo_, cantos x. vii.]
+
+[Footnote 69: Canto i. 25, 31, 41, 64.]
+
+The reduplication of epithets, and the occasional use of long sonorous
+Latin words, which characterize Tasso's later manner, are also
+noticeable in these couplets. Side by side with such weak endings should
+be placed some specimens, no less characteristic, of vigorous and noble
+lines:[70]
+
+              Nel cor consiston l'armi,
+    Onde il forte non e chi mai disarmi.
+       *       *       *       *       *
+                Si sta placido e cheto,
+    Ma serba dell'altiero nel mansueto.
+
+If the _Rinaldo_ prefigures Tasso's maturer qualities of style, it is no
+less conspicuous for the light it throws upon his eminent poetic
+faculty. Nothing distinguished him more decidedly from the earlier
+romantic poets than power over pathetic sentiment conveyed in melodious
+cadences of oratory. This emerges in Clarice's monologue on love and
+honor, that combat of the soul which forms a main feature of the lyrics
+in _Aminta_ and of Erminia's episode in the _Gerusalemme_.[71] This
+steeps the whole story of Clizia in a delicious melancholy,
+foreshadowing the death-scene of Clorinda.[72] This rises in the
+father's lamentation over his slain Ugone, into the music of a threnody
+that now recalls Euripides and now reminds us of mediaeval litanies.[73]
+Censure might be passed upon rhetorical conceits and frigid affectations
+in these characteristic outpourings of pathetic feeling. Yet no one can
+ignore their liquid melody, their transference of emotion through sound
+into modulated verse.
+
+[Footnote 70: _Rinaldo_, Canto ii. 28, 44.]
+
+[Footnote 71: Canto ii. 3-11.]
+
+[Footnote 72: Canto vii. 16-51.]
+
+[Footnote 73: Canto vii. 3-11.]
+
+That lyrical outcry, finding rhythmic utterance for tender sentiment,
+which may be recognized as Tasso's chief addition to romantic poetry,
+pierces like a song through many passages of mere narration. Rinaldo,
+while carrying Clarice away upon Baiardo, with no chaste intention in
+his heart, bids her thus dry her tears:[74]
+
+    Egli dice: Signora, onde vi viene
+      Si spietato martir, si grave affanno?
+      Perche le luci angeliche e serene
+      Ricopre della doglia oscuro panno?
+      Forse fia l'util vostro e 'l vostro bene
+      Quel ch'or vi sembra insupportabil danno,
+      Deh! per Dio, rasciugate il caldo pianto.
+      E l'atroce dolor temprate alquanto.
+
+It is not that we do not find similar lyrical interbreathings in the
+narrative of Ariosto. But Tasso developed the lyrism of the octave
+stanza into something special, lulling the soul upon gentle waves of
+rising and falling rhythm, foreshadowing the coming age of music in
+cadences that are untranslateable except by vocal melody. In like
+manner, the idyl, which had played a prominent part in Boiardo's and in
+Ariosto's romance, detaches itself with a peculiar sweetness from the
+course of Tasso's narrative. This appears in the story of Florindo,
+which contains within itself the germ of the _Aminta_, the _Pastor Fido_
+and the _Adone_.[75] Together with the bad taste of the artificial
+pastoral, its preposterous costume (stanza 13), its luxury of tears
+(stanza 23), we find the tyranny of kisses (stanzas 28, 52), the
+yearning after the Golden Age (stanza 29), and all the other apparatus
+of that operatic species. Tasso was the first poet to bathe Arcady in a
+golden afternoon light of sensuously sentimental pathos. In his idyllic
+as in his lyrical interbreathings, melody seems absolutely demanded to
+interpret and complete the plangent rhythm of his dulcet numbers.
+Emotion so far predominates over intelligence, so yearns to exhale
+itself in sound and shun the laws of language, that we find already in
+_Rinaldo_ Tasso's familiar _Non so che_ continually used to adumbrate
+sentiments for which plain words are not indefinite enough.
+
+[Footnote 74: Canto iv. 47.]
+
+[Footnote 75: Canto v. 12-57.]
+
+The _Rinaldo_ was a very remarkable production for a young man of
+eighteen. It showed the poet in possession of his style and displayed
+the specific faculties of his imagination. Nothing remained for Tasso
+now but to perfect and develop the type of art which he had there
+created. Soon after his first settlement in Ferrara, he began to
+meditate a more ambitious undertaking. His object was to produce the
+heroic poem for which Italy had long been waiting, and in this way to
+rival or surpass the fame of Ariosto. Trissino had chosen a national
+subject for his epic; but the _Italia Liberata_ was an acknowledged
+failure, and neither the past nor the present conditions of the Italian
+people offered good material for a serious poem. The heroic enthusiasms
+of the age were religious. Revived Catholicism had assumed an attitude
+of defiance. The Company of Jesus was declaring its crusade against
+heresy and infidelity throughout the world. Not a quarter of a century
+had elapsed since Charles V. attacked the Mussulman in Tunis; and before
+a few more years had passed, the victory of Lepanto was to be won by
+Italian and Spanish navies. Tasso, therefore, obeyed a wise instinct
+when he made choice of the first crusade for his theme, and of Godfrey
+of Boulogne for his hero. Having to deal with historical facts, he
+studied the best authorities in chronicles, ransacked such books of
+geography and travel as were then accessible, paid attention to
+topography, and sought to acquire what we now call local coloring for
+the details of his poem. Without the sacrifice of truth in any important
+point, he contrived to give unity to the conduct of his narrative, while
+interweaving a number of fictitious characters and marvelous
+circumstances with the historical personages and actual events of the
+crusade. The vital interest of the _Gerusalemme Liberata_ flows from
+this interpolated material, from the loves of Rinaldo and Tancredi, from
+the adventures of the Pagan damsels Erminia, Armida and Clorinda. The
+_Gerusalemme_ is in truth a Virgilian epic, upon which a romantic poem
+has been engrafted. Goffredo, idealized into statuesque frigidity,
+repeats the virtues of Aeneas; but the episode of Dido, which enlivens
+Virgil's hero, is transferred to Rinaldo's part in Tasso's story. The
+battles of Crusaders and Saracens are tedious copies of the battle in
+the tenth Aeneid; but the duels of Tancredi with Clorinda and Argante
+breathe the spirit and the fire of chivalry. The celestial and infernal
+councils, adopted as machinery, recall the rival factions in Olympus;
+but the force by which the plot moves is love. Pluto and the angel
+Gabriel are inactive by comparison with Armida, Erminia and Clorinda.
+Tasso in truth thought that he was writing a religious and heroic poem.
+What he did write, was a poem of sentiment and passion--a romance. Like
+Anacreon he might have cried:
+
+    thelo legein Atreidas
+    thelo de Kadmon adein,
+    ha barbitos de chordais
+    Erota mounon echei.
+
+He displayed, indeed, marvelous ingenuity and art in so connecting the
+two strains of his subject, the stately Virgilian history and the
+glowing modern romance, that they should contribute to the working of a
+single plot. Yet he could not succeed in vitalizing the former, whereas
+the latter will live as long as human interest in poetry endures. No one
+who has studied the _Gerusalemme_ returns with pleasure to Goffredo, or
+feels that the piety of the Christian heroes is inspired. He skips canto
+after canto dealing with the crusade, to dwell upon those lyrical
+outpourings of love, grief, anguish, vain remorse and injured affection
+which the supreme poet of sentiment has invented for his heroines; he
+recognizes the genuine inspiration of Erminia's pastoral idyl, of
+Armida's sensuous charms, of Clorinda's dying words, of the Siren's
+song and the music of the magic bird: of all, in fact, which is not
+pious in the poem.
+
+Tancredi, between Erminia and Clorinda, the one woman adoring him, the
+other beloved by him--the melancholy graceful modern Tancredi, Tasso's
+own soul's image--is the veritable hero of the _Gerusalemme_; and by a
+curious unintended propriety he disappears from the action before the
+close, without a word. The force of the poem is spiritualized and
+concentrated in Clorinda's death, which may be cited as an instance of
+sublimity in pathos. It is idyllized in the episode of Erminia among the
+shepherds, and sensualized in the supreme beauty of Armida's garden.
+Rinaldo is second in importance to Tancredi; and Goffredo, on whom Tasso
+bestows the blare of his Virgilian trumpet from the first line to the
+last, is poetically of no importance whatsoever. Argante, Solimano,
+Tisaferno, excite our interest, and win the sympathy we cannot spare the
+saintly hero; and in the death of Solimano Tasso's style, for once,
+verges upon tragic sublimity.
+
+What Tasso aimed at in the _Gerusalemme_ was nobility. This quality had
+not been prominent in Ariosto's art. If he could attain it, his ambition
+to rival the _Orlando Furioso_ would be satisfied. One main condition of
+success Tasso brought to the achievement. His mind itself was eminently
+noble, incapable of baseness, fixed on fair and worthy objects of
+contemplation. Yet the personal nobility which distinguished him as a
+thinker and a man, was not of the heroic type. He had nothing Homeric
+in his inspiration, nothing of the warrior or the patriot in his nature.
+His genius, when it pursued its bias, found instinctive utterance in
+elegy and idyl, in meditative rhetoric and pastoral melody. In order to
+assume the heroic strain, Tasso had recourse to scholarship, and gave
+himself up blindly to the guidance of Latin poets. This was consistent
+with the tendency of the Classical Revival; but since the subject to be
+dignified by epic style was Christian and mediaeval, a discord between
+matter and manner amounting almost to insincerity resulted. Some
+examples will make the meaning of this criticism more apparent. When
+Goffredo rejects the embassy of Atlete and Argante, he declares his firm
+intention of delivering Jerusalem in spite of overwhelming perils. The
+crusaders can but perish:
+
+    Noi morirem, ma non morremo inulti. (i. 86.)
+
+This of course is a reminiscence of Dido's last words, and the
+difference between the two situations creates a disagreeable
+incongruity. The nod of Jove upon Olympus is translated to express the
+fiat of the Almighty (xiii. 74); Gabriel is tricked out in the plumes
+and colors of Mercury (i. 13-15); the very angels sinning round the
+throne become 'dive sirene' (xiv. 9); the armory of heaven is described
+in terms which reduce Michael's spear and the arrows of pestilence to
+ordinary weapons (vii. 81); Hell is filled with harpies, centaurs,
+hydras, pythons, the common lumber of classical Tartarus (iv. 5); the
+angel sent to cure Goffredo's wound culls dittany on Ida (xi. 72); the
+heralds, interposing between Tancredi and Argante, hold pacific scepters
+and have naught of chivalry (vi. 51). It may be said that both Dante
+before Tasso, and Milton after him, employed similar classical language
+in dealing with Christian and mediaeval motives. But this will hardly
+serve as an excuse; for Dante and Milton communicate so intense a
+conviction of religious earnestness that their Latinisms, even though
+incongruous, are recognized as the mere clothing of profoundly felt
+ideas. The sublimity, the seriousness, the spiritual dignity is in their
+thought, not in its expression; whereas Tasso too frequently leaves us
+with the certainty that he has sought by ceremonious language to realize
+more than he could grasp with the imagination. In his council of the
+powers of hell, for instance, he creates monsters of huge dimensions and
+statuesque distinctness; but these are neither grotesquely horrible like
+Dante's, nor are they spirits with incalculable capacity for evil like
+Milton's.
+
+    Stampano alcuni il suol di ferine orme,
+    E in fronte umana ban chiome d'angui attorte;
+    E lor s'aggira dietro immensa coda,
+    Che quasi sferza si ripiega e snoda.
+
+Against this we have to place the dreadful scene of Satan with his
+angels transformed to snakes (_Par. Lost_, x. 508-584), and the
+Dantesque horror of the 'vermo reo che 'l mondo fora' (_Inf._ xxxiv.
+108). Again when Dante cries--
+
+                  O Sommo Giove,
+    Che fosti in terra per noi crocifisso!
+
+we feel that the Latin phrase is accidental. The spirit of the poet
+remains profoundly Christian. Tasso's Jehovah-Jupiter is always 'il Re
+del Ciel'; and the court of blessed spirits which surrounds his 'gran
+seggio,' though described with solemn pomp of phrase, cannot be compared
+with the Mystic Rose of Paradise (ix. 55-60). What Tasso lacks is
+authenticity of vision; and his heightened style only renders this
+imaginative poverty, this want of spiritual conviction, more apparent.
+
+His frequent borrowings from Virgil are less unsuccessful when the
+matter to be illustrated is not of this exalted order. Many similes
+(vii. 55, vii. 76, viii. 74) have been transplanted with nice propriety.
+Many descriptions, like that of the approach of night (ii-96), of the
+nightingale mourning for her young (xii. 90), of the flying dream (xiv.
+6), have been translated with exquisite taste. Dido's impassioned
+apostrophe to Aeneas reappears appropriately upon Armida's lips (xvi.
+56). We welcome such culled phrases as the following:
+
+                   l'orticel dispensa
+    Cibi non compri alia mia parca mensa (vii. 10).
+
+    Premer gli alteri, e sollevar gl'imbelli (x. 76).
+
+    E Tisaferno, il folgore di Marte (xvii. 31).
+
+    Va, vedi, e vinci (xvii. 38).
+
+    Ma mentre dolce parla e dolce ride (iv. 92).
+
+    Che vinta la materia e dal lavoro (xvi. 2).
+
+    Non temo io te, ne tuoi gran vanti, o fero:
+    Ma il Cielo e il mio nemico amor pavento (xix. 73).
+
+It may, however, be observed that in the last of these passages Tasso
+does not show a just discriminative faculty. Turnus said:
+
+                     Non me tua fervida terrent
+    Dicta, ferox: Di me terrent et Jupiter hostis.
+
+From Jupiter to Amor is a descent from sublimity to pathos. In like
+manner when Hector's ghost reappears in the ghost of Armida's mother,
+
+    Quanto diversa, oime, da quel che pria
+    Visto altrove (iv. 49),
+
+the reminiscence suggests ideas that are unfavorable to the modern
+version.
+
+In his description of battles, the mustering of armies, and military
+operations, Tasso neither draws from mediaeval sources nor from
+experience, but imitates the battle-pieces of Virgil and Lucan,
+sometimes with fine rhetorical effect and sometimes with wearisome
+frigidity. The death of Latino and his five sons is both touching in
+itself, and a good example of this Virgilian mannerism (ix. 35). The
+death of Dudone is justly celebrated as a sample of successful imitation
+(iii. 45):
+
+    Cade; e gli occhi, ch'appena aprir si ponno,
+    Dura quiete preme e ferreo sonno.
+
+The wound of Gerniero, on the contrary, illustrates the peril of
+seeking after conceits in the inferior manner of the master (ix. 69):
+
+    La destra di Gerniero, onde ferita
+    Ella fu pria, manda recisa al piano;
+    Tratto anco il ferro, e con tremanti dita
+    Semiviva nel suol guizza la mano.
+
+The same may be said about the wound of Algazel (ix. 78) and the death
+of Ardonio (xx. 39). In the description of the felling of the forest
+(iii. 75, 76) and of the mustering of the Egyptian army (xvii. 1-36)
+Tasso's Virgilian style attains real grandeur and poetic beauty.
+
+Tasso was nothing if not a learned poet. It would be easy to illustrate
+what he has borrowed from Lucretius, or to point out that the pathos of
+Clorinda's apparition to Tancredi after death is a debt to Petrarch. It
+may, however, suffice here to indicate six phrases taken straight from
+Dante; since the _Divine Comedy_ was little studied in Tasso's age, and
+his selection of these lines reflects credit on his taste. These are:
+
+    Onorate l'altissimo campione! (iii. 73: _Inf._ iv.)
+
+    Goffredo intorno gli occhi gravi e tardi (vii. 58: _Inf._. iv.).
+
+                   a riveder le stelle (iv. 18: _Inf._ xxxiv.).
+
+    Ond' e ch'or tanto ardire in voi s'alletti? (ix. 76: _Inf._ ix.)
+
+    A guisa di leon quando si posa (x. 56: _Purg._ vi.)
+
+                  e guardi e passi (xx. 43: _Inf._ in.)
+
+As in the _Rinaldo_, so also in the _Gerusalemme_, Tasso's classical
+proclivities betrayed him into violation of the clear Italian language.
+Afraid of what is natural and common, he produced what is artificial and
+conceited. Hence came involved octaves like the following (vi. 109):
+
+      Siccome cerva, ch'assetata il passo
+    Mova a cercar d'acque lucenti e vive,
+    Ove un bel fonte distillar da un sasso
+    O vide un fiume tra frondose rive,
+    Se incontra i cani allor che il corpo lasso
+    Ristorar crede all'onde, all'ombre estive,
+    Volge indietro fuggendo, e la paura
+    La stanchezza obbliar face e l'arsura.
+
+The image is beautiful; but the diction is elaborately intricate,
+rhetorically indistinct. We find the same stylistic involution in these
+lines (xii. 6):
+
+    Ma s'egli avverra pur che mia ventura
+    Nel mio ritorno mi rinchiuda il passo,
+    D'uom che in amor m'e padre a te la cura
+    E delle fide mie donzelle io lasso.
+
+The limpid well of native utterance is troubled at its source by
+scholastic artifices in these as in so many other passages of Tasso's
+masterpiece. Nor was he yet emancipated from the weakness of _Rinaldo_.
+Trying to soar upon the borrowed plumes of pseudo-classical sublimity,
+he often fell back wearied by this uncongenial effort into prose. Lame
+endings to stanzas, sudden descents from highly-wrought to pedestrian
+diction, are not uncommon in the _Gerusalemme_. The poet, diffident of
+his own inspiration, sought inspiration from books. In the magnificence
+of single lines again, the _Gerusalemme_ reminds us of _Rinaldo_. Tasso
+gained dignity of rhythm by choosing Latin adjectives and adverbs with
+pompous cadences. No versifier before his date had consciously employed
+the sonorous music of such lines as the following:--
+
+    Foro, tentando inaccessibil via (ii. 29).
+
+    Ond' Amor l'arco inevitabil tende (iii. 24).
+
+    Questa muraglia impenetrabil fosse (iii. 51).
+
+    Furon vedute fiammeggiare insieme (v. 28).
+
+    Qual capitan ch'inespugnabil terra (v. 64).
+
+    Sotto l'inevitabile tua spada (xvi. 33).
+
+    Immense solitudini d'arena (xvii. I).
+
+The last of these lines presents an impressive landscape in three
+melodious words.
+
+These verbal and stylistic criticisms are not meant to cast reproach on
+Tasso as a poet. If they have any value, it is the light they throw upon
+conditions under which the poet was constrained to work. Humanism and
+the Catholic Revival reduced this greatest genius of his age to the
+necessity of clothing religious sentiments in scholastic phraseology,
+with the view of attaining to epic grandeur. But the Catholic Revival
+was no regeneration of Christianity from living sources; and humanism
+had run its course in Italy, and was ending in the sands of critical
+self-consciousness. Thus piety in Tasso appears superficial and
+conventional rather than profoundly felt or originally vigorous; while
+the scholarship which supplied his epic style is scrupulous and timid.
+
+The enduring qualities of Tasso as a modern poet have still to be
+indicated; and to this more grateful portion of my argument I now
+address myself. Much might be said in the first place about his
+rhetorical dexterity--the flexibility of language in his hands, and the
+copiousness of thought, whereby he was able to adorn varied situations
+and depict diversity of passions with appropriate diction. Whether Alete
+is subtly pleading a seductive cause, or Goffredo is answering his
+sophistries with well-weighed arguments; whether Pluto addresses the
+potentates of hell, or Erminia wavers between love and honor; whether
+Tancredi pours forth the extremity of his despair, or Armida heaps
+reproaches on Rinaldo in his flight; the musical and luminously polished
+stanzas lend themselves without change of style to every gradation of
+the speaker's mood. In this art of rhetoric, Tasso seems to have taken
+Livy for his model; and many of his speeches which adorn the graver
+portions of his poem are noticeable for compact sententious wisdom.
+
+In fancy Tasso was not so naturally rich and inventive as the author of
+_Orlando Furioso_. Yet a gallery of highly-finished pictures might be
+collected from his similes and metaphors. What pride and swiftness mark
+this vision of a thunderbolt:
+
+    Grande ma breve fulmine il diresti,
+    Che inaspettato sopraggiunga e passi;
+    Ma del suo corso momentaneo resti
+    Vestigio eterno in dirupati sassi (xx. 93).
+
+How delicately touched is this uprising of the morning star from ocean:
+
+    Qual mattutina Stella esce dell'onde
+    Rugiadosa e stillante; o come fuore
+    Spunto nascendo gia dalle feconde
+    Spume dell'ocean la Dea d'amore (xv. 60).
+
+Here is an image executed in the style of Ariosto. Clorinda has received
+a wound on her uncovered head:
+
+    Fu levissima piaga, e i biondi crini
+    Rosseggiaron cosi d'alquante stille,
+    Come rosseggia l'or che di rubini
+    Per man d'illustre artefice sfaville (iii. 30).
+
+Flowers furnish the poet with exquisite suggestions of color:
+
+    D'un bel pallor ha il bianco volto asperso,
+    Come a gigli sarian miste viole (xii. 69).
+
+    Quale a pioggia d'argento e mattutina
+    Si rabbellisce scolorita rosa (xx. 129).
+
+Sometimes the painting is minutely finished like a miniature:
+
+      Cosi piuma talor, che di gentile
+    Amorosa colomba il collo cinge,
+    Mai non si scorge a se stessa simile,
+    Ma in diversi colori al sol si tinge:
+    Or d'accesi rubin sembra un monile,
+    Or di verdi smeraldi il lume finge,
+    Or insieme li mesce, e varia e vaga
+    In cento modi i riguardanti appaga (xv. 5).
+
+Sometimes the style is broad, the touch vigorous:
+
+      Qual feroce destrier, ch'al faticoso
+    Onor dell'arme vincitor sia tolto,
+    E lascivo marito in vil riposo
+    Fra gli armenti e ne'paschi erri disciolto,
+
+    Se il desta o suon di tromba, o luminoso
+    Acciar, cola tosto annitrendo e volto;
+    Gia gia brama l'arringo, el'uom sul dorso
+    Portando, urtato riurtar nel corso (xvi. 28).
+
+I will content myself with referring to the admirably conceived simile
+of a bulky galleon at sea attacked by a swifter and more agile vessel
+(xix. 13), which may perhaps have suggested to Fuller his famous
+comparison of Shakespeare and Ben Jonson in their wit encounters.
+
+But Tasso was really himself, incomparable and unapproachable, when he
+wrote in what musicians would call the _largo e maestoso_ mood.
+
+    Giace l'alta Cartago; appena i segni
+    Dell'alte sue ruine il lido serba.
+    Muoino le citta, muoino i regni;
+    Copre i fasti e le pompe arena ed erba;
+    E l'uomo d'esser mortal par che si sdegni!
+    Oh nostra mente cupida e superba! (xv. 20).
+
+This is perfect in its measured melancholy, the liquid flow of its
+majestic simplicity. The same musical breadth, the same noble sweetness,
+pervade a passage on the eternal beauty of the heavens compared with the
+brief brightness of a woman's eyes:
+
+                           oh quante belle
+    Luci il tempio celeste in se raguna!
+    Ha il suo gran carro il di; le aurate stelle
+    Spiega la notte e l'argentata luna;
+    Ma non e chi vagheggi o questa o quelle;
+    E miriam noi torbida luce e bruna,
+    Che un girar d'occhi, un balenar di riso
+    Scopre in breve confin di fragil viso (xviii. 15).
+
+This verbal music culminates in the two songs of earthly joy, the
+_chants d'amour_, or hymns to pleasure, sung by Armida's ministers
+(xiv. 60-65, xvi. 12, 13). Boiardo and Ariosto had painted the
+seductions of enchanted gardens, where valor was enthralled by beauty,
+and virtue dulled by voluptuous delights. It remained for Tasso to give
+that magic of the senses vocal utterance. From the myrtle groves of
+Orontes, from the spell-bound summer amid snows upon the mountains of
+the Fortunate Isle, these lyrics with their penetrative sweetness, their
+lingering regret, pass into the silence of the soul. It is eminently
+characteristic of Tasso's mood and age that the melody of both these
+honeyed songs should thrill with sadness. Nature is at war with honor;
+youth passes like a flower away; therefore let us love and yield our
+hearts to pleasure while we can. _Sehnsucht_, the soul of modern
+sentiment, the inner core of modern music, makes its entrance into the
+sphere of art with these two hymns. The division of the mind, wavering
+between natural impulse and acquired morality, gives the tone of
+melancholy to the one chant. In the other, the invitation to
+self-abandonment is mingled with a forecast of old age and death. Only
+Catullus, in his song to Lesbia, among the ancients touched this note;
+only Villon, perhaps, in his Ballade of Dead Ladies, touched it among
+the moderns before Tasso. But it has gone on sounding ever since through
+centuries which have enjoyed the luxury of grief in music.
+
+If Tancredi be the real hero of the _Gerusalemme_, Armida is the
+heroine. The action of the epic follows her movements. She combines the
+parts of Angelica and Alcina in one that is original and novel. A
+sorceress, deputed by the powers of hell to defeat the arms of the
+crusaders, Armida falls herself in love with a Christian champion. Love
+changes her from a beautiful white witch into a woman.[76] When she
+meets Rinaldo in the battle, she discharges all her arrows vainly at the
+man who has deserted her. One by one, they fly and fall; and as they
+wing their flight, Love wounds her own heart with his shafts:
+
+    Scocca I' arco piu volte, e non fa piaga
+    E, mentre ella saetta, amor lei piaga (xx. 65).
+
+Then she turns to die in solitude. Rinaldo follows, and stays her in the
+suicidal act. Despised and rejected as she is, she cannot hate him. The
+man she had entangled in her wiles has conquered and subdued her nature.
+To the now repentant minister of hell he proposes baptism; and Armida
+consents:
+
+    Si parla, e prega; e i preghi bagna e scalda
+    Or di lagrime rare, or di sospiri:
+    Onde, siccome suol nevosa falda
+    Dov'arde il sole, o tepid' aura spiri,
+    Cosi l'ira che in lei parea si salda,
+    Solvesi, e restan sol gli altri desiri.
+    _Ecco l'ancilla tua_; d'essa a tuo senno
+    Dispon, gli disse, e le fia legge il cenno (xx. 136).
+
+[Footnote 76: I may incidentally point out how often this motive has
+supplied the plot to modern ballets.]
+
+This metamorphosis of the enchantress into the woman in Armida, is the
+climax of the _Gerusalemme_. It is also the climax and conclusion of
+Italian romantic poetry, the resolution of its magic and marvels into
+the truths of human affection. Notice, too, with what audacity Tasso has
+placed the words of Mary on the lips of his converted sorceress!
+Deliberately planning a religious and heroic poem, he assigns the spoils
+of conquered hell to love triumphant in a woman's breast. Beauty, which
+in itself is diabolical, the servant of the lords of Hades, attains to
+apotheosis through affection. In Armida we already surmise _das ewig
+Weibliche_ of Goethe's Faust, Gretchen saving her lover's soul before
+Madonna's throne in glory.
+
+What was it, then, that Tasso, this 'child of a later and a colder age,'
+as Shelley called him, gave of permanent value to European literature?
+We have seen that the _Gerusalemme_ did not fulfill the promise of
+heroic poetry for that eminently unheroic period. We know that neither
+the Virgilian hero nor the laboriously developed theme commands the
+interest of posterity. We feel that religious emotion is feeble here,
+and that the classical enthusiasm of the Renaissance is on the point of
+expiring in those Latinistic artifices. Yet the interwoven romance
+contains a something difficult to analyze, intangible and
+evanescent--_un non so che_, to use the poet's favorite phrase--which
+riveted attention in the sixteenth century, and which harmonizes with
+our own sensibility to beauty. Tasso, in one word, was the poet, not of
+passion, not of humor, not of piety, not of elevated action, but of
+that new and undefined emotion which we call Sentiment. Unknown to the
+ancients, implicit in later mediaeval art, but not evolved with
+clearness from romance, alien to the sympathies of the Renaissance as
+determined by the Classical Revival, sentiment, that _non so che_ of
+modern feeling, waited for its first apocalypse in Tasso's work. The
+phrase which I have quoted, and which occurs so frequently in this
+poet's verse, indicates the intrusion of a new element into the sphere
+of European feeling. Vague, indistinct, avoiding outline, the phrase _un
+non so che_ leaves definition to the instinct of those who feel, but
+will not risk the limitation of their feeling by submitting it to words.
+Nothing in antique psychology demanded a term of this kind. Classical
+literature, in close affinity to sculpture, dealt with concrete images
+and conscious thoughts. The mediaeval art of Dante, precisely,
+mathematically measured, had not felt the need of it. Boccaccio's
+clear-cut intaglios from life and nature, Petrarch's compassed melodies,
+Poliziano's polished arabesques, Ariosto's bright and many colored
+pencilings, were all of them, in all their varied phases of Renaissance
+expression, distinguished by decision and firmness of drawing.
+Vagueness, therefore, had hitherto found no place in European poetry or
+plastic art. But music, the supreme symbol of spiritual infinity in art,
+was now about to be developed; and the specific touch of Tasso, the
+musician-poet, upon portraiture and feeling, called forth this quality
+of vagueness, a vagueness that demanded melody to give what it refused
+from language to accept. Mendelssohn when some one asked him what is
+meant by music, replied that it had meanings for his mind more
+unmistakable than those which words convey; but what these meanings
+were, he did not or he could not make clear. This certainty of
+sentiment, seeming vague only because it floats beyond the scope of
+language in regions of tone and color and emotion, is what Tasso's _non
+so che_ suggests to those who comprehend. And Tasso, by his frequent
+appeal to it, by his migration from the plastic into the melodic realm
+of the poetic art, proved himself the first genuinely sentimental artist
+of the modern age. It is just this which gave him a wider and more
+lasting empire over the heart through the next two centuries than that
+claimed by Ariosto.
+
+It may not be unprofitable to examine in detail Tasso's use of the
+phrase to which so much importance has been assigned in the foregoing
+paragraph. We meet it first in the episode of Olindo and Sofronia.
+Sofronia, of all the heroines of the _Gerusalemme_, is the least
+interesting, notwithstanding her magnanimous mendacity and Jesuitical
+acceptance of martyrdom. Olindo touches the weaker fibers of our
+sympathy by his feminine devotion to a woman placed above him in the
+moral scale, whose love he wins by splendid falsehood equal to her own.
+The episode, entirely idle in the action of the poem, has little to
+recommend it, if we exclude the traditionally accepted reference to
+Tasso's love for Leonora d'Este. But when Olindo and Sofronia are
+standing, back to back, against the stake, Aladino, who has decreed
+their death by burning, feels his rude bosom touched with sudden pity:
+
+    Un non so che d'inusitato e molle
+    Par che nel duro petto al re trapasse:
+    Ei presentillo, e si sdegno; ne voile
+    Piegarsi, e gli occhi torse, e si ritrasse (ii. 37).
+
+The intrusion of a lyrical emotion, unknown before in the tyrant's
+breast, against which he contends with anger, and before the force of
+which he bends, prepares us for the happy _denouement_ brought about by
+Clorinda. This vague stirring of the soul, this _non so che_, this
+sentiment, is the real agent in Sofronia's release and Olindo's
+beatification.
+
+Clorinda is about to march upon her doom. She is inflamed with the
+ambition to destroy the engines of the Christian host by fire at night;
+and she calls Argante to her counsels:
+
+    Buona pezza e, signor, che in se raggira
+    Un non so che d'insolito e d'audace
+    La mia mente inquieta; o Dio l'inspira,
+    O l'uom del suo voler suo Dio si face (xii. 5).
+
+Thus at this solemn point of time, when death is certainly in front,
+when she knows not whether God has inspired her or whether she has made
+of her own wish a deity, Clorinda utters the mystic word of vague
+compulsive feeling.
+
+Erminia, taken captive by Tancredi after the siege of Antioch, is
+brought into her master's tent. He treats her with chivalrous courtesy,
+and offers her a knight's protection:
+
+    Allora un non so che soave e piano
+    Sentii, ch'al cor mi scese, e vi s'affisse,
+    Che, serpendomi poi per l'alma vaga,
+    Non so come, divenne incendio e piaga (xix. 94).
+
+At that moment, by the distillation of that vague emotion into vein and
+marrow, Erminia becomes Tancredi's slave, and her future is determined.
+
+These examples are, perhaps, sufficient to show how Tasso, at the
+turning-points of destiny for his most cherished personages, invoked
+indefinite emotion to adumbrate the forces with which will contends in
+vain. But the master phrase rings even yet more tyrannously in the
+passage of Clorinda's death, which sums up all of sentiment included in
+romance. Long had Tancredi loved Clorinda. Meeting her in battle, he
+stood her blows defenseless; for Clorinda was an Amazon, reduced by
+Tasso's gentle genius to womanhood from the proportions of Marfisa.
+Finally, with heart surcharged with love for her, he has to cross his
+sword in deadly duel with this lady. Malign stars rule the hour: he
+knows not who she is: misadventure makes her, instead of him, the victim
+of their encounter. With her last breath she demands baptism--the good
+Tasso, so it seems, could not send so fair a creature of his fancy as
+Clorinda to the shades without viaticum; and his poetry rises to the
+sublime of pathos in this stanza:
+
+      Amico, hai vinto: io ti perdon: perdona
+    Tu ancora: al corpo no, che nulla pave;
+    All'alma si: deh! per lei prega; e dona
+    Battesmo a me ch'ogni mia colpa lave.
+    In queste voci languide risuona
+    Un non so che di flebile e soave
+    Ch'al cor gli serpe, ed ogni sdegno ammorza,
+    E gli occhi a lagrimar gl'invoglia e sforza (xii. 66).
+
+Here the vague emotion, the _non so che_, distils itself through
+Clorinda's voice into Tancredi's being. Afterwards it thrills there like
+moaning winds in an Aeolian lyre, reducing him to despair upon his bed
+of sickness, and reasserting its lyrical charm in the vision which he
+has of Clorinda among the trees of the enchanted forest. He stands
+before the cypress where the soul of his dead lady seems to his
+misguided fancy prisoned; and the branches murmur in his ears:
+
+    Fremere intanto udia continuo il vento
+    Tra le frondi del bosco e tra i virgulti,
+    E trarne un suon che flebile concento
+    Par d'umani sospiri e di singulti;
+    E un non so che confuso instilla al core
+    Di pieta, di spavento e di dolore (xiii. 40).
+
+The master word, the magic word of Tasso's sentiment, is uttered at this
+moment of illusion. The poet has no key to mysteries locked up within
+the human breast more powerful than this indefinite _un non so che_.
+
+Enough has been said to show how Tasso used the potent spell of
+vagueness, when he found himself in front of supreme situations. This
+is in truth the secret of his mastery over sentiment, the spell whereby
+he brings nature and night, the immense solitudes of deserts, the
+darkness of forests, the wailings of the winds and the plangent litanies
+of sea-waves into accord with overstrained humanity. It was a great
+discovery; by right of it Tasso proved himself the poet of the coming
+age.
+
+When the _Gerusalemme_ was completed, Tasso had done his best work as a
+poet. The misfortunes which began to gather round him in his
+thirty-first year, made him well-nigh indifferent to the fate of the
+poem which had drained his life-force, and from which he had expected so
+much glory. It was published without his permission or supervision. He,
+meanwhile, in the prison of S. Anna, turned his attention to prose
+composition. The long series of dialogues, with which he occupied the
+irksome leisure of seven years, interesting as they are in matter and
+genial in style, indicate that the poet was now in abeyance. It remained
+to be seen whether inspiration would revive with freedom. No sooner were
+the bolts withdrawn than his genius essayed a fresh flight. He had long
+meditated the composition of a tragedy, and had already written some
+scenes. At Mantua in 1586-7 this work took the form of _Torrismondo_. It
+cannot be called a great drama, for it belongs to the rigid declamatory
+species of Italian tragedy; and Tasso's genius was romantic, idyllic,
+elegiac, anything but genuinely tragic. Yet the style is eminent for
+nobility and purity. Just as the _Aminta_ showed how unaffected Tasso
+could be when writing without preconceived theories of heightened
+diction, so the _Torrismondo_ displays an unstrained dignity of simple
+dialogue. It testifies to the plasticity of language in the hands of a
+master, who deliberately chose and sustained different styles in
+different species of poetry, and makes us regret that he should have
+formed his epic manner upon so artificial a type. The last chorus of
+_Torrismondo_ deserves to be mentioned as a perfect example of Tasso's
+melancholy elegiac pathos.
+
+Meanwhile he began to be dissatisfied with the _Gerusalemme_, and in
+1588 he resolved upon remodeling his masterpiece. The real vitality of
+that poem was, as we have seen, in its romance. But Tasso thought
+otherwise. During the fourteen years which elapsed since its completion,
+the poet's youthful fervor had been gradually fading out. Inspiration
+yielded to criticism; piety succeeded to sentiment and enthusiasm for
+art. Therefore, in this later phase of his maturity, with powers
+impaired by prolonged sufferings and wretched health, tormented by
+religious scruples and vague persistent fear, he determined to eliminate
+the romance from the epic, to render its unity of theme more rigorous,
+and to concentrate attention upon the serious aspects of the subject.
+The result of this plan, pursued through five years of wandering, was
+the _Gerusalemme Conquistata_, a poem which the world has willingly let
+die, in which the style of the _Gerusalemme Liberata_ is worsened, and
+which now serves mainly to establish by comparison the fact that what
+was immortal in Tasso's art was the romance he ruthlessly rooted out. A
+further step in this transition from art to piety is marked by the poem
+upon the Creation of the World, called _Le Sette Giornate_. Written in
+blank verse, it religiously but tamely narrates the operation of the
+Divine Artificer, following the first chapter of Genesis and expanding
+the motive of each of the seven days with facile rhetoric. Of action and
+of human interest the poem has none; of artistic beauty little. The
+sustained descriptive style wearies; and were not this the last work of
+Tasso, it would not be mentioned by posterity.
+
+Tasso has already occupied us through two chapters. Before passing
+onward I must, however, invite the reader to pause awhile and
+reconsider, even at the risk of retrospect and repetition, some of the
+salient features of his character. And now I remember that of his
+personal appearance nothing has hitherto been said. 'Tasso was tall,
+well-proportioned, and of very fair complexion. His thick hair and beard
+were of a light-brown color. His head was large, forehead broad and
+square, eyebrows dark, eyes large, lively and blue, nose large and
+curved toward the mouth, lips thin and pale.' So writes Manso, the
+poet's friend and biographer, adding: 'His voice was clear and sonorous;
+but he read his poems badly, because of a slight impediment in his
+speech, and because he was short-sighted.' I know not whether I am
+justified in drawing from this description the conclusion that Tasso
+was, physically, a man of mixed lymphatic and melancholic temperament,
+of more than ordinary sensitiveness. Imperfection, at any rate, is
+indicated by the thin pale lips, the incoherent utterance and the
+uncertain vision to which his friend in faithfulness bears witness. Of
+painted portraits representing Tasso in later life there are many; but
+most of these seem to be based upon the mask taken from his face after
+death, which still exists at S. Onofrio. Twenty-one years ago I gazed
+upon this mask, before I knew then more than every schoolboy knows of
+Tasso's life and writings. This is what I wrote about it in my Roman
+diary: 'The face is mild and weak, especially in the thin short chin and
+feeble mouth.[77] The forehead round, and ample in proportion to the
+other features. The eyes are small, but this may be due to the
+contraction of death. The mouth is almost vulgar, very flat in the upper
+lip; but this also ought perhaps to be attributed to the relaxation of
+tissue by death.
+
+Tasso was constitutionally inclined to pensive moods. His outlook over
+life was melancholy.[78]
+
+[Footnote 77: Giov. Imperiale in the _Museum Historicum_ describes him
+thus: 'Perpetuo moerentis et altius cogitantis gessit aspectum, _gracili
+mento_, facie decolori, conniventibus cavisque oculis.']
+
+[Footnote 78: 'La mia fiera malinconia' is a phrase which often recurs
+in his letters.]
+
+The tone of his literary work, whether in prose or poetry, is
+elegiac--musically, often querulously plaintive. There rests a shadow of
+dejection over all he wrote and thought and acted. Yet he was finely
+sensitive to pleasure, thrillingly alive to sentimental beauty.[79]
+Though the man lived purely, untainted by the license of the age, his
+genius soared highest when he sang some soft luxurious strain of love.
+He was wholly deficient in humor. Taking himself and the world of men
+and things too much in earnest, he weighed heavily alike on art and
+life. The smallest trifles, if they touched him, seemed to him
+important.[80] Before imaginary terrors he shook like an aspen. The
+slightest provocation roused his momentary resentment. The most
+insignificant sign of neglect or coldness wounded his self-esteem.
+Plaintive, sensitive to beauty, sentimental, tender, touchy,
+self-engrossed, devoid of humor--what a sentient instrument was this for
+uttering Aeolian melodies, and straining discords through storm-jangled
+strings!
+
+[Footnote 79: 'Questo segno mi ho proposto: piacere ed onore'
+(_Lettere_, vol. v. p. 87).]
+
+[Footnote 80: It should be said that as a man of letters he bore with
+fools gladly, and showed a noble patience. Of this there is a fine
+example in his controversy with Della Cruscans. He was not so patient
+with the publishers and pirates of his works. No wonder, when they
+robbed him so!]
+
+From the Jesuits, in childhood, he received religious impressions which
+might almost be described as mesmeric or hypnotic in their influence
+upon his nerves. These abode with him through manhood; and in later
+life morbid scruples and superstitious anxieties about his soul laid
+hold on his imagination. Yet religion did not penetrate Tasso's nature.
+As he conceived it, there was nothing solid and supporting in its
+substance. Piety was neither deeply rooted nor indigenous, neither
+impassioned nor logically reasoned, in the adult man.[81] What it might
+have been, but for those gimcrack ecstasies before the Host in boyhood,
+cannot now be fancied. If he contained the stuff of saint or simple
+Christian, this was sterilized and stunted by the clever fathers in
+their school at Naples.
+
+During the years of his feverishly active adolescence Tasso played for a
+while with philosophical doubts. But though he read widely and
+speculated diffusely on the problems of the universe, he failed to
+pierce below the surface of the questions which he handled. His own
+beliefs had been tested in no red-hot crucible, before he recoiled with
+terror from their analysis. The man, to put it plainly, was incapable of
+honest revolt against the pietistic fashions of his age, incapable of
+exploratory efforts, and yet too intelligent to rest satisfied with
+gross dogmatism or smug hypocrisy. Neither as a thinker, nor as a
+Christian, nor yet again as that epicene religious being, a Catholic of
+the Counter-Reformation, did this noble and ingenuous, but weakly nature
+attain to thoroughness.
+
+[Footnote 81: Tasso's diffuse paraphrase of the _Stabat Mater_ might be
+selected to illustrate the sentimental tenderness rather than strength
+of his religious feeling.]
+
+Tasso's mind was lively and sympathetic; not penetrative, not fitted for
+forming original or comprehensive views. He lived for no great object,
+whether political, moral, religious, or scientific. He committed himself
+to no vice. He obeyed no absorbing passion of love or hatred. In his
+misfortunes he displayed the helplessness which stirs mere pity for a
+prostrate human being. The poet who complained so querulously, who wept
+so copiously, who forgot offense so nonchalantly, cannot command
+admiration.
+
+There is nothing sublimely tragic in Tasso's suffering. The sentiment
+inspired by it is that at best of pathos. An almost childish
+self-engrossment restricted his thoughts, his aims and aspirations, to a
+narrow sphere, within which he wandered incurably idealistic, pursuing
+prosaic or utilitarian objects--the favor of princes, place at Courts,
+the recovery of his inheritance--in a romantic and unpractical
+spirit.[82] Vacillating, irresolute, peevish, he roamed through all the
+towns of Italy, demanding more than sympathy could give, exhausting
+friendship, changing from place to place, from lord to lord. Yet how
+touching was the destiny of this laureled exile, this brilliant wayfarer
+on the highroads of a world he never understood! Shelley's phrase, 'the
+world's rejected guest' exactly seems to suit him.
+
+[Footnote 82: The numerous plaintive requests for a silver cup, a ring,
+a silk cloak and such trifles in his later letters indicate something
+quite childish in his pre-occupations.]
+
+And yet he allowed himself to become the spoiled child of his
+misfortunes. Without them, largely self-created as they were, Tasso
+could not now appeal to our hearts. Nor does he appeal to us as Dante,
+eating the salt bread of patrons' tables, does; as Milton, blind and
+fallen on evil days; as Chatterton, perishing in pride and silence; as
+Johnson, turning from the stairs of Chesterfield; as Bruno, averting
+stern eyes from the crucifix; as Leopardi, infusing the virus of his
+suffering into the veins of humanity; as Heine, motionless upon his
+mattress grave. These more potent personalities, bequeathing to the
+world examples of endurance, have won the wreath of never-blasted bays
+which shall not be set on Tasso's forehead. We crown him with frailer
+leaves, bedewed with tears tender as his own sentiment, and aureoled
+with the light that emanates from pure and delicate creations of his
+fancy.
+
+Though Tasso does not command admiration by heroism, he wins compassion
+as a beautiful and finely-gifted nature inadequate to cope with the
+conditions of his century. For a poet to be independent in that age of
+intellectual servitude was well-nigh impossible. To be light-hearted and
+ironically indifferent lay not in Tasso's temperament. It was no less
+difficult for a man of his mental education to maintain the balance
+between orthodoxy and speculation, faith and reason, classical culture
+and Catholicism, the Renaissance and the Counter-Reformation. He
+belonged in one sense too much, and in another sense too little, to his
+epoch. One eminent critic calls him the only Christian of the Italian
+Renaissance, another with equal justice treats him as the humanistic
+poet of the Catholic Revival.[83]
+
+Properly speaking, he was the genius of that transition from the
+Renaissance to the Counter-Reformation, on which I dwelt in the second
+chapter of this work. By natural inclination he belonged to the line of
+artists which began with Boccaccio and culminated in Ariosto. But his
+training and the bias of the times in which he lived, made him break
+with Boccaccio's tradition. He tried to be the poet of the Council of
+Trent, without having assimilated hypocrisy or acquired false taste,
+without comprehending the essentially prosaic and worldly nature of that
+religious revolution. He therefore lived and worked in a continual
+discord. This may not suffice to account for the unhingement of his
+reason. I prefer to explain that by the fatigue of intellectual labor
+and worry acting on a brain predisposed for melancholia and overtasked
+from infancy. But it does account for the moral martyrdom he suffered,
+and the internal perplexity to which he was habitually subject.
+
+[Footnote 83: Carducci, in his essay _Dello Svolgimento della
+Letteratura Nazionale_, and Quinet, in his _Revolutions d'ltalie_.]
+
+When Tasso first saw the light, the Italians had rejected the
+Reformation and consented to stifle free thought. The culture of the
+Renaissance had been condemned; the Spanish hegemony had been accepted.
+Of this new attitude the concordat between Charles and Clement, the
+Tridentine Council, the Inquisition and the Company of Jesus were
+external signs. But these potent agencies had not accomplished their
+work in Tasso's lifetime. He was rent in twain because he could not
+react against them as Bruno did, and could not identify himself with
+them as Loyola was doing. As an artist he belonged to the old order
+which was passing, as a Christian to the new order which was emerging.
+His position as a courtier, when the Augustan civility of the earlier
+Medici was being superseded by dynastic absolutism, complicated his
+difficulties. While accepting service in the modern spirit of
+subjection, he dreamed of masters who should be Maecenases, and fondly
+imagined that poets might still live, like Petrarch, on terms of
+equality with princes.
+
+We therefore see in Tasso one who obeyed influences to which his real
+self never wholly or consciously submitted. He was not so much out of
+harmony with his age as the incarnation of its still unharmonized
+contradictions. The pietism instilled into his mind at Naples; the
+theories of art imbibed at Padua and Venice; the classical lumber
+absorbed during his precocious course of academical studies; the
+hypocritical employment of allegory to render sensuous poetry decorous;
+the deference to critical opinion and the dictates of literary
+lawgivers; the reverence for priests and princes interposed between the
+soul and God: these were principles which Tasso accepted without having
+properly assimilated and incorporated their substance into his spiritual
+being. What the poet in him really was, we perceive when he wrote, to
+use Dante's words, as Love dictates; or as Plato said, when he submitted
+to the mania of the Muse; or as Horace counseled, when he indulged his
+genius. It is in the _Aminta_, in the episodes of the _Gerusalemme_, in
+a small percentage of the _Rime_, that we find the true Tasso. For the
+rest, he had not the advantages enjoyed by Boiardo and Ariosto in a less
+self-conscious age, of yielding to natural impulse after a full and
+sympathetic study of classical and mediaeval sources. The analytical
+labors of the previous century hampered his creativeness. He brought to
+his task preoccupations of divers and self-contradictory
+pedantries--pedantries of Catholicism, pedantries of scholasticism,
+pedantries of humanism in its exhausted phase, pedantries of criticism
+refined and subtilized within a narrow range of problems. He had,
+moreover, weighing on his native genius the fears which brooded like
+feverish exhalations over the evil days in which he lived--fears of
+Church-censure, fears of despotic princes, fears of the Inquisition,
+fears of hell, fears of the judgment of academies, fears of social
+custom and courtly conventionalities. Neither as poet nor as man had he
+the courage of originality. What he lacked was character. He obeyed the
+spirit of his age, in so far as he did not, like young David, decline
+Saul's armor and enter into combat with Philistinism, wielding his
+sling and stone of native force alone. Yet that native force was so
+vigorous that, in spite of the panoply of prejudice he wore, in spite of
+the cumbrous armor lent him by authority, he moved at times with superb
+freedom. In those rare intervals of personal inspiration he dictated the
+love-tales of Erminia and Armida, the death-scene of Clorinda, the
+pastoral of Aminta and Silvia--episodes which created the music and the
+painting of two centuries, and which still live upon the lips of the
+people. But inasmuch as his genius labored beneath the superincumbent
+weight of precedents and deferences, the poet's nature was strained to
+the uttermost and his nervous elasticity was overtaxed. No sooner had he
+poured forth freely what flowed freely from his soul, than he returned
+on it with scrupulous analysis. The product of his spirit stood before
+him as a thing to be submitted to opinion, as a substance subject to the
+test of all those pedantries and fears. We cannot wonder that the
+subsequent conflict perplexed his reason and sterilized his creative
+faculty to such an extent that he spent the second half of his life in
+attempting to undo the great work of his prime. The _Gerusalemme
+Conquistata_ and the _Sette Giornate_ are thus the splendid triumph
+achieved by the feebler over the stronger portions of his nature, the
+golden tribute paid by his genius to the evil genius of the age
+controlling him. He was a poet who, had he lived in the days of Ariosto,
+would have created in all senses spontaneously, producing works of
+Virgilian beauty and divine melancholy to match the Homeric beauty and
+the divine irony of his great peer. But this was not to be. The spirit
+of the times which governed his education, with which he was not
+revolutionary enough to break, which he strove as a critic to assimilate
+and as a social being to obey, destroyed his independence, perplexed his
+judgment, and impaired his nervous energy. His best work was
+consequently of unequal value; pure and base metal mingled in its
+composition. His worst was a barren and lifeless failure.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER IX.
+
+GIORDANO BRUNO.
+
+     Scientific Bias of the Italians checked by Catholic
+     Revival--Boyhood of Bruno--Enters Order of S. Dominic at
+     Naples--Early Accusations of Heresy--Escapes to Rome--Teaches the
+     Sphere at Noli--Visits Venice--At Geneva--At Toulouse--At
+     Paris--His Intercourse with Henri III.--Visits England--The French
+     Ambassador in London--Oxford--Bruno's Literary Work in
+     England--Returns to Paris--Journeys into Germany--Wittenberg,
+     Helmstaedt, Frankfort--Invitation to Venice from Giovanni
+     Mocenigo--His Life in Venice--Mocenigo denounces him to the
+     Inquisition--His Trial at Venice--Removal to Rome--Death by Burning
+     in 1600--Bruno's Relation to the Thought of his Age and to the
+     Thought of Modern Europe--Outlines of his Philosophy.
+
+The humanistic and artistic impulses of the Renaissance were at the
+point of exhaustion in Italy. Scholarship declined; the passion for
+antiquity expired. All those forms of literature which Boccaccio
+initiated--comedy, romance, the idyl, the lyric and the novel--had been
+worked out by a succession of great writers. It became clear that the
+nation was not destined to create tragic or heroic types of poetry.
+Architecture, sculpture and painting had performed their task of
+developing mediaeval motives by the light of classic models, and were
+now entering on the stage of academical inanity. Yet the mental vigor of
+the Italians was by no means exhausted. Early in the sixteenth century
+Machiavelli had inaugurated a new method for political philosophy;
+Pompanazzo at Padua and Telesio at Cosenza disclosed new horizons for
+psychology and the science of nature. It seemed as though the
+Renaissance in Italy were about to assume a fresh and more serious
+character without losing its essential inspiration. That evolution of
+intellectual energy which had begun with the assimilation of the
+classics, with the first attempts at criticism, with the elaboration of
+style and the perfection of artistic form, now promised to invade the
+fields of metaphysical and scientific speculation. It is true, as we
+have seen, that the theological problems of the German Reformation took
+but slight hold on Italians. Their thinkers were already too far
+advanced upon the paths of modern rationalism to feel the actuality of
+questions which divided Luther from Zwingli, Calvin from Servetus, Knox
+from Cranmer. But they promised to accomplish master-works of
+incalculable magnitude in wider provinces of exploration and
+investigation. And had this progress not been checked, Italy would have
+crowned and completed the process commenced by humanism. In addition to
+the intellectual culture already given to Europe, she might have
+revealed right methods of mental analysis and physical research. For
+this further step in the discovery of man and of the world, the nation
+was prepared to bring an army of new pioneers into the field--the
+philosophers of the south, and the physicists of the Lombard
+universities.
+
+Humanism effected the emancipation of intellect by culture. It called
+attention to the beauty and delightfulness of nature, restored man to a
+sense of his dignity, and freed him from theological authority. But in
+Italy, at any rate, it left his conscience, his religion, his
+sociological ideas, the deeper problems which concern his relation to
+the universe, the subtler secrets of the world in which he lives,
+untouched.
+
+These _novi homines_ of the later Renaissance, as Bacon called them,
+these _novatori_, as they were contemptuously styled in Italy, prepared
+the further emancipation of the intellect by science. They asserted the
+liberty of thought and speech, proclaimed the paramount authority of
+that inner light or indwelling deity which man owns in his brain and
+breast, and rehabilitated nature from the stigma cast on it by
+Christianity. What the Bible was for Luther, that was the great Book of
+Nature for Telesio, Bruno, Campanella. The German reformer appealed to
+the reason of the individual as conscience; the school of southern Italy
+made a similar appeal to intelligence. In different ways Luther and
+these speculative thinkers maintained the direct illumination of the
+human soul by God, man's immediate dependence on his Maker, repudiating
+ecclesiastical intervention, and refusing to rely on any principle but
+earnest love of truth.
+
+Had this new phase of the Italian Renaissance been permitted to evolve
+itself unhindered, there is no saying how much earlier Europe might have
+entered into the possession of that kingdom of unprejudiced research
+which is now secured for us. But it was just at the moment when Italy
+became aware of the arduous task before her, that the Catholic reaction
+set in with all its rigor. The still creative spirit of her children
+succumbed to the Inquisition, the Congregation of the Index, the decrees
+of Trent, the intellectual submission of the Jesuits, the physical force
+of Spanish tyranny, and Roman absolutism. Carnesecchi was burned alive;
+Paleario was burned alive; Bruno was burned alive: these three at Rome.
+Vanini was burned at Toulouse. Valentino Gentile was executed by
+Calvinists at Berne. Campanella was cruelly tortured and imprisoned for
+twenty-seven years at Naples. Galileo was forced to humble himself
+before ignorant and arrogant monks, and to hide his head in a country
+villa. Sarpi felt the knife of an assassin, and would certainly have
+perished at the instigation of his Roman enemies but for the protection
+guaranteed him by the Signory of Venice. In this way did Italy--or
+rather, let us say, the Church which dominated Italy--devour her sons of
+light. It is my purpose in the present chapter to narrate the life of
+Bruno and to give some account of his philosophy, taking him as the most
+illustrious example of the school exterminated by reactionary Rome.
+
+Giordano Bruno was born in 1548 at Nola, an ancient Greek city close to
+Naples. He received the baptismal name of Filippo, which he exchanged
+for Giordano on assuming the Dominican habit. His parents, though
+people of some condition, were poor; and this circumstance may perhaps
+be reckoned the chief reason why Bruno entered the convent of S. Dominic
+at Naples before he had completed his fifteenth year. It will be
+remembered that Sarpi joined the Servites at the age of thirteen, and
+Campanella the Dominicans at that of fourteen. In each of these
+memorable cases it is probable that poverty had something to do with
+deciding a vocation so premature. But there were other inducements,
+which rendered the monastic life not unattractive, to a young man
+seeking knowledge at a period and in a district where instruction was
+both costly and difficult to obtain. Campanella himself informs us that
+he was drawn to the order of S. Dominic by its reputation for learning
+and by the great names of S. Thomas Aquinas and Albertus Magnus. Bruno
+possibly felt a similar attraction; for there is nothing in the temper
+of his mind to make us believe that he inclined seriously to the
+religious life of the cloister.
+
+During his novitiate he came into conflict with the superiors of his
+convent for the first time. It was proved against him that he had given
+away certain images of saints, keeping only the crucifix; also that he
+had told a comrade to lay aside a rhymed version of the Seven Joys of
+Mary, and to read the lives of the Fathers of the Church instead. On
+these two evidences of insufficient piety, an accusation was prepared
+against him which might have led to serious results. But the master of
+the novices preferred to destroy the document, retaining only a
+memorandum of the fact for future use in case of need.[84] Bruno, after
+this event, obeyed the cloistral discipline in quiet, and received
+priest's orders in 1572.
+
+At this epoch of his life, when he had attained his twenty-fourth year,
+he visited several Dominican convents of the Neapolitan province, and
+entered with the want of prudence which was habitual to him into
+disputations on theology. Some remarks he let fall on transubstantiation
+and the Divinity of Christ, exposed him to a suspicion of Arianism, a
+heresy at that time rife in southern Italy. Bruno afterwards confessed
+that from an early age he had entertained speculative doubts upon the
+metaphysics of the Trinity, though he was always prepared to accept that
+dogma in faith as a good Catholic. The Inquisition took the matter up in
+earnest, and began to institute proceedings of so grave a nature that
+the young priest felt himself in danger. He escaped in his monk's dress,
+and traveled to Rome, where he obtained admittance for a short while to
+the convent of the Minerva.
+
+[Footnote 84: The final case drawn up against Bruno as heresiarch makes
+it appear that his record included even these boyish errors. See the
+letter of Gaspar Schopp in Berti.]
+
+We know very little what had been his occupations up to this date. It is
+only certain that he had already composed a comedy, _Il Candelajo_:
+which furnishes sufficient proof of his familiarity with mundane
+manners. It is, in fact, one of the freest and most frankly satirical
+compositions for the stage produced at that epoch, and reveals a
+previous study of Aretino. Nola, Bruno's birthplace, was famous for the
+license of its country folk. Since the day of its foundation by
+Chalkidian colonists, its inhabitants had preserved their Hellenic
+traditions intact. The vintage, for example, was celebrated with an
+extravagance of obscene banter, which scandalized Philip II.'s viceroy
+in the sixteenth century.[85] During the period of Bruno's novitiate,
+the ordinances of the Council of Trent for discipline in monasteries
+were not yet in operation; and it is probable that throughout the
+thirteen years of his conventual experience, he mixed freely with the
+people and shared the pleasures of youth in that voluptuous climate. He
+was never delicate in his choice of phrase, and made no secret of the
+admiration which the beauty of women excited in his nature. The
+accusations brought against him at Venice contained one article of
+indictment implying that he professed distinctly profligate opinions;
+and though there is nothing to prove that his private life was vicious,
+the tenor of his philosophy favors more liberty of manners than the
+Church allowed in theory to her ministers.[86]
+
+[Footnote 85: See 'Vita di Don Pietro di Toledo'_ (Arch. Stov._ vol. ix.
+p. 23)]
+
+[Footnote 86: See the passage on polygamy in the _Spaccio della Bestia_.
+I may here remark that Campanella, though more orthodox than Bruno,
+published opinions upon the relations of the sexes analogous to those of
+Plato's Republic in his _Citta del Sole_. He even recommended the
+institution of brothels as annexes to schools for boys, in order to
+avoid the worse evil of unnatural vice in youth.]
+
+It is of some importance to dwell on this topic; for Bruno's character
+and temper, so markedly different from that of Sarpi, for example,
+affected in no small measure the form and quality of his philosophy. He
+was a poet, gifted with keen and lively sensibilities, open at all pores
+to the delightfulness of nature, recoiling from nothing that is human.
+At no period of his life was he merely a solitary thinker or a student
+of books. When he came to philosophize, when the spiritual mistress,
+Sophia, absorbed all other passions in his breast, his method of
+exposition retained a tincture of that earlier phase of his experience.
+
+It must not be thought, however, that Bruno prosecuted no serious
+studies during this period. On the contrary, he seems to have amassed
+considerable erudition in various departments of learning: a fact which
+should make us cautious against condemning conventual education as of
+necessity narrow and pedantic. When he left Naples, he had acquired
+sufficient knowledge of Aristotle and the Schoolmen, among whom he paid
+particular attention to S. Thomas and to Raymond Lully. Plato, as
+expounded by Plotinus, had taken firm hold on his imagination. He was
+versed in the dialectics of the previous age, had mastered mediaeval
+cosmography and mathematics, and was probably already acquainted with
+Copernicus. The fragments of the Greek philosophers, especially of
+Pythagoras and Parmenides, whose metaphysics powerfully influenced his
+mind, had been assimilated. Perhaps the writings of Cardinal Cusa, the
+theologian who applied mathematics to philosophy, were also in his hands
+at the same period. Beside Italian, he possessed the Spanish language,
+could write and speak Latin with fluency, and knew something of Greek.
+It is clear that he had practiced poetry in the vernacular under the
+immediate influence of Tansillo. Theological studies had not been wholly
+neglected; for he left behind him at Naples editions of Jerome and
+Chrysostom with commentaries of Erasmus. These were books which exposed
+their possessors to the interdiction of the Index.
+
+It seems strange that a Dominican, escaping from his convent to avoid a
+trial for heresy, should have sought refuge at S. Maria Sopra Minerva,
+then the headquarters of the Roman Inquisition. We must, however,
+remember that much freedom of movement was allowed to monks, who found a
+temporary home in any monastery of their order. Without money, Bruno had
+no roof but that of a religious house to shelter him; and he probably
+reckoned on evading pursuit till the fatigues of his journey from Naples
+had been forgotten. At any rate, he made no lengthy stay in Rome. News
+soon reached him that the prosecution begun at Naples was being
+transferred to the metropolis. This implied so serious a danger that he
+determined to quit Rome in secret. Having flung his frock to the
+nettles, he journeyed--how, we do not know--to Genoa, and thence to Noli
+on the Riviera. The next time Bruno entered the Dominican convent of S.
+Maria sopra Minerva, it was as a culprit condemned to death by the
+Inquisition.
+
+At Noli Bruno gained a living for about five months by teaching grammar
+to boys and lecturing in private to some gentlefolk upon the Sphere. The
+doctrine of the Sphere formed a somewhat miscellaneous branch of
+mediaeval science. It embraced the exposition of Ptolemaic astronomy,
+together with speculations on the locality of heaven, the motive
+principle of the world, and the operation of angelical intelligences.
+Bruno, who professed this subject at various times throughout his
+wanderings, began now to use it as a vehicle for disseminating
+Copernican opinions. It is certain that cosmography formed the basis of
+his philosophy, and this may be ascribed to his early occupation with
+the sphere. But his restless spirit would not suffer him to linger in
+those regions where olive and orange and palm flourish almost more
+luxuriantly than in his native Nola. The gust of travel was upon him. A
+new philosophy occupied his brain, vertiginously big with incoherent
+births of modern thought. What Carlyle called 'the fire in the belly'
+burned and irritated his young blood. Unsettled, cast adrift from
+convent moorings, attainted for heresy, out of sympathy with resurgent
+Catholicism, he became a Vagus Quidam--a wandering student, like the
+Goliardi of the Middle Ages. From Noli he passed to Savona; from Savona
+to Turin; from Turin to Venice. There his feet might perhaps have found
+rest; for Venice was the harbor of all vagrant spirits in that age. But
+the city was laid waste with plague. Bruno wrote a little book, now
+lost, on 'The Signs of the Times,' and lived upon the sale of it for
+some two months. Then he removed to Padua. Here friends persuaded him to
+reassume the cowl. There were more than 40,000 monks abroad in Italy,
+beyond the limits of their convent. Why should not he avail himself of
+house-roof in his travels, a privilege which was always open to friars?
+From Padua he journeyed rapidly again through Brescia, Bergamo and Milan
+to Turin, crossed Mont Cenis, tarried at Chambery, and finally betook
+himself to Geneva.
+
+Geneva was no fit resting-place for Bruno. He felt an even fiercer
+antipathy for dissenting than for orthodox bigotry. The despotism of a
+belligerent and persecuting sectarian seemed to him more intolerable,
+because less excusable, than the Catholic despotism from which he was
+escaping. Galeazzo Caracciolo, Marquis of Vico, who then presided over
+the Italian refugees in Geneva, came to visit him. At the suggestion of
+this man Bruno once more laid aside his Dominican attire, and began to
+earn his bread by working as a reader for the press--a common resort of
+needy men of learning in those times. But he soon perceived that the
+Calvinistic stronghold offered no freedom, no security of life even, to
+one whose mind was bent on new developments of thought. After two
+months' residence on the shores of Lake Leman he departed for Toulouse,
+which he entered early in 1577.
+
+We cannot help wondering why Bruno chose that city for his refuge.
+Toulouse, the only town in France where the Inquisition took firm root
+and flourished, Toulouse so perilous to Muret, so mortal to Dolet and
+Vanini, ought, one might have fancied, to have been avoided by an
+innovator flying from a charge of heresy.[87] Still it must be
+remembered that Toulouse was French. Italian influence did not reach so
+far. Nor had Bruno committed himself even in thought to open rupture
+with Catholicism. He held the opinion, so common at that epoch, so
+inexplicable to us now, that the same man could countermine dogmatic
+theology as a philosopher, while he maintained it as a Christian. This
+was the paradox on which Pomponazzo based his apology, which kept
+Campanella within the pale of the Church, and to which Bruno appealed
+for his justification when afterwards arraigned before the Inquisitors
+at Venice.
+
+
+[Footnote 87: On the city, university and Inquisition of Toulouse in the
+sixteenth century see Christie's _Etiennne Dolet_--a work of sterling
+merit and sound scholarship.]
+
+It appears from his own autobiographical confessions that Bruno spent
+some six months at Toulouse, lecturing in private on the peripatetic
+psychology; after which time he obtained the degree of Doctor in
+Philosophy, and was admitted to a Readership in the university. This
+post he occupied two years. It was a matter of some moment to him that
+professors at Toulouse were not obliged to attend Mass. In his dubious
+position, as an escaped friar and disguised priest, to partake of the
+Sacrament would have been dangerous. Yet he now appears to have
+contemplated the possibility of reconciling himself to the Church, and
+resuming his vows in the Dominican order. He went so far as to open his
+mind upon this subject to a Jesuit; and afterwards at Paris he again
+resorted to Jesuit advice. But these conferences led to nothing. It may
+be presumed that the trial begun at Naples and removed to Rome, combined
+with the circumstances of his flight and recusant behavior, rendered the
+case too grave for compromise. No one but the Pope in Rome could decide
+it.
+
+There is no apparent reason why Bruno left Toulouse, except the
+restlessness which had become a marked feature in his character. We find
+him at Paris in 1579, where he at once began to lecture at the Sorbonne.
+It seems to have been his practice now in every town he visited, to
+combine private instruction with public disputation. His manners were
+agreeable; his conversation was eloquent and witty. He found no
+difficulty in gaining access to good society, especially in a city like
+Paris, which was then thronged with Italian exiles and courtiers.
+Meanwhile his public lectures met with less success than his private
+teaching. In conversation with men of birth and liberal culture he was
+able to expound views fascinating by their novelty and boldness. Before
+an academical audience it behoved him to be circumspect; nor could he
+transgress the formal methods of scholastic argumentation.
+
+Two principal subjects seem to have formed the groundwork of his
+teaching at this period. The first was the doctrine of the Thirty Divine
+Attributes, based on S. Thomas of Aquino. The second was Lully's Art of
+Memory and Classification of the Sciences. This twofold material he
+worked up into a single treatise, called _De Umbris Idearum_, which he
+published in 1582 at Paris, and which contains the germ of all his
+leading speculations. Bruno's metaphysics attracted less attention than
+his professed Art of Memory. In an age credulous of occult science, when
+men believed that power over nature was being won by alchemy and magic,
+there was no difficulty in persuading people that knowledge might be
+communicated in its essence, and that the faculties of the mind could be
+indefinitely extended, without a toilsome course of study. Whether Bruno
+lent himself wittingly to any imposture in his exposition of mnemonics,
+cannot be asserted. But it is certain that the public were led to expect
+from his method more than it could give.
+
+The fame of his Art of Memory reached the king's ears; and Henri III.
+sent for him. 'The king, says Bruno, 'had me called one day, being
+desirous to know whether the memory I possessed and professed, was
+natural or the result of magic art. I gave him satisfaction; by my
+explanations and by demonstrations to his own experience, convincing
+him that it was not an affair of magic but of science.' Henri, who might
+have been disappointed by this result, was taken with his teacher, and
+appointed him Reader Extraordinary--a post that did not oblige Bruno to
+hear Mass. The Ordinary Readers at Paris had to conform to the usages of
+the Catholic Church. On his side, Bruno appears to have conceived high
+admiration for the king's ability. In the _Cena della Ceneri_ and the
+_Spaccio della Bestia Trionfante,_ composed and published after he had
+left France, he paid him compliments in terms of hyperbolical laudation.
+It would be vain to comment on these facts. No one conversant with
+French society at that epoch could have been ignorant of Henri's
+character and vicious life. No one could have pretended that his
+employment of the kingdom's wealth to enrich unworthy favorites was
+anything but dishonorable, or have maintained that his flagrant
+effeminacy was beneficial to society. The fantastic superstition which
+the king indulged alternately with sensual extravagances, must have been
+odious to one whose spiritual mistress was divine Sophia, and whose
+religion was an adoration of the intellect for the One Cause. But Henri
+had one quality which seemed of supreme excellence to Bruno. He
+appreciated speculation and encouraged men of learning. A man so
+enthusiastic as our philosopher may have thought that his own teaching
+could expel that Beast Triumphant of the vices from a royal heart
+tainted by bad education in a corrupt Court. Bruno, moreover, it must be
+remembered, remained curiously inappreciative of the revolution effected
+in humanity by Christian morals. Much that is repulsive to us in the
+manners of the Valois, may have been indifferent to him.
+
+Bruno had just passed his thirtieth year. He was a man of middling
+height, spare figure, and olive complexion, wearing a short
+chestnut-colored beard. He spoke with vivacity and copious rhetoric,
+aiming rather at force than at purity of diction, indulging in trenchant
+metaphors to adumbrate recondite thoughts, passing from grotesque images
+to impassioned flights of declamation, blending acute arguments and
+pungent satires with grave mystical discourses. The impression of
+originality produced by his familiar conversation rendered him agreeable
+to princes. There was nothing of the pedant in his nature, nothing about
+him of the doctor but his title.
+
+After a residence of rather less than four years in Paris, he resolved
+upon a journey to England. Henri supplied him with letters of
+introduction to the French ambassador in London, Michel de Castelnau de
+la Mauvissiere. This excellent man, who was then attempting to negotiate
+the marriage of Elizabeth with the Duke of Anjou, received Bruno into
+his own family as one of the gentlemen of his suite. Under his roof the
+wandering scholar enjoyed a quiet home during the two years which he
+passed in England--years that were undoubtedly the happiest, as they
+were the most industrious, of his checkered life. It is somewhat strange
+that Bruno left no trace of his English visit in contemporary
+literature. Seven of his most important works were printed in London,
+though they bore the impress of Paris and Venice--for the very
+characteristic reason that English people only cared for foreign
+publications. Four of these, on purely metaphysical topics, were
+dedicated to Michel de Castelnau; two, treating of moral and
+psychological questions, the famous _Spaccio della Bestia_ and _Gli
+eroici Furori_, were inscribed to Sidney. The _Cena delle Ceneri_
+describes a supper party at the house of Fulke Greville; and it is clear
+from numerous allusions scattered up and down these writings, that their
+author was admitted on terms of familiarity to the best English society.
+Yet no one mentions him. Fulke Greville in his Life of Sidney passes him
+by in silence; nor am I aware that any one of Sidney's panegyrists, the
+name of whom is legion, alludes to the homage paid him by the Italian
+philosopher.
+
+On his side, Bruno has bequeathed to us animated pictures of his life in
+London, portraying the English of that period as they impressed a
+sensitive Italian.[88] His descriptions are valuable, since they dwell
+on slight particulars unnoticed by ambassadors in their dispatches. He
+was much struck with the filth and unkempt desolation of the streets
+adjacent to the Thames, the rudeness of the watermen who plied their
+craft upon the river, and the stalwart beef-eating brutality of
+prentices and porters. The population of London displayed its antipathy
+to foreigners by loud remarks, hustled them in narrow lanes, and played
+at rough-and-tumble with them after the manners of a bear-garden. But
+there is no hint that these big fellows shouldering through the crowd
+were treacherous or ready with their knives. The servants of great
+houses seemed to Bruno discourteous and savage; yet he says nothing
+about such subtlety and vice as rendered the retainers of Italian nobles
+perilous to order. He paints the broad portrait of a muscular and
+insolently insular people, untainted by the evils of corrupt
+civilization. Mounting higher in the social scale, Bruno renders
+deserved homage to the graceful and unaffected manners of young English
+noblemen, from whom he singles Sidney out as the star of cultivated
+chivalry.[89]
+
+[Footnote 88: The 'Cena delle Ceneri,' _Op. It._ vol. i. pp. 137-151].
+
+[Footnote 89: Signor Berti conjectures that Bruno may have met Sidney
+first at Milan. But Bruno informs us that he did not become acquainted
+with him till he came to London: 'Tra' quali e tanto conosciuto, per
+fama prima quanbo eravamo in Milano et in Francia, e poi per experienza
+or che siamo ne la sua patria' (_Op. It._ vol. i. p. 145).]
+
+What he says about the well-born youth of England, shows that the flower
+of our gentlefolk delighted Southern observers by their mixture of
+simplicity and sweetness with good breeding and sound sense. For the
+ladies of England he cannot find words fair enough to extol the beauties
+of their persons and the purity of their affections. Elizabeth herself
+he calls a goddess, _diva_, using phrases which were afterwards recited
+in the terms of his indictment before the Inquisition. What pleased him
+most in England, was the liberty of speech and thought he there
+enjoyed.[90] Society was so urbane, government was so unsuspicious, that
+a man could venture to call things by their proper names and speak his
+heart out without reserve. That Bruno's panegyric was not prompted by
+any wish to flatter national vanity, is proved by the hard truths he
+spoke about the grossness of the people, and by his sarcasms on Oxford
+pedants. He also ventured to condemn in no unmeasured terms some customs
+which surprised him in domestic intercourse. He drew, for instance, a
+really gruesome picture of the loving-cup, as it passed round the table,
+tasted by a mixed assemblage.[91]
+
+A visit paid by Bruno to Oxford forms a curious episode in his English
+experiences. He found that university possessed by pedants and ignorant
+professors of the old learning. 'Men of choice,' he calls them,
+'trailing their long velvet gowns, this one arrayed with two bright
+chains of gold around his neck, that one, good heavens! with such a
+valuable hand--twelve rings upon two fingers, giving him the look of
+some rich jeweler.'[92] These excellent dons, blest in the possession of
+fat fellowships, felt no sympathy for an eccentric interloper of Bruno's
+stamp. They allowed him to lecture on the Soul and the Sphere.
+
+[Footnote 90: Preface to 'Lo Spaccio della Bestia' (_Op. It._ vol. ii.
+p. 108).]
+
+[Footnote 91: _Op. It._ vol. i. p. 150.]
+
+[Footnote 92: _Op. It._ vol. i. p. 123.]
+
+They even condescended to dispute with him. Yet they made Oxford so
+unpleasant a place of residence that after three months he returned to
+London. The treatment he experienced rankled in his memory. 'Look where
+you like at the present moment, you will find but doctors in grammar
+here; for in this happy realm there reigns a constellation of pedantic
+stubborn ignorance and presumption mixed with a rustic incivility that
+would disturb Job's patience. If you do not believe it, go to Oxford,
+and ask to hear what happened to the Nolan, when he disputed publicly
+with those doctors of theology in the presence of the Polish Prince
+Alasco.[93] Make them tell you how they answered to his syllogisms; how
+the pitiful professor, whom they put before them on that grave occasion
+as the Corypheus of their university, bungled fifteen times with fifteen
+syllogisms, like a chicken in the stubble. Make them tell you with what
+rudeness and discourtesy that pig behaved; what patience and humanity he
+met from his opponent, who, in truth, proclaimed himself a Neapolitan,
+born and brought up beneath more genial heavens. Then learn after what
+fashion they brought his public lectures to an end, those on the
+Immortality of the Soul and those on the Quintuple Sphere.'[94] The Soul
+and the Sphere were Bruno's favorite themes. He handled both at this
+period of life with startling audacity.
+
+[Footnote 93: See Wood, _Ath. Oxon._ p. 300.]
+
+[Footnote 94: _Op. It._ vol. i. p. 179.]
+
+They had become for him the means of ventilating speculations on
+terrestrial movement, on the multiplicity of habitable worlds, on the
+principle of the universe, and on the infinite modes of psychical
+metamorphosis. Such topics were not calculated to endear him to people
+of importance on the banks of Isis. That he did not humor their
+prejudices, appears from a Latin epistle which he sent before him by way
+of introduction to the Vice Chancellor.[95] It contains these pompous
+phrases: 'Philotheus Jordanus Brunus Nolanus magis laboratae theologiae
+doctor, purioris et innocuae sapientiae professor. In praecipuis Europae
+academiis notus, probatus et honorifice exceptus philosophus. Nullibi
+praeterquam apud barbaros et ignobiles peregrinus. Dormitantium animarum
+excubitor. Praesuntuosae et recalcitrantis ignorantiae domitor. Qui in
+actibus universis generalem philantropiam protestatur. Qui non magis
+Italum quam Britannum, marem quam foeminam, mitratum quam coronatum,
+togatum quam armatum, cucullatum hominem quam sine cucullo virum: sed
+ilium cujus pacatior, civilior, fidelior et utilior est conversatio
+diligit.' Which may thus be Englished: 'Giordano Bruno of Nola, the
+God-loving, of the more highly-wrought theology doctor, of the purer and
+harmless wisdom professor. In the chief universities of Europe known,
+approved, and honorably received as philosopher. Nowhere save among
+barbarians and the ignoble a stranger. The awakener of sleeping souls.
+The trampler upon presuming and recalcitrant ignorance. Who in all his
+acts proclaims a universal benevolence toward man. Who loveth not
+Italian more than Briton, male than female, mitred than crowned head,
+gowned than armed, frocked than frockless; but seeketh after him whose
+conversation is the more peaceful, more civil, more loyal, and more
+profitable.' This manifesto, in the style of a mountebank, must have
+sounded like a trumpet-blast to set the humdrum English doctors with
+sleepy brains and moldy science on their guard against a man whom they
+naturally regarded as an Italian charlatan. What, indeed, was this more
+highly-wrought theology, this purer wisdom? What call had this
+self-panegyrist to stir souls from comfortable slumbers? What right had
+he to style the knowledge of his brethren ignorance? Probably he was but
+some pestilent fellow, preaching unsound doctrine on the Trinity, like
+Peter Martyr Vermigli, who had been properly hissed out of Oxford a
+quarter of a century earlier. When Bruno arrived and lectured, their
+worst prognostications were fulfilled. Did he not maintain a theory of
+the universe which even that perilous speculator and political schemer,
+Francis Bacon, sneered at as nugatory?
+
+[Footnote 95: Printed in the _Explicatio triginta Sigillarum_.]
+
+In spite of academical opposition, Bruno enjoyed fair weather, halcyon
+months, in England. His description of the Ash Wednesday Supper at Fulke
+Greville's, shows that a niche had been carved out for him in London,
+where he occupied a pedestal of some importance. Those gentlemen of
+Elizabeth's Court did not certainly exaggerate the value of their
+Italian guest. In Italy, most of them had met with spirits of Bruno's
+stamp, whom they had not time or opportunity to prove. He was one among
+a hundred interesting foreigners; and his martyrdom had not as yet set
+the crown of glory or of shame upon his forehead. They probably accepted
+him as London society of the present day accepts a theosophist from
+Simla or Thibet. But his real home at this epoch, the only home, so far
+as I can see, that Bruno ever had, after he left his mother at the age
+of thirteen for a convent, was the house of Castelnau. The truest chords
+in the Italian's voice vibrate when he speaks of that sound Frenchman.
+To Mme. de Castelnau he alludes with respectful sincerity, paying her
+the moderate and well-weighed homage which, for a noble woman, is the
+finest praise. There is no rhetoric in the words he uses to express his
+sense of obligation to her kindness. They are delicate, inspired with a
+tact which makes us trust the writer's sense of fitness.[96] But Bruno
+indulges in softer phrases, drawn from the heart, and eminently
+characteristic of his predominant enthusiastic mood, when he comes to
+talk of the little girl, Marie, who brightened the home of the
+Castelnaus. 'What shall I say of their noble-natured daughter? She has
+gazed upon the sun barely one luster and one year; but so far as
+language goes, I know not how to judge whether she springs from Italy or
+France or England! From her hand, touching the instruments of music, no
+man could reckon if she be of corporate or incorporeal substance. Her
+perfected goodness makes one marvel whether she be flown from heaven, or
+be a creature of this common earth. It is at least evident to every man
+that for the shaping of so fair a body the blood of both her parents has
+contributed, while for the tissue of her rare spirit the virtues of
+their heroic souls have been combined.'[97]
+
+[Footnote 96: _Op. It._ vol. i. p. 267.]
+
+[Footnote 97: _Loc. cit._ p. 267.]
+
+It was time to leave these excellent and hospitable friends. 'Forth from
+the tranquil to the trembling air' Bruno's unquiet impulse drove him. He
+returned to Paris at the end of 1585, disputed before the Sorbonne with
+some success of scandal, and then, disquieted by the disorders of the
+realm, set out for Germany. We find him at Marburg in the following
+year, ill-received by the University, but welcomed by the Prince. Thence
+we follow him to Mainz, and afterwards to Wittenberg, where he spent two
+years. Here he conceived a high opinion of the Germans. He foresaw that
+when they turned their attention from theology to science and pure
+speculation, great results might be expected from their solid
+intellectual capacity. He seems in fact to have taken a pretty accurate
+measure of the race as it has subsequently shown itself. Wittenberg he
+called the German Athens. Luther, he recognized as a hero of humanity,
+who, like himself, defied authority in the defense of truth. Yet he felt
+no sympathy for the German reformers. When asked by the Inquisitors at
+Venice what he thought about these men, he replied: 'I regard them as
+more ignorant than I am. I despise them and their doctrines. They do not
+deserve the name of theologians, but of pedants.' That this reply was
+sincere, is abundantly proved by passages in the least orthodox of
+Bruno's writings. It was the weakness of a philosopher's position at
+that moment that he derived no support from either of the camps into
+which Christendom was then divided. Catholics and Protestants of every
+shade regarded him with mistrust.
+
+A change in the religious policy of Saxony, introduced after the death
+of the Elector Augustus, caused Bruno to leave Wittenberg for Prague in
+1588. From Prague he passed to Helmstaedt, where the Duke Heinrich Julius
+of Brunswick-Wolfenbuettel received him with distinction, and bestowed on
+him a purse of eighty dollars.[98] Here he conceived two of his most
+important works, the _De Monade_ and _De Triplici Minimo_, both written
+in Latin hexameters.[99] Why he adopted this new form of exposition is
+not manifest. Possibly he was tired of dialogues, through which he had
+expressed his thought so freely in England. Possibly a German public
+would have been indifferent to Italian. Possibly he was emulous of his
+old masters, Parmenides and Lucretius.
+
+[Footnote 98: It is a curious fact that the single copy of Campanella's
+poems on which Orelli based his edition of 1834, came from
+Wolfenbuettel.]
+
+[Footnote 99: They were published at Frankfort, and dedicated to the
+friendly Prince of Wolfenbuettel.]
+
+At Helmstaedt he came into collision with Boetius, the rector of the
+Evangelical church, who issued a sentence of excommunication against
+him. Like a new Odysseus, he set forth once again upon his voyage, and
+in the spring of 1590 anchored in Frankfort on the Main. A convent (that
+of the Carmelites) sheltered him in this city, where he lived on terms
+of intimacy with the printers Wechel and Fischer, and other men of
+learning. It would appear from evidence laid before the Venetian
+Inquisitors that the prior of the monastery judged him to be a man of
+genius and doctrine, devoid of definite religion, addicted to fantastic
+studies, and bent on the elaboration of a philosophy that should
+supersede existing creeds.[100] This was a not inaccurate portrait of
+Bruno as he then appeared to conservatives of commonplace capacity. Yet
+nothing occurred to irritate him in the shape of persecution or
+disturbance. Bruno worked in quiet at Frankfort, pouring forth thousands
+of metaphysical verses, some at least of which were committed to the
+press in three volumes published by the Wechels.
+
+[Footnote 100: Britanno's Deposition, Berti's _Vita di G.B._ p. 337.]
+
+Between Frankfort and Italy literary communications were kept open
+through the medium of the great fair, which took place every year at
+Michaelmas.[101] Books formed one of the principal commodities, and the
+Italian bibliopoles traveled across the Alps to transact business on
+these important occasions. It happened by such means that a work of
+Bruno's, perhaps the _De Monude_, found its way to Venice.[102] Exposed
+on the counter of Giambattista Ciotto, then plying the trade of
+bookseller in that city, this treatise met the eyes of a Venetian
+gentleman called Giovanni Mocenigo. He belonged to one of the most
+illustrious of the still surviving noble families in Venice. The long
+line of their palaces upon the Grand Canal has impressed the mind of
+every tourist. One of these houses, it may be remarked, was occupied by
+Lord Byron, who, had he known of Bruno's connection with the Mocenighi,
+would undoubtedly have given to the world a poem or a drama on the fate
+of our philosopher. Giovanni Mocenigo was a man verging on middle life,
+superstitious, acknowledging the dominion of his priest, but alive in a
+furtive way to perilous ideas. Morally, he stands before us as a twofold
+traitor: a traitor to his Church, so long as he hoped to gain illicit
+power by magic arts; a traitor to his guest, so soon as he discovered
+that his soul's risk brought himself no profit.[103] He seems to have
+imagined that Bruno might teach him occult science or direct him on a
+royal way to knowledge without strenuous study. Subsequent events proved
+that, though he had no solid culture, he was fascinated by the
+expectation of discovering some great secret. It was the vice of the age
+to confound science with sorcery, and Bruno had lent himself to this
+delusion by his whimsical style. Perhaps the booksellers, who then
+played a part scarcely less prominent than that of the barbers in
+diffusing gossip, inflamed Mocenigo's curiosity by painting the author
+of the puzzling volume in seductive colors. Any how this man sent two
+letters, one through Ciotto, and one direct to Bruno, praying him to
+visit Venice, professing his desire for instruction, and offering him an
+honorable place of residence.
+
+[Footnote 101: Sarpi mentions the return of Ciotto from the fair
+(_Lettere_, vol. i. p. 527).]
+
+[Footnote 102: Ciotto, before the Inquisition, called the book _De
+Minimo Magno et Mensura_. It may therefore have been the _De Triplici
+Minimo et Mensura_, and not the _De Monade_ (_Vita di G.B._ p. 334).]
+
+[Footnote 103: Mocenigo told Ciotto: I wish first to see what I can get
+from him of those things which he promised me, so as not wholly to lose
+what I have given him, and afterwards I mean to surrender him to the
+censure of the Holy Office' (Berti, p. 335).]
+
+In an evil hour Bruno accepted this invitation. No doubt he longed to
+see Italy again after so many years of exile. Certainly he had the right
+to believe that he would find hospitality and a safe refuge in Venice.
+Had not a Venetian noble pledged his word for the former? Was not the
+latter a privilege which S. Mark extended to all suppliants? The
+Republic professed to shield even the outlaws of the Inquisition, if
+they claimed her jurisdiction. There was therefore no palpable
+imprudence in the step which Bruno now took. Yet he took it under
+circumstances which would have made a cautious man mistrustful. Of
+Mocenigo he knew merely nothing. But he did know that writs from the
+Holy Office had been out against himself in Italy for many years, during
+which he had spent his time in conversing with heretics and printing
+works of more than questionable orthodoxy.[104] Nothing proves the force
+of the vagrant's impulse which possessed Bruno, more than his light and
+ready consent to Giovanni Mocenigo's proposal.
+
+He set off at once from Frankfort, leaving the MS. of one of his
+metaphysical poems in Wechel's hands to print, and found himself at the
+end of 1591 a guest of his unknown patron. I have already described what
+Mocenigo hoped to gain from Bruno--the arts of memory and invention,
+together with glimpses into occult science.[105] We know how little
+Bruno was able to satisfy an in satiable curiosity in such matters. One
+of his main weaknesses was a habit of boasting and exaggerating his own
+powers, which at first imposed upon a vulgar audience and then left them
+under the impression that he was a charlatan. The bookseller Ciotto
+learned from students who had conversed with him at Frankfort, that 'he
+professed an art of memory and other secrets in the sciences, but that
+all the persons who had dealt with him in such matters, had left him
+discontinued.'[106]
+
+[Footnote 104: Mere correspondence with heretics exposed an Italian to
+the Inquisition. Residence in heretical lands, except with episcopal
+license, was forbidden. The rules of the Index proscribed books in which
+the name of a heretic was cited with approval.]
+
+[Footnote 105: Bruno speaks himself of 'arte della memoria et inventiva'
+(_op. cit._ p. 339). Ciotto mentions 'la memoria et altre scientie'
+(_ib._ p. 334).]
+
+[Footnote 106: _Op. cit._ p. 335.]
+
+Another weakness in his character was extraordinary want of caution.
+Having lived about the world so long, and changed from town to town,
+supporting himself as he best could, he had acquired the custom of
+attracting notice by startling paradoxes. Nor does he seem to have cared
+to whom he made the dangerous confidence of his esoteric beliefs.
+His public writings, presumably composed with a certain
+circumspection--since everybody knows the proverb _litera scripta
+manet_--contain such perilous stuff that--when we consider what their
+author may have let fall in unguarded conversation--we are prepared to
+credit the charges brought against him by Mocenigo. For it must now be
+said that this man, 'induced by the obligation of his conscience and by
+order of his confessor,' denounced Bruno to the Inquisition on May 23,
+1592.
+
+When the two men, so entirely opposite in their natures, first came
+together, Bruno began to instruct his patron in the famous art of memory
+and mathematics. At the same time he discoursed freely and copiously,
+according to his wont, upon his own philosophy. Mocenigo took no
+interest in metaphysics, and was terrified by the audacity of Bruno's
+speculations. It enraged him to find how meager was Bruno's vaunted
+method for acquiring and retaining knowledge without pains. In his
+secret heart he believed that the teacher whom he had maintained at a
+considerable cost, was withholding the occult knowledge he so much
+coveted. Bruno, meanwhile, attended Andrea Morosini's receptions in the
+palace at S. Luca, and frequented those of Bernardo Secchini at the sign
+of the Golden Ship in the Merceria. He made friends with scholars and
+men of fashion; absented himself for weeks together at Padua; showed
+that he was tired of Mocenigo; and ended by rousing that man's
+suspicious jealousy. Mocenigo felt that he had been deceived by an
+impostor, who, instead of furnishing the wares for which he bargained,
+put him off with declamations on the nature of the universe. What was
+even more terrible, he became convinced that this charlatan was an
+obstinate heretic.
+
+Whether Bruno perceived the gathering of the storm above his head,
+whether he was only wearied with the importunities of his host, or
+whether, as he told the Inquisitors, he wished to superintend the
+publication of some books at Frankfort, does not greatly signify. At any
+rate, he begged Mocenigo to excuse him from further attendance, since he
+meant to leave Venice. This happened on Thursday, May 21. Next day,
+Mocenigo sent his bodyservant together with five or six gondoliers into
+Bruno's apartment, seized him, and had him locked up in a ground-floor
+room of the palace. At the same time he laid hands on all Bruno's
+effects, including the MS. of one important treatise _On the Seven
+Liberal Arts_, which was about to be dedicated to Pope Clement VIII.
+This, together with other unpublished works, exists probably in the
+Vatican Archives, having been sent with the papers referring to Bruno's
+trial from Venice when he was transported to Rome. The following day,
+which was a Saturday, Mocenigo caused Bruno to be carried to one of
+those cellars (_magazzeni terreni_) which are used in Venice for storing
+wood, merchandise or implements belonging to gondolas. In the evening, a
+Captain of the Council of Ten removed him to the dungeons of the
+Inquisition. On the same day, May 23, Mocenigo lodged his denunciation
+with the Holy Office.
+
+The heads of this accusation, extracted from the first report and from
+two subsequent additions made by the delator, amount to these. Though
+Bruno was adverse to religions altogether, he preferred the Catholic to
+any other; but he believed it to stand in need of thorough reform. The
+doctrines of the Trinity, the miraculous birth of Christ, and
+transubstantiation, were insults to the Divine Being. Christ had seduced
+the people by working apparent miracles. So also had the Apostles. To
+develop a new philosophy which should supersede religions, and to prove
+his superiority in knowledge over S. Thomas and all the theologians, was
+Bruno's cherished scheme. He did not believe in the punishment of sins;
+but held a doctrine of the transmigration of souls, and of the
+generation of the human soul from refuse. The world he thought to be
+eternal. He maintained that there were infinite worlds, all made by God,
+who wills to do what he can do, and therefore produces infinity. The
+religious orders of Catholicism defile the earth by evil life,
+hypocrisy, and avarice. All friars are only asses. Indulgence in carnal
+pleasures ought not to be reckoned sinful. The man confessed to having
+freely satisfied his passions to the utmost of his opportunities.
+
+On being questioned before the Inquisitors, Mocenigo supported these
+charges. He added that when he had threatened Bruno with delation, Bruno
+replied, first, that he did not believe he would betray his confidence
+by making private conversation the groundwork of criminal charges;
+secondly, that the utmost the Inquisition could do, would be to inflict
+some penance and force him to resume the cowl. These, which are
+important assertions, bearing the mark of truth, throw light on his want
+of caution in dealing with Mocenigo, and explain the attitude he
+afterwards assumed before the Holy Office.
+
+Mocenigo's accusations in the main yield evidences of sincerity. They
+are exactly what we should expect from the distortion of Bruno's
+doctrines by a mind incapable of comprehending them. In short, they are
+as veracious as the image of a face reflected on a spoon. Certain gross
+details (the charges, for example, of having called Christ a _tristo_
+who was deservedly hung, and of having sneered at the virginity of Mary)
+may possibly have emanated from the delator's own imagination.[107]
+
+[Footnote 107: They remind us of the blasphemies imputed to Christopher
+Marlowe.]
+
+Bruno emphatically repudiated these; though some passages in his
+philosophical poems, published at Frankfort, contain the substance of
+their blasphemies. A man of Mocenigo's stamp probably thought that he
+was faithfully representing the heretic's views, while in reality he was
+drawing his own gross conclusions from skeptical utterances about the
+origin of Christianity which he obscurely understood. It does not seem
+incredible, however, that Bruno, who was never nice in his choice of
+language, and who certainly despised historical Christianity, let fall
+crude witticisms upon such and other points in Mocenigo's presence.
+
+Bruno appeared before the Venetian Inquisition on May 29. His
+examination was continued at intervals from this date till July 30. His
+depositions consist for the most part of an autobiographical statement
+which he volunteered, and of a frank elucidation of his philosophical
+doctrines in their relation to orthodox belief. While reading the
+lengthy pages of his trial, we seem to overhear a man conversing
+confidentially with judges from whom he expected liberal sympathy. Over
+and over again, he relies for his defense upon the old distinction
+between philosophy and faith, claiming to have advocated views as a
+thinker which he does not hold as a Christian. 'In all my books I have
+used philosophical methods of definition according to the principles and
+light of nature, not taking chief regard of that which ought to be held
+in faith; and I believe they do not contain anything which can support
+the accusation that I have professedly impugned religion rather than
+that I have sought to exalt philosophy; though I may have expounded many
+impieties based upon my natural light.'[108] In another place he uses
+the antithesis, 'speaking like a Christian and according to
+theology'--'speaking after the manner of philosophy.'[109] The same
+antithesis is employed to justify his doctrine of metempsychosis:
+'Speaking as a Catholic, souls do not pass from one body into another,
+but go to paradise or purgatory or hell; yet, following philosophical
+reasonings, I have argued that, the soul being inexistent without the
+body and inexistent in the body, it can be indifferently in one or in
+another body, and can pass from one into another, which, if it be not
+true, seems at any rate probable according to the opinion of
+Pythagoras.'[110]
+
+
+[Footnote 108: _Op. cit._ p. 352.]
+
+[Footnote 109: _Ibid._ p. 355.]
+
+[Footnote 110: _Ibid._ p. 362.]
+
+That he expected no severe punishment appears from the terms of his
+so-called recantation. 'I said that I wished to present myself before
+the feet of his Holiness with certain books which I approve, though I
+have published others which I do not now approve; whereby I meant to say
+that some works composed and published by me do not meet with my
+approbation, inasmuch as in these I have spoken and discussed too
+philosophically, in unseemly wise, not altogether as a good Christian
+ought; in particular I know that in some of these works I have taught
+and philosophically held things which ought to be attributed to the
+power, wisdom and goodness of God according to the Christian faith,
+founding doctrine in such matters on sense and reason, not upon
+faith.'[111] At the very end of his examination, he placed himself in
+the hands of his judges, 'confessing his errors with a willing mind,'
+acknowledging that he had 'erred and strayed from the Church,' begging
+for such castigation as shall not 'bring public dishonor on the sacred
+robe which he had worn,' and promising to 'show a noteworthy reform, and
+to recompense the scandal he had caused by edification at least equal in
+magnitude.'[112] These professions he made upon his knees, evincing
+clearly, as it seems to me, that at this epoch he was ready to rejoin
+the Dominican order, and that, as he affirmed to Mocenigo, he expected
+no worse punishment than this.
+
+In attempting to estimate Bruno's recantation, we must remember that he
+felt no sympathy at all for heretics. When questioned about them, he was
+able to quote passages from his own works in which he called the
+Reformation a Deformation of religion.[113] Lutheran and Calvinist
+theologians were alike pedants in his eyes.[114] There is no doubt that
+Bruno meant what he said; and had he been compelled to choose one of the
+existing religions, he would have preferred Catholicism. He was, in
+fact, at a period of life when he wished to dedicate his time in quiet
+to metaphysical studies. He had matured his philosophy and brought it
+to a point at which he thought it could be presented as a peace-offering
+to the Supreme Pontiff. Conformity to ecclesiastical observances seemed
+no longer irksome to the world-experienced, wide-reaching mind of the
+man. Nor does he appear to have anticipated that his formal submission
+would not be readily accepted. He reckoned strangely, in this matter,
+without the murderous host into whose clutches he had fallen.
+
+[Footnote 111: _Op. cit._ p. 349]
+
+[Footnote 112: _Ibid._ p. 384]
+
+[Footnote 113: _Ibid._ p. 364]
+
+[Footnote 114: _Ibid._ p. 363]
+
+Searching interrogations touching other heads in the evidence against
+him, as blasphemous remarks on sacred persons, intercourse with
+heretics, abuse of the religious orders, dealings in magic arts,
+licentious principles of conduct, were answered by Bruno with a frank
+assurance, which proves his good conscience in essentials and his firm
+expectation of a favorable issue to the affair. Mocenigo had described
+him as _indemoniato_; and considering the manifest peril in which he now
+stood, there is something scarcely sane in the confidence he showed. For
+Mocenigo himself he reserved words of bitterest scorn and indignation.
+When questioned in the usual terms whether he had enemies at Venice, he
+replied: 'I know of none but Ser Giovanni Mocenigo and his train of
+servants. By him I have been grievously injured, more so than by living
+man, seeing he has murdered me in my life, my honor and my property,
+having imprisoned me in his own house and stolen all my writings, books,
+and other effects. And this he did because he not only wished that I
+should teach him everything I know, but also wished to prevent my
+teaching it to any one but him. He has continued to threaten me upon the
+points of life and honor, unless I should teach him everything I
+knew.'[115]
+
+The scene closes over Bruno in the Venetian Inquisition on July 30,
+1592. We do not behold him again till he enters the Minerva at Rome to
+receive his death-sentence on February 9, 1600. What happened in the
+interval is almost a blank. An exchange of letters took place between
+Rome and Venice concerning his extradition, and the Republic made some
+show of reluctance to part with a refugee within its jurisdiction. But
+this diplomatic affair was settled to the satisfaction of both parties,
+and Bruno disappeared into the dungeons of the Roman Inquisition in the
+month of January 1593.
+
+Seven years of imprisonment was a long period.[116]
+
+[Footnote 115: _Op. cit._ p. 378.]
+
+[Footnote 116: These years were not all spent at Rome. From the Records
+of the Inquisition, it appears that he arrived in Rome on February 27,
+1598, and that his trial in form began in February 1599. The Pope
+ratified his sentence of death on January 20, 1600; this was publicly
+promulgated on February 8, and carried into effect on the subsequent
+17th. Where Bruno was imprisoned between January 1593, and February 1598
+is not known.]
+
+We find it hard to understand why Bruno's prosecution occupied the Holy
+Office through this space of time. But conjectures on the subject are
+now useless. Equally futile is it to speculate whether Bruno offered to
+conform in life and doctrine to the Church at Rome as he had done at
+Venice. The temptation to do so must have been great. Most probably he
+begged for grace, but grace was not accorded on his own terms; and he
+chose death rather than dishonor and a lie in the last resort, or rather
+than life-long incarceration. It is also singular that but few
+contemporaries mention the fact of his condemnation and execution. Rome
+was crowded in the jubilee year of 1600. Bruno was burned in open
+daylight on the Campo di Fiora. Yet the only eye-witness who records the
+event, is Gaspar Schoppe, or Scioppius, who wrote a letter on the
+subject to his friend Rittershausen. Kepler, eight years afterwards,
+informed his correspondent Breugger that Bruno had been really burned:
+'he bore his agonizing death with fortitude, abiding by the asseveration
+that all religions are vain, and that God identifies himself with the
+world, circumference and center.' Kepler, it may be observed, conceived
+a high opinion of Bruno's speculations, and pointed him out to Galileo
+as the man who had divined the infinity of solar systems in their
+correlation to one infinite order of the universe.[117]
+
+[Footnote 117: Doubts have recently been raised as to whether Bruno was
+really burned. But these are finally disposed of by a succinct and
+convincing exposition of the evidence by Mr. R.C. Christie, in
+_Macmillan's Magazine_, October 1885. In addition to Schoppe and Kepler,
+we have the reference to Bruno's burning published by Mersenne in 1624;
+but what is far more important, the _Avviso di Roma_ for February
+19,1600, records this event as having occurred upon the preceding
+Thursday. To Signor Berti's two works, _Documenti intorno a G. Bruno_
+(Roma, 1880), and _Copernico e le vicende_, etc. (Roma, 1876), we owe
+most of the material which has been lucidly sifted by Mr. R.C.
+Christie.]
+
+Scioppius was a German humanist of the elder Italianated type, an
+elegant Latin stylist, who commented indifferently on the _Priapeia_ and
+the Stoic philosophy. He abjured Protestantism, and like Muretus, sold
+his pen to Rome. The Jesuits, in his pompous panegyric, were first
+saluted as 'the praetorian cohort of the camp of God.' Afterwards, when
+he quarreled with their Order, he showered invectives on them in the
+manner of a Poggio or Filelfo. The literary infamies of the fifteenth
+century reappeared in his polemical attacks on Protestants, and in his
+satires upon Scaliger. Yet he was a man of versatile talents and
+considerable erudition. It must be mentioned in his honor that he
+visited Campanella in his prison, and exerted himself for his
+liberation. Campanella dedicated his _Atheismus Triumphatus_ to
+Scioppius, calling him 'the dawn-star of our age.' Schoppe was also the
+first credible authority to warn Sarpi of the imminent peril he ran from
+Roman hired assassins, as I hope to relate in my chapter upon Sarpi's
+life. This man's letter to his friend is the single trustworthy document
+which we possess regarding the last hours of Bruno. Its inaccuracies on
+minor points may be held to corroborate his testimony.
+
+Scioppius refers to Bruno's early heresies on Transubstantiation and the
+Virginity of Mary. He alludes to the _Spaccio della Bestia Trionfante_,
+as though it had been a libel on the Pope.[118]
+
+[Footnote 118: 'Londinam perfectus, libellum istic edit de Bestia
+triumphante, h.e. de Papa. quem vestri honoris causa bestiam appellare
+solent.']
+
+He then enumerates Bruno's heterodox opinions, which had been recited
+in the public condemnation pronounced on the heresiarch. 'Horrible and
+most utterly absurd are the views he entertained, as, for example, that
+there are innumerable worlds; that the soul migrates from body to body,
+yea into another world, and that one soul can inform two bodies; that
+magic is good and lawful; that the Holy Spirit is nothing but the Soul
+of the World, which Moses meant when he wrote that it brooded on the
+waters; that the world has existed from eternity; that Moses wrought his
+miracles by magic, being more versed therein than the Egyptians, and
+that he composed his own laws; that the Holy Scriptures are a dream, and
+that the devils will be saved; that only the Jews descend from Adam and
+Eve, the rest of men from that pair whom God created earlier; that
+Christ is not God, but that he was an eminent magician who deluded
+mankind, and was therefore rightly hanged, not crucified; that the
+prophets and Apostles were men of naught, magicians, and for the most
+part hanged: in short, without detailing all the monstrosities in which
+his books abound, and which he maintained in conversation, it may be
+summed up in one word that he defended every error that has been
+advanced by pagan philosophers or by heretics of earlier and present
+times.' Accepting this list as tolerably faithful to the terms of
+Bruno's sentence, heard by Scioppius in the hall of Minerva, we can see
+how Mocenigo's accusation had been verified by reference to his
+published works. The _De Monade_ and _De Triplici_ contain enough
+heterodoxy to substantiate each point.
+
+On February 9, Bruno was brought before the Holy Office at S. Maria
+sopra Minerva. In the presence of assembled Cardinals, theologians, and
+civil magistrates, his heresies were first recited. Then he was
+excommunicated, and degraded from his priestly and monastic offices.
+Lastly, he was handed over to the secular arm, 'to be punished with all
+clemency and without effusion of blood.' This meant in plain language to
+be burned alive. Thereupon Bruno uttered the memorable and monumental
+words: 'Peradventure ye pronounce this sentence on me with a greater
+fear than I receive it.' They were the last words he spoke in public. He
+was removed to the prisons of the State, where he remained eight days,
+in order that he might have time to repent. But he continued obdurate.
+Being an apostate priest and a relapsed heretic, he could hope for no
+remission of his sentence. Therefore, on February 17, he marched to a
+certain and horrible death. The stake was built up on the Campo di
+Fiora. Just before the wood was set on fire, they offered him the
+crucifix.[119] He turned his face away from it in stern disdain. It was
+not Christ but his own soul, wherein he believed the Diety resided, that
+sustained Bruno at the supreme moment.
+
+[Footnote 119: We may remember that while a novice at Naples, he first
+got into trouble by keeping the crucifix as the only religious symbol
+which he respected, when he parted with images of saints.]
+
+No cry, no groan, escaped his lips. Thus, as Scioppius affectedly
+remarked, 'he perished miserably in flames, and went to report in those
+other worlds of his imagination, how blasphemous and impious men are
+handled by the Romans.'
+
+Whatever we may think of the good taste of Bruno's sarcasms upon the
+faith in which he had been bred--and it is certain that he never rightly
+apprehended Christianity in its essence--there is no doubt he died a
+valiant martyr to the truth as he conceived it. 'His death like that of
+Paleario, Carnesecchi, and so many more, no less than countless exiles
+suffered for religious causes, are a proof that in Italy men had begun
+to recognize their obligation to a faith, the duty of obedience to a
+thought: an immense progress, not sufficiently appreciated even by
+modern historians.'[120] Bruno was a hero in the battle for the freedom
+of the conscience, for the right of man to think and speak in
+liberty.[121]
+
+[Footnote 120: These pregnant words are in Berti's _Vita di G.B._ p.
+299.]
+
+[Footnote 121: He well deserves this name, in spite of his recantation
+at Venice; for it seems incredible that he could not by concessions have
+purchased his life. As Breugger wrote with brutal crudity to Kepler:
+'What profit did he gain by enduring such torments? If there were no God
+to punish crimes, as he believed, could he not have pretended any thing
+to save his life?' We may add that the alternative to death for a
+relapsed apostate was perpetual incarceration; and seven years of prison
+may well have made Bruno prefer death with honor.]
+
+Just five years before this memorable 17th of February, Tasso had passed
+quietly away in S. Onofrio. 'How dissimilar in genius and fortune,'
+exclaims Berti, 'were these men, though born under the same skies,
+though in childhood they breathed the same air! Tasso a Christian and
+poet of the cross; Bruno hostile to all religious symbols. The one,
+tired and disillusioned of the world, ends his days in the repose of the
+convent; the other sets out from the convent to expire upon the
+scaffold, turning his eyes away from the crucifix.'[122] And yet how
+much alike in some important circumstances of their lives were these two
+men! Both wanderers, possessed by that spirit of vagrancy which is the
+outward expression of an inner restlessness. The unfrocked friar, the
+courtier out of service, had no home in Italy. Both were pursued by an
+oestrum corresponding to the intellectual perturbations which closed the
+sixteenth century, so different from the idyllic calm that rested upon
+Ariosto and the artists of its opening years. Sufficient justice has not
+yet been done in history to the Italian wanderers and exiles of this
+period, men who carried the spirit of the Renaissance abroad, after the
+Renaissance had ended in Italy, to the extremest verges of the civilized
+world. An enumeration of their names, an examination of their services
+to modern thought, would show how puissant was the intellectual
+influence of Italy in that period of her political decadence.[123]
+
+
+[Footnote 122: _op. cit._ p. 70.]
+
+[Footnote 123: Both Berti and Quinet have made similar remarks, which,
+indeed, force themselves upon a student of the sixteenth century.]
+
+Bruno has to be treated from two distinct but interdependent points of
+view--in his relation to contemporary thought and the Renaissance; and
+in his relation to the evolution of modern philosophy--as the critic of
+mediaeval speculation and the champion of sixteenth-century enthusiasm;
+and also as the precursor of Descartes, Spinoza, Leibnitz, Schelling,
+Hegel, Darwin.
+
+From the former of these two points of view Bruno appears before us as
+the man who most vitally and comprehensively grasped the leading
+tendencies of his age in their intellectual essence. He left behind him
+the mediaeval conception of an extra-mundane God, creating a finite
+world, of which this globe is the center, and the principal episode in
+the history of which is the series of events from the Fall, through the
+Incarnation and Crucifixion, to the Last Judgment.[124] He substituted
+the conception of an ever-living, ever-acting, ever-self-effectuating
+God, immanent in an infinite universe, to the contemplation of whose
+attributes the mind of man ascends by study of Nature and interrogation
+of his conscience. The rehabilitation of the physical world and of
+humanity as part of its order, which the Renaissance had already
+indirectly effected through the medium of arts and literature and modes
+of life, found in Bruno an impassioned metaphysical supporter. He
+divinized Nature, not by degrading the Deity to matter, but by lifting
+matter to participation in the divine existence. The Renaissance had
+proclaimed the dignity of man considered as a mundane creature, and not
+in his relation to a hypothetical other-world. It abundantly manifested
+the beauty and the joy afforded by existence on this planet, and
+laughingly discarded past theological determinations to the contrary of
+its new Gospel. Bruno undertook the systematization of Renaissance
+intuitions; declared the divine reality of Nature and of man;
+demonstrated that we cannot speculate God, cannot think ourselves,
+cannot envisage the universe, except under the form of one living,
+infinite, eternal, divinely-sustained and soul-penetrated complex. He
+repudiated authority of every sort, refusing to acknowledge the decrees
+of the Church, freely criticising past philosophers, availing himself of
+all that seemed to him substantial in their speculations, but appealing
+in the last resort to that inner witness, that light of reason, which
+corresponds in the mental order to conscience in the moral. As he
+deified Nature, so he emancipated man as forming with Nature an integral
+part of the supreme Being. He was led upon this path to combat Aristotle
+and to satirize Christian beliefs, with a subtlety of scholastic
+argumentation and an acerbity of rhetoric that now pass for antiquated.
+Much that is obsolete in his writings must be referred to the polemical
+necessities of an age enthralled by peripatetic conceptions, and
+saturated with the ecclesiastical divinity of the schoolmen.
+
+
+[Footnote 124: This theological conception of history inspired the
+sacred drama of the Middle Ages, known to us as Cyclical Miracle Plays.]
+
+These forces of the philosophy he sought to supersede, had to be
+attacked with their own weapons and by methods adapted to the spirit of
+his age. Similar judgment may be passed upon his championship of the
+Copernican system. That system was the pivot of his metaphysic, the
+revelation to which he owed his own conception of the universe. His
+strenuous and ingenious endeavors to prove its veracity, his elaborate
+and often-repeated refutations of the Ptolemaic theory, appear to modern
+minds superfluous. But we must remember what a deeply-penetrating,
+widely-working revolution Copernicus effected in cosmology, how he
+dislocated the whole fabric upon which Catholic theology rested, how new
+and unintelligible his doctrine then seemed, and what vast horizons he
+opened for speculation on the destinies of man. Bruno was the first
+fully to grasp the importance of the Copernican hypothesis, to perceive
+its issues and to adapt it to the formation of a new ontology.
+Copernicus, though he proclaimed the central position of the sun in our
+system, had not ventured to maintain the infinity of the universe. For
+him, as for the elder physicists, there remained a sphere of fixed stars
+inclosing the world perceived by our senses within walls of crystal.
+Bruno broke those walls, and boldly asserted the now recognized
+existence of numberless worlds in space illimitable. His originality
+lies in the clear and comprehensive notion he formed of the Copernican
+discovery, and in his application of its corollaries to the Renaissance
+apocalypse of deified nature and emancipated man. The deductions he drew
+were so manifold and so acute that they enabled him to forecast the
+course which human thought has followed in all provinces of speculation.
+
+This leads us to consider how Bruno is related to modern science and
+philosophy. The main point seems to be that he obtained a vivid mental
+picture (_Vorstellung_) of the physical universe, differing but little
+in essentials from that which has now come to be generally accepted. In
+reasoning from this concept as a starting-point, he formed opinions upon
+problems of theology, ontology, biology and psychology, which placed him
+out of harmony with medaeival thought, and in agreement with the thought
+of our own time. Why this was so, can easily be explained. Bruno, first
+of all philosophers, adapted science, in the modern sense of that term,
+to metaphysic. He was the first to perceive that a revolution in our
+conception of the material universe, so momentous as that effected by
+Copernicus, necessitated a new theology and a new philosophical method.
+Man had ceased to be the center of all things; this globe was no longer
+'the hub of the universe,' but a small speck floating on infinity. The
+Christian scheme of the Fall and the Redemption, if not absolutely
+incompatible with the new cosmology was rendered by it less conceivable
+in any literal sense. Some of the main points on which the early
+Christians based their faith, and which had hardened into dogmas
+through the course of centuries--such, for instance, as the Ascension
+and the Second Advent--ceased to have their old significance. In a world
+where there was neither up nor down, the translation of a corporeal
+Deity to some place above the clouds, whence he would descend to judge
+men at the last day, had only a grotesque or a symbolic meaning; whereas
+to the first disciples, imbued with theories of a fixed celestial
+sphere, it presented a solemn and apparently well-founded expectation.
+The fundamental doctrine of the Incarnation, in like manner, lost
+intelligibility and value, when God had to be thought no longer as the
+Creator of a finite cosmos, but as a Being commensurate with infinity.
+It was clear to a mind so acute as Bruno's that the dogmas of the Church
+were correlated to a view of the world which had been superseded; and he
+drew the logical inference that they were at bottom but poetical and
+popular adumbrations of the Deity in terms concordant with erroneous
+physical notions. Aristotle and Ptolemy, the masters of philosophy and
+cosmography based upon a theory of the universe as finite and
+circumscribed within fixed limits, lent admirable aid to the theological
+constructions of the Middle Ages. The Church, adopting their science,
+gave metaphysical and logical consistency to those earlier poetical and
+popular conceptions of the religious sense. The _naif_ hopes and
+romantic mythologies of the first Christians stiffened into syllogisms
+and ossified in the huge fabric of the _Summa_. But Aristotle and
+Ptolemy were now dethroned. Bruno, in a far truer sense than Democritus
+before him,
+
+                            extra
+    Processit longe flammantia moenia mundi.
+
+Bolder even than Copernicus, and nearer in his intuition to the truth,
+he denied that the universe had 'flaming walls' or any walls at all.
+That 'immaginata circonferenza,' 'quella margine immaginata del cielo,'
+on which antique science and Christian theology alike reposed, was the
+object of his ceaseless satire, his oft-repeated polemic. What, then,
+rendered Bruno the precursor of modern thought in its various
+manifestations, was that he grasped the fundamental truth upon which
+modern science rests, and foresaw the conclusions which must be drawn
+from it. He speculated boldly, incoherently, vehemently; but he
+speculated with a clear conception of the universe, as we still
+apprehend it. Through the course of three centuries we have been engaged
+in verifying the guesses, deepening, broadening and solidifying the
+hypotheses, which Bruno's extension of the Copernican theory, and his
+application of it to pure thought, suggested to his penetrating and
+audacious intellect, Bruno was convinced that religion in its higher
+essence would not suffer from the new philosophy. Larger horizons
+extended before the human intellect. The soul expanded in more
+exhilarating regions than the old theologies had offered. The sense of
+the Divine in Nature, instead of dwindling down to atheism, received
+fresh stimulus from the immeasurable prospect of an infinite and living
+universe. Bruno, even more than Spinoza, was a God-intoxicated man. The
+inebriation of the Renaissance, inspired by golden visions of truth and
+knowledge close within man's grasp, inflamed with joy at escaping from
+out-worn wearying formula into what appeared to be the simple intuition
+of an everlasting verity, pulses through all his utterances. He has the
+same cherubic confidence in the renascent age, that charms us in the
+work of Rabelais. The slow, painful, often thwarted, ever more dubious
+elaboration of modern metaphysic in _rapport_ with modern science--that
+process which, after completing the cycle of all knowledge and sounding
+the fathomless depth of all ignorance, has left us in grave
+disillusionment and sturdy patience--swam before Bruno in a rapturous
+vision. The Inquisition and the stake put an end abruptly to his dream.
+But the dream was so golden, so divine, that it was worth the pangs of
+martyrdom. Can we say the same for Hegel's system, or for Schopenhauers
+or for the encyclopaedic ingenuity of Herbert Spencer?
+
+Bruno imagined the universe as infinite space, filled with ether, in
+which an infinite number of worlds, or solar systems resembling our own,
+composed of similar materials and inhabited by countless living
+creatures, move with freedom. The whole of this infinite and complex
+cosmos he conceived to be animated by a single principle of thought and
+life. This indwelling force, or God, he described in Platonic
+phraseology sometimes as the Anima Mundi, sometimes as the Artificer,
+who by working from within molds infinite substance into an infinity of
+finite modes. Though we are compelled to think of the world under the
+two categories of spirit and matter, these apparently contradictory
+constituents are forever reconciled and harmonized in the divine
+existence, whereof illimitable activity, illimitable volition, and
+illimitable potentiality are correlated and reciprocally necessary
+terms. In Aristotelian language, Bruno assumed infinite form and
+infinite matter as movements of an eternal process, by which the
+infinite unity manifests itself in concrete reality. This being the
+case, it follows that nothing exists which has not life, and is not part
+of God. The universe itself is one immeasurable animal, or animated
+Being. The solar systems are huge animals; the globes are lesser
+animals; and so forth down to the monad of molecular cohesion. As the
+universe is infinite and eternal, motion, place and time do not qualify
+it; these are terms applicable only to the finite parts of which it is
+composed. For the same reason nothing in the universe can perish. What
+we call birth and death, generation and dissolution, is only the passage
+of the infinite, and homogeneous entity through successive phases of
+finite and differentiated existence; this continuous process of exchange
+and transformation being stimulated and sustained by attraction and
+repulsion, properties of the indwelling divine soul aiming at
+self-realization.
+
+Having formed this conception, Bruno supported it by metaphysical
+demonstration, and deduced conclusions bearing on psychology, religion,
+ethics. Much of his polemic was directed against the deeply-rooted
+notion of a finite world derived from Aristotle. Much was devoted to the
+proof of the Copernican discovery. Orthodox theology was indirectly
+combated or plausibly caressed. There are consequently many pages in his
+dialogues which do not interest a modern reader, seeing that we have
+outlived the conditions of thought that rendered them important. In the
+process of his argument, he established the theory of a philosophical
+belief, a religion of religions, or 'religione della mente,' as he
+phrased it, prior to and comprehensive of all historical creeds. He
+speculated, as probabilities, the transmigration of souls, and the
+interchangeability of types in living creatures. He further postulated a
+concordance between the order of thought and the order of existence in
+the universe, and inclined to the doctrine of necessity in morals. Bruno
+thus obtained _per saltum_ a prospect over the whole domain of knowledge
+subsequently traversed by rationalism in metaphysics, theology and
+ethics. In the course of these demonstrations and deductions he
+anticipated Descartes' position of the identity of mind and being. He
+supplied Spinoza with the substance of his reasoned pantheism; Leibnitz
+with his theory of monadism and pre-established harmony. He laid down
+Hegel's doctrine of contraries, and perceived that thought was a
+dialectic process. The modern theory of evolution was enunciated by him
+in pretty plain terms. He had grasped the physical law of the
+conservation of energy. He solved the problem of evil by defining it to
+be a relative condition of imperfect development. He denied that
+Paradise or a Golden Age is possible for man, or that, if possible, it
+can be considered higher in the moral scale than organic struggle toward
+completion by reconciliation of opposites through pain and labor. He
+sketched in outline the comparative study of religions, which is now
+beginning to be recognized as the proper basis for theology. Finally, he
+had a firm and vital hold upon that supreme speculation of the universe,
+considered no longer as the battle-ground of dual principles, or as the
+finite fabric of an almighty designer, but as the self-effectuation of
+an infinite unity, appearing to our intelligence as spirit and
+matter--that speculation which in one shape or another controls the
+course of modern thought.[125]
+
+[Footnote 125: It was my intention to support the statements in this
+paragraph by translating the passages which seem to me to justify them;
+and I had gone so far as to make English versions of some twenty pages
+in length, when I found that this material would overweight my book. A
+study of Bruno as the great precursor of modern thought in its more
+poetical and widely synthetic speculation must be left for a separate
+essay. Here I may remark that the most faithful and pithily condensed
+abstract of Bruno's philosophy is contained in Goethe's poem _Proemium
+zu Gott und Welt_. Yet this poem expresses Goethe's thought, and it is
+doubtful whether Goethe had studied Bruno except in the work of his
+disciple Spinoza.]
+
+It must not be supposed that Bruno apprehended these points with
+distinctness, or that he expressed them precisely in the forms with
+which we are familiar. The hackneyed metaphor of a Pisgah view across
+the promised land applies to him with singular propriety. Moreover, as
+an acute critic has remarked, things old and new are so curiously
+blended in his writings that what at first sight appears modern, is
+often found upon reflection to be antique, and what is couched in
+obsolete scholastic terminology, turns out upon analysis to contain the
+germs of advanced theories.[126] The peculiar forms adapted for the
+exposition of his thoughts contribute to the difficulty of obtaining a
+methodical view of Bruno's philosophy. It has, therefore, been disputed
+whether he was a pantheist or an atheist, a materialist or a
+spiritualist, a mystic or an agnostic. No one would have contended more
+earnestly than Bruno himself, that the sage can hold each and all of
+these apparent contradictions together, with the exception of atheism;
+which last is a simple impossibility. The fragmentary and impassioned
+exposition which Bruno gave to his opinions in a series of Italian
+dialogues and Latin poems will not discourage those of his admirers who
+estimate the conspicuous failure made by all elaborate system-builders
+from Aristotle to Hegel. To fathom the mystery of the world, and to
+express that mystery in terms of logic, is clearly beyond the faculty of
+man. Philosophies that aim at universe-embracing, God-explaining,
+nature-elucidating, man-illuminating, comprehensiveness, have justly,
+therefore, become objects of suspicion. The utmost that man can do,
+placed as he is at obvious disadvantages for obtaining a complete survey
+of the whole, is to whet his intelligence upon confessedly insoluble
+problems, to extend the sphere of his practical experience, to improve
+his dominion over matter, to study the elevation of his moral nature,
+and to encourage himself for positive achievements by the indulgence in
+those glorious dreams from which regenerative creeds and inspiring
+philosophies have sprung--
+
+    Still climbing after knowledge infinite,
+    And ever moving as the restless spheres.
+
+[Footnote 126: Spaventa in his _Saggi di Critica_.]
+
+Faith and poetry are the highest regions in which his spirit can
+profitably move. The study of government, law, and social ethics, the
+analysis of physical conditions to which he is subject, and over which
+he has an undefined, though limited, control, form the practical sphere
+of his intelligence. Bruno traversed these regions; and, forasmuch as
+the outcome of his exploration was no system, but a congeries of poetic
+visions, shrewd guesses, profound intuitions, and passionate
+enthusiasms, bound together and sustained by a burning sense of the
+Divine unity in nature and in man, we may be permitted to regard him as
+more fortunate than those cloud-castle-builders whose classifications of
+absolute existences are successively proved by the advance of relative
+knowledge to be but catalogues of some few objects apprehended by the
+vision of each partially-instructed age. We have, indeed, reason to
+marvel how many of Bruno's intuitions have formed the stuff of later,
+more elaborated systems, and still remain the best which these contain.
+We have reason to wonder how many of his divinations have worked
+themselves into the common fund of modern beliefs, and have become
+philosophical truisms.
+
+It is probable that if Bruno's career had not been cut short by the
+dungeon and the stake at the early age of thirty-four, he might have
+produced some final work in which his theories would have assumed a
+formal shape. It is possible that the Vatican even now contains the
+first sketch for such a studied exposition in the treatise on the Seven
+Arts, which Giovanni Mocenigo handed over to the Inquisition, and which
+the philosopher intended to dedicate to Clement VIII. But the loss of
+this elaborated system is hardly to be regretted, except for the clearer
+light it must have thrown upon the workings of the most illuminated
+intellect in the sixteenth century. We know that it could not have
+revealed to us the secret of things.
+
+Bruno cast his thoughts in two molds: the dialogue, and Latin
+hexameters. He was attracted to the latter by his early study of
+Parmenides and Lucretius. The former seems to have been natural to the
+man. We must not forget that he was a Neapolitan, accustomed from
+childhood to the farces of his native land, vividly alive to the comic
+aspects of existence, and joyously appreciative of reality. His first
+known composition was a comedy, _Il Candelajo_; and something of the
+drama can be traced in all those Italian compositions which distinguish
+the period of his activity as an author in London. Lucian rather than
+Plato or Cicero determined the form of his dialogue. An element of the
+burlesque distinguishes his method of approaching religious and moral
+problems in the _Spaccio della Bestia_, and the _Cavallo Pegaseo_. And
+though he exchanged the manner of his model for more serious exposition
+in the trio of metaphysical dialogues, named _La Cena delle Ceneri,
+Della Causa_, and _Dell' Infinito Universo_, yet the irresistible
+tendency to dramatic satire emerges even there in the description of
+England and in the characters of the indispensable pedant buffoon. His
+dialogue on the _Eroici Furori_ is sustained at a high pitch of aspiring
+fervor. Mystical in its attempt to adumbrate the soul's thirst for truth
+and beauty, it adopts the method of a running commentary upon poems, in
+the manner of a discursive and fantastic _Vita Nuova_. In his Italian
+style, Bruno owed much to the fashion set by Aretino. The study of
+Aretino's comedies is apparent in _Il Candelajo_. The stringing together
+of words and ideas in triplets, balanced by a second set of words and
+ideas in antithetical triplets--this trick of rhetoric, which wearies a
+modern reader of his prose, seems to have been copied straight from
+Aretino. The coinage of fantastic titles, of which _Lo Spaccio della
+Bestia Trionfante_ contributed in some appreciable degree to Bruno's
+martyrdom, should be ascribed to the same influence. The source of these
+literary affectations was a bad one. Aretino, Doni, and such folk were
+no fit masters for Giordano Bruno even in so slight a matter as artistic
+form. Yet, in this respect, he shared a corrupt taste which was common
+to his generation, and proved how fully he represented the age in which
+he lived. It is not improbable that the few contemporary readers of his
+works, especially in euphuistic England, admired the gewgaws he so
+plentifully scattered and rendered so brilliant by the coruscations of
+his wit. When, however, the real divine oestrum descends upon him, he
+discards those follies. Then his language, like his thought, is all his
+own: sublime, impassioned, burning, turbid; instinct with a deep
+volcanic fire of genuine enthusiasm. The thought is simple; the diction
+direct; the attitude of mind and the turn of expression are singularly
+living, surprisingly modern. We hear the man speak, as he spoke at Fulke
+Greville's supper-party, as he spoke at Oxford, as he spoke before the
+Sorbonne, as he might be speaking now. There is no air of literary
+effort, no tincture of antiquated style, in these masculine utterances.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER X.
+
+FRA PAOLO SARPI.
+
+     Sarpi's Position in the History of Venice--Parents and
+     Boyhood--Entrance into the Order of the Servites--His Personal
+     Qualities--Achievements as a Scholar and Man of Science--His Life
+     among the Servites--In Bad Odor at Rome--Paul V. places Venice
+     under Interdict--Sarpi elected Theologian and Counselor of the
+     Republic--His Polemical Writings--Views on Church and State--The
+     Interdict Removed--Roman Vengeance--Sarpi attacked by Bravi--His
+     Wounds, Illness, Recovery--Subsequent History of the
+     Assassins--Further Attempts on Sarpi's Life--Sarpi's Political and
+     Historical Works--History of the Council of Trent--Sarpi's Attitude
+     toward Protestantism--His Judgment of the Jesuits--Sarpi's
+     Death--The Christian Stoic.
+
+Fra Paolo was the son of Francesco Sarpi and Isabella Morelli, Venetians
+of the humbler middle class. He was born in 1552, christened Pietro, and
+nicknamed Pierino because of his diminutive stature. On entering the
+Order of the Servites he adopted the religious name of Paolo, which he
+subsequently rendered famous throughout Europe. Since he died in 1623,
+Sarpi's life coincided with a period of supreme interest and manifold
+vicissitudes in the decline of Venice. After the battle of Lepanto in
+1571, he saw the nobles of S. Mark welcome their victorious admiral
+Sebastiano Veniero and confer on him the honors of the Dogeship. In
+1606, he aided the Republic to withstand the thunders of the Vatican
+and defy the excommunication of a Pope. Eight years later he attended at
+those councils of state which unmasked the conspiracy, known as
+Bedmar's, to destroy Venice. In his early manhood Cyprus had been
+wrested from the hands of S. Mark; and inasmuch as the Venetians alone
+sustained the cause of Christian civilization against Turk and pirate in
+the Eastern seas, he was able before his death to anticipate the ruin
+which the war of Candia subsequently brought upon his country. During
+the last eighteen years of his existence Sarpi was the intellect of the
+Republic; the man of will and mind who gave voice and vigor to her
+policy of independence; the statesman who most clearly penetrated the
+conditions of her strength and weakness. This friar incarnated the
+Venetian spirit at a moment when, upon the verge of decadence, it had
+attained self-consciousness; and so instinctively devoted are Venetians
+to their State that in his lifetime he was recognized by them as hero,
+and after his death venerated as saint.
+
+No sooner had the dispute with Paul V. been compromised, than Sarpi
+noticed how the aristocracy of Venice yielded themselves to sloth and
+political indifference. The religious obsequiousness to Rome and the
+'peace or rather cowardice of slaves,' which were gradually immersing
+Italy in mental torpor and luxurious idleness, invaded this last
+stronghold of freedom. Though Sarpi's Christian Stoicism and practical
+sagacity saved him from playing the then futile part of public agitator,
+his private correspondence shows how low his hope had sunk for Italy.
+Nothing but a general war could free her from the yoke of arrogant Rome
+and foreign despotism. Meanwhile the Papal Court, Spain and the House of
+Austria, having everything to lose by contest, preserved the peace of
+Italy at any cost. Princes whose petty thrones depended on Spanish and
+Papal good-will, dreaded to disturb the equilibrium of servitude; the
+population, dulled by superstition, emasculated by Jesuitical corruption
+and intimidated by Church tyranny, slumbered in the gross mud-honey of
+slavish pleasures. From his cell in the convent of the Servites Sarpi
+swept the whole political horizon, eagerly anticipating some dawn-star
+of deliverance. At one time his eyes rested on the Duke of Savoy, but
+that unquiet spirit failed to steer his course clear between Spanish and
+French interests, Roman jealousies, and the ill-concealed hostilities of
+Italian potentates. At another time, like all lovers of freedom
+throughout Europe, he looked with confidence to Henri IV. But a
+fanatic's dagger, sharpened by the Jesuits, cut short the monarch's life
+and gave up France to the government of astute Florentine adventurers.
+Germany was too distracted by internal dissensions, Holland too distant
+and preoccupied with her own struggle for existence, to offer immediate
+aid. It was in vain that Sarpi told his foreign correspondents that the
+war of liberty in Europe must be carried into the stronghold of
+absolutism. To secure a victory over the triple forces of Spain, the
+Papal Court and Jesuitry, Rome had to be attacked in Italy. His
+reasoning was correct. But peoples fighting for freedom on their native
+soil could not risk an adventure which only some central power of the
+first magnitude like France might have conducted with fair prospect of
+success. In the meantime what Sarpi called the Diacatholicon, that
+absolutist alliance of Rome, Spain and Austria, supported by the
+Inquisition and the Jesuits, accepted by the states of Italy and firmly
+rooted in some parts of Germany, invaded even those provinces where the
+traditions of independence still survived. After 1610 the Jesuits
+obtained possession of France; and though they did not effect their
+re-entrance into Venice, the ruling classes of the Republic allowed
+themselves to be drugged by the prevalent narcotic. Venice, too, was
+fighting for her life in the Adriatic and the Levant, while her nobles
+became daily more supine in aristocratic leisure, more papalizing in
+their private sympathies. Thus the last years of Sarpi's life were
+overclouded by a deep discouragement, which did not, indeed, extinguish
+his trust in the divine Providence or his certain belief that the right
+would ultimately prevail, but which adds a tragic interest to the old
+age of this champion of political and moral liberty fallen on evil days.
+
+I have thought it well to preface what I have to say about Sarpi with
+this forecast of his final attitude. As the Italian who most clearly
+comprehended the full consequences of the Catholic Revival, and who
+practically resisted what was evil for his nation in that reactionary
+movement, he demands a prominent place in this book. On his claims to
+scientific discoveries and his special service rendered to the Venetian
+Republic it will suffice to touch but lightly.
+
+Sarpi's father was short of stature, brown-complexioned, choleric and
+restless. His mother was tall, pale, lymphatic, devoted to religious
+exercises and austerities. The son of their ill-assorted wedlock
+inherited something of both temperaments. In his face and eyes he
+resembled his mother; and he derived from her the piety which marked his
+course through life. His short, spare person, his vivid, ever-active
+intellect testified to the paternal impress. This blending of two
+diverse strains produced in him a singular tenacity of fiber. Man's
+tenement of clay has rarely lodged a spirit so passionless, so fine, so
+nearly disembodied. Of extreme physical tenuity, but gifted with
+inexhaustible mental energy, indefatigable in study, limitless in
+capacity for acquiring and retaining knowledge, he accentuated the type
+which nature gave him by the sustained habits of a lifetime. In diet he
+abstained from flesh and abhorred wine. His habitual weaknesses were
+those of one who subdues the body to mental government. As costive as
+Scaliger,[127] Sarpi suffered from hepatic hemorrhage, retention of
+urine, prolapsus recti, and hemorrhoids. Intermittent fevers reduced his
+strength, but rarely interfered with his activity. He refused to treat
+himself as an invalid, never altered his course of life for any illness,
+and went about his daily avocations when men of laxer tissue would have
+taken to their bed. His indifference to danger was that of the Stoic or
+the Mussulman. During a period of fifteen years he knew that restless
+foes were continually lying in wait to compass his death by poison or
+the dagger. Yet he could hardly be persuaded to use the most ordinary
+precautions. 'I am resolved,' he wrote, in 1609, 'to give no thought
+whatever to these wretchednesses. He who thinks too much of living knows
+not how to live well. One is bound to die once; to be curious about the
+day or place or manner of dying is unprofitable. Whatsoever is God's
+will is good.'[128] As fear had no hold upon his nature, so was he
+wholly free from the dominion of the senses. A woman's name, if we
+except that of the Queen of France, is, I think, not once mentioned in
+his correspondence. Even natural affections seem to have been
+obliterated; for he records nothing of his mother or his father or a
+sister who survived their deaths. One suit of clothes sufficed him; and
+his cell was furnished with three hour-glasses, a picture of Christ in
+the Garden, and a crucifix raised above a human skull.
+
+[Footnote 127: We may remind our readers of Henri IV.'s parting words to
+Joseph Scaliger: 'Est-il vrai que vous avez ete de Paris a Dijon sans
+aller a la selle?']
+
+[Footnote 128: _Lettere_, vol. i. p. 239.]
+
+His physical sensitiveness, developed by austerity of life, was of the
+highest acuteness. Sight, touch, and taste in him acquired the most
+exquisite delicacy. He was wont to say that he feared no poison in his
+food, since he could discriminate the least adulteration of natural
+flavors. His mental perspicacity was equally subtle. As a boy he could
+recite thirty lines of Virgil after hearing them read over once. Books
+were not so much perused by him as penetrated at a glance; and what he
+had but casually noticed, never afterwards escaped his memory. In the
+vast Venetian archives he could lay his hand on any document without
+referring to registers or catalogues. The minutest details of houses
+visited or places passed through, remained indelibly engraved upon his
+memory. The characters of men lay open to his insight through their
+physiognomy and gestures. When new scientific instruments were submitted
+to his curiosity, he divined their uses and comprehended their mechanism
+without effort. Thus endowed with a rare combination of physical and
+intellectual faculties, it is no wonder that Sarpi became one of the
+most learned men of his age or of any age. He was an excellent Greek,
+Latin, and Hebrew scholar; an adequate master of the French and Spanish
+languages; profoundly versed in canon and civil law; accomplished in the
+erudition of classical and scholastic philosophy; thoroughly acquainted
+with secular and ecclesiastical history. Every branch of mathematics and
+natural science had been explored by him with the enthusiasm of a
+pioneer. He made experiments in chemistry, mechanics, mineralogy,
+metallurgy, vegetable and animal physiology. His practical studies in
+anatomy were carried on by the aid of vivisection. Following independent
+paths, he worked out some of Gilbert's discoveries in magnetism, and of
+Da Porta's in optics, demonstrated the valves of the veins, and the
+function of the uvea in vision, divined the uses of the telescope and
+thermometer. When he turned his attention to astronomy, he at once
+declared the futility of judicial astrology; and while recognizing the
+validity of Galileo's system, predicted that this truth would involve
+its promulgator in serious difficulties with the Roman Inquisition. In
+his treatises on psychology and metaphysics, he originated a theory of
+sensationalism akin to that of Locke. There was, in fact, no field of
+knowledge which he had not traversed with the energy of a discoverer.
+Only to poetry and _belles lettres_ he paid but little heed, disdaining
+the puerilities of rhetoric then in vogue, and using language as the
+simplest vehicle of thought. In conversation he was reticent, speaking
+little, but always to the purpose, and rather choosing to stimulate his
+collocutors than to make display of eloquence or erudition. Yet his
+company was eagerly sought, and he delighted in the society, not only of
+learned men and students, but of travelers, politicians, merchants, and
+citizens of the world. His favorite places of resort were the saloons of
+Andrea Morosini, and the shop of the Secchini at the sign of the Nave
+d'Oro. Here, after days spent in religious exercises, sacerdotal
+duties, and prolonged studies, he relaxed his mind in converse with the
+miscellaneous crowd of eminent persons who visited Venice for business
+or pleasure. A certain subacid humor, combining irony without
+bitterness, and proverbial pungency without sententiousness, added
+piquancy to his discourse. We have, unfortunately, no record of the
+wit-encounters which may have taken place under Morosini's or Secchini's
+roof between this friar, so punctual in his religious observances, so
+scrupulously pure in conduct, so cold in temperament, so acute in
+intellect, so modest in self-esteem, so cautious, so impermeable, and
+his contemporary, Bruno, the unfrocked friar of genius more daring but
+less sure, who was mentally in all points, saving their common love of
+truth and freedom, the opposite to Sarpi.
+
+Sarpi entered the Order of the Servi, or Servants of the Blessed Virgin,
+at the age of fourteen, renewed his vows at twenty, and was ordained
+priest at twenty-two.[129] His great worth brought him early into
+notice, and he filled posts of considerable importance in his Order.
+Several years of his manhood were spent in Rome, transacting the
+business and conducting the legal causes of the Fathers. At Mantua he
+gained the esteem of Guglielmo Gonzaga. At Milan he was admitted to
+familiar intimacy with the sainted Carlo Borromeo, who consulted him
+upon matters of reform in the diocese, and insisted on his hearing
+confessions. This duty was not agreeable to Sarpi; and though he
+habitually in after life said Mass and preached, he abstained from those
+functions of the priesthood which would have brought him into close
+relation with individuals. The bent of his mind rendered him averse to
+all forms of superstition and sacerdotal encroachments upon the freedom
+of the conscience. As he fought the battle of political independence
+against ecclesiastical aggression, so he maintained the prerogatives of
+personal liberty. The arts whereby Jesuits gained hold on families and
+individuals, inspired in him no less disgust than the illegal despotism
+of the Papacy. This blending of sincere piety and moral rectitude with a
+passion for secular freedom and a hatred of priestly craft, has
+something in it closely akin to the English temperament. Sarpi was a
+sound Catholic Christian in religion, and in politics what we should
+call a staunch Whig. So far as it is now possible to penetrate his
+somewhat baffling personality, we might compare him to a Macaulay of
+finer edge, to a Dean Stanley of more vigorous build. He was less
+commonplace than the one, more substantial than the other. But we must
+be cautious in offering any interpretation of his real opinions. It was
+not for nothing that he dedicated himself to the monastic life in
+boyhood, and persevered in it to the end of his long career. The
+discipline of the convent renders every friar inscrutable; and Sarpi
+himself assured his friends that he, like all Italians of his day, was
+bound to wear a mask.[130]
+
+[Footnote 129: It was under the supervision of the Servites that Sarpi
+gained the first rudiments of education. Thirst for knowledge may
+explain his early entrance into their brotherhood. Like Virgil and like
+Milton, he received among the companions of his youthful studies the
+honorable nickname of 'The Maiden.' Gross conversation, such as lads
+use, even in convents, ceased at his approach. And yet he does not seem
+to have lost influence among his comrades by the purity which marked him
+out as exceptional.]
+
+[Footnote 130: _Lettere_, vol. i. p. 237.]
+
+Be this as it may, Sarpi was not the man to work his way by monkish
+intrigue or courtly service into high place either in his Order or the
+Church. Long before he unsheathed the sword in defense of Venetian
+liberties, he had become an object of suspicion to Rome and his
+superiors. Some frank words which escaped him in correspondence,
+regarding the corruption of the Papal Curia, closed every avenue to
+office. Men of less mark obtained the purple. The meanest and poorest
+bishoprics were refused to Sarpi. He was thrice denounced, on frivolous
+charges, to the Inquisition; but on each occasion the indictment was
+dismissed without a hearing. The General of the Servites accused him of
+wearing cap and slippers uncanonical in cut, and of not reciting the
+_Salve Regina_. After a solemn trial, Sarpi was acquitted; and it came
+to be proverbially whispered that 'even the slippers of the
+incorruptible Fra Paolo had been canonized.' Being a sincere Catholic at
+heart, as well as a man of profound learning and prudent speech, his
+papalistic enemies could get no grip upon him. Yet they instinctively
+hated and dreaded one whom they felt to be opposed, in his strength,
+fearlessness and freedom of soul, to their exorbitant pretensions and
+underhand aggressions upon public liberties. His commerce with heretics
+both in correspondence with learned Frenchmen and in conversation with
+distinguished foreigners at Venice, was made a ground of accusation, and
+Clement VIII. declared that this alone sufficed to exclude him from any
+dignity in the Church.
+
+It does not appear that Sarpi troubled his head about these things. Had
+he cared for power, there was no distinction to which he might not have
+aspired by stooping to common arts and by compromising his liberty of
+conscience. But he was indifferent to rank and wealth. Public business
+he discharged upon occasion from a sense of duty to his Order. For the
+rest, so long as he was left to pursue his studies in tranquillity,
+Sarpi had happiness enough; and his modesty was so great that he did not
+even seek to publish the results of his discoveries in science. For this
+reason they have now been lost to the world; only the memory of them
+surviving in the notes of Foscarini and Grisellini, who inspected his
+MSS. before they were accidentally destroyed by fire in 1769.
+
+Though renowned through Europe as the _orbis terrae ocellus_, the man
+sought out by every visitor to Venice as the rarest citizen of the
+Republic, Sarpi might have quitted this earthly scene with only the
+faint fame of a thinker whose eminent gifts blossomed in obscurity, had
+it not been for a public opportunity which forced him to forsake his
+studies and his cell for a place at the Council-board and for the
+functions of a polemical writer. That robust manliness of mind, which
+makes an Englishman hail English virtues in Sarpi, led him to affirm
+that 'every man of excellence is bound to pay attention to
+politics.'[131] Yet politics were not his special sphere. Up to the age
+of fifty-four he ripened in the assiduous studies of which I have made
+mention, in the discharge of his official duties as a friar, and his
+religious duties as a priest. He had distinguished himself amid the
+practical affairs of life by judicial acuteness, unswerving justice,
+infallible perspicacity, and inexhaustible stores of erudition brought
+to bear with facility on every detail of any matter in dispute. But
+nature and inclination seemed to mark him out through early manhood for
+experimental and speculative science rather than for action. Now a
+demand was made on his deep fount of energy, which evolved the latent
+forces of a character unique in many-sided strength. He had dedicated
+himself to religion and to the pursuit of knowledge. But he was a
+Venetian of the Venetians, the very soul of Venice. After God, his
+Prince and the Republic claimed obedience; and when S. Mark called,
+Sarpi abandoned science for the service of his country. 'Singularly
+composed of active and contemplative energies was the life of our
+Father; yielding to God that which he was able, to his Prince that which
+duty dictated, and to the domain of Venice more than any law but that of
+love demanded.'[132]
+
+[Footnote 131: _Lettere_, vol. ii, p. 80.]
+
+[Footnote 132: Sarpi's _Life_ by Fra Fulgenzio, p. 64.]
+
+Paul V. assumed the tiara with the fixed resolve of making good the
+Papal claims to supremacy. Between Venice and the Holy See numerous
+disputed points of jurisdiction, relating to the semi-ecclesiastical
+fief of Ceneda, the investiture of the Patriarch, the navigation of the
+Po, and the right of the Republic to exercise judgment in criminal cases
+affecting priests, offered this Pope opportunities of interference. The
+Venetians maintained their customary prerogatives; and in April 1606
+Paul laid them under interdict and excommunication. The Republic denied
+the legitimacy of this proceeding. The Doge, Leonardo Donato, issued a
+proclamation to the clergy of all degrees within the domain, appealing
+to their loyalty and enjoining on them the discharge of their sacerdotal
+duties in spite of the Papal interdict. Only Jesuits at first disobeyed
+the ducal mandate. When they refused to say Mass in the excommunicated
+city, they were formally expelled as contumacious subjects; and the
+fathers took ship amid the maledictions of the populace: '_Andate in
+malora_.' Their example was subsequently followed by the reformed
+Capuchins and the Theatines. Otherwise the Venetian clergy, like the
+people, remained firm in their allegiance to the state. 'We are
+Venetians first, Christians afterwards,' was a proverb dating from this
+incident. Venice, conscious of the justice of her cause, prepared to
+resist the Pope's arrogant demands if need were with arms, and to
+exercise religious rites within her towns in spite of Camillo Borghese's
+excommunication. The Senate, some time before these events happened,
+had perceived the advantage which would accrue to the Republic from the
+service of a practised Canonist and jurisprudent in ecclesiastical
+affairs. Sarpi attracted their attention at an early stage of the
+dispute by a memorial which he drew up and presented to the Doge upon
+the best means of repelling Papal aggression. After perusing his report,
+in the month of January 1606, they appointed him Theologian and Canonist
+to the Republic, with a yearly salary of 200 ducats. This post he
+occupied until his death, having at a later period been raised to the
+still more important office of Counselor of State, which eventually he
+filled alone without a single coadjutor.
+
+From the month of January 1606, for the remaining seventeen years of his
+life, Sarpi was intellectually the most prominent personage of Venice,
+the man who for the world at large represented her policy of moderate
+but firm resistance to ecclesiastical tyranny. Greatness had been thrust
+upon the modest and retiring student; and Father Paul's name became the
+watchword of political independence throughout Europe.
+
+The Jesuists acting in concert with Spain, as well-informed historians
+held certain, first inspired Camillo Borghese with his ill-considered
+attempt upon the liberties of Venice.[133] It was now the Jesuits, after
+their expulsion from the Republic, who opened the batteries of literary
+warfare against the Venetian government. They wrote and published
+manifestoes through the Bergamasque territory, which province
+acknowledged the episcopal jurisdiction of Milan, though it belonged to
+the Venetian domain. In these writings it was argued that, so long as
+the Papal interdict remained in force, all sacraments would be invalid,
+marriages null, and offspring illegitimate. The population, trained
+already in doctrines of Papal supremacy, were warned that should they
+remain loyal to a contumacious State, their own souls would perish
+through the lack of sacerdotal ministrations, and their posterity would
+roam the world as bastards and accursed. To traverse this argument of
+sarcerdotal tyranny, exorbitant in any age of the Latin Church, but
+preposterous after the illumination of the sixteenth century in Europe,
+was a citizen's plain duty. Sarpi therefore supplied an elegant Italian
+stylist, Giambattista Leoni, with material for setting forth a statement
+of the controversy between Venice and Rome. It would have been well if
+he had taken up the pen with his own hand. But at this early period of
+his career as publicist, he seems to have been diffident about his
+literary powers. The result was that Leoni's main defense of the
+Republic fell flat; and the war was waged for a while upon side issues.
+Sarpi drew a treatise by Gerson, the learned French champion of Catholic
+independence, forth from the dust of libraries, translated it into
+Italian, and gave it to the press accompanied by an introductory letter
+which he signed.[134] Cardinal Bellarmino responded from Rome with an
+attack on Sarpi's orthodoxy and Gerson's authority. Sarpi replied in an
+Apology for Gerson. Then, finding that Leoni's narrative had missed its
+mark, he poured forth pamphlet upon pamphlet, penning his own
+_Considerations on the Censures_, inspiring Fra Fulgenzio Micanzi with a
+work styled _Confirmations_, and finally reducing the whole matter of
+the controversy into a book entitled a _Treatise on the Interdict_,
+which he signed together with six brother theologians of the Venetian
+party. It is not needful in this place to institute a minute
+investigation into the merits of this pamphlet warfare. In its details,
+whether we regard the haughty claims of delegated omnipotence advanced
+by Rome, or the carefully studied historical and canonistic arguments
+built up by Sarpi, the quarrel has lost actuality. Common sense and
+freedom have so far conquered in Europe that Sarpi's opinions, then
+denounced as heresies, sound now like truisms; and his candid boast that
+he was the first to break the neck of Papal encroachments upon secular
+prerogative, may pass for insignificant in an age which has little to
+fear from ecclesiastical violence.
+
+[Footnote 133: Fra Fulgenzio's _Vita di F. Paolo_, p. 42. Venetian
+Dispatches in Mutinelli's _Storia Arcana_, vol. iii. p. 67.]
+
+[Footnote 134: The treatise which Sarpi translated was Gerson's
+_Considerations upon Papal Excommunications_. Gerson's part in the
+Council of Constance will be remembered. See Creighton's _History of the
+Papacy_, vol. i. p. 211.]
+
+Yet we must not forget that, during the first years of the seventeenth
+century, the Venetian conflict with Papal absolutism, considered merely
+as a test-case in international jurisprudence, was one of vitally
+important interest. When we reflect how the Catholic Alliance was then
+engaged in rolling back the tide of Reformation, how the forces of Rome
+had been rallied by the Tridentine Council, and how the organism of the
+Jesuits had been created to promulgate new dogmas of Papal almightiness
+in Church and State, this resistance of Venice, stoutly Catholic in
+creed, valiant in her defense of Christendom against the Moslem,
+supported by her faithful churchman and accomplished canonist, was no
+inconsiderable factor in the European strife for light and liberty. The
+occasion was one of crucial gravity. Reconstituted Rome had not as yet
+been brought into abrupt collision with any commonwealth which abode in
+her communion. Had Venice yielded in that issue, the Papacy might have
+augured for itself a general victory. That Venice finally submitted to
+Roman influence, while preserving the semblance of independence,
+detracts, indeed, from the importance of this Interdict-affair
+considered as an episode in the struggle for spiritual freedom.
+Moreover, we know now that the presumptuous pretensions of the Papacy at
+large were destined, before many years had passed, to be pared down,
+diminished and obliterated by the mere advance of intellectual
+enlightenment. Yet none of these considerations diminish Sarpi's claim
+to rank as hero in the forefront of a battle which in his time was
+being waged with still uncertain prospects.[135] In their comparatively
+narrow spheres Venice and Sarpi, not less than Holland, England, Sweden
+and the Protestants of Germany, on their wider platform at a later date,
+were fighting for a principle upon which the liberty of States depended.
+And they were the first to fight for it upon the ground most perilous to
+the common adversary. In all his writings Sarpi sought to prove that men
+might remain sound Catholics and yet resist Roman aggression; that the
+Roman Court and its modern champions had introduced new doctrine,
+deviating from the pristine polity of Christendom; that the
+post-Tridentine theory of Papal absolutism was a deformation of that
+order which Christ founded, which the Apostles edified, and which the
+Councils of a purer age had built into the living temple of God's Church
+on earth.
+
+[Footnote 135: Sarpi's correspondence abundantly proves how very grave
+was the peril of Papal Absolutism in his days. The tide had not begun to
+turn with force against the Jesuit doctrines of Papal Supremacy. See
+Ranke, vol. ii. pp. 4-12, on these doctrines and the counter-theories to
+which they gave rise. We must remember that the Papal power was now at
+the height of its ascension; and Sarpi can be excused for not having
+reckoned on the inevitable decline it suffered during the next century.]
+
+A passage from Sarpi's correspondence may be cited, as sounding the
+keynote to all his writings in this famous controversy. 'I imagine,' he
+writes to Jacques Gillot in 1609, 'that the State and the Church are two
+realms, composed, however, of the same human beings. The one is wholly
+heavenly, the other earthly. Each has its own sovereignty, defended by
+its own arms and fortifications. Nothing is held by them in common, and
+there should be no occasion for the one to declare war upon the other.
+Christ said that he and his disciples were not of this world. S. Paul
+affirms that our city is in the heavens. I take the word Church to
+signify an assembly of the faithful, not of priests only; for when we
+regard it as confined to those, it ceases to be Christ's kingdom, and
+becomes a portion of the commonwealth in this world, subject to the
+highest authority of State, as also are the laity.[136] This emphatic
+distinction between Church and State, both fulfilling the needs of
+humanity but in diverse relations, lay at the root of Sarpi's doctrine.
+He regarded the claim of the Church to interfere in State management,
+not only as an infringement of the prince's prerogative, but also as
+patent rebellion against the law of God which had committed the temporal
+government of nations in sacred trust to secular rulers. As the State
+has no call to meddle in the creation and promulgation of dogmas, or to
+impose its ordinances on the religious conscience of its subjects, so
+the Church has no right to tamper with affairs of government, to
+accumulate wealth and arrogate secular power, or to withdraw its
+ministers from the jurisdiction of the prince in matters which concern
+the operation of criminal and civil legislature. The ultramontanism of
+the Jesuits appeared to him destructive of social order; but, more than
+this, he considered it as impious, as a deflection from the form of
+Christian economy, as a mischievous seduction of the Church into a
+slough of self-annihilating cupidity and concupiscence.
+
+Sarpi's views seemed audacious in his own age. But they have become the
+commonplaces of posterity. We can therefore hardly do justice to the
+originality and audacity which they displayed at an epoch when only
+Protestants at war with Rome advanced the like in deadly hatred--when
+the Catholic pulpits of Europe were ringing with newly-promulgated
+doctrines of Papal supremacy over princes and peoples, of national
+rights to depose or assassinate excommunicated sovereigns, and of blind
+unreasoning obedience to Rome as the sole sure method of salvation. Upon
+the path of that Papal triumph toward the Capitol of world-dominion,
+Sarpi, the puny friar from his cell at Venice, rose like a specter
+announcing certain doom with the irrefragable arguments of reason. The
+minatory words he uttered were all the more significant because neither
+he nor the State he represented sought to break with Catholic
+traditions. His voice was terrible and mighty, inasmuch as he denounced
+Rome by an indictment which proclaimed her to be the perturbing power in
+Christendom, the troubler of Israel, the whore who poured her cup of
+fornications forth to sup with princes.
+
+[Footnote 136: _Lettere_, vol. i. p. 312.]
+
+After sixteen months, the quarrel of the interdict was compromised.
+Venice, in duel with Islam, could ill afford to break with Rome, even if
+her national traditions of eight centuries, intertwined with rites of
+Latin piety, had not forbidden open rupture. The Papal Court, cowed into
+resentful silence by antagonism which threatened intellectual revolt
+through Europe, waived a portion of its claims. Three French converts
+from Huguenot opinions to Catholicism, Henri IV., the Cardinal du
+Perron, and M. de Canaye, adjusted matters. The interdict was dismissed
+from Venice rather than removed--in haughty silence, without the
+clashing of bells from S. Pietro di Castello and S. Marco, without
+manifestation of joy in the city which regarded Papal interdicts as
+illegitimate, without the parade of public absolution by the Pope. Thus
+the Republic maintained its dignity of self-respect. But Camillo
+Borghese, while proclaiming a general amnesty, reserved _in petto_
+implacable animosity against the theologians of the Venetian party. Two
+of these, Marsilio. and Rubetti, died suddenly under suspicion of
+poison.[137] A third, Fulgenzio Manfredi, was lured to Rome, treated
+with fair show of favor, and finally hung in the Campo di Fiora by order
+of the Holy Office.[138] A fourth, Capello, abjured his so-called
+heresies, and was assigned a pittance for the last days of his failing
+life in Rome.[139] It remained, if possible, to lay hands on Fra Paolo
+and his devoted secretary, Fra Fulgenzio Micanzi, of the Servites.
+
+[Footnote 137: Sarpi's _Letters_, vol. ii. pp. 179, 284.]
+
+[Footnote 138: _Ibid._ pp. 100-102.]
+
+[Footnote 139: Bianchi Giovini, _Vita di Fra P. Sarpi_, vol. ii. p. 49.]
+
+Neither threats nor promises availed to make these friends quit Venice.
+During the interdict and afterwards, Fulgenzio Micanzi preached the
+gospel there. He told the people that in the New Testament he had found
+truth; but he bade them take notice that for the laity this book was
+even a dead letter through the will of Rome.[140] Paul V. complained in
+words like these: Fra Fulgenzio's doctrine contains, indeed, no patent
+heresy, but it rests so clearly on the Bible as to prejudice the
+Catholic faith.[141] Sarpi informed his French correspondents that
+Christ and the truth had been openly preached in Venice by this
+man.[142] Fulgenzio survived the troubles of those times, steadily
+devoted to his master, of whom he has bequeathed to posterity, a
+faithful portrait in that biography which combines the dove-like
+simplicity of the fourteenth century with something of Roger North's
+sagacity and humor.[143] Of Fulgenzio we take no further notice here,
+having paid him our debt of gratitude for genial service rendered in the
+sympathetic delineation of so eminent a character as Sarpi's. A
+side-regret may be expressed that some such simple and affectionate
+record of Bruno as a man still fails us, and alas, must ever fail.
+Fulgenzio, by his love, makes us love Sarpi, who otherwise might coldly
+win our admiration. But for Bruno, that scapegoat of the spirit in the
+world's wilderness, there is none to speak words of worship and
+affection.
+
+[Footnote 140: A.G. Campbell's _Life of Sarpi_, p. 174.]
+
+[Footnote 141: Sarpi's _Letters_, vol. i. pp. 231, 239.]
+
+[Footnote 142: _Ibid._ pp. 220, 222, 225.]
+
+[Footnote 143: _Vita del Padre F. Paolo Sarpi_, Helmstat, per Jacopo
+Mulleri, MDCCXXXXX.]
+
+The first definite warning that his life was in danger came to Sarpi
+from Caspar Schoppe, the publicist. Scioppius (so his contemporaries
+called him) was a man of doubtful character and unsteady principles,
+who, according as his interests varied, used a fluent pen and limpid
+Latin style for or against the Jesuit faction. History would hardly
+condescend to notice him but for the singular luck he had of coming at
+critical moments into contact with the three chief Italian thinkers of
+his time. We know already that a letter of this man is the one
+contemporary testimony of an eye-witness to Bruno's condemnation which
+we possess. He also deserves mention for having visited Campanella in
+prison and helped to procure his liberation. Now in the year 1607, while
+passing through Venice, Schoppe sought a private interview with Sarpi,
+pointed out the odium which Fra Paolo had gained in Rome by his
+writings, and concluded by asserting that the Pope meant to have him
+alive or to compass his assassination. If Sarpi wished to make his peace
+with Paul V., Schoppe was ready to conduct the reconciliation upon
+honorable terms, having already several affairs of like import in his
+charge. To this proposal Sarpi replied that the cause he had defended
+was a just one, that he had done nothing to offend his Holiness, and
+that all plots against his liberty or life he left within the hands of
+God. To these words he significantly added that, even in the Pope's
+grasp, a man was always 'master over his own life'--a sentence which
+seems to indicate suicide as the last resort of self-defense. In
+September of the same year the Venetian ambassador at Rome received
+private information regarding some mysterious design against a person or
+persons unknown, at Venice, in which the Papal Court was implicated, and
+which was speedily to take effect.[144] On October 5 Sarpi was returning
+about 5 o'clock in the afternoon to his convent at S. Fosca, when he was
+attacked upon a bridge by five ruffians. It so happened that on this
+occasion he had no attendance but his servant Fra Marino; Fra Fulgenzio
+and a man of courage who usually accompanied him, having taken another
+route home. The assassins were armed with harquebusses, pistols and
+poniards. One of them went straight at Sarpi, while the others stood on
+guard and held down Fra Marino. Fifteen blows in all were aimed at
+Sarpi, three of which struck him in the neck and face. The stiletto
+remained firmly embedded in his cheekbone between the right ear and
+nose. He fell to the ground senseless; and a cry being raised by some
+women who had witnessed the outrage from a window, the assassins made
+off, leaving their victim for dead. It was noticed that they took
+refuge in the palace of the Papal Nuncio, whence they escaped that same
+evening to the Lido _en route_ for the States of the Church. An old
+Venetian nobleman of the highest birth, Alessandro Malipiero, who bore a
+singular affection for the champion of his country's liberty, was
+walking a short way in front of Sarpi beyond the bridge upon which the
+assault was perpetrated. He rushed to his friend's aid, dragged out the
+dagger from his face, and bore him to the convent. There Sarpi lay for
+many weeks in danger, suffering as much, it seems, from his physicians
+as from the wounds. Not satisfied with the attendance of his own
+surgeon, Alvise Ragoza, the Venetians insisted on sending all the
+eminent doctors of the city and of Padua to his bedside. The illustrious
+Acquapendente formed one of this miscellaneous _cortege_; and when the
+cure was completed, he received a rich gold chain and knighthood for his
+service. Every medical man suggested some fresh application. Some of
+them, suspecting poison, treated the wounds with theriac and antidotes.
+Others cut into the flesh and probed. Meanwhile the loss of blood had so
+exhausted Sarpi's meager frame that for more than twenty days he had no
+strength to move or lift his hands. Not a word of impatience escaped his
+lips; and when Acquapendente began to medicate the worst wound in his
+face, he moved the dozen doctors to laughter by wittily observing, 'And
+yet the world maintains that it was given _Stilo Romanae Curiae_.'[145]
+His old friend Malipiero would fain have kept the dagger as a relic. But
+Sarpi suspended it at the foot of a crucifix in the church of the Servi,
+with this appropriate inscription, _Dei Filio Liberatori_. When he had
+recovered from his long suffering, the Republic assigned their Counselor
+an increase of pension in order that he might maintain a body of armed
+guards, and voted him a house in S. Marco for the greater security of
+his person. But Sarpi begged to be allowed to remain among the friars,
+with whom he had spent his life, and where his vocation bound him. In
+the future he took a few obvious precautions, passing in a gondola to
+the Rialto and thence on foot through the crowded Merceria to the Ducal
+Palace, and furthermore securing the good offices of his attendants in
+the convent by liberal gifts of money. Otherwise, he refused to alter
+the customary tenor of his way.
+
+[Footnote 144: Dispatch to Fr. Contarini under date September 25, 1607,
+quoted in Campbell's _Life of Sarpi_, p. 145.]
+
+[Footnote 145: Fulgenzio's _Life_, p. 61. A.G. Campbell asserts that
+this celebrated _mot_ of Sarpi's is not to be found in Fulgenzio's MS.
+It occurs, however, quite naturally in the published work. The first
+edition of the _Life_ appeared in 1646, eight years before Fulgenzio's
+death. The discrepancies between it and the MS. may therefore have been
+intended by the author.]
+
+The State of Venice resented this attack upon their servant as though it
+had been directed against the majesty of the Republic. A proclamation
+was immediately issued, offering enormous rewards for the capture or
+murder of the criminals, especially so worded as to insinuate the belief
+that men of high position in Rome were implicated. The names of the
+chief conspirators were as follows: Ridolfo Poma, a broken Venetian
+merchant; Alessandro Parrasio of Ancona, outlawed for the murder of his
+uncle; a priest, Michele Viti of Bergamo; and two soldiers of adventure,
+Giovanni di Fiorenza and Pasquale di Bitonto. Having escaped to the
+Lido, they took ship for Ravenna and arrived in due course at Ancona,
+where they drew 1000 crowns from the Papal Camera, and proceeded to make
+triumphal progress through Romagna. Their joy was dashed by hearing that
+Fra Paolo had not been killed. The Venetian _bando_ filled them with
+fears and mutual suspicions, each man's hand being now set against his
+comrade, and every ruffian on the road having an interest in their
+capture. Yet after some time they continued their journey to Rome, and
+sought sanctuary in the palace of Cardinal Colonna. Here their reception
+was not what they had anticipated. Having failed in the main object and
+brought scandal on the Church, they were maintained for some months in
+obscurity, and then coldly bidden to depart with scanty recompense. All
+this while their lives remained exposed to the Venetian ban. Under these
+circumstances it is not strange that the men were half-maddened. Poma
+raged like a wild beast, worshiping the devil in his private chamber,
+planning schemes of piracy and fresh attacks on Sarpi, even
+contemplating a last conspiracy against the person of the Pope. He was
+seized in Rome by the _sbirri_ of the government, and one of his sons
+perished in the scuffle. Another returned to Venice, and ended his days
+there as a vagrant lunatic. Poma himself died mad in the prison of
+Civita Vecchia. Viti also died mad in the same prison. Parrasio died in
+prison at Rome. One of the soldiers was beheaded at Perugia, and the
+other fell a victim to cut-throats on the high road. Such was the end of
+the five conspirators against Fra Paolo Sarpi's life.[146] A priest,
+Franceschi, who had aided and abetted their plot, disappeared soon after
+the explosion; and we may rest tolerably assured that his was no natural
+removal to another world.
+
+It is just to add that the instigation of this murderous plot was never
+brought home by direct testimony to any members of the Papal Court. But
+the recourse which the assassins first had to the asylum of the Nuncio
+in Venice, their triumphal progress through cities of the Church, the
+moneys they drew on several occasions, the interest taken in them by
+Cardinal Borghese when they finally reached Rome, and their deaths in
+Papal dungeons, are circumstances of overwhelming cumulative evidence
+against the Curia. Sarpi's life was frequently attempted in the
+following years. On one occasion, Cardinal Bellarmino, more mindful of
+private friendship than of public feud, sent him warning that he must
+live prepared for fresh attacks from Rome.
+
+[Footnote 146: A full account of them is given by Bianchi Giovini in his
+_Biografia_, chap. xvii.]
+
+Indeed, it may be said that he now passed his days in continual
+expectation of poison or the dagger. This appears plainly in Fulgenzio's
+biography and in the pages of his private correspondence. The most
+considerable of these later conspiracies, of which Fra Fulgenzio gives a
+full account, implicated Cardinal Borghese and the General of the
+Servite Order.[147] The history seems in brief to be as follows. One Fra
+Bernardo of Perugia, who had served the Cardinal during their student
+days, took up his residence in Rome so soon as Scipione Borghese became
+a profitable patron. In the course of the year 1609, this Fra Bernardo
+dispatched a fellow-citizen of his, named Fra Giovanni Francesco, to
+Padua, whence he frequently came across to Venice and tampered with
+Sarpi's secretary, Fra Antonio of Viterbo. These three friars were all
+of them Servites; and it appears that the General looked with approval
+on their undertaking. The upshot of the traffic was that Fra Antonio,
+having ready access to Sarpi's apartments and person, agreed either to
+murder him with a razor or to put poison in his food, or, what was
+finally determined on, to introduce a couple of assassins into his
+bedchamber at night. An accident revealed the plot, and placed a
+voluminous cyphered correspondence in the hands of the Venetian
+Inquisitor of State. Fra Fulgenzio significantly adds that of all the
+persons incriminated by these letters, none, with the exception of the
+General of the Servites, was under the rank of Cardinal. The wording of
+his sentence is intentionally obscure, but one expression seems even to
+point at the Pope.[148]
+
+[Footnote 147: _Vita di F. Paolo_, pp. 67-70.]
+
+
+At the close of this affair, so disgraceful to the Church and to his
+Order, Fra Paolo besought the Signory of Venice on his bended knees, as
+a return for services rendered by him to the State, that no public
+punishment should be inflicted on the culprits. He could not bear, he
+said, to be the cause of bringing a blot of infamy upon his religion, or
+of ruining the career of any man. Fra Giovanni Francesco afterwards
+redeemed his life by offering weighty evidence against his powerful
+accomplices. But what he revealed is buried in the oblivion with which
+the Council of Ten in Venice chose to cover judicial acts of
+State-importance.
+
+It is worth considering that in all the attempts upon Sarpi's life,
+priests, friars, and prelates of high place were the prime agents.[149]
+Poor devils like Poma and Parrasio lay ready to their hands as
+sanguinary instruments, which, after work performed, could be broken if
+occasion served. What, then, was the religious reformation of which the
+Roman Court made ostentatious display when it secured its unexpected
+triumph in the Council of Trent?
+
+[Footnote 148: _Vita di F. Paolo_, p. 68: 'Le cose che vennero a
+pubblica notizia e certe sono: che molte persone nominate in quella
+cifra, di _Padre_, fratelli, e cugini, per le contracifre consto, dal
+Generale de' Servi in fuori, niuna esser di dignita inferiore alia
+Cardinalizia.']
+
+[Footnote 149: Sarpi says that no crime happened in Venice without a
+friar or priest being mixed in it (_Lettere_, vol. i. 351).]
+
+We must reply that in essential points of moral conduct this
+reformation amounted to almost nothing, and in some points to
+considerably less than nothing. The Church of God, as Sarpi held,
+suffered deformation rather than reformation. That is to say, this
+Church, instead of being brought back to primitive simplicity and purged
+of temporal abuses, now lay at the mercy of ambitious hypocrites who
+with the Supreme Pontiff's sanction, pursued their ends by treachery and
+violence. Its hostility to heretics and its new-fangled doctrine of
+Papal almightiness encouraged the spread of a pernicious casuistry which
+favored assassination. Kings at strife with the Catholic Alliance,
+honest Christians defending the prerogatives of their commonwealth,
+erudite historians and jurists who disapproved of substituting Popes in
+Rome for God in heaven, might be massacred or kidnapped by ruffians red
+with the blood of their nearest relatives and carrying the condemnation
+of their native States upon their forehead. According to the
+post-Tridentine morality of Rome, that morality which the Jesuits openly
+preached and published, which was disseminated in every prelate's
+ante-chamber, and whispered in every parish-priest's confessional,
+enormous sins could be atoned and eternal grace be gained by the
+merciless and traitorous murder of any notable man who savored of
+heresy. If the Holy Office had instituted a prosecution against the
+victim and had condemned him in his absence, the path was plain.
+Sentence of excommunication and death publicly pronounced on such a man
+reduced him to the condition of a wild beast, whose head was worth solid
+coin and plenary absolution to the cut-throat. A private minute recorded
+on the books of the Inquisitors had almost equal value; and Sarpi was
+under the impression that some such underhand proceeding against himself
+had loosed a score of knives. But short of these official or
+semi-judicial preliminaries, it was maintained upon the best casuistical
+authority that to take the life of any suspected heretic, of any one
+reputed heterodox in Roman circles, should be esteemed a work of merit
+creditable to the miscreant who perpetrated the deed, and certain, even
+should he die for it, to yield him in the other world the joys of
+Paradise. These joys the Jesuits described in language worthy of the
+Koran. Dabbled in Sarpi's or Duplessis Mornay's blood, quartered and
+tortured like Ravaillac, the desperado of so pious a crime would swim
+forever in oceans of ecstatic pleasure. The priest, ambitious for his
+hierarchy, fanatical in his devotion to the Church, relying upon
+privilege if he should chance to be detected, had a plain interest in
+promoting and directing such conspiracies. Men of blood, and bandits up
+to the hilts in crimes of violence, rendered reckless by the
+indiscriminate cruelty of justice in those days, allured by the double
+hope of pay and spiritual benefit, rushed without a back-thought into
+like adventures. Ready to risk their lives in an unholy cause, such
+ruffians were doubly glad to do so when the bait of heaven's felicity
+was offered to their grosser understanding. These considerations
+explain, but are far indeed from exculpating, the complicity of clergy
+and cut-throats in every crime of violence attempted against foes of
+Papal Rome.
+
+Sarpi's worst enemies could scarcely fix on him the crime of heresy. He
+was a staunch Catholic; so profoundly versed both in dogmatic theology
+and in ecclesiastical procedure, that to remain within the straitest
+limits of orthodoxy, while opposing the presumption of the Papal Court,
+gave him no trouble. Yet at the time in which he lived, the bare act of
+resistance to any will or whim of Rome, passed with those doctors who
+were forging new systems of Pontifical supremacy, for heretical. In this
+arbitrary and uncanonical sense of the phrase Sarpi was undoubtedly a
+heretic. He had deserved the hatred of the Curia, the Inquisition, the
+Jesuits, and their myrmidons. Steadily, with caution and a sober spirit,
+he had employed his energies and vast accumulated stores of knowledge in
+piling up breakwaters against their pernicious innovations. In all his
+controversial writings during the interdict Sarpi used none but solid
+arguments, drawn from Scripture, canon law, and the Councils of the
+early Church, in order to deduce one single principle: namely that both
+secular and ecclesiastical organisms, the State and the Church, are
+divinely appointed, but with several jurisdictions and for diverse ends.
+He pressed this principle home with hammer-strokes of most convincing
+proof on common sense and reason. He did so even superfluously to our
+modern intellect, which is fatigued by following so elaborate a chain of
+precedents up to a foregone conclusion. But he let no word fall, except
+by way of passing irony, which could bring contempt upon existing
+ecclesiastical potentates; and he maintained a dispassionate temper,
+while dealing with topics which at that epoch inflamed the fiercest
+party strife. His antagonists, not having sound learning, reason, and
+the Scripture on their side, were driven to employ the rhetoric of
+personal abuse and the stiletto. In the end the badness of their cause
+was proved by the recourse they had to conspiracies of pimps, friars,
+murderers, and fanatics, in order to stifle that voice of truth which
+told them of their aberration from the laws of God.
+
+It was not merely by his polemical writings during the interdict, that
+Sarpi won the fame of heretic in ultra-papal circles. In his office as
+Theologian to the Republic he had to report upon all matters touching
+the relations of State to Church; and the treatises which he prepared on
+such occasions assumed the proportions, in many instances, of important
+literary works. Among these the most considerable is entitled _Delle
+Materie Beneficiarie_. Professing to be a discourse upon ecclesiastical
+benefices, it combines a brief but sufficient history of the temporal
+power of the Papacy, an inquiry into the arts whereby the Church's
+property had been accumulated, and a critique of various devices
+employed by the Roman Curia to divert that wealth from its original
+objects. In 'this golden volume,' to use Gibbon's words, 'the Papal
+system is deeply studied and freely described.' Speaking of its purport,
+Hallam observes: 'That object was neither more nor less than to
+represent the wealth and power of the Church as ill-gotten and
+excessive.' Next in importance is a _Treatise on the Inquisition_, which
+gives a condensed sketch of the origin and development of the Holy
+Office, enlarging upon the special modifications of that institution as
+it existed in Venice. Here likewise Sarpi set himself to resist
+ecclesiastical encroachments upon the domain of secular jurisdiction. He
+pointed out how the right of inquiring into cases of heretical opinion
+had been gradually wrested from the hands of the bishop and the State,
+and committed to a specially-elected body which held itself only
+responsible to Rome. He showed how this powerful tribunal was being used
+to the detriment of States, by extending its operation into the sphere
+of politics, excluding the secular magistracy from participation in its
+judgments, and arrogating to itself the cognizance of civil crimes. A
+third _Discourse upon the Press_ brought the same system of attack to
+bear upon the Index of prohibited books. Sarpi was here able to
+demonstrate that a power originally delegated to the bishops of
+proscribing works pernicious to morality and religion, was now employed
+for the suppression of sound learning and enlightenment by a
+Congregation sworn to support the Papacy. Passing from their proper
+sphere of theology and ethics, these ecclesiastics condemned as
+heretical all writings which denied the supremacy of Rome over nations
+and commonwealths, prevented the publication and sale of books which
+defended the rights of princes and republics, and flooded Europe with
+doctrines of regicide, Pontifical omnipotence, and hierarchical
+predominance in secular affairs. These are the most important of Sarpi's
+minor works. But the same spirit of liberal resistance against Church
+aggression, supported by the same erudition and critical sagacity, is
+noticeable in a short tract explaining how the Right of Asylum had been
+abused to the prejudice of public justice; in a _Discourse upon the
+Contributions of the Clergy_, distinguishing their real from their
+assumed immunities; and in a brief memorandum upon the Greek College in
+Rome, exposing the mischief wrought in commonwealths and families by the
+Jesuit system of education.
+
+In all these writings Sarpi held firmly by his main principle, that the
+State, no less than the Church, exists _jure divino_. The papal
+usurpation of secular prerogatives was in his eyes not merely a
+violation of the divinely appointed order of government, but also a
+deformation of the ecclesiastical ideal. Those, he argued, are the real
+heretics who deprave the antique organism of the Church by making the
+Pope absolute, who preach the deity of the Roman Pontiff as though he
+were a second God equal in almightiness to God in heaven. 'Nay,' he
+exclaims in a passage marked by more than usual heat, 'should one drag
+God from heaven they would not stir a finger, provided the Pope
+preserved his vice-divinity or rather super-divinity. Bellarmino clearly
+states that to restrict the Papal authority to spiritual affairs is the
+same as to annihilate it; showing that they value the spiritual at just
+zero.'[150] Sarpi saw that the ultra-papalists of his day, by
+subordinating the State, the family and the individual to the worldly
+interests of Rome, by repressing knowledge and liberty of conscience,
+preaching immoral and anti-social doctrines, encouraging superstition
+and emasculating education, for the maintenance of those same worldly
+interests, were advancing steadily upon the path of self-destruction.
+The essence of Christianity was neglected in this brutal struggle for
+supremacy; while truth, virtue and religion, those sacred safe-guards of
+humanity, which the Church was instituted to preserve, ran no uncertain
+risk of perishing through the unnatural perversion of its aims.
+
+[Footnote 150: _Lettere_, vol. ii. p. 169.]
+
+The work which won for Sarpi a permanent place in the history of
+literature, and which in his lifetime did more than any other of his
+writings to expose the Papal system, is the history of the Tridentine
+Council. It was not published with his name or with his sanction. A
+manuscript copy lent by him to Marcantonio de Dominis, Archbishop of
+Spalatro, was taken by that waverer between Catholicism and
+Protestantism to England, and published in London under the pseudonym of
+Pietro Soave Polano--an anagram of Paolo Sarpi Veneto--in the year 1619.
+That Sarpi was the real author admits of no doubt. The book bears every
+stamp of genuineness. It is written in the lucid, nervous,
+straightforward style of the man, who always sought for mathematical
+precision rather than rhetorical elegance in his use of language. Sarpi
+had taken special pains to collect materials for a History of the
+Council; and in doing so he had enjoyed exceptional advantages. Early in
+his manhood he formed at Mantua a close friendship with Camillo Olivo,
+who had been secretary to the Papal Legate, Cardinal Gonzaga of Mantua,
+at Trent. During his residence in Rome between 1585 and 1587 he became
+intimately acquainted with Cardinal Castagna, president of the committee
+appointed for drawing up the decrees of the Council. In addition to the
+information afforded by these persons, officially connected with the
+transactions of the Council, Sarpi had at his command the Archives of
+Venice, including the dispatches of ambassadors, and a vast store of
+published documents, not to mention numerous details which in the course
+of his long commerce with society he had obtained from the lips of
+credible witnesses. All these sources, grasped in their diversity by his
+powerful memory and animated with his vivid intellect, are worked into
+an even, plain, dispassionate narration, which, in spite of the dryness
+of the subject, forms a truly fascinating whole. That Sarpi was strictly
+fair in his conception of the Council, can scarcely be maintained; for
+he wrote in a spirit of distinct antagonism to the ends which it
+achieved. Yet the more we examine the series of events described by him,
+the more are we convinced that in its main features the work is just.
+When Sir Roger Twysden pronounced it 'to be written with so great
+moderation, learning and wisdom, as might deserve a place among the
+exactest pieces of ecclesiastic story any age had produced,' he did not
+overshoot the mark. Nor has the avowedly hostile investigation to which
+Cardinal Pallavicini submitted it, done more than to confirm its credit
+by showing that a deadly enemy, with all the arsenal of Roman documents
+at his command, could only detect inaccuracies in minor details and
+express rage at the controlling animus of the work.
+
+It was Sarpi's object to demonstrate that the Council of Trent, instead
+of being a free and open Synod of Christians assembled to discuss points
+at issue between the Catholic and Protestant Churches, was in reality a
+closely-packed conciliabulum, from which Protestants were excluded, and
+where Catholics were dominated by the Italian agents of the Roman Court.
+He made it clear, and in this he is confirmed by masses of collateral
+proofs, that the presiding spirit of the Council was human diplomacy
+rather than divine inspiration, and that Roman intrigue conducted its
+transactions to an issue favorable for Papal supremacy by carefully
+manipulating the interests of princes and the passions of individuals.
+'I shall narrate the causes,' he remarks, in his exordium, 'and the
+negotiations of an ecclesiastical convocation during the course of
+twenty-two years, for divers ends and with varied means; by whom
+promoted and solicited, by whom impeded and delayed; for another
+eighteen years, now brought together, now dissolved; always held with
+various ends; and which received a form and accomplishment quite
+contrary to the design of those who set it going, as also to the fear of
+those who took all pains to interrupt it. A clear monition that man
+ought to yield his thoughts resignedly to God and not to trust in human
+prudence. Forasmuch as this Council, desired and put in motion by pious
+men for the reunion of the Church which had begun to break asunder, hath
+so established schism and embittered factions that it has rendered those
+discords irreconcilable; handled by princes for the reform of the
+ecclesiastical system, has caused the greatest deformation that hath
+ever been since the name of Christian came into existence; by bishops
+with hope expected as that which would restore the episcopal authority,
+now in large part absorbed by the sole Roman Pontiff, hath been the
+reason of their losing the last vestige of it and of their reduction to
+still greater servitude. On the other hand, dreaded and evaded by the
+Court of Rome, as an efficient instrument for curbing that exorbitant
+power, which from small beginnings hath arrived by various advances to
+limitless excess, it has so established and confirmed it over the
+portion still left subject to it, as that it never was so vast nor so
+well-rooted.' In treating of what he pithily calls 'the Iliad of our
+age,' Sarpi promises to observe the truth, and protests that he is
+governed by no passion. This promise the historian kept faithfully. His
+animus is never allowed to transpire in any direct tirades; his irony
+emerges rather in reporting epigrams of others than in personal sarcasms
+or innuendoes; his own prepossessions and opinions are carefully veiled.
+After reading the whole voluminous history we feel that it would be as
+inaccurate to claim Sarpi for Protestantism as to maintain that he was a
+friend of ultra-papal Catholicism. What he really had at heart was the
+restoration of the Church of God to unity, to purer discipline and to
+sincere spirituality. This reconstruction of Christendom upon a sound
+basis was, as he perceived, rendered impossible by the Tridentine
+decrees. Yet, though the dearest hope of his heart had been thus
+frustrated, he set nothing down in malice, nor vented his own
+disappointment in laments which might have seemed rebellious against the
+Divine will. Sarpi's personality shows itself most clearly in the
+luminous discourses with which from time to time he elucidates obscure
+matters of ecclesiastical history. Those on episcopal residence,
+pluralism, episcopal jurisdiction, the censure of books, and the
+malappropriation of endowments, are specially valuable.[151] If no other
+proof existed, these digressions would render Sarpi's authorship of the
+History unmistakable. They are identical in style and in intention with
+his acknowledged treatises, firmly but calmly expressing a sound
+scholar's disapproval of abuses which had grown up like morbid
+excrescences upon the Church. Taken in connection with the interpolated
+summaries of public opinion regarding the Council's method of procedure
+and its successive decrees, these discourses betray a spirit of
+hostility to Rome which is nowhere openly expressed. Sarpi illustrated
+Aretino's cynical sentence: 'How can you speak evil of your neighbor? By
+speaking the truth, by speaking the truth!'--without rancor and without
+passion. Nothing, in fact, could have been more damaging to Rome than
+his precise analysis of her arts in the Council.
+
+I have said that the History of the Tridentine Council, though it
+confirmed Sarpi's heretical reputation, would not justify us in
+believing him at heart a Protestant.[152]
+
+[Footnote 151: _Opere di Paolo Sarpi_, Helmstaedt, 1761, vol. i. pp. 200,
+233, 311; vol. ii. pp. 89, 187.]
+
+[Footnote 152: This contradicts the opinion of Hallam and Macaulay, both
+of whom were convinced that Sarpi was a Protestant at heart. Macaulay
+wishes that he had thrown off the friar's frock. In a certain sense
+Sarpi can be classified with the larger minds among the Reformed
+Churches of his age. But to call him a Protestant who concealed his real
+faith, argues coarseness of perception, incapacity for comprehending any
+attitude above and beyond belligerent Catholicism and Protestantism, or
+of sympathizing with the deeply-religious feelings of one who, after
+calculating all chances and surveying all dogmatic differences, thought
+that he could serve God as well and his country better in that communion
+which was his by birthright. To an illuminated intellect there was not
+in the seventeenth century much reason to prefer one of the Reformed
+Churches to Catholicism, except for the sake of political freedom. It
+being impossible to change the State-religion in Venice, Sarpi had no
+inducement to leave his country and to pass his life in exile among
+prejudiced sectarians.]
+
+Very much depends on how we define the word Protestant. If Sarpi's
+known opinions regarding the worldliness of Rome, ecclesiastical abuses,
+and Papal supremacy, constitute a Protestant, then he certainly was one.
+But if antagonism to Catholic dogma, repudiation of the Catholic
+Sacraments and abhorrence of monastic institutions are also necessary to
+the definition, then Sarpi was as certainly no Protestant. He seems to
+have anticipated the position of those Christians who now are known as
+Old Catholics. This appears from his vivid sympathy with the Gallican
+Church, and from his zealous defense of those prerogatives and
+privileges in which the Venetian Church resembled that of France. We
+must go to his collected letters in order to penetrate his real way of
+thinking on the subject of reform. The most important of these are
+addressed to Frenchmen--Ph. Duplessis Mornay, De l'Isle Groslot,
+Leschassier, a certain Roux, Gillot, and Casaubon. If we could be quite
+sure that the text of these familiar letters had not been tampered with
+before publication, their testimony would be doubly valuable. As it is,
+no one at all acquainted with Sarpi's style will doubt that in the main
+they are trustworthy. Here and there it may be that a phrase has been
+inserted or modified to give a stronger Protestant coloring. The
+frequent allusion to the Court of Rome under the title of _La
+Meretrice_, especially in letters to Duplessis Mornay, looks
+suspicious.[153] Yet Dante, Petrarch and Savonarola used similar
+metaphors, when describing the secular ambition of the Papacy. Having
+pointed out a weakness in this important series of documents, I will
+translate some obviously genuine passages which illustrate Sarpi's
+attitude toward reform.
+
+Writing to Leschassier upon the literary warfare of James I., he says it
+is a pity that the king did not abstain from theology and confine
+himself to the defense of his princely prerogatives against the claims
+of Rome. He has exposed himself to the imputation of wishing to upset
+the foundations of the faith. 'With regard to our own affairs [_i.e._ in
+Venice], we do not seek to mix up heaven and earth, things human and
+things divine. Our desire is to leave the sacraments and all that
+pertains to religion as they are, believing that we can uphold the
+secular government in those rights which Scripture and the teaching of
+the Fathers confirm.'[154] In another place he says: 'I have well
+considered the reasons which drew Germany and England into changing the
+observances of religion; but upon us neither these nor others of greater
+weight will exercise any influence.
+
+[Footnote 153: _Lettere_, vol. ii. pp. 3, 18, 96, 109, and elsewhere.]
+
+[Footnote 154: _Ib._ vol. ii. p. 6.]
+
+It is better to suffer certain rules and customs that are not in all
+points commendable, than to acquire a taste for revolution and to yield
+to the temptation of confounding all things in chaos.'[155] His own
+grievance against the Popes, he adds, is that they are innovating and
+destroying the primitive constitution of the Church. With regard to the
+possibility of uniting Christendom, he writes that many of the
+differences between Catholics and Protestants seem to him verbal; many,
+such as could be tolerated in one communion; and many capable of
+adjustment. But a good occasion must be waited for.[156] Nothing can be
+done in Italy without a general war, that shall shake the powers of
+Spain and Rome.[157] Both Spain and Rome are so well aware of their
+peril that they use every means to keep Italy in peace.[158] If the
+Protestants of Europe are bent on victory, they must imitate the policy
+of Scipio and attack the Jesuits and Rome in their headquarters.[159]
+'There is no enterprise of greater moment than to destroy the credit of
+the Jesuits. When they are conquered, Rome is taken; and without Rome,
+religion reforms itself spontaneously.'[160] 'Changes in State are
+inextricably involved in changes of religion;'[161] and Italy will never
+be free so long as the Diacatholicon lasts.
+
+[Footnote 155: _Lettere_, vol. i. p. 237.]
+
+[Footnote 156: _Ib._ p. 268.]
+
+[Footnote 157: _Ib._ vol. ii. pp. 29, 48, 59, 60, 125.]
+
+[Footnote 158: _Ib._ p. 120, 124.]
+
+[Footnote 159: _Ib._ p. 226.]
+
+[Footnote 160: _Ib._ p. 217.]
+
+[Footnote 161: _Ib._ p. 427.]
+
+Meanwhile, 'were it not for State policy there would be found hundreds
+ready to leap from this ditch of Rome to the summit of Reform.'[162] The
+hope of some improvement at Venice depends mainly upon the presence
+there of embassies from Protestant powers--England, Holland and the
+Grisons.[163] These give an opportunity to free religious discussion,
+and to the dissemination of Gospel truth. Sarpi is strong in his praise
+of Fra Fulgenzio for fearlessly preaching Christ and the truth, and
+repeats the Pope's complaint that the Bible is injurious to the Catholic
+faith.[164] He led William Bedell, chaplain to Sir H. Wotton and
+afterwards Bishop of Kilmore, to believe that Fra Fulgenzio and himself
+were ripe for Reform. 'These two I know,' writes Bedell to Prince Henry,
+'as having practiced with them, to desire nothing so much as the
+Reformation of the Church, and, in a word, for the substance of religion
+they are wholly ours.'[165] During the interdict Diodati came from
+Geneva to Venice, and Sarpi informed him that some 12,000 persons in the
+city wished for rupture with Rome; but the government and the
+aristocracy being against it, nothing could be done.[166]
+
+[Footnote 162: _Lettere_, vol. ii. p. 283.]
+
+[Footnote 163: _Ib._ p. 110, 311.]
+
+[Footnote 164: _Ib._ vol. i. pp. 220, 222, 225, 231, 239.]
+
+[Footnote 165: Campbell's _Life_, p. 132.]
+
+[Footnote 166: _Ib._ p. 133, 135.]
+
+Enough has now been quoted to throw some light upon Sarpi's attitude
+toward Protestantism. That he most earnestly desired the overthrow of
+ultra-papal Catholicism, is apparent. So also are his sympathies with
+those reformed nations which enjoyed liberty of conscience and
+independence of ecclesiastical control. Yet his first duty was to
+Venice; and since the State remained Catholic, he personally had no
+intention of quitting the communion into which he had been born and in
+which he was an ordained priest. All Churches, he wrote in one memorable
+letter to Casaubon, have their imperfections. The Church of Corinth, in
+the days of the Apostles, was corrupt.[167] 'The fabric of the Church of
+God,' being on earth, cannot expect immunity from earthly
+frailties.[168] Such imperfections and such frailties as the Catholic
+Church shared with all things of this world, Sarpi was willing to
+tolerate. The deformation of that Church by Rome and Jesuitry he
+manfully withstood; but he saw no valid reason why he should abandon her
+for Protestantism. In his own conscience he remained free to serve God
+in spirit and in truth. The mind of the man in fact was too far-seeing
+and too philosophical to exchange old lamps for new without a better
+prospect of attaining to absolute truth than the dissenters from
+Catholicism afforded. His interest in Protestant, as separate from
+Catholic Reform, was rather civil and political than religious or
+theological. Could those soaring wings of Rome be broken, then and not
+till then might the Italians enjoy freedom of conscience, liberty of
+discussion and research, purer piety, and a healthier activity as
+citizens.
+
+[Footnote 167: _Lettere_, vol. ii. p. 86.]
+
+[Footnote 168: _Ib._ vol. i. p. 283.]
+
+Side light may be thrown upon Sarpi's judgment of the European situation
+by considering in detail what he said about the Jesuits. This company,
+as we have seen, lent its support to Papal absolutism; and during the
+later years of Sarpi's life it seemed destined to carry the world before
+it, by control of education, by devotion to Rome, by adroit manipulation
+of the religious consciousness for anti-social ends and ecclesiastical
+aggrandizement.
+
+The sure sign of being in the right, said Sarpi, is when one finds
+himself in contradiction to the Jesuits. They are most subtle masters in
+ill-doing, men who, if their needs demand, are ready to commit crimes
+worse than those of which they now are guilty. All falsehood and all
+blasphemy proceed from them. They have set the last hand at establishing
+universal corruption. They are a public plague, the plague of the world,
+chameleons who take their color from the soil they squat on, flatterers
+of princes, perverters of youth. They not only excuse but laud lying;
+their dissimulation is bare and unqualified mendacity; their malice is
+inestimable. They have the art so to blend their interests and that of
+Rome, seeking for themselves and the Papacy the empire of the world,
+that the Curia must needs support them, while it cowers before their
+inscrutable authority. They are the ruin of good literature and
+wholesome doctrine by their pitiful pretense of learning and their
+machinery of false teaching. On ignorance rests their power, and truth
+is mortal to them. Every vice of which humanity is capable, every
+frailty to which it is subject, finds from them support and consolation.
+If S. Peter had been directed by a Jesuit confessor he might have
+arrived at denying Christ without sin. The use the confessional as an
+instrument of political and domestic influence, reciprocating its
+confidences one with the other in their own debates, but menacing their
+penitents with penalties if a word of their counsel be bruited to the
+world. Expelled from Venice, they work more mischief there by their
+intrigues than they did when they were tolerated.[169] They scheme to
+get a hold on Constantinople and Palestine, in order to establish
+seminaries of fanatics and assassins. They are responsible for the
+murder of Henri IV., for if they did not instigate Ravaillac, their
+doctrine of regicide inspired him. They can creep into any kingdom, any
+institution, any household, because they readily accept any terms and
+subscribe to any conditions in the certainty that by the adroit use of
+flattery, humbug, falsehood, and corruption, they will soon become
+masters of the situation. In France they are the real Morbus Gallicus.
+In Italy they are the soul of the Diacatholicon.
+
+[Footnote 169: It is worthy of notice, as a stern Venetian joke, that
+when the Jesuits eventually returned to Rialto, they were bade walk in
+processions upon ceremonial occasions between the Fraternities of S.
+Marco and S. Teodoro--saints amid whose columns on the Molo criminals
+were executed.]
+
+The torrent of Sarpi's indignation against the Jesuits, as perverters of
+sound doctrine in the Church, disturbers of kingdoms, sappers of
+morality and disseminators of vile customs through society, runs so
+violently forward that we are fain to check it, while acknowledging its
+justice. One passage only, from the many passages bearing on this topic
+in his correspondence, demands special citation, since it deals directly
+with the whole material of the present work. Writing to his friend
+Leschassier, he speaks as follows: 'Nothing can be of more mischief to
+you in France than the dishonesty of bad confessors and their
+determination to aggrandize Rome by any means, together with the
+mistaken zeal of the good sort. We have arrived at a point where cure of
+the disease must even be despaired of. Fifty years ago things went well
+in Italy. There was no public system of education for training young men
+to the profit of the clergy. They were brought up by their parents in
+private, more for the advantage of their families than for that of the
+hierarchy. In religious houses, where studies flourished, attention was
+paid to scholastic logic. The jurisdiction and the authority of the Pope
+were hardly touched on; and while theology was pursued at leisure, the
+majority passed their years in contemplation of the Deity and angels.
+Recently, through the decrees of the Tridentine Council, schools have
+been opened in every State, which are called Seminaries, where education
+is concentrated on the sole end of augmenting ecclesiastical supremacy.
+Furthermore, the prelates of each district, partly with a view of saving
+their own pockets, and partly that they may display a fashionable show
+of zeal, have committed the charge of those institutions to Jesuits.
+This has caused a most important alteration in the aspect of
+affairs.'[170] It would be difficult to state the changes effected by
+the Tridentine Council and the commission of education to the Jesuits
+more precisely and more fairly than in this paragraph. How deeply Sarpi
+had penetrated the Jesuitical arts in education, can be further
+demonstrated from another passage in his minor works.[171] In a memoir
+prepared for the Venetian Signory, he says that the Jesuits are vulgarly
+supposed to be unrivaled as trainers of youth. But a patent equivocation
+lurks under this phrase 'unrivaled.' Education must be considered with
+regard to the utility of the State. 'Now the education of the Jesuits
+consists in stripping the pupil of every obligation to his father, to
+his country, and to his natural prince; in diverting all his love and
+fear toward a spiritual superior, on whose nod, beck and word he is
+dependent. This system of training is useful for the supremacy of
+ecclesiastics and for such secular governments as they are ready to
+submit to; and none can deny that the Jesuits are without equals in
+their employment of it. Yet in so far as it is advantageous in such
+cases, so also is it prejudicial to States, the end whereof is liberty
+and real virtue, and with whom the ecclesiastical faction remains in
+bad accord. From the Jesuit colleges there never issued a son obedient
+to his father, devoted to his country, loyal to his prince. The cause of
+this is that the Jesuits employ their best energies in destroying
+natural affection, respect for parents, reverence for princes. Therefore
+they only deserve to be admired by those whose interest it is to subject
+family, country and government to ecclesiastical interests.'
+
+
+[Footnote 170: _Lettere_, vol. i. p. 126; _Opere_, vol. vi. p. 40.]
+
+[Footnote 171: _Opere_, vol. vi. p. 145.]
+
+The Provincial Letters of Pascal, which Sarpi anticipated in so many
+points, suffice to prove that he was justified in this hostility to
+ultramontanism backed up by Jesuit artifices. He was writing, be it
+remembered, at the very high tide of Papal domination, when Henri IV.
+had been assassinated, and when the overwhelming forces of secular
+interests combined with intellectual progress had not as yet set limits
+on ecclesiastical encroachment. The dread lest Europe should succumb to
+Rome, now proved by subsequent events an unsubstantial nightmare, was
+real enough for this Venetian friar, who ran daily risk of assassination
+in down-trodden servile Italy, with Spanish plots threatening the
+arsenal, with France delivered into the hands of Florentines and
+casuists, with England in the grip of Stuarts, and with Germany
+distracted by intrigues. He could not foresee that in the course of a
+century the Jesuits would be discredited by their own arts, and that the
+Papacy would subside into a pacific sovereignty bent on securing its own
+temporal existence by accommodation.
+
+The end of Sarpi's life consecrated the principles of duty to God and
+allegiance to his country which had animated its whole course. He fell
+into a bad state of health; yet nothing would divert him from the due
+discharge of public business. 'All the signs of the soul's speedy
+departure from that age-enfeebled body, were visible; but his
+indefatigable spirit sustained him in such wise that he bore exactly all
+his usual burdens. When his friends and masters bade him relax his
+energies, he used to answer: My duty is to serve and not to live; there
+is some one daily dying in his office.[172] When at length the very
+sources of existence failed, and the firm brain wandered for a moment,
+he was once heard to say: 'Let us go to S. Mark, for it is late.'[173]
+The very last words he uttered, frequently repeated, but scarcely
+intelligible, were: 'Esto Perpetua.'[174] _May Venice last forever_!
+This was the dying prayer of the man who had consecrated his best
+faculties to the service of his country. But before he passed away into
+that half slumber which precedes death, he made confession to his
+accustomed spiritual father, received the Eucharist and Extreme Unction,
+and bade farewell to the superior of the Servites, in the following
+sentence: 'Go ye to rest, and I will return to God, from whom I came.'
+With these words he closed his lips in silence, crossing his hands upon
+his breast and fixing his eyes upon a crucifix that stood before
+him.[175]
+
+[Footnote 172: Fulgenzio's _Life_, p. 98.]
+
+[Footnote 173: _Ibid._ p. 105.]
+
+[Footnote 174: _Ibid._]
+
+[Footnote 175: Letter of the Superior to the Venetian Senate, printed in
+the _Lettere_, vol. ii. pp. 450-453. It is worth meditating on the
+contrast between Sarpi's and Bruno's deaths. Sarpi died with the
+consolations of religion on his bed in the convent which had been his
+life-long home. Bruno was burned alive, with eyes averted from the
+crucifix in bitter scorn, after seven and a half years spent in the
+prisons of the Inquisition. Sarpi exhaled his last breath amid
+sympathizing friends, in the service of a grateful country. Bruno panted
+his death-pangs of suffocation and combustion out, surrounded by
+menacing Dominicans, in the midst of hostile Rome celebrating her
+triumphant jubilee. Sarpi's last thoughts were given to the God of
+Christendom and the Republic. Bruno had no country; the God in whom he
+trusted at that grim hour, was the God within his soul, unrealized,
+detached by his own reason from every Church and every creed.]
+
+    I will return to God from whom I came.
+
+These words--not the last, for the last were _Esto perpetua_; but the
+last spoken in the presence of his fraternity--have a deep significance
+for those who would fain understand the soul of Sarpi. When in his
+lifetime he spoke of the Church, it was always as 'the Church of God.'
+When he relegated his own anxieties for the welfare of society to a
+superior power, it was not to Mary, as Jesuits advised, nor even to
+Christ, but invariably to the Providence of God. Sarpi, we have the
+right to assume, lived and died a sincere believer in the God who orders
+and disposes of the universe; and this God, identical in fact though not
+in form with Bruno's, he worshiped through such symbols of ceremony and
+religion as had been adopted by him in his youth. An intellect so clear
+of insight as this, knew that 'God is a spirit, and they that worship
+him must worship him in spirit and in truth.' He knew that 'neither on
+this mountain nor yet in Jerusalem,' neither in Protestant communities
+nor yet in Rome was the authentic God made tangible; but that a loyal
+human being, created in God's image, could serve him and adore him with
+life-worship under any of the spiritual shapes which mortal frailty has
+fashioned for its needs.
+
+To penetrate the abyss of any human personality is impossible. No man
+truly sees into his living neighbor's, brother's, wife's, nay even his
+own soul. How futile, therefore, is the effort which we make to seize
+and sketch the vital lineaments of men long dead, divided from us not
+merely by the grave which has absorbed their fleshly form and deprived
+us of their tone of voice, but also by those differences in thought and
+feeling which separate the centuries of culture! Yet this impossible
+task lies ever before the historian. Few characters are more patently
+difficult to comprehend than that of Sarpi. Ultimately, so far as it is
+possible to formulate a view, I think he may be defined as a Christian
+Stoic, possessed with two main governing ideas, duty to God and duty to
+Venice. His last words were for Venice; the penultimate consigned his
+soul to God. For a mind like his, so philosophically tempered, so versed
+in all the history of the world to us-wards, the materials of dispute
+between Catholic and Protestant must have seemed but trifles. He stayed
+where he had early taken root, in his Servite convent at S. Fosca,
+because he there could dedicate his life to God and Venice better than
+in any Protestant conventicle. Had Venice inclined toward rupture with
+Rome, had the Republic possessed the power to make that rupture with
+success, Sarpi would have hailed the event gladly, as introducing for
+Italy the prospect of spiritual freedom, purer piety, and the overthrow
+of Papal-Spanish despotism. But Venice chose to abide in the old ways,
+and her Counselor of State knew better than any one that she had not the
+strength to cope with Spain, Rome, Jesuitry and Islam single-handed.
+Therefore he possessed his soul in patience, worshiping God under forms
+and symbols to which he had from youth been used, trusting the while
+that sooner or later God would break those mighty wings of Papal
+domination.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XI.
+
+GUARINO, MARINO, CHIABRERA, TASSONI.
+
+     Dearth of Great Men--Guarini a Link between Tasso and the
+     Seventeenth Century--His Biography--The _Pastor Fido_--Qualities of
+     Guarini as Poet--Marino the Dictator of Letters--His Riotous Youth
+     at Naples--Life at Rome, Turin, Paris--Publishes the _Adone_--The
+     Epic of Voluptuousness--Character and Action of Adonis--Marino's
+     Hypocrisy--Sentimental Sweetness--Brutal Violence--Violation of
+     Artistic Taste--Great Powers of the Poet--Structure of the
+     _Adone_--Musical Fluency--Marinism--Marino's Patriotic
+     Verses--Contrast between Chiabrera and Marino--An Aspirant after
+     Pindar--Chiabrera's Biography--His Court Life--Efforts of Poets in
+     the Seventeenth Century to attain to Novelty--Chiabrera's
+     Failure--Tassoni's Life--His Thirst to Innovate--Origin of the
+     _Secchia Rapita_--Mock-Heroic Poetry--The Plot of this Poem--Its
+     Peculiar Humor--Irony and Satire--Novelty of the Species--Lyrical
+     Interbreathings--Sustained Contrast of Parody and Pathos--The Poet
+     Testi.
+
+Soon after 1600 it became manifest that lapse of years and
+ecclesiastical intolerance had rendered Italy nearly destitute of great
+men. Her famous sons were all either dead, murdered or exiled; reduced
+to silence by the scythe of time or by the Roman 'arguments of sword and
+halter.' Bruno burned, Vanini burned, Carnesecchi burned, Paleario
+burned, Bonfadio burned; Campanella banished, after a quarter of a
+century's imprisonment with torture; the leaders of free religious
+thought in exile, scattered over northern Europe. Tasso, worn out with
+misery and madness, rested at length in his tomb on the Janiculan;
+Sarpi survived the stylus of the Roman Curia with calm inscrutability at
+S. Fosca; Galileo meditated with closed lips in his watch-tower behind
+Bello Sguardo. With Michelangelo in 1564, Palladio in 1580, Tintoretto
+in 1594, the godlike lineage of the Renaissance artists ended; and what
+children of the sixteenth century still survived to sustain the nation's
+prestige, to carry on its glorious traditions? The list is but a poor
+one. Marino, Tassoni, the younger Buonarroti, Boccalini and Chiabrera in
+literature. The Bolognese Academy in painting. After these men expand
+arid wildernesses of the Sei Cento--barocco architecture, false taste,
+frivolity, grimace, affectation--Jesuitry translated into culture. On
+one bright point, indeed, the eye rests with hope and comfort.
+Palestrina, when he died in 1594, did not close but opened an age for
+music. His posterity, those composers, lutists, violists and singers,
+from whom the modern art of arts has drawn her being, down to the sweet
+fellowship of Pergolese, Marcello and Jomelli, of Guarneri, Amati and
+Stradivari, of Farinelli, Caffarielli and La Romanina, were as yet but
+rising dimly heralded with light of dawn upon their foreheads.
+
+In making the transition from the _Gerusalemme_ to the _Adone_, from the
+last great poem of the Cinque Cento to the epic of the Sei Cento, it is
+indispensable that notice should be taken of the _Pastor Fido_ and its
+author. Giambattista Guarini forms a link between Vasso and the poets of
+the seventeenth century. He belonged less to the Renaissance, more to
+the culture of the age created by the Council of Trent, than did Tasso.
+His life, in many of its details similar, in others most dissimilar, to
+that of Tasso, illustrates and helps us in some measure to explain the
+latter. It must therefore form the subject of a somewhat detailed study.
+
+Guarini drew his blood on the paternal side from the illustrious
+humanist Guarino of Verona, who settled at Ferrara in the fifteenth
+century as tutor to Leonello d'Este.[176] By his mother he claimed
+descent from the Florentine house of Machiavelli. Born in 1537, he was
+seven years older than Torquato Tasso, whom he survived eighteen years,
+not closing his long life until 1612. He received a solid education both
+at Pisa and Padua, and was called at the early age of eighteen to
+profess moral philosophy in the University of Ferrara. Being of noble
+birth and inheriting a considerable patrimony, Guarini might have
+enjoyed a life of uninterrupted literary leisure, if he had chosen to
+forego empty honors and shun the idle distractions of Courts. But it was
+the fate of distinguished men in that age to plunge into those
+quicksands. Guarini had a character and intellect suited to the conduct
+of state affairs; and he shared the delusion prevalent among his
+contemporaries, that the petty Italian principalities could offer a
+field for the exercise of these talents. 'If our country is reduced to
+the sole government of a prince,' he writes, 'the man who serves his
+prince will serve his country, a duty both natural and binding upon
+all.'[177] Accordingly, soon after his marriage to Taddea of the noble
+Bendedei family, he entered the service of Alfonso II. This was in 1567.
+Tasso, in his quality of gentleman to Cardinal d'Este, had already shed
+lustre on Ferrara through the past two years. Guarini first made Tasso's
+friendship at Padua, where both were Eterei and house-guests of Scipione
+Gonzaga. The two poets now came together in a rivalry which was not
+altogether amicable. The genius of Tasso, in the prime of youth and
+heyday of Court-favor, roused Guarini's jealousy. And yet their
+positions were so different that Guarini might have been well satisfied
+to pursue his own course without envy. A married and elder man, he had
+no right to compete in gallantry with the brilliant young bachelor.
+Destined for diplomacy and affairs of state, he had no cause to grudge
+the Court poet his laurels. Writing in 1595, Guarini avers that 'poetry
+has been my pastime, never my profession'; and yet he made it his
+business at Ferrara to rival Tasso both as a lyrist and as a servant of
+dames. Like Tasso, he suffered from the spite of Alfonso's secretaries,
+Pigna and Montecatino, who seem to have incarnated the malevolence of
+courtiers in its basest form. So far, there was a close parallel between
+the careers of the two men at Ferrara.
+
+[Footnote 176: See _Renaissance in Italy_, vol. ii. pp. 299, 300.]
+
+[Footnote 177: _Lettere del Guarini_, Venezia, 1596, p. 2.]
+
+But Guarini's wealth and avowed objects in life caused the duke from
+the first to employ him in a different kind of service. Alfonso sent him
+as ambassador to Venice, Rome, and Turin, giving him the rank of
+Cavaliere in order that he might perform his missions with more dignity.
+At Turin, where he resided for some time, Guarini conceived a just
+opinion of the growing importance of the House of Savoy. Like all the
+finest spirits of his age, Tassoni, Sarpi, Chiabrera, Marino, Testi, he
+became convinced that if Italy were to recover her independence, it
+could only be by the opposition of the Dukes of Savoy to Spain. How
+nearly the hopes of these men were being realized by Carlo Emmanuele,
+and how those hopes were frustrated by Roman intrigues and the jealousy
+of Italian despots, is matter of history. Yet the student may observe
+with interest that the most penetrating minds of the sixteenth century
+already discerned the power by means of which, after the lapse of nearly
+three hundred years, the emancipation of Italy has been achieved.
+
+In 1574 Guarini was sent to Poland, to congratulate Henri III. upon his
+election to that monarchy. He went a second time in the following year
+to conduct more delicate negotiations. The crown of Poland was now
+thrown open to candidature; and more than one of the Italian Princes
+thought seriously of competing for this honor. The Grand Duke of Tuscany
+entertained the notion and abandoned it. But Alfonso II. of Ferrara, who
+had fought with honor in his youth in Hungary, made it a serious object
+of ambition. Manolesso, the Venetian envoy in 1575 at Ferrara, relates
+how the duke spent laborious hours in acquiring the German language,
+'which no one learns for pleasure, since it is most barbarous, nor
+quickly, but with industry and large expenditure of time.' He also
+writes: 'The duke aspires to greatness, nor is satisfied with his
+present State; and therefore he has entered into the Polish affair,
+encouraged thereto by his brother the Cardinal and by his ambassador in
+Poland.'[178]
+
+These embassies were a serious drain upon Guarini's resources; for it
+appears certain that if he received any appointments, they were
+inadequate to the expenses of long journeys and the maintenance of a
+becoming state. He therefore returned to Ferrara, considerably burdened
+with debts; and this was just the time at which Tasso's mental
+derangement began to manifest itself. Between 1575 and 1579, the date of
+Tasso's imprisonment at Sant' Anna, the two men lived together at the
+Court. Guarini's rivalry induced him at this period to cultivate poetry
+with such success that, when the author of the _Gerusalemme_ failed,
+Alfonso commanded him to take the vacant place of Court poet. There is
+an interesting letter extant from Guarini to his friend Cornelio
+Bentivoglio, describing the efforts he made to comply with the Duke's
+pleasure. 'I strove to transform myself into another man, and, like a
+playactor, to reassume the character, manners and emotions of a past
+period. Mature in age, I forced myself to appear young; exchanged my
+melancholy for gayety: affected loves I did not feel; turned my wisdom
+into folly, and, in a word, passed from philosopher to poet.'[179] How
+ill-adapted he was to this masquerade existence may be gathered from
+another sentence in the same letter. 'I am already in my forty-fourth
+year, burdened with debts, the father of eight children, two of my sons
+old enough to be my judges, and with my daughters to marry.'
+
+[Footnote 178: Alberi, _Relazioni_, series 2, vol. ii. pp. 423-425.]
+
+At last, abandoning this uncongenial strain upon his faculties, Guarini
+retired in 1582 to the villa which he had built upon his ancestral
+estate in the Polesine, that delightful rustic region between Adige and
+Po. Here he gave himself up to the cares of his family, the nursing of
+his dilapidated fortune, and the composition of the _Pastor Fido_. It is
+not yet the time to speak of that work, upon which Guarini's fame as
+poet rests; for the drama, though suggested by Tasso's _Aminta_, was not
+finally perfected until 1602.[180] Yet we may pause to remark upon the
+circumstances under which he wrote it. A disappointed courtier, past the
+prime of manhood, feeling his true vocation to be for severe studies and
+practical affairs, he yet devoted years of leisure to the slow
+elaboration of a dramatic masterpiece which is worthy to rank with the
+classics of Italian literature. During this period his domestic lot was
+not a happy one. He lost his wife, quarreled with his elder sons, and
+involved himself in a series of lawsuits.[181] Litigation seems to have
+been an inveterate vice of his maturity, and he bequeathed to his
+descendants a coil of legal troubles. Having married one of his
+daughters, Anna, to Count Ercole Trotti, he had the misery of hearing in
+1596 that she had fallen an innocent victim to her husband's jealousy,
+and that his third son, Girolamo connived at her assassination. In the
+midst of these annoyances and sorrows, he maintained a grave and robust
+attitude, uttering none of those querulous lamentations which flowed so
+readily from Tasso's pen.
+
+[Footnote 179: _Lettere_, p. 195.]
+
+[Footnote 180: In this year it was published with the author's revision
+by Ciotto at Venice. It had been represented at Turin in 1585, and first
+printed at Venice in 1590.]
+
+Tasso had used the Pastoral Drama to idealize Courts. Guarini vented all
+the bitterness of his soul against them in his _Pastor Fido_. He also
+wrote from his retirement: 'I am at ease in the enjoyment of liberty,
+studies, the management of my household.'[182] Yet in 1585, while on a
+visit to Turin, he again accepted proposals from Alfonso. He had gone
+there in order to superintend the first representation of his Pastoral,
+which was dedicated to the Duke of Savoy. Extremely averse to his old
+servants taking office under other princes, the Duke of Ferrara seems to
+have feared lest Guarini should pass into the Court of Carlo Emmanuele.
+He therefore appointed him Secretary of State; and Guarini entered upon
+the post in the same year that Tasso issued from his prison. This
+reconciliation did not last long. Alfonso took the side of Alessandro
+Guarini in a lawsuit with his father; and the irritable poet retired in
+indignation to Florence. The Duke of Ferrara, however, was determined
+that he should not serve another master. At Florence, Turin, Mantua and
+Rome, his attempts to obtain firm foothold in offices of trust were
+invariably frustrated; and Coccapani, the Duke's envoy, hinted that if
+Guarini were not circumspect, 'he might suffer the same fate as Tasso.'
+To shut Guarini up in a madhouse would have been difficult. Still he
+might easily have been dispatched by the poniard; and these words throw
+not insignificant light upon Tasso's terror of assassination.
+
+[Footnote 181: Guarini may be compared with Trissino in these points of
+his private life. See _Renaissance in Italy_, vol. v. 303-305.]
+
+[Footnote 182: _Lettere_, p. 196.]
+
+The Duke Alfonso died in 1597, and Ferrara reverted to the Holy See.
+Upon this occasion, Guarini was free to follow his own inclinations. He
+therefore established himself at the Court of the Grand Duke, into whose
+confidence he entered upon terms of flattering familiarity. Ferdinando
+de'Medici 'fell in love with him as a man may with a fine woman,' says
+his son Alessandro in one of his apologetic writings. This, however,
+meant but little; for compliments passed freely between princes and
+their courtiers; which, when affairs of purse or honor were at stake,
+soon turned to discontent and hatred. So it fared with Guarini at
+Florence. His son, Guarino, made a marriage of which he disapproved, but
+which the Grand Duke countenanced. So slight a disagreement snapped the
+ties of friendship, and the restless poet removed to the Court of
+Urbino. There the last duke of the House of Rovere, Francesco Maria II.,
+Tasso's schoolfellow and patron, was spending his widowed years in
+gloomy Spanish pride. The mortmain of the Church was soon to fall upon
+Urbino, as it had already fallen on Ferrara. Guarini wrote: 'The former
+Court in Italy is a dead thing. One may see the shadow, but not the
+substance of it nowadays. Ours is an age of appearances, and one goes
+a-masquerading all the year.' A sad but sincere epitaph, inscribed by
+one who had gone the round of all the Courts of Italy, and had survived
+the grand free life of the Renaissance.
+
+These words close Guarini's career as courtier. He returned to Ferrara
+in 1604, and in 1605 carried the compliments of that now Pontifical city
+to Paul V. in Rome on his election to the Papacy. Upon this occasion
+Cardinal Bellarmino told him that he had inflicted as much harm on
+Christendom by his _Pastor Fido_ as Luther and Calvin by their heresies.
+He retorted with a sarcasm which has not been transmitted to us, but
+which may probably have reflected on the pollution of Christian morals
+by the Jesuits. In 1612 Guarini died at Venice, whither he was summoned
+by one of his innumerable and interminable lawsuits.
+
+Bellarmino's censure of the _Pastor Fido_ strikes a modern reader as
+inexplicably severe. Yet it is certain that the dissolute seventeenth
+century recognized this drama as one of the most potent agents of
+corruption. Not infrequent references in the literature of that age to
+the ruin of families and reputations by its means, warn us to remember
+how difficult it is to estimate the ethical sensibilities of society in
+periods remote from our own.[183] In the course of the analysis which I
+now propose to make of this play, I shall attempt to show how, coming
+midway between Tasso's _Aminta_ and Marino's _Adone_, and appealing to
+the dominant musical enthusiasms of the epoch, Guarini's _Pastor Fido_
+may have merited the condemnation of far-sighted moralists. Not
+censurable in itself, it was so related to the sentimental sensuality of
+its period as to form a link in the chain of enervation which weighed on
+Italy.
+
+[Footnote 183: _Il Pastor Fido_, per cura di G. Casella (Firenze,
+Barbera, 1866), p. liv.]
+
+The _Pastor Fido_ is a tragi-comedy, as its author points out with some
+elaboration in the critical essay he composed upon that species of the
+drama. The scene is laid in Arcadia, where according to Guarini it was
+customary to sacrifice a maiden each year to Diana, in expiation of an
+ancient curse brought upon the country by a woman's infidelity. An
+oracle has declared that when two scions of divine lineage are united in
+marriage, and a faithful shepherd atones for woman's faithlessness,
+this inhuman rite shall cease. The only youth and girl who fulfill these
+conditions of divine descent are the daughter of Titiro named Amarilli,
+and Silvio, the son of the high priest Montano. They have accordingly
+been betrothed. But Silvio is indifferent to womankind in general, and
+Amarilli loves a handsome stranger, Mirtillo, supposed to be the son of
+Carino. The plot turns upon the unexpected fulfillment of the prophecy,
+in spite of the human means which have been blindly taken to secure its
+accomplishment. Amarilli is condemned to death for suspected misconduct
+with a lover; and Mirtillo, who has substituted himself as victim in her
+place, is found to be the lost son of Montano. This solution of the
+intrigue, effected by an anagnorisis like that of the _Oedipus
+Tyrannus_, supplies a series of dramatic scenes and thrilling situations
+in the last act. Meanwhile the passion of Dorinda for Silvio, and the
+accident whereby he is brought to return her affection at the moment
+when his dart has wounded her, form a picturesque underplot of
+considerable interest. Both plot and underplot are so connected in the
+main action and so interwoven by links of mutual dependency that they
+form one richly varied fabric. Regarded as a piece of cunning mechanism,
+the complicated structure of the _Pastor Fido_ leaves nothing to be
+desired. In its kind, this pastoral drama is a monumental work of art,
+glittering and faultless like a polished bas-relief of hard Corinthian
+bronze. Each motive has been carefully prepared, each situation amply
+and logically developed. The characters are firmly traced, and sustained
+with consistency. The cold and eager hunter Silvio contrasts with tender
+and romantic Mirtillo. Corisca's meretricious arts and systematized
+profligacy enhance the pure affection of Amarilli. Dorinda presents
+another type of love, so impulsive that it conquers maidenly modesty.
+The Satyr is a creature of rude lust, foiled in its brutal appetite by
+the courtesan Corisca's wiliness. Carino brings the corruption of towns
+into comparison with the innocence of the country.
+
+In Carino the poet painted his own experience; and here his satire upon
+the Court of Ferrara is none the less biting because it takes the form
+of well-weighed and gravely-measured censure, instead of vehement
+invective. The following lines may serve as a specimen of Guarini's
+style in this species:--
+
+    I' mi pensai che ne' reali alberghi
+    Fossero tanto piu le genti umane,
+    Quant'esse ban piu di tutto quel dovizia,
+    Ond' e l'umanita si nobil fregio.
+    Ma mi trovai tutto 'l contrario, Uranio.
+    Gente di nome e di parlar cortese,
+    Ma d'opre scarsa, e di pieta nemica:
+    Gente placida in vista e mansueta,
+    Ma piu del cupo mar tumida e fera:
+    Gente sol d'apparenza, in cui se miri
+    Viso di carita, mente d'invidia
+    Poi trovi, e 'n dritto sguardo animo bieco,
+    E minor fede allor che pin lusinga.
+    Quel ch'altrove e virtu, quivi e difetto:
+    Dir vero, oprar non torto, amar non finto,
+    Pieta sincera, inviolabil fede,
+    E di core e di man vita innocente,
+    Stiman d'animo vil, di basso ingegno,
+    Sciochezza e vanita degna di riso.
+    L'ingannare, il mentir, la frode, il furto,
+    E la rapina di pieta vestita,
+    Crescer col danno e precipizio altrui,
+    E far a se dell'altrui biasimo onore,
+    Son le virtu di quella gente infida.
+    Non merto, non valor, non riverenza
+    Ne d'eta ne di grado ne di legge;
+    Non freno di vergogna, non rispetto
+    Ne d'amor ne di sangue, non memoria
+    Di ricevuto ben; ne, finalmente,
+    Cosa si venerabile o si santa
+    O si giusta esser puo, ch'a quella vasta
+    Cupidigia d'onori, a quella ingorda
+    Fama d'avere, inviolabil sia.
+
+The _Pastor Fido_ was written in open emulation of Tasso's _Aminta_, and
+many of its most brilliant passages are borrowed from that play. Such,
+for example, is the Chorus on the Golden Age which closes the fourth
+act. Such, too, is the long description by Mirtillo of the kiss he stole
+from Amarilli (act ii. sc. 1). The motive here is taken from _Rinaldo_
+(canto v.), and the spirit from _Aminta_ (act i. sc. 2). Guarini's Satyr
+is a studied picture from the sketch in Tasso's pastoral. The dialogue
+between Silvio and Linco (act i. sc. 1) with its lyrical refrain:
+
+    Lascia, lascia le selve,
+    Folle garzon, lascia le fere, ed ama:
+
+reproduces the dialogue between Silvia and Dafne (act i. sc. 1) with its
+similar refrain:
+
+    Cangia, cangia consiglio,
+    Pazzarella che sei.
+
+In all these instances Guarini works up Tasso's motives into more
+elaborate forms. He expands the simple suggestions of his model; and
+employs the artifices of rhetoric where Tasso yielded to inspiration.
+One example will suffice to contrast the methods of the spontaneous and
+the reflective poet. Tasso with divine impulse had exclaimed:
+
+    Odi quell'usignuolo,
+    Che va di ramo in ramo
+    Cantando: Io amo, io amo!
+
+This, in Guarini's hands, becomes:
+
+    Quell'augellin, che canta
+    Si dolcemente, e lascivetto vola
+    Or dall'abete al faggio,
+    Ed or dal faggio al mirto,
+    S'avesse umano spirto,
+    Direbbe: Ardo d'amore, ardo d'amore.
+
+Here a laborious effort of the constructive fancy has been substituted
+for a single flash of sympathetic imagination. Tasso does not doubt that
+the nightingale is pouring out her love in song. Guarini says that if
+the bird had human soul, it would exclaim, _Ardo d'amore_. Tasso sees it
+flying from branch to branch. Guarini teases our sense of mental vision
+by particularizing pine and beech and myrtle. The same is true of
+Linco's speech in general when compared with Dafne's on the ruling power
+of love in earth and heaven.
+
+Of imagination in the true sense of the term Guarini had none. Of
+fancy, dwelling gracefully, ingeniously, suggestively, upon externals he
+had plenty. The minute care with which he worked out each vein of
+thought and spun each thread of sentiment, was that of the rhetorician
+rather than the poet. Tasso had made Aminta say:
+
+    La semplicetta Silvia
+    Pietosa del mio male,
+    S'offri di dar aita
+    Alla finta ferita, ahi lassole fece
+    Piu cupa, e piu mortale
+    La mia piaga verace,
+    Quando le labbra sue
+    Giunse alle labbra mie.
+    Ne l'api d'alcun fiore
+    Colgan si dolce il sugo,
+    Come fa dolce il mel, ch'allora io colsi
+    Da quelle fresche rose.
+
+Now listen to Guarini's Mirtillo:
+
+    Amor si stava, Ergasto,
+    Com'ape suol, nelle due fresche rose
+    Di quelle labbra ascoso;
+    E mentre ella si stette
+    Con la baciata bocca
+    Al baciar della mia
+    Immobile e ristretta,
+    La dolcezza del mel sola gustai;
+    Ma poiche mi s'offerse anch'ella, e porse
+    L'una e l'altra dolcissima sua rosa....
+
+This is enough to illustrate Guarini's laborious method of adding touch
+to touch without augmenting th force of the picture.[184] We find
+already here the transition from Tasso's measured art to the fantastic
+prolixity of Marino. And though Guarini was upon the whole chaste in use
+of language, his rhetorical love of amplification and fanciful
+refinement not unfrequently betrayed him into Marinistic conceits.
+Dorinda, for instance, thus addresses Silvio (act iv. sc. 9):
+
+    O bellissimo scoglio
+    Gia dall'onda e dal vento
+    Delle lagrime mie, de'miei sospiri
+    Si spesso invan percosso!
+
+Sighs are said to be (act i. sc. 2):
+
+                impetuosi venti
+    Che spiran nell'incendio, e 'l fan maggiore
+    Con turbini d'Amore,
+    Ch' apportan sempre ai miserelli amanti
+    Foschi nembi di duol, piogge di pianti.
+
+From this to the style of the _Adone_ there was only one step to be
+taken.
+
+[Footnote 184: I might have further illustrated this point by quoting
+the thirty-five lines in which Titiro compares a maiden to the rose
+which fades upon the spray after the fervors of the noon have robbed its
+freshness (act i. sc. 4). To contest the beauty of the comparison would
+be impossible. Yet when we turn to the two passages in Ariosto (_Orl.
+Fur._ i. 42, 43, and xxiv. 80) on which it has been modeled, we shall
+perceive how much Guarini lost in force by not writing with his eye upon
+the object or with the authenticity of inward vision, but with a
+self-conscious effort to improve by artifices and refinements upon
+something he has read. See my essay on 'The Pathos of the Rose in Time,'
+April, 1886.]
+
+Though the scene of the _Pastor Fido_ was laid in Arcadia, the play
+really represented polite Italian society. In the softness of its
+sentiment, its voluptuous verbal melody, and its reiterated descant upon
+effeminate love-pleasure, it corresponded exactly to the spirit of its
+age.[185] This was the secret of its success; and this explains its
+seduction. Not Corisca's wanton blandishments and professed cynicism,
+but Mirtillo's rapturous dithyrambs on kissing, Dorinda's melting moods
+of tenderness, and Amarilli's delicate regrets that love must be
+postponed to honor, justified Bellarmino's censure. Without anywhere
+transgressing the limits of decorum, the _Pastor Fido_ is steeped in
+sensuousness. The sentiment of love idealized in Mirtillo and Amarilli
+is pure and self-sacrificing. _Ama l'onesta mia, s'amante sei_, says
+this maiden to her lover; and he obeys her. Yet, though the drama is
+dedicated to virtue, no one can read it without perceiving the
+blandishments of its luxurious rhetoric. The sensual refinement proper
+to an age of social decadence found in it exact expression, and it
+became the code of gallantry for the next two centuries.
+
+[Footnote 185: Even Silvio, the most masculine of the young men, whose
+heart is closed to love, appears before us thus:
+
+    Oh Silvio, Silvio! a che ti die Natura
+    Ne' piu begli anni tuoi
+    Fior di belta si delicato e vago,
+    Se tu se' tanto a calpestarlo intento?
+    Che s'avess'io cotesta tua si bella
+    E si fiorita guancia,
+    Addio selve, direi:
+    E seguendo altre fere,
+    E la vita passando in festa e'n gioco,
+    Farei la state all'ombra, e 'l verno al foco.
+]
+
+Meanwhile the literary dictator of the seventeenth century was
+undoubtedly Marino. On him devolved the scepter which Petrarch
+bequeathed to Politian, Politian to Bembo, and Bembo to Torquato Tasso.
+In natural gifts he was no unworthy successor of these poets, though the
+gifts he shared with them were conspicuously employed by him for
+purposes below the scope of any of his predecessors. In artistic
+achievement he concentrated the less admirable qualities of all, and
+brought the Italian poetry of the Renaissance to a close by exaggerating
+its previous defects. Yet, as a man, Marino is interesting, more
+interesting in many respects than the melancholy discontented Tasso. He
+accepted the conditions of his age with genial and careless sympathy,
+making himself at once its idol, its interpreter, and its buffoon.
+Finally, he illustrates the law of change which transferred to
+Neapolitans in this age the scepter which had formerly been swayed by
+Tuscans and Lombards.[186]
+
+Giovanni Battista Marino was born at Naples in 1569. His father, a
+jurist of eminence, bred him for the law. But the attractions of poetry
+and pleasure were irresistible by this mobile son of the warm South--
+
+      La lusinga del Genio in me prevalse,
+    E la toga deposta, altrui lascisi
+    Parolette smaltir mendaci e false.
+    Ne dubbi testi interpretar curai,
+    Ne discordi accordar chiose mi calse,
+    Quella stimando sol perfetta legge
+    Che de'sensi sfrenati il fren corregge.
+      Legge omai piu non v' ha la qual per dritto
+    Punisca il fallo o ricompensi il merto.
+    Sembra quando e fin qui deciso e scritto
+    D'opinion confuse abisso incerto.
+    Dalle calumnie il litigante afflitto
+    Somiglia in vasto mar legno inesperto,
+    Reggono il tutto con affetto ingordo,
+    Passion cieca ed interesse sordo.
+
+[Footnote 186: Telesio, Bruno, Campanella, Salvator Rosa, Vico, were,
+like Marino, natives of the Regno.]
+
+Such, in the poet's maturity, was his judgment upon law; and probably he
+expressed the same opinion with frankness in his youth. Seeing these
+dispositions in his son, the severe parent cast him out of doors, and
+young Marino was free to indulge vagabond instincts with lazzaroni and
+loose companions on the quays and strands of Naples. In that luxurious
+climate a healthy native, full of youth and vigor, needs but little to
+support existence. Marino set his wits to work, and reaped too facile
+laurels in the fields of Venus and the Muses. His verses speedily
+attracted the notice of noble patrons, among whom the Duke of Bovino,
+the Prince of Conca, and Tasso's friend the Marquis Manso have to be
+commemorated. They took care that so genuine and genial a poet should
+not starve. It was in one of Manso's palaces that Marino had an
+opportunity of worshiping the singer of Armida and Erminia at a
+distance. He had already acquired dubious celebrity as a juvenile Don
+Juan and a writer of audaciously licentious lyrics, when disaster
+overtook him. He assisted one of his profligate friends in the abduction
+of a girl. For this breach of the law both were thrown together into
+prison, and Marino only escaped justice by the sudden death of his
+accomplice. His patrons now thought it desirable that he should leave
+Naples for a time. Accordingly they sent him with letters of
+recommendation to Rome, where he was well received by members of the
+Crescenzio and Aldobrandino families. The Cardinal Pietro Aldobrandino
+made him private secretary, and took him on a journey to Ravenna and
+Turin. From the commencement to the end of his literary career Marino's
+march through life was one triumphal progress. At Turin, as formerly in
+Naples and Rome, he achieved a notable success. The Duke of Savoy, Carlo
+Emmanuele, offered him a place at Court, appointed him secretary, and
+dubbed him Knight of S. Maurice.
+
+      Vidi la corte, e nella corte io vidi
+    Promesse lunghe e guiderdoni avari,
+    Favori ingiusti e patrocini infidi,
+    Speranze dolci e pentimenti amari,
+    Sorrisi traditor, vezzi omicidi,
+    Ed acquisti dubbiosi e danni chiari,
+    E voti vani ed idoli bugiardi,
+    Onde il male e sicuro e il ben vien tardi.
+
+It was the custom of all poets in that age to live in Courts and to
+abuse them, to adulate princes and to vilify these patrons. Marino,
+however, had real cause to complain of the treachery of courtiers. He
+appears to have been a man of easy-going temper, popular among
+acquaintances, and serviceable to the society he frequented. This
+comradely disposition did not save him, however, from jealousies and
+hatreds; for he had, besides, a Neapolitan's inclination for satire.
+There was a Genoese poetaster named Gasparo Murtola established in
+Court-service at Turin, who had recently composed a lumbering poem, _Il
+Mondo Creato_. Marino made fun of it in a sonnet; Murtola retorted; and
+a warfare of invectives began which equaled for scurrility and filth the
+duels of Poggio and Valla. Murtola, seeing that he was likely to be
+worsted by his livelier antagonist, waited for him one day round a
+corner, gun in hand. The gun was discharged, and wounded, not Marino,
+but a favorite servant of the duke. For this offense the assassin was
+condemned to death; and would apparently have been executed, but for
+Marino's generosity. He procured his enemy's pardon, and was repaid with
+the blackest ingratitude. On his release from prison Murtola laid hands
+upon a satire, _La Cuccagna_, written some time previously by his rival.
+This he laid before the duke, as a seditious attack upon the government
+of Savoy. Marino now in his turn was imprisoned; but he proved, through
+the intervention of Manso, that the _Cuccagna_ had been published long
+before his arrival at Turin. Disgusted by these incidents, he next
+accepted an invitation from the French Court, and journeyed to Paris in
+1615, where the Italianated society of that city received him like a
+living Phoebus. Maria de Medici, as Regent, with Concini for her
+counselor and lover, was then in all her vulgar glory. Richelieu's star
+had not arisen to eclipse Italian intrigue and to form French taste by
+the Academy. D'Urfe and Du Bartas, more marinistic than Marino, more
+euphuistic than Euphues, gave laws to literature; and the pageant
+pictures by Rubens, which still adorn the Gallery of the Louvre, marked
+the full-blown and sensuous splendor of Maria's equipage. Marino's
+genius corresponded nicely to the environment in which he now found
+himself; the Italians of the French Court discerned in him the poet who
+could best express their ideal of existence. He was idolized, glutted
+with gold, indulged and flattered to the top of his bent. Yearly
+appointments estimated at 10,000 crowns were augmented by presents in
+return for complimentary verses or for copies of the poem he was then
+composing. This poem was the _Adone_, the theme of which had been
+suggested by Carlo Emmanuele, and which he now adroitly used as a means
+of flattering the French throne. First printed at Paris in 1623, its
+reception both there and in Italy secured apotheosis in his lifetime for
+the poet.[187] One minor point in this magnificent first folio edition
+of _Adone_ deserves notice, as not uncharacteristic of the age. Only two
+Cantos out of the twenty are distinguished by anything peculiar in their
+engraved decorations. Of these two, the eleventh displays the shield of
+France; the thirteenth, which describes Falsirena's incantations and
+enchantments, is ornamented with the symbol of the Jesuits, IHS. For
+this the publishers alone were probably responsible. Yet it may stand as
+a parable of all-pervasive Jesuitry. Even among the roses and raptures
+of the most voluptuous poem of the century their presence makes itself
+felt, as though to hint that the _Adone_ is capable of being used
+according to Jesuitical rules of casuistry A.M.D.G. One warning voice
+was raised before the publication of this epic. Cardinal Bentivoglio
+wrote from Italy beseeching Marino to 'purge it of lasciviousness in
+such wise that it may not have to dread the lash of our Italian
+censure.' Whether he followed this advice, in other words whether the
+original MS. of the _Adone_ was more openly licentious than the
+published poem, I do not know. Anyhow, it was put upon the Index in
+1627. This does not, however, appear to have impaired its popularity, or
+to have injured its author's reputation. Soon after the appearance of
+_Adone_, Marino, then past fifty, returned to Naples. He was desirous of
+reposing on his laurels, wealthy, honored, and adored, among the scenes
+from which he fled in danger and disgrace thirty years before. His
+entrance into Naples was an ovation. The Iazzaroni came to meet his
+coach, dancing and scattering roses; noblemen attended him on
+horse-back; ladies gazed on him from balconies. A banner waving to the
+wind announced the advent of 'that ocean of incomparable learning, soul
+of lyres, subject for pens, material for ink, most eloquent, most
+fertile, phoenix of felicity, ornament of the laurel, of swans in their
+divine leisure chief and uncontested leader.' At Naples he died in
+1625--felicitous in not having survived the fame which attended him
+through life and reached its climax just before his death.
+
+[Footnote 187: It is worth noting that Shakespeare's _Venus and Adonis_
+was first printed in 1593, thirty years previously.]
+
+The _Adone_ strikes us at first sight as the supreme poem of epicene
+voluptuousness. Its smooth-chinned hero, beautiful as a girl, soft as a
+girl, sentimental as a girl, with nothing of the man about him--except
+that 'Nature, as she wrought him, fell adoting,'--threads a labyrinth of
+suggestive adventures, in each of which he is more the patient than the
+agent of desire. Mercury introduces him to our attention in a series of
+those fables (tales of Narcissus, Ganymede, Cyparissus, Hylas, Atys) by
+which antiquity figured the seductiveness of adolescence. Venus woos
+him, and Falserina tries to force him. Captured in feminine attire by
+brigands, he is detained in a cave as the mistress of their chief, and
+doted on by the effeminate companion of his prison. Finally, he contends
+for the throne of Cyprus with a band of luxurious youths--
+
+    Bardassonacci, paggi da taverna.
+
+The crown is destined for the physically fairest. The rival charms of
+the competitors are minutely noted, their personal blemishes sagaciously
+detected, by a council of pleasure-sated worldlings. In his death Adonis
+succumbs to the assault of a boar, fatally inflamed with lust, who
+wounds the young man in his groin, dealing destruction where the beast
+meant only amorous caresses. Gods and godesses console Venus in her
+sorrow for his loss, each of whom relates the tale of similar disasters.
+Among these legends Apollo's love for Hyacinth and Phoebus' love for
+Pampinus figure conspicuously. Thus Marino's Adonis excites unhealthy
+interest by the spectacle of boyhood exposed to the caprices and
+allurements of both sexes doting on unfledged virility.
+
+What contributes to this effect, in the central motive of the poem, is
+that Venus herself is no artless virgin, no innocent Chloe,
+corresponding to a rustic Daphnis. She is already wife, mother,
+adulteress, _femme entretenue_, before she meets the lad. Her method of
+treating him is that of a licentious queen, who, after seducing page or
+groom, keeps the instrument of her pleasures in seclusion for occasional
+indulgence during intervals of public business. Vulcan and Mars, her
+husband and her _cicisbeo_, contest the woman's right to this caprice;
+and when the god of war compels, she yields him the crapulous fruition
+of her charms before the eye of her disconsolate boy-paramour. Her
+pre-occupation with Court affairs in Cythera--balls, pageants,
+sacrifices, and a people's homage--brings about the catastrophe. Through
+her temporary neglect, Adonis falls victim to a conspiracy of the gods.
+Thus the part which the female plays in this amorous epic is that of an
+accomplished courtesan, highly placed in society. All the pathos, all
+the attraction of beauty and of sentiment, is reserved for the
+adolescent male.
+
+This fact, though disagreeable, has to be noted. It is too
+characteristic of the wave of feeling at that time passing over Europe,
+to be ignored. The morbid strain which touched the Courts alike of
+Valois, Medici and Stuarts; which infected the poetry of Marlowe and of
+Shakespeare; which cast a sickly pallor even over sainthood and over
+painting in the school of Bologna, cannot be neglected. In Marino's
+_Adone_ it reaches its artistic climax.[188]
+
+This, however, is not the main point about the poem. The _Adone_ should
+rather be classed as the epic of voluptuousness in all its forms and
+species. If the love-poetry of the Italian Renaissance began with the
+sensuality of Boccaccio's _Amoroso Visione_, it ended, after traversing
+the idyl, the novel, the pastoral, the elegy and the romance, in the
+more complex sensuality of Marino's _Adone_; for this, like the _Amoroso
+Visione_, but far more emphatically, proclaims the beatification of man
+by sexual pleasure:--
+
+    Tramortiscon di gioia ebbre e languenti
+    L'anime stanche, al ciel d'Amor rapite.
+    Gl'iterati sospiri, i rotti accenti,
+    Le dolcissime guerre e le ferite,
+    Narrar non so--fresche aure, onde correnti,
+    Voi che il miraste, e ben l'udiste, il dite!
+    Voi secretari de'felici amori,
+    Verdi mirti, alti pini, ombrosi allori! (Canto viii.)
+
+[Footnote 188: Ferrari, in his _Rivolnzioni d'Italia_, vol. iii. p. 563,
+observes: 'Una Venere sospetta versa lagrime forse maschili sul
+bellissimo Adonide,' etc. Shakespeare's _Venus and Adonis_, in like
+manner, is so written as to force the reader to feel with Venus the
+seduction of Adonis.]
+
+Thus voluptuousness has its transcendentalism; and Marino finds even his
+prolific vocabulary inadequate to express the mysteries of this heaven
+of sensuous delights.[189]
+
+It must not be thought that the _Adone_ is an obscene poem. Marino was
+too skillful a master in the craft of pleasure to revolt or to regale
+his readers with grossness. He had too much of the Neapolitan's frank
+self-abandonment to nature for broad indecency in art to afford him
+special satisfaction; and the taste of his age demanded innuendo. The
+laureate of Courts and cities saturated with licentiousness knew well
+that Coan vestments are more provocative than nudity. It was his object
+to flatter the senses and seduce the understanding rather than to
+stimulate coarse appetite. Refinement was the aphrodisiac of a
+sated society, and millinery formed a main ingredient in its
+love-philters.[190] Marino, therefore, took the carnal instincts for
+granted, and played upon them as a lutist plays the strings of some lax
+thrilling instrument. Of moral judgment, of antipathy to this or that
+form of lust, of prejudice or preference in the material of pleasure,
+there is no trace. He shows himself equally indulgent to the passion of
+Mirra for her father, of Jove for Ganymede, of Bacchus for Pampinus, of
+Venus for Adonis, of Apollo for Hyacinth. He tells the disgusting story
+of Cinisca with the same fluent ease as the lovely tale of Psyche;
+passes with the same light touch over Falserina at the bedside of Adonis
+and Feronia in his dungeon; uses the same palette for the picture of
+Venus caressing Mars and the struggles of the nymph and satyr. All he
+demanded was a basis of soft sensuality, from which, as from putrescent
+soil, might spring the pale and scented flower of artful luxury.
+
+[Footnote 189: With the stanza quoted above Marino closes the cycle
+which Boccaccio in the _Amoroso Visione_ (canto xlix.) had opened.]
+
+[Footnote 190: On this point I may call attention to the elaborate
+portraits drawn by Marino (canto xvi.) of the seven young men who
+contend with Adonis for the prize of beauty and the crown of Cyprus.
+Quite as many words are bestowed upon their costumes, jewelry and
+hair-dressing as upon their personal charms.]
+
+In harmony with the spirit of an age reformed or deformed by the
+Catholic Revival, Marino parades cynical hypocrisy. The eighth canto of
+_Adone_ is an elaborately-wrought initiation into the mysteries of
+carnal pleasure. It is a hymn to the sense of touch:[191]
+
+    Ogni altro senso puo ben di leggiero
+    Deluso esser talor da falsi oggetti:
+    Questo sol no, lo qual sempre e del vero
+    Fido ministro e padre dei diletti.
+    Gli altri non possedendo il corpo intero,
+    Ma qualche parte sol, non son perfetti.
+    Questo con atto universal distende
+    Lesue forze per tutto, e tutto il prende.
+
+[Footnote 191: I have pleasure in inviting my readers to study the true
+doctrine regarding the place of touch among the senses as laid down by
+Ruskin in _Modern Painters_, part iii. sec. 1, chap. ii.]
+
+We are led by subtle gradations, by labyrinthine delays, to the final
+beatification of Adonis. Picture is interwoven with picture, each in
+turn contributing to the panorama of sensual Paradise. Yet while
+straining all the resources of his art, with intense sympathy, to seduce
+his reader, the poet drops of set purpose phrases like the following:
+
+    Flora non so, non so se Frine o Taide
+    Trovar mai seppe oscenita si laide.
+
+Here the ape masked in the man turns around and grins, gibbering vulgar
+words to point his meaning, and casting dirt on his pretended decency.
+While racking the resources of allusive diction to veil and to suggest
+an immodest movement of his hero (Adonis being goaded beyond the bounds
+of boyish delicacy by lascivious sights), he suddenly subsides with a
+knavish titter into prose:
+
+    Cosi il fanciullo all'inonesto gioco.
+
+But the end of all this practice is that innocent Adonis has been
+conducted by slow and artfully contrived approaches to a wanton's
+embrace, and that the spectators of his seduction have become, as it
+were, parties to his fall. To make Marino's cynicism of hypocrisy more
+glaring, he prefaces each canto with an allegory, declaring that Adonis
+and Venus symbolize the human soul abandoned to vice, and the
+allurements of sensuality which work its ruin. In the poem itself,
+meanwhile, the hero and heroine are consistently treated as a pair of
+enviable, devoted, and at last unfortunate lovers.[192]
+
+It is characteristic of the mood expressed in the _Adone_ that
+voluptuousness should not be passionate, but sentimental. Instead of
+fire, the poet gives us honeyed tears to drink, and rocks the soul upon
+an ever-rippling tide of Lydian melody. The acme of pleasure, as
+conceived by him, is kissing. Twenty-three of the most inspired stanzas
+of the eighth canto are allotted to a panegyric of the kiss, in which
+delight all other amorous delights are drowned.[193] Tasso's melancholy
+yearning after forbidden fruit is now replaced by satiety contemplating
+the image of past joys with purring satisfaction. This quality of
+self-contented sentiment partly explains why the type of beauty adored
+is neither womanly nor manly, but adolescent. It has to be tender,
+fragile, solicitous, unripe; appealing to sensibility, not to passion,
+by feminine charms in nerveless and soulless boyhood. The most
+distinctive mark of Adonis is that he has no character, no will, no
+intellect. He is all sentiment, sighs, tears, pliability, and sweetness.
+
+[Footnote 192: The hypocrisy of the allegory is highly significant for
+this phase of Italian culture. We have seen how even Tasso condescended
+to apply it to his noble epic, which needed no such miserable pretense.
+Exquisitely grotesque was the attempt made by Centorio degli Ortensi to
+sanctify Bandello's _Novelle_ by supplying each one of them with a moral
+interpretation (ed. Milano: Gio. Antonio degli Antoni, 1560, See
+Passano's _Novellieri in Prosa_, p. 28).]
+
+[Footnote 193: What I have elsewhere, called 'the tyranny of the kiss'
+in Italian poetry, begins in Tasso's _Rinaldo_, acquires vast
+proportions in Guarino's _Pastor Fido_, and becomes intolerable in
+Marino's _Adone_.]
+
+This emasculate nature displays itself with consummate effect in the
+sobbing farewell, followed by the pretty pettishnesses, of the
+seventeenth canto.
+
+As a contrast to his over-sweet and cloying ideal of lascivious grace,
+Marino counterposes extravagant forms of ugliness. He loves to describe
+the loathsome incantations of witches. He shows Falserina prowling among
+corpses on a battle-field, and injecting the congealed veins of her
+resuscitated victim with abominable juices. He crowds the Cave of
+Jealousy with monsters horrible to sight and sense; depicts the
+brutality of brigands; paints hideous portraits of eunuchs, deformed
+hags, unnameable abortions. He gloats over cruelty, and revels in
+violence.[194] When Mars appears upon the scene, the orchestra of lutes
+and cymbals with which we had been lulled to sleep, is exchanged for a
+Corybantic din of dissonances. Orgonte, the emblem of pride, outdoes the
+hyperboles of Rodomonte and the lunes of Tamburlaine. Nowhere, either in
+his voluptuousness or in its counterpart of disgust, is there
+moderation. The Hellenic precept, 'Nothing overmuch,' the gracious Greek
+virtue of temperate restraint, which is for art what training is for
+athletes, discipline for soldiers, and pruning for orchard trees, has
+been violated in every canto, each phrase, the slightest motive of this
+poem. Sensuality can bear such violation better than sublimity;
+therefore the perfume of voluptuousness in the _Adone_, though
+excessive, is both penetrating and profound; while those passages which
+aim at inspiring terror or dilating the imagination, fail totally of
+their effect. The ghastly, grotesque, repulsive images are so
+overcharged that they cease even to offend. We find ourselves in a
+region where tact, sense of proportion, moral judgment, and right
+adjustment of means to ends, have been wantonly abandoned. Marino avowed
+that he only aimed at surprising his readers:
+
+    E del poeta il fin la meraviglia.
+
+[Footnote 194: See the climax to the episode of Filauro and Filora.]
+
+But 45,000 lines of sustained astonishment, of industrious and
+indefatigable appeals to wonder by devices of language, devices of
+incident, devices of rhodomontade, devices of innuendo, devices of
+_capricci_ and _concetti_, induce the stolidity of callousness. We leave
+off marveling, and yield what is left of our sensibility to the
+fascination of inexhaustible picturesqueness. For, with all his faults,
+Marino was a master of the picturesque, and did possess an art of
+fascination. The picturesque, so difficult to define, so different from
+the pictorial and the poetical, was a quality of the seventeenth century
+corresponding to its defects of bad taste. And this gift no poet shared
+in larger measure than Marino.
+
+Granted his own conditions, granted the emptiness of moral and
+intellectual substance in the man and in his age, we are compelled to
+acknowledge that his literary powers were rich and various. Few
+writers, at the same time, illustrate the vices of decadence more
+luminously than this Protean poet of vacuity. Few display more clearly
+the 'expense of spirit in a waste of shame.' None teach the dependence
+of art upon moralized and humane motives more significantly than this
+drunken Helot of genius. His indifference to truth, his defiance of
+sobriety, his conviction that the sole end of art is astonishment, have
+doomed him to oblivion not wholly merited. The critic, whose duty forces
+him to read through the _Adone_, will be left bewildered by the
+spectacle of such profuse wealth so wantonly squandered.[195] In spite
+of fatigue, in spite of disgust, he will probably be constrained to
+record his opinion that, while Tasso represented the last effort of
+noble poetry struggling after modern expression under out-worn forms of
+the Classical Revival, it was left for Marino in his levity and license
+to evoke a real and novel though _rococo_ form, which nicely
+corresponded to the temper of his times, and determined the immediate
+future of art. For this reason he requires the attention which has here
+been paid him.
+
+[Footnote 195: In support of this opinion upon Marino's merit as a poet,
+I will cite the episode of Clizio (canto i. p. 17); the tale of Psyche
+(iv. 65); the tale of the nightingale and the boy--which occurs both in
+Ford and Crashaw, by the way (vii. 112); the hymn to pleasure (vii.
+116); the passage of Venus and Adonis to the bath (viii. 133); the
+picture of the nymph and satyr (viii. 135); the personification of the
+Court (x. 167); the Cave of Jealousy (xii. 204-206); the jewel-garden of
+Falserina (xii. 218); Falserina watching Adonis asleep (xii. 225);
+Falserina's incantations (xiii. 233); Mars in the lap of Venus
+surrounded by the loves (xiii. 245); Venus disguised as a gypsy (xv.
+290); the game of chess (xv. 297); the leave-taking of Venus and Adonis
+(xvii. 332); the phantom of dead Adonis (xviii. 357); the grief of Venus
+(xviii. 358-362); the tales of Hyacinth and Pampinus (xix. 372-378). The
+references are to ed. Napoli, Boutteaux, 1861.]
+
+But how, it may be asked, was it possible to expand the story of Venus
+and Adonis into an epic of 45,000 lines? The answer to this question
+could best be given by an analysis of the twenty cantos: and since few
+living students have perused them, such a display of erudition would be
+pardonable. Marini does not, however, deserve so many pages in a work
+devoted to the close of the Italian Renaissance. It will suffice to say
+that the slender narrative of the amour of Venus and her boyish idol,
+his coronation as king of Cyprus, and his death by the boar's tusk, is
+ingeniously interwoven with a great variety of episodes. The poet finds
+occasion to relate the principal myths of Hellenic passion treating
+these in a style which frequently reminds us of Ovid's Metamorphoses; he
+borrows tales from Apuleius, Lucian, and the pastoral novelists; he
+develops the theme of jealousy in Mars and Vulcan, introduces his own
+autobiography, digresses into romantic adventures by sea and land,
+creates a rival to Venus in the sorceress Falserina, sketches the
+progress of poetry in one canto and devotes another to a panegyric of
+Italian princes, extols the House of France and adulates Marie de
+Medicis, surveys the science of the century, describes fantastic palaces
+and magic gardens, enters with curious minuteness into the several
+delights of the five senses, discourses upon Courts, ambition, avarice
+and honor, journeys over the Mediterranean, conducts a game of chess
+through fifty brilliant stanzas; in brief, while keeping his main theme
+in view, is careful to excite and sustain the attention of his readers
+by a succession of varied and ingeniously suggested novelties.
+Prolixity, indefatigable straining after sensational effect,
+interminable description, are the defects of the _Adone_; but they are
+defects related to great qualities possessed by the author, to
+inexhaustible resources, curious knowledge, the improvisatore's
+facility, the trained rhetorician's dexterity in the use of language,
+the artist's fervid delight in the exercise of his craft.
+
+Allowing for Marino's peculiar method, his _Adone_ has the excellence of
+unity which was so highly prized by the poets of his age and nation.
+Critics have maintained that the whole epic is but a development of the
+episode of Rinaldo in Armida's garden. But it is more than this. It
+contains all the main ingredients of the Italian Romance, with the
+exception of chivalry and war. There is a pastoral episode corresponding
+to that of Erminia among the shepherds, a magnificent enchantress in the
+manner of Alcina, an imprisonment of the hero which reminds us of
+Ruggiero in Atlante's magic castle, a journey like Astolfo's to the
+moon, a conflict between good and evil supernatural powers, a thread of
+allegory more or less apparent, a side glance at contemporary history;
+and these elements are so combined as to render the _Adone_ one of the
+many poems in the long romantic tradition. It differs mainly from its
+predecessors in the strict unity of subject, which subordinates each
+episode and each digression to the personal adventures of the heroine
+and hero; while the death and obsequies of Adonis afford a tragic close
+that is lacking to previous poems detached from the Carolingian cycle.
+Contemporary writers praised it as a poem of peace. But it is the poem
+of ignoble peace, of such peace as Italy enjoyed in servitude, when a
+nation of _cicisbei_ had naught to occupy their energies but sensual
+pleasure. Ingenious as Marino truly was in conducting his romance upon
+so vast a scheme through all its windings to one issue, we feel that the
+slender tale of a boy's passion for the queen of courtesans and his
+metamorphosis into the scarlet windflower of the forest supplied no
+worthy motive for this intricate machinery. The metaphor of an alum
+basket crystallized upon a petty frame of wire occurs to us when we
+contemplate its glittering ornaments, and reflect upon the poverty of
+the sustaining theme. It might in fact stand for a symbol of the
+intellectual vacancy of the age which welcomed it with rapture, and of
+the society which formed a century of taste upon its pattern.
+
+In another and higher literary quality the _Adone_ represents that
+moment of Italian development. A foreigner may hardly pass magisterial
+judgment on its diction. Yet I venture to remark that Marino only at
+rare intervals attains to purity of poetic style; even his best passages
+are deformed, not merely by conceits to which the name of _Marinism_ has
+been given, but also by gross vulgarities and lapses into trivial prose.
+Notwithstanding this want of distinction, however, he has a melody that
+never fails. The undulating, evenly on-flowing _cantilena_ of his verbal
+music sustains the reader on a tide of song. That element of poetry,
+which, as I have observed, was developed with remarkable success by
+Tasso in some parts of the _Gerusalemme_ is the main strength of the
+_Adone_. With Marino the _Chant d'Amour_ never rises so high, thrills so
+subtly, touches the soul so sweetly and so sadly, as it does in Tasso's
+verse. But in all those five thousand octave stanzas it is rarely
+altogether absent. The singing faculty of the Neapolitan was given to
+this poet of voluptuousness; and if the song is neither deep nor
+stirring, neither stately nor sublime, it is because his soul held
+nothing in its vast vacuity but sensuous joy.[196] A musical Casanova,
+an unmalignant Aretino, he sang as vulgar nature prompted; but he always
+kept on singing. His partiality for detonating dissonances, squibs and
+crackers of pyrotechnical rhetoric, braying trumpets and exploding
+popguns, which deafen and distract our ears attuned to the suave cadence
+of the _cantilena_, is no less characteristic of the Neapolitan. Marino
+had the improvisatory exuberance, the impudence, the superficial
+passion, the luxurious delight in life, and the noisiness of his
+birthplace. He also shared its love of the grotesque as complement and
+contrast to pervading beauty.
+
+[Footnote 196: There are passages of pure _cantilena_ in this poem,
+where sense is absolutely swallowed up in sound, and words become the
+mere vehicle for rhythmic melody. Of this verbal music the dirge of the
+nymphs for Adonis and the threnos of Venus afford excellent examples
+(xix. pp. 358-361). Note especially the stanza beginning:
+
+    Adone, Adone, o bell'Adon, tu giaci,
+    Ne senti i miei sospir, ne miri il pianto!
+    O bell'Adone, o caro Adon, tu taci,
+    Ne rispondi a colei che amasti tanto!
+
+There is nothing more similar to this in literature than Fra Jacopone's
+delirium of mystic love:
+
+    Amor amor Jesu, son giunto a porto;
+    Amor amor Jesu, tu m'hai menato;
+    Amor amor Jesu, dammi conforto;
+    Amor amor Jesu, si m'hai enfiamato.
+
+Only the one is written in a Mixo-Lydian, the other in a Hyper-Phrygian
+mood.
+]
+
+A serious fault to be found with Marino's style is its involved
+exaggeration in description. Who, for instance, can tolerate this
+picture of a young man's foot shod with a blue buskin?
+
+    L'animato del pie molle alabastro
+    Che oscura il latte del sentier celeste
+    Stretto alla gamba con purpureo nastro
+    Di cuoio azzurro un borsacchin gli veste.
+
+Again he carries to the point of lunacy that casuistical rhetoric,
+introduced by Ariosto and refined upon by Tasso, with which luckless
+heroines or heroes announce their doubts and difficulties to the world
+in long soliloquies. The ten stanzas which set forth Falserina's
+feelings after she has felt the pangs of love for Adonis, might pass for
+a parody:
+
+    Ardo, lassa, o non ardo! ahi qual io sento
+    Stranio nel cor non conosciuto affetto!
+    E forse ardore? ardor non e, che spento
+    L'avrei col pianto; e ben d'ardor sospetto!
+    Sospetto no, piuttosto egli e tormento.
+    Come tormento fia, se da diletto?
+
+And so forth through eighty lines in which every conceivable change is
+rung upon _Amo o non amo?... Io vivo e moro pur.... Io non ho core
+e lo mio cor n'ha dui.... With all this effort no one is convinced of
+Falserina's emotion, and her long-winded oration reads like a
+schoolboy's exercise upon some line of the fourth Aeneid. Yet if we
+allow the sense of rhythmical melody to intervene between our
+intellectual perception and Marino's language, we shall still be able to
+translate these outpourings into something which upon the operatic stage
+would keep its value. False rhetoric and the inability to stop when
+enough and more than enough has been said upon any theme to be
+developed, are the incurable defects of Marino. His profuse _fioriture_
+compared with the simpler descant of Ariosto or Tasso remind us of
+Rossini's florid roulades beside the grace of Pergolese's or the majesty
+of Marcello's song.
+
+The peculiar quality of bad taste which is known in Italy as
+_Marinismo_, consisted in a perpetual straining after effect by
+antitheses, conceits, plans on words degenerating into equivocation, and
+such-like rhetorical grimaces. Marino's _ars poetica_ was summed up in
+this sentence: 'Chi non sa far stupir, vada alia striglia.' Therefore,
+he finds periphrases for the simplest expressions. He calls the
+nightingale _sirena de'boschi_, gunpowder _l'irreparabil fulmine
+terreno_, Columbus _il ligure Argonauta_, Galileo _il novello
+Endimione_. In these instances, what might have been expanded into a
+simile, is substituted for the proper word in order to surprise the
+reader. When he alludes to Dante, he poses a conundrum on that poet's
+surname: _Ben sull'ali liggier tre mondi canta_. The younger Palma is
+complimented on wresting the _palm_ from Titian and Veronese. Guido Reni
+is apostrophized as: _Reni onde il maggior Reno all'altro cede_[197] We
+are never safe in reading his pages from the whirr and whistle of such
+verbal fireworks. And yet it must be allowed that Marino's style is on
+the whole freer from literary affectations than that of our own
+Euphuists. It is only at intervals that the temptation to make a point
+by clever trickery seems irresistible. When he is seriously engaged upon
+a topic that stirs his nature to the depth, as in the eighth canto,
+description flows on for stanza after stanza with limpid swiftness.
+Another kind of artifice to which he has resort, is the repetition of a
+dominant word:
+
+[Footnote 197: There is a streamlet called Reno near Bologna.]
+
+    Con tai lusinghe il lusinghiero amante
+    La lusinghiera Dea lusinga e prega.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+    Godiamci, amiamei. Amor d'amor mercede,
+    Degno cambio d'amore e solo amore.
+
+This play on a word sometimes passes over into a palpable pun, as in the
+following pretty phrase:
+
+    O mia dorata ed adorata Dea.
+
+Still we feel that Shakespeare was guilty of precisely the same verbal
+impertinences. It is only intensity of feeling which prevents such lines
+as:
+
+    Take all my loves, my love, yea take them all;
+    What hast thou then more than thou hadst before?
+    No love, my love, that thou may'st true love call:
+    All mine was thine, before thou hadst this more:
+
+from being Marinistic. But it must be added that this intensity of
+feeling renders the artifice employed sublimely natural. Here we lay our
+finger on the crucial point at issue in any estimate of literary
+mannerism. What is the force of thought, the fervor of emotion, the
+acute perception of truth in nature and in man, which lies behind that
+manneristic screen? If, as in the case of Shakespeare, sufficiency or
+superabundance of these essential elements is palpable, we pardon, we
+ignore, the euphuism. But should the quality of substance fail, then we
+repudiate it and despise it. Therefore Marino, who is certainly not more
+euphuistic than Shakespeare, but who has immeasurably less of potent
+stuff in him, wears the motley of his barocco style in limbo bordering
+upon oblivion, while the Swan of Avon parades the same literary livery
+upon both summits of Parnassus. So true it is that poetry cannot be
+estimated apart from intellectual and moral contents. Had Marino
+written:
+
+    Prick love for pricking, and you beat love down:
+
+or:
+
+      'twould anger him
+    To raise a spirit in his mistress' circle
+    Of some strange nature, letting it there stand
+    Till she had laid it and conjured it down:
+
+or:
+
+    The bawdy hand of the dial is now upon
+    The prick of noon:
+
+he would have furnished his accusers with far stronger diatribes against
+words of double meaning and licentious conceits than his own pages
+offer. But since it was out of the fullness of world-wisdom that
+Shakespeare penned those phrases for Mercutio, and set them as pendants
+to the impassioned descants upon love and death which he poured from the
+lips of Romeo, they pass condoned and unperceived.
+
+Only poverty of matter and insincerity of fancy damn in Marino those
+literary affectations which he held in common with a host of
+writers--with Gorgias, Aeschylus, Chaeremon, Philostratus, among Greeks;
+with Petrarch, Boccaccio, Bembo, Aretino, Tasso, Guarini, among
+Italians; with Calderon and Cervantes, not to mention Gongora, among
+Spaniards; with the foremost French and English writers of the
+Renaissance; with all verbal artists in any age, who have sought unduly
+to refine upon their material of language. In a word, Marino is not
+condemned by his so-called Marinism. His true stigma is the inadequacy
+to conceive of human nature except under a twofold mask of sensuous
+voluptuousness and sensuous ferocity. It is this narrow and ignoble
+range of imagination which constitutes his real inferiority, far more
+than any poetical extravagance in diction. The same mean conception of
+humanity brands with ignominy the four generations over which he
+dominated--that brood of eunuchs and courtiers, churchmen and _Cavalieri
+serventi_, barocco architects and brigands, casuists and bravi,
+grimacers, hypocrites, confessors, impostors, bastards of the spirit,
+who controlled Italian culture for a hundred years.
+
+At a first glance we shall be astonished to find that this poet, who may
+justly be regarded as the corypheus of Circean orgies in the seventeenth
+century, left in MS. a grave lament upon the woes of Italy. Marino's
+_Pianto d'Italia_ has no trace of Marinism. It is composed with sobriety
+in a pedestrian style of plainness, and it tells the truth without
+reserve. Italy traces her wretchedness to one sole cause, subjection
+under Spanish rule.
+
+    Lascio ch'un re che di real non tiene
+    Altro che il nome effemminato e vile
+    A sua voglia mi reggi, e di catene
+    Barbare mi circondi il pie servile.
+
+This tyrant foments jealousy and sows seeds of discord between the
+Italian states. His viceroys are elected from the cruelest, the most
+unjust, the most rapacious, and the most luxurious of the courtiers
+crawling round his throne. The College of Cardinals is bought and sold.
+No prince dares move a finger in his family or state without consulting
+the Iberian senate; still less can he levy troops for self-defense. Yet
+throughout Europe Spanish victories have been obtained by Italian
+generals; the bravest soldiers in foreign armies are Italian exiles.
+Perhaps it may be argued that the empty titles which abound in every
+petty city, the fulsome promises on which those miserable vassals found
+their hopes, are makeweights for such miseries. Call them rather chains
+to bind the nation, lures and birdlime such as snarers use. There is but
+one quarter to which the widowed and discrowned Queen of Nations can
+appeal for succor. She turns to Carlo Emmanuele, Duke of Savoy, to the
+hills whence cometh help. It was not, however, until two centuries after
+Marino penned these patriotic stanzas, that her prayer was answered. And
+the reflection forced upon us when we read the _Pianto d'Italia_, is
+that Marino composed it to flatter a patron who at that moment
+entertained visionary schemes of attacking the Spanish hegemony.
+
+To make any but an abrupt transition from Marino to Chiabrera would be
+impossible. It is like passing from some luxurious grove of oranges and
+roses to a barren hill-top without prospect over sea or champaign. We
+are fortunate in possessing a few pages of autobiography, from which
+all that is needful to remember of Gabriello Chiabrera's personal
+history may be extracted. He was born in 1552 at Savona, fifteen days
+after his father's death. His mother made a second marriage, and left
+him to the care of an uncle, with whom at the age of nine he went to
+reside in Rome. In the house of this bachelor uncle the poor little
+orphan pined away. Fever succeeded fever, until his guardian felt that
+companionship with boys in play and study was the only chance of saving
+so frail a life as Gabriello's. Accordingly he placed the invalid under
+the care of the Jesuits in their Collegio Romano. Here the child's
+health revived, and his education till the age of twenty throve apace.
+The Jesuits seem to have been liberal in their course of training; for
+young Chiabrera benefited by private conversation with Paolo Manuzio and
+Sperone Speroni, while he attended the lectures of Muretus in the
+university.
+
+How different was this adolescence from that of Marino! Both youths grew
+to manhood without domestic influences; and both were conspicuous in
+after life for the want of that affection which abounds in Tasso. But
+here the parallel between them ends. Marino, running wild upon the
+streets of Naples, taking his fill of pleasure and adventure, picking up
+ill-digested information at hap-hazard, and forming his poetic style as
+nature prompted; Chiabrera, disciplined in piety and morals by Jesuit
+directors, imbued with erudition by an arid scholar, a formal pedant
+and an accomplished rhetorician, the three chief representatives of
+decadent Italian humanism: no contrast can be imagined greater than that
+which marked these two lads out for diverse paths in literature. The one
+was formed to be the poet of caprice and license, openly ranking with
+those
+
+    Che la ragion sommettono al talento,
+
+and making _s'ei piace ei lice_ his rule of conduct and of art. The
+other received a rigid bent toward decorum, in religious observances, in
+ethical severity, and in literature of a strictly scholastic type.
+
+Yet Chiabrera was not without the hot blood of Italian youth. His uncle
+died, and he found himself alone in the world. After spending a few
+years in the service of Cardinal Cornaro, he quarreled with a Roman
+gentleman, vindicated his honor by some act of violence, and was
+outlawed from the city. Upon this he retired to Savona; and here again
+he met with similar adventures. Wounded in a brawl, he took the law into
+his own hands, and revenged himself upon his assailant. This punctilio
+proved him to be a true child of his age; and if we may credit his own
+account of both incidents, he behaved himself as became a gentleman of
+the period. It involved him, however, in serious annoyances both at Rome
+and Savona, from which he only extricated himself with difficulty and
+which impaired his fortune. Up to the age of fifty he remained
+unmarried, and then took a wife by whom he had no children. He lived to
+the ripe age of eighty-four, always at Savona, excepting occasional
+visits to friends in Italian cities, and he died unmolested by serious
+illness after his first entrance into the Collegio Romano. How he
+occupied the leisure of that lengthy solitude may be gathered from his
+published works--two or three thick volumes of lyrics; four bulky poems
+of heroic narrative; twelve dramas, including two tragedies; thirty
+satires or epistles; and about forty miscellaneous poems in divers
+meters. In a word, he devoted his whole life to the art of poetry, for
+which he was not naturally gifted, and which he pursued in a gravely
+methodical spirit. It may be said at once that the body of his work,
+with the exception of some simple pieces of occasion, and a few chastely
+written epistles, is such as nobody can read without weariness.
+
+Before investigating Chiabrera's claim to rank among Italian poets, it
+may be well to examine his autobiography in those points which touch
+upon the temper of society. Short as it is, this document is precious
+for the light it casts upon contemporary custom. As a writer, Chiabrera
+was distinguished by sobriety of judgment, rectitude, piety, purity of
+feeling, justice toward his fellow-workers in literature, and an earnest
+desire to revive the antique virtues among his countrymen. There is no
+reason to suppose that these estimable qualities did not distinguish him
+in private life. Yet eight out of the eighteen pages of his biography
+are devoted to comically solemn details regarding the honors paid him
+by Italian princes. The Grand Duke of Florence, Ferdinand I., noticed
+him standing with uncovered head at a theatrical representation in the
+Pitti Palace. He bade the poet put his cap on and sit down. Cosimo, the
+heir apparent, showed the same condescending courtesy. When he was at
+Turin, Carlo Emmanuele, Duke of Savoy, placed a coach and pair at his
+disposal, and allowed him 300 lire for traveling expenses to and from
+Savona. But this prince omitted to appoint him lodgings in the palace,
+nor did he invite him to cover in the presence. This perhaps is one
+reason why Chiabrera refused the duke's offer of a secretaryship at
+Court. Vincenzo Gonzaga, Duke of Mantua, on the contrary, allotted him
+rooms and always suffered him to keep his hat on. The Pope, who was an
+old college friend of Chiabrera, made him handsome presents, and on one
+delightful occasion allowed him to hear a sermon in the Papal pew. The
+Doge of Genoa, officially particular in points of etiquette, always took
+care to bid him cover, although he was a subject born of the Republic.
+
+Basely insignificant as are these details, they serve to show what value
+was then ascribed even by men of real respectability to trifling
+princely favors. The unction with which Chiabrera relates them, warming
+his cold style into a glow of satisfaction, is a practical satire upon
+his endeavor to resuscitate the virtues of antique republics in that
+Italy. To do this was his principal aim as a moralist; to revive the
+grand style of Pindar was his object as an artist. Each attempt involved
+impossibility, and argued a visionary ambition dimly conscious of its
+scope. Without freedom, without the living mythology of Hellas, without
+a triumphant national cause, in the very death of independence, at the
+end of a long age of glorious but artificial culture, how could
+Chiabrera dare to pose as Pindar? Instead of the youth of Greece
+ascending with free flight and all the future of the world before it,
+decrepit Italy, the Italy so rightly drawn by Marino in his _Pianto_,
+lay groveling in the dust of decaying thrones. Her lyrist had to sing of
+pallone-matches instead of Panhellenic games; to celebrate the heroic
+conquest of two Turkish galleys by a Tuscan fleet, instead of Marathon
+and Salamis; to praise S. Lucy and S. Paul with tepid fervor, instead of
+telling how Rhodes swam at her god's bidding upward from the waves.
+
+One example will serve as well as many to illustrate the false attitude
+assumed by Chiabrera when he posed as a new Pindar in the midst of
+seventeenth-century Italians. I will select the Ode to Don Cesare
+d'Este. There is something pathetically ridiculous, in this would-be
+swan of the Dircean fount, this apostle of pagan virtues, admonishing
+the heir of Alfonso II to prove himself an obedient son of the Church by
+relinquishing his Duchy of Ferrara to the Holy See. The poet asks him,
+in fine classic phrases, whether he could bear to look on desecrated
+altars, confessionals without absolving priests, chapels without
+choristers, a people barred with bolt and lock from Paradise. How
+trivial are earthly compared with heavenly crowns! How vulgar is the
+love of power and gold! The exhortation, exquisite enough in chastened
+style, closes with this hypocritical appeal to Cesare's aristocratic
+prejudices:
+
+    Parli la plebe a suo volere, e pensi--
+    Non con la plebe hanno da gir gli Estensi.
+
+That is to say, nobility demands that the House of Este should desert
+its subjects, sacrifice its throne, crawl at a Pontiff's feet, and
+starve among a crowd of disthroned princes, wrapping the ragged purple
+of its misery around it till it, too, mixes with the people it contemns.
+
+Hopeless as the venture was, Chiabrera made it the one preoccupation of
+his life, in these untoward circumstances, to remodel Italian poetry
+upon the Greek pattern. It was a merit of the Sei Cento, a sign of
+grace, that the Italians now at last threw orthodox aesthetic precepts
+to the winds, and avowed their inability to carry the Petrarchistic
+tradition further. The best of them, Campanella and Bruno, molded vulgar
+language like metal in the furnace of a vehement imagination, making it
+the vehicle of fantastic passion and enthusiastic philosophy. From their
+crucible the Sonnet and the Ode emerged with no resemblance to
+academical standards. Grotesque, angular, gnarled, contorted, Gothic
+even, these antiquated forms beneath their wayward touch were scarcely
+recognizable. They had become the receptacles of burning, scalding,
+trenchant realities. Salvator Rosa, next below the best, forced
+indignation to lend him wings, and scaled Parnassus with brass-bound
+feet and fury. Marino, bent on riveting attention by surprises, fervid
+with his own reality of lust, employed the octave stanza as a Turkish
+Bey might use an odalisque. 'The only rule worth thinking of,' he said,
+'is to know how and when and where to break all rules, adapting
+ourselves to current taste and the fashions of the age.' His epic
+represents a successful, because a vivid, reaction against
+conventionality. The life that throbs in it is incontestable, even
+though that life may be nothing better than ephemeral. With like
+brutality of instinct, healthy because natural, the barocco architects
+embraced ugliness, discord, deformity, spasm, as an escape from harmony
+and regularity with which the times were satiated. Prose-writers burst
+the bonds of Bembo, trampled on Boccaccio, reveled in the stylistic
+debaucheries of Bartolo. Painters, rendered academic in vain by those
+Fabii of Bologna who had striven to restore the commonwealth of art by
+temporizing, launched themselves upon a sea of massacre and murder,
+blood and entrails, horrors of dark woods and Bacchanalia of chubby
+Cupids. The popular Muse of Italy meanwhile emerged with furtive grace
+and inexhaustible vivacity in dialectic poems, dances, Pulcinello,
+Bergamasque Pantaloon, and what of parody and satire, Harlequinades, and
+carnival diversions, any local soil might cherish.[198] All this revolt
+against precedent, this resurrection of primeval instinct, crude and
+grinning, took place, let us remember, under the eyes of the Jesuits,
+within the shadow of the Inquisition, in an age reformed and ordered by
+the Council of Trent. Art was following Aretino, the reprobate and
+rebel. He first amid the languors of the golden age--and this is
+Aretino's merit--discerned that the only escape from its inevitable
+exhaustion was by passing over into crudest naturalism.
+
+[Footnote 198: See Scherillo's two books on the _Commedia dell'Arte_ and
+the _Opera Buffa_.]
+
+But for Chiabrera, the excellent gentleman, the patronized of princes,
+scrupulous upon the point of honor, pupil of Jesuits, pious, twisted
+back on humanism by his Roman tutors, what escape was left for him? Obey
+the genius of his times he must. Innovate he must. He chose the least
+indecorous sphere at hand for innovation; and felt therewith most
+innocently happy. Without being precisely conscious of it, he had
+discovered a way of adhering to time-honored precedent while following
+the general impulse to discard precedent. He threw Petrarch overboard,
+but he took on Pindar for his pilot. 'When I see anything eminently
+beautiful, or hear something, or taste something that is excellent, I
+say: It is Greek Poetry.' In this self-revealing sentence lies the
+ruling instinct of the man as scholar. The highest praise he can confer
+upon Italian matters, is to call them Greek Poetry. 'When I have to
+express my aims in verse, I compare myself to Columbus, who said that he
+would discover a new world or drown.' Again, in this self-revealing
+sentence, Chiabrera betrays the instinct which in common with his period
+he obeyed. He was bound to startle society by a discovery or to drown.
+For this, be it remembered, was the time in which Pallavicino, like
+Marino, declared that poetry must make men raise their eyebrows in
+astonishment. For Chiabrera, educated as he had been, that new world
+toward which he navigated was a new Hellenic style of Italian poetry;
+and the Theban was to guide him toward its shores. But on the voyage
+Chiabrera drowned: drowned for eternity in hyper-atlantic whirlpools of
+oblivion. Some critics, pitying so lofty, so respectable an ambition,
+have whispered that he found a little Island of the Blest and there
+planted modest myrtles of mediocre immortality. Yet this is not the
+truth. On such a quest there was only failure or success. He did not
+succeed. His cold mincemeat from Diocean tables, tepid historic
+parallels, artificially concocted legends, could not create Greek poetry
+again beneath the ribs of death. The age was destined to be saved by
+music. License was its only liberty, as the _Adone_ taught. Unmusical
+Chiabrera, buckram'd up by old mythologies and sterling precepts, left
+its life untouched. His antique virtues stood, like stucco gods and
+goddesses, on pedestals in garden groves, and moldered. His Pindaric
+flights were such as a sparrow, gazing upward at a hawk, might venture
+on. Those abrupt transitions, whereby he sought to simulate the lordly
+_sprezzatura_ of the Theban eagle, 'soaring with supreme dominion in the
+azure depths of air,' remind us mainly of the hoppings of a frog.
+Chiabrera failed: failed all the more lamentably because he was so
+scholarly, so estimable. He is chiefly interesting now as the example of
+a man devoted to the Church, a pupil of Jesuits, a moralist, and a
+humanist, in some sense also a patriot, who felt the temper of his time,
+and strove to innovate in literature. Devoid of sincere sympathy with
+his academically chosen models, thinking he had discovered a safe path
+for innovation, he fell flat in the slime and perished.
+
+Marino had human life and vulgar nature, the sensualities and
+frivolities of the century, to help him. Chiabrera claimed none of these
+advantages. What had Tassoni for his outfit? Sound common sense,
+critical acumen, the irony of humor, hatred of tyrants and humbug, an
+acrid temper mollified by genial love of letters, a manly spirit of
+independence. Last, but not least, he inherited something of the old
+Elysian smile which played upon the lips of Ariosto, from which Tasso's
+melancholy shrank discomfited, which Marino smothered in the kisses of
+his courtesans, and Chiabrera banned as too ignoble for Dircean bards.
+This smile it was that cheered Tassoni's leisure when, fallen on evil
+days, he penned the _Socchia Rapita_.
+
+Alessandro Tassoni was born in 1565 of a noble Modenese family. Before
+completing his nineteenth year he won the degree of Doctor of Laws, and
+afterwards spent twelve years in studying at the chief universities of
+Lombardy. Between 1599 and 1603 he served the Cardinal Ascanio Colonna
+both in Spain and Rome, as secretary. The insight he then gained into
+the working of Spanish despotism made him a relentless enemy of that
+already decadent monarchy. When Carlo Emmanuele, Duke of Savoy, sent
+back his Collar of the Golden Fleece in 1613 and drew the sword of
+resistance against Philip III., Tassoni penned two philippics against
+Spaniards, which are the firmest, most embittered expression of
+patriotism as it then existed. He had the acuteness to perceive that the
+Spanish state was no longer in its prime of vigor, and the noble
+ingenuousness to dream that Italian princes might be roused to sink
+their rancors in a common effort after independence. As a matter of
+fact, Estensi, Medici, Farnesi, Gonzaghi, all the reigning houses as yet
+unabsorbed by Church or Spain, preferred the predominance of a power
+which sanctioned their local tyrannies, irksome and degrading as that
+overlordship was, to the hegemony of Piedmontese Macedon. And like all
+Italian patriots, strong in mind, feeble in muscle, he failed to reckon
+with the actual soldierly superiority of Spaniards. Italy could give
+generals at this epoch to her masters; but she could not count on
+levying privates for her own defense. Carlo Emmanuele rewarded the
+generous ardor of Tassoni by grants of pensions which were never paid,
+and by offices at Court which involved the poet-student in perilous
+intrigue. 'My service with the princes of the House of Savoy,' so he
+wrote at a later period, 'did not take its origin in benefits or favors
+received or expected. It sprang from a pure spontaneous motion of the
+soul, which inspired me with love for the noble character of Duke
+Charles.' When he finally withdrew from that service, he had his
+portrait painted. In his hands he held a fig, and beneath the picture
+ran a couplet ending with the words, 'this the Court gave me.'
+Throughout his life Tassoni showed an independence rare in that century.
+His principal works were published without dedications to patrons. In
+the preface to his _Remarks on Petrarch_ he expressed his opinion thus:
+'I leave to those who like them the fruitless dedications, not to say
+flatteries, which are customary nowadays. I seek no protection; for a
+lie does not deserve it, and truth is indifferent to it. Let such as
+opine that the shadow of great personages can conceal the ineptitude of
+authors, make the most of this advantage.' Believing firmly in
+astrology, he judged that his own horoscope condemned him to
+ill-success. It appears that he was born under the influence of Saturn,
+when the sun and moon were in conjunction; and he held that this
+combination of the heavenly bodies boded 'things noteworthy, yet not
+felicitous.' It was, however, difficult for a man of Tassoni's condition
+in that state of society to draw breath outside the circle of a Court.
+Accordingly, in 1626, he entered the service of the Pope's nephew,
+Cardinal Lodovisio. He did not find this much to his liking: 'I may
+compare myself to P. Emilius Metellus, when he was shod with those
+elegant boots which pinched his feet. Everybody said, Oh what fine
+boots, how well they fit! But the wretch was unable to walk in them.' On
+the Cardinal's death in 1632 Tassoni removed to the Court of Francesco
+I. of Modena, and died there in 1635.
+
+As a writer, Tassoni, in common with the best spirits of his time, aimed
+at innovation. It had become palpable to the Italians that the
+Renaissance was over, and that they must break with the traditions of
+the past. This, as I have already pointed out, was the saving virtue of
+the early seventeenth century; but what good fruits it might have
+fostered, had not the political and ecclesiastical conditions of the age
+been adverse, remains a matter for conjecture. 'It is my will and object
+to utter new opinions,' he wrote to a friend; and acting upon this
+principle, he attacked the chief prejudices of his age in philosophy and
+literature. One of his earliest publications was a miscellaneous
+collection of _Divers Thoughts_, in which he derided Aristotle's Physics
+and propounded speculations similar to those developed by Gassendi. He
+dared to cast scorn on Homer, as rude and barbarous, poor in the faculty
+of invention, taxable with at least five hundred flagrant defects. How
+little Tassoni really comprehended Homer may be judged from his
+complacent assertion that the episode of Luna and Endymion (_Secchia
+Rapita_, canto viii.) was composed in the Homeric manner. In truth he
+could estimate the Iliad and Odyssey no better than Chiabrera could the
+Pythians and Olympians of Pindar. A just sense of criticism failed the
+scholars of that age, which was too remote in its customs, too imperfect
+in its science of history, to understand the essence of Greek art. With
+equally amusing candor Tassoni passed judgments upon Dante, and thought
+that he had rivaled the Purgatory in his description of the Dawn
+(_Secchia Rapita_, viii. 15, the author's note). We must, however, be
+circumspect and take these criticisms with a grain of salt; for one
+never knows how far Tassoni may be laughing in his sleeve. There is no
+doubt, however, regarding the sincerity of his strictures upon the Della
+Cruscan Vocabulary of 1612, or the more famous inquiry into Petrarch's
+style. The _Considerazioni sopra le Rime del Petrarca_ were composed in
+1602-3 during a sea voyage from Genoa to Spain. They told what now must
+be considered the plain truth of common sense about the affectations
+into which a servile study of the _Canzoniere_ had betrayed generations
+of Italian rhymesters. Tassoni had in view Petrarch's pedantic
+imitators rather than their master; and when the storm of literary fury,
+stirred up by his work, was raging round him, he thus established his
+position: 'Surely it is allowable to censure Petrarch's poems, if a man
+does this, not from malignant envy, but from a wish to remove the
+superstitions and abuses which beget such evil effects, and to confound
+the sects of the Rabbins hardened in their perfidy of obsolete opinion,
+and in particular of such as think they cannot write straight without
+the _falsariga_ of their model.' I may observe in passing that the
+points in this paragraph are borrowed from a sympathizing letter which
+Marino addressed to the author on his essay. In another place Tassoni
+stated, 'It was never my intention to speak evil of this poet
+[Petrarch], whom I have always admired above any lyrist of ancient or
+modern times.'
+
+So independent in his conduct and so bold in his opinions was the author
+of the _Secchia Rapita_. The composition of this poem grew out of the
+disputes which followed Tassoni's _Remarks on Petrarch_. He found
+himself assailed by two scurrilous libels, which were traced to the
+Count Alessandro Brusantini, feudal lord of Culagna and Bismozza.
+Justice could not be obtained upon the person of so eminent a noble.
+Tassoni, with true Italian refinement, resolved to give himself the
+unique pleasure of ingenious vengeance. The name of the Count's fief
+supplied him with a standing dish of sarcasm. He would write a satiric
+poem, of which the Conte Culagna should be the burlesque hero. After ten
+months' labor, probably in the year 1615, the _Secchia Rapita_ already
+went abroad in MS.[199] Tassoni sought to pass it off as a product of
+his youth; but both the style and the personalities which it contained
+rendered this impossible. Privately issued, the poem had a great
+success. 'In less than a year,' writes the author, 'more MS. copies were
+in circulation than are usually sent forth from the press in ten years
+of the most famous works.' One professional scribe made 200 ducats in
+the course of a few months by reproducing it; and the price paid for
+each copy was eight crowns. It became necessary to publish the _Secchia
+Rapita_. But now arose innumerable difficulties. The printers of Modena
+and Padua refused; Giuliano Cassiani had been sent to prison in 1617 for
+publishing some verses of Testi against Spain. The Inquisition withheld
+its _imprimatur_. Attempts were made to have it printed on the sly at
+Padua; but the craftsman who engaged to execute this job was imprisoned.
+At last, in 1622, Tassoni contrived to have the poem published in Paris.
+The edition soon reached Italy. In Rome it was prohibited, but freely
+sold; and at last Gregory XV. allowed it to be reprinted with some
+canceled passages. There is, in truth, nothing prejudicial either to the
+Catholic creed or to general morality in the _Secchia Rapita_. We note,
+meanwhile, with interest, that it first saw the light at Paris, sharing
+thus the fortunes of the _Adone_, which it preceded by one year. If the
+greatest living Italians at this time were exiles, it appears that the
+two most eminent poems of their literature first saw the light on
+foreign shores.
+
+[Footnote 199: For the date 1615 see Carducci's learned essay prefixed
+to his edition of the _Secchia Rapita_ (Barbera, 1861).]
+
+The _Secchia Rapita_ is the first example of heroico-comic poetry.
+Tassoni claims in print the honor of inventing this new species, and
+tells his friends that 'though he will not pique himself on being a
+poet, still he sets some store on having discovered a new kind of poem
+and occupied a vacant seat.' The seat--and it was no Siege
+Perilous--stood indeed empty and ready to be won by any free-lance of
+letters. Folengo had burlesqued romance. But no one as yet had made a
+parody of that which still existed mainly as the unaccomplished hope of
+literature. Trissino with his _Italia Liberata_, Tasso with his
+_Gerusalemme Liberata_, tried to persuade themselves and the world that
+they had succeeded in delivering Italy in labor of an epic. But their
+maieutic ingenuity was vain. The nation carried no epic in her womb.
+Trissino's _Italia_ was a weazened changeling of erudition, and Tasso's
+_Gerusalemme_ a florid bastard of romance. Tassoni, noticing the
+imposition of these two eminent and worthy writers, determined to give
+his century an epic or heroic poem in the only form which then was
+possible. Briefly, he produced a caricature, modeled upon no existing
+work of modern art, but corresponding to the lineaments of that Desired
+of the Nation which pedants had prophesied. Unity of action celestial
+machinery, races in conflict, contrasted heroes, the wavering chance of
+war, episodes, bards, heroines, and love subordinated to the martial
+motive--all these features of the epic he viewed through the distorting
+medium of his comic art.
+
+In the days of the second Lombard League, when Frederick II. was
+fighting a losing battle with the Church, Guelf Bologna came into grim
+conflict with her Ghibelline neighbor Modena. The territory of these two
+cities formed the _champ clos_ of a duel in which the forces of Germany
+and nearly all Italy took part; and in one engagement, at Fossalta, the
+Emperor's heir, King Enzo of Sardinia, was taken captive. How he passed
+the rest of his days, a prisoner of the Bolognese, and how he begat the
+semi-royal brood of Bentivogli, is matter of history and legend. During
+this conflict memorable among the many municipal wars of Italy in the
+middle ages, it happened that some Modenese soldiers, who had pushed
+their way into the suburbs of Bologna, carried off a bucket and
+suspended it as a trophy in the bell-tower of the cathedral, where it
+may still be seen. One of the peculiarities of those mediaeval struggles
+which roused the rivalry of towns separated from each other by a few
+miles of fertile country, and which raged through generations till the
+real interests at issue were confounded in blind animosity of neighbor
+against neighbor--was the sense of humor and of sarcasm they encouraged.
+To hurl dead donkey against your enemy's town-wall passed for a good
+joke, and discredited his honor more than the loss of a hundred fighting
+men in a pitched battle. Frontier fortresses received insulting names,
+like the Perugian _Becca di questo_, or like the Bolognese _Grevalcore_.
+There was much, in fact, in these Italian wars which reminds one of the
+hostilities between rival houses in a public school.
+
+Such being the element of humor ready to hand in the annals of his
+country, Tassoni chose the episode of the Bolognese bucket for the theme
+of a mock-heroic epic. He made what had been an insignificant incident
+the real occasion of the war, and grouped the facts of history around it
+by ingenious distortions of the truth. The bucket is the Helen of his
+Iliad:[200]
+
+    Vedrai s'al cantar mio porgi l'orecchia,
+    Elena trasformarsi in una secchia.
+
+[Footnote 200: Canto i. 2.]
+
+A mere trifle thus becomes a point of dispute capable of bringing gods,
+popes, emperors, kings, princes, cities, and whole nations into
+conflict. At the same time the satirist betrays his malice by departing
+as little as possible from the main current of actual events. History
+lends verisimilitude to the preposterous assumption that heaven and
+earth were drawn into a squabble about a bucket: and if there is any
+moral to be derived from the _Secchia Rapita_ we have it here. At the
+end of the contention, when both parties are exhausted, it is found
+that the person of a king weighs in the scale of nations no more than an
+empty bucket:[201]
+
+    Riserbando ne' patti a i Modanesi
+    La secchia, e 'l re de'Sardi ai Bolognesi.
+
+Such is the main subject of the _Secchia Rapita_; and such is Tassoni's
+irony, an irony worthy of Aristophanes in its far-reaching indulgent
+contempt for human circumstance. But the poem has another object. It was
+written to punish Count Alessandro Brusantini. The leading episode,
+which occupies about three cantos of the twelve, is an elaborate
+vilification of this personal enemy travestied as the contemptible Conte
+di Culagna.
+
+Tassoni's method of art corresponds to the irony of his inspiration. We
+find his originality in a peculiar blending of serious and burlesque
+styles, in abrupt but always well-contrived transitions from heroical
+magniloquence to plebeian farce and from scurrility to poetic elevation,
+finally in a frequent employment of the figure which the Greeks called
+[Greek: para prosdokian]. His poem is a parody of the Aristophanic type.
+'Like a fantastically ironical magic tree, the world-subversive idea
+which lies at the root of it springs up with blooming ornament of
+thoughts, with singing nightingales and climbing chattering apes.'[202]
+To seek a central motive or a sober meaning in this caprice of the
+satirical imagination would be idle. Tassoni had no intention, as some
+critics have pretended, to exhibit the folly of those party wars which
+tore the heart of Italy three centuries before his epoch, to teach the
+people of his day the miseries of foreign interference, or to strike a
+death-blow at classical mythology. The lesson which can be drawn from
+his cantos, that man in warfare disquiets himself in vain for naught,
+that a bucket is as good a _casus belli_ as Helen, the moral which
+Southey pointed in his ballad of the Battle of Blenheim, emerges, not
+from the poet's design, but from the inevitable logic of his humor.
+Pique inspired the _Secchia Rapita_, and in the despicable character of
+Count Culagna he fully revenged the slight which had been put upon him.
+The revenge is savage, certainly; for the Count remains 'immortally
+immerded' in the long-drawn episode which brought to view the shame of
+his domestic life. Yet while Tassoni drew blood, he never ceased to
+smile; and Count Culagna remains for us a personage of comedy rather
+than of satire.
+
+[Footnote 201: Canto xii. 77.]
+
+[Footnote 202: So Heine wrote of Aristophanes. See my essay in _Studies
+of the Greek Poets_.]
+
+In the next place, Tassoni meant to ridicule the poets of his time. He
+calls the _Secchia Rapita_ 'an absurd caprice, written to burlesque the
+modern poets.' His genius was nothing if not critical, and literature
+afforded him plenty of material for fun. Romance-writers with their
+jousts and duels and armed heroines, would-be epic poets with their
+extra-mundane machinery and pomp of phrase, Marino and his hyperbolical
+conceits, Tuscan purists bent on using only words of the Tre Cento,
+Petrarchisti spinning cobwebs of old metaphors and obsolete periphrases,
+all felt in turn the touch of his light lash. The homage paid to
+Petrarch's stuffed cat at Arqua supplied him with a truly Aristophanic
+gibe.[203] Society comes next beneath his ferule. There is not a city of
+Italy which Tassoni did not wring in the withers of its self-conceit.
+The dialects of Ferrara, Bologna, Bergamo, Florence, Rome, lend the
+satirist vulgar phrases when he quits the grand style and, taking
+Virgil's golden trumpet from his lips, slides off into a _canaille_
+drawl or sluice of Billingsgate. Modena is burlesqued in her presiding
+Potta, gibbeted for her filthy streets. The Sienese discover that the
+world accounts them lunatics. The Florentines and Perugians are branded
+for notorious vice. Roman foppery, fantastical in feminine
+pretentiousness, serves as a foil to drag Culagna down into the ditch of
+ignominy. Here and there, Tassoni's satire is both venomous and pungent,
+as when he paints the dotage of the Empire, stabs Spanish pride of
+sovereignty, and menaces the Papacy with insurrection. But for the most
+part, like Horace in the phrase of Persius, he plays about the vitals of
+the victims who admit him to their confidence--_admissus circum
+praecordia ludit_.
+
+[Footnote 203: Canto viii. 33, 34.]
+
+We can but regret that so clear-sighted, so urbane and so truly
+Aristophanic a satirist had not a wider field to work in.
+Seventeenth-century Italy was all too narrow for his genius; and if the
+_Secchia Rapita_ has lost its savor, this is less the poet's fault than
+the defect of his material. He was strong enough to have brought the
+Athens of Cleon, the France of Henri III., or the England of James I.
+within the range of his distorting truth-revealing mirror. Yet, even as
+it was, Tassoni opened several paths for modern humorists. Rabelais
+might have owned that caricature of Mars and Bacchus rioting in a tavern
+bed with Venus travestied as a boy, and in the morning, after
+breakfasting divinely on two hundred restorative eggs, escaping with the
+fear of a scandalized host and the police-court before their eyes. Yet
+Rabelais would hardly have brought this cynical picture of crude
+debauchery into so fine a contrast with the celestial environment of
+gods and goddesses. True to his principle of effect by alternation,
+Tassoni sometimes sketches the deities whom he derides, in the style of
+Volpato engravings after Guido. They move across his canvas with
+ethereal grace. What can be more charming than Diana visiting Endymion,
+and confessing to the Loves that all her past career as huntress and as
+chaste had been an error? Venus, too, when she takes that sensuously
+dreamy all-poetic journey across the blue Mediterranean to visit
+golden-haired King Enzo in his sleep, makes us forget her entrance into
+Modena disguised as a lad trained to play female parts upon the stage.
+This blending of true elegance with broad farce is a novelty in modern
+literature. We are reminded of the songs of the Mystae on the meadows of
+Elysium in the _Frogs_. Scarron and Voltaire, through the French
+imitators of Tassoni, took lessons from his caricature of Saturn, the
+old diseased senator traveling in a sedan chair to the celestial
+parliament, with a clyster-pipe in front of him and his seat upon a
+close stool. Moliere and Swift, votaries of Cloacina, were anticipated
+in the climax of Count Culagna's attempt to poison his wife, and in the
+invention of the enchanted ass so formidable by Parthian discharges on
+its adversary. Over these births of Tassoni's genius the Maccaronic Muse
+of Folengo and his Bolognese predecessors presided. There is something
+Lombard, a smack of sausage in the humor. But it remained for the
+Modenese poet to bring this Mafelina into the comity of nations. We are
+not, indeed, bound to pay her homage. Yet when we find her inspiring
+such writers as Swift, Voltaire, Sterne and Heine, it is well to
+remember that Tassoni first evoked her from Mantuan gutters and the
+tripe-shops of Bologna.
+
+'The fantastically ironical magic tree' of the _Secchia Rapita_ spread
+its green boughs not merely for chattering baboons. Nightingales sang
+there. The monkey-like Culagna, with his tricks and antics, disappears.
+Virtuous Renoppia, that wholesome country lass, the _bourgeois_
+counterpart of Bradamante, withholds her slipper from the poet's head
+when he is singing sad or lovely things of human fortune. Our eyes,
+rendered sensitive by vulgar sights, dwell with unwonted pleasure on the
+chivalrous beauty of King Enzo. Ernesto's death touches our sympathy
+with pathos, in spite of the innuendo cast upon his comrade Jaconia.
+Paolo Malatesta rides with the shades of doom, the Dantesque cloud of
+love and destiny, around his forehead, through that motley mock-heroic
+band of burghers. Manfredi, consumed by an unholy passion for his
+sister, burns for one moment, like a face revealed by lightning, on our
+vision and is gone. Finally, when the mood seizes him (for Tassoni
+persuades us into thinking he is but the creature of caprice), he tunes
+the soft idyllic harp and sings Endymion's love-tale in strains soft as
+Marino's, sweet as Tasso's, outdoing Marino in delicacy, Tasso in
+reserve. This episode moved rigid Alfieri to admiration. It remains
+embedded in a burlesque poem, one of the most perfectly outlined
+triumphs of refined Italian romantic art. Yet such was the strength of
+the master's hand, so loyal was he to his principle of contrast, that he
+cuts the melodious idyl short with a twang of the guitar-strings, and
+strikes up a tavern ballad on Lucrezia. The irony which ruled his art
+demanded this inversion of proprieties. Cynthia wooing Endymion shows us
+woman in her frailty; Lucrece violated by Tarquin is woman in her
+dignity. The ironical poet had to adorn the first story with his
+choicest flowers of style and feeling, to burlesque the second with his
+grossest realism.
+
+This antithesis between sustained poetry and melodiously-worded slang,
+between radiant forms of beauty and grotesque ugliness, penetrates the
+_Secchia Rapita_ in every canto and in every detail. We pass from
+battle-scenes worthy of Ariosto and Tasso at their best into ditches of
+liquid dung. Ambassadors are introduced with touches that degrade them
+to the rank of _commis voyageurs_. Before the senate the same men utter
+orations in the style of Livy. The pomp of war is paraded, its machinery
+of catapults is put in motion, to discharge a dead ass into a besieged
+town; and when the beleagured garrison behold it flying through the air,
+they do not take the donkey for a taunt, but for a heavenly portent. A
+tournament is held and very brave in their attire are all the
+combatants. But according to its rules the greatest sluggard wins the
+crown of honor. Even in the similes, which formed so important an
+element of epic decoration, the same principle of contrast is
+maintained. Fine vignettes from nature in the style consecrated by
+Ariosto and Tasso introduce ludicrous incidents. Vulgar details picked
+up from the streets prepare us for touches of pathos or poetry.
+
+Tassoni takes high rank as a literary artist for the firmness with which
+he adhered to his principle of irony, and for the facility of vigor
+which conceals all traces of effort in so difficult a task. I may be
+thought to have pitched his praise too high. But those will forgive me
+who enjoy the play of pure sharp-witted fancy, or who reflect upon the
+sadness of the theme which occupies my pen in these two volumes.
+
+Of the four poets to whom this chapter is devoted, Guarini, Marino, and
+Tassoni were successful, Chiabrera was a respectable failure. The reason
+of this difference is apparent. In the then conditions of Italian
+society, at the close of a great and glorious period of varied culture,
+beneath the shadow of a score of Spaniardizing princelings, with the
+spies of the Inquisition at every corner, and the drill of the
+Tridentine Council to be gone through under Jesuitical direction, there
+was no place for a second Pindar. But there was scope for decorative
+art, for sensuous indulgence, and for genial irony. Happy the man who
+paced his vineyards, dreaming musically of Arcadia! Happy the man who
+rolled in Circe's pigsty! Happy the man who sat in his study and
+laughed! Therefore the most meritorious productions of the time,
+Boccalini's _Ragguagli di Parnaso_, Bracciolini's _Scherno degli Dei_,
+have a touch of Tassoni's humor in them; while Achillini and Preti limp
+somewhat feebly after Marino's Alcibidean swagger, and endless pastorals
+pullulate from Guarini's tragi-comedy. We need not occupy our minds with
+these secondary writers, nor do more than indicate the scholarly
+niceness with which Filicaja in the second half of the seventeenth
+century continued Chiabrera's tradition. But one word must be said in
+honor of Fulvio Testi, the Modenese poet and statesman, who paid for the
+fame of a Canzone with his head. He has a double interest for us: first,
+because Leopardi esteemed him the noblest of Italian lyrists after
+Petrarch; secondly, because his fate proved that Tasso's dread of
+assassination was not wholly an illusion. Reading the ode addressed to
+Count Raimondo Montecuccoli, _Ruscelletto orgoglioso_, the ode which
+brought Testi to the block in a dungeon of the Estensi, we comprehend
+what Leopardi meant by his high panegyric. It is a piece of poetry,
+lofty in style, grave in movement, pregnant with weighty thought, stern
+and rugged, steeped in a sublimity of gloom and Stoicism which remind us
+of the author of _La Ginestra_. The century produced little that bore a
+stamp so evident of dignity and greatness.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XII.
+
+PALESTRINA AND THE ORIGINS OF MODERN MUSIC.
+
+     Italy in Renaissance produces no National School of Music--Flemish
+     Composers in Rome--Singers and Orchestra--The Chaotic Indecency of
+     this Contrapuntal Style--Palestrina's Birth and Early
+     History--Decrees of the Tridentine Council upon Church Music--The
+     Mass of Pope Marcello--Palestrina Satisfies the Cardinals with his
+     New Style of Sacred Music--Pius IV. and his Partiality for
+     Music--Palestrina and Filippo Neri--His Motetts--The Song of
+     Solomon set to Melody--Palestrina, the Saviour of Music--The
+     Founder of the Modern Style--Florentine Essays in the Oratorio.
+
+It is a singular fact that while Italy led all the European races in
+scholarship and literature, in the arts of sculpture and painting, in
+commerce and the sciences of life, she had developed no national school
+of music in the middle of the sixteenth century. Native melody might
+indeed be heard in abundance along her shores and hillsides, in city
+streets and on the squares where men and girls danced together at
+evening. But such melody was popular; it could not be called artistic or
+scientific. The music which resounded through the Sistine Chapel,
+beneath the Prophets of Michel Angelo, on high days and festivals, was
+not Italian. The composers of it came for the most part from Flemish or
+French provinces, bearing the names of Josquin Depres, of Andrew
+Willaert, of Eleazar Genet, of James Arkadelt, of Claude Gondimel; and
+the performers were in like manner chiefly ultramontanes. Julius II. in
+1513 founded a chapel in the Vatican Basilica called the Cappella Giulia
+for the maintenance of twelve male singers, twelve boys, and two masters
+of the choristers. In doing so it was his object to encourage a Roman
+school of music and to free the Chapter of S. Peter's from the
+inconvenience of being forced to engage foreign choir-men. His scheme,
+however, had been only partially successful. As late as 1540, we find
+that the principal composers and musicians in Rome were still
+foreigners. To three Italians of repute, there were five Flemings, three
+Frenchmen, three Spaniards, one German, and one Portuguese.[204]
+
+[Footnote 204: See Baini, _Life of Palestrina_, vol. ii. p. 20.]
+
+The Flemish style of contrapuntal or figured harmony, which had
+enchanted Europe by its novelty and grace when Josquin Depres, in the
+last quarter of the fifteenth century, brought it into universal vogue,
+was still dominant in Italy. But this style already showed unmistakable
+signs of decadence and dissolution. It had become unfit for
+ecclesiastical uses, and by the exaggeration of its qualities it was
+tending to anarchy. The grand defect of Flemish music, considered as an
+art of expression, was that it ignored propriety and neglected the
+libretto. Instead of exercising original invention, instead of suiting
+melodies to words by appropriate combinations of sound and sense, the
+composers chose any musical themes that came to hand, and wrought them
+up into elaborate contrapuntal structures without regard for their book.
+The first words of a passage from the Creed, for instance, were briefly
+indicated at the outset of the number: what followed was but a
+reiteration of the same syllables, and divided in the most arbitrary
+manner to suit the complicated descant which they had to serve. The
+singers could not adapt their melodic phrases to the liturgical text,
+since sometimes passages of considerable length fell upon a couple of
+syllables, while on the contrary a long sentence might have no more than
+a bar or even less assigned to it. They were consequently in the habit
+of drawling out or gabbling over the words, regardless of both sense and
+sentiment. Nor was this all. The composers of the Flemish school prided
+themselves on overloading their work with every kind of intricate and
+difficult ornament, exhibiting their dexterity by canons of many types,
+inversions, imitations, contrapuntal devices of divers ingenious and
+distracting species. The verbal theme became a mere basis for the
+utterance of scientific artifices and the display of vocal gymnastics.
+The singers, for their part, were allowed innumerable licenses. While
+the bass sustained the melody, the other voices indulged in extempore
+descant (_composizione alla mente_) and in extravagances of technical
+execution (_rifiorimenti_), regardless of the style of the main
+composition, violating time, and setting even the fundamental tone at
+defiance.
+
+The composers, to advance another step in the analysis of this strange
+medley, took particular delight in combining different sets of words,
+melodies of widely diverse character, antagonistic rhythms and divergent
+systems of accentuation in a single piece. They assigned these several
+ingredients to several parts; and for the further exhibition of their
+perverse skill, went even to the length of coupling themes in the major
+and the minor.
+
+The most obvious result of such practice was that it became impossible
+to understand what words were being sung, and that instead of concord
+and order in the choir, a confused discord and anarchy of dinning sounds
+prevailed. What made the matter from an ecclesiastical point of view
+still worse, was that these scholastically artificial compositions were
+frequently based on trivial and vulgar tunes, suggesting the tavern, the
+dancing-room, or even worse places, to worshipers assembled for the
+celebration of a Sacrament. Masses bore titles adopted from the popular
+melodies on which they were founded: such, for example, as 'Adieu mes
+amours,' 'A l'ombre d'un buissonnet,' 'Baise-moi,' 'L'ami baudichon
+madame,' 'Le vilain jaloux.' Even the words of love-ditties and obscene
+ballads in French, Flemish, and Italian, were being squalled out by the
+tenor while the bass gave utterance to an _Agnus_ or a _Benedictus_, and
+the soprano was engaged upon the verses of a Latin hymn. Baini, who
+examined hundreds of these Masses and motetts in MS., says that the
+words imported into them from vulgar sources 'make one's flesh creep and
+one's hair stand on end.' He does not venture to do more than indicate a
+few of the more decent of these interloping verses; but mentions one
+_Kyrie_, in which the tenor sang _Je ne vis oncques la pareille_; a
+_Sanctus_, in which he had to utter _gracieuse gente mounyere_; and a
+_Benedictus_, where the same offender was employed on _Madame, faites
+moy scavoir_. As an augmentation of this indecency, numbers from a Mass
+or motett which started with the grave rhythm of a Gregorian tone, were
+brought to their conclusion on the dance measure of a popular _ballata_,
+so that _Incarnatus est_ or _Kyrie eleison_ went jigging off into
+suggestions of Masetto and Zerlina at a village ball.
+
+To describe all the impertinences to which the customs of vocal
+execution then in vogue gave rise, by means of flourishes,
+improvisations, accelerations of time and multitudinous artifices
+derived from the _ad libitum_ abuses of the fugal machinery, would serve
+no purpose. But it may be profitably mentioned that the mischief was not
+confined to the vocal parts. Organ and orchestra of divers instruments
+were allowed the same liberty of improvising on the given theme,
+embroidering these with fanciful _capricci_, and indulging their own
+taste in symphonies connected with the main structure by slight and
+artificial links. Instrumental music had not yet taken an independent
+place in art. The lute, the trumpet, or the stops of the organ, followed
+and imitated the voice; and thus in this confusion a choir of stringed
+and wind instruments was placed in competition with the singing
+choir.[205] It would appear that the composer frequently gave but a
+ground-sketch of his plan, without troubling himself to distribute
+written parts to the executants. The efflorescences, excursuses and
+episodes to which I have alluded, were supplied by artists whom long
+training in this kind of music enabled to perform their separate sallies
+and to execute their several antics within certain limits of recognized
+license. But since each vied with the other to produce striking effects,
+the choir rivaling the orchestra, the tenor competing with the bass, the
+organ with the viol, it followed that the din of their accumulated
+efforts was not unjustly compared to that made by a 'sty of grunting
+pigs,' the builders of the Tower of Babel, or the 'squalling of cats in
+January.'[206] 'All their happiness,' writes a contemporary critic,
+'consisted in keeping the bass singer to the fugue, while at the same
+time one voice was shouting out _Sanctus_, another _Sabaoth_, a third
+_gloria tua_, with howlings, bellowings and squealings that cannot be
+described.'
+
+[Footnote 205: While the choir was singing, the orchestra was playing
+concerted pieces called _ricercari_, in which the vocal parts were
+reproduced.]
+
+[Footnote 206: See the original passages from contemporary writers
+quoted by Baini, vol. i. pp. 102-104. Savonarola went so far as to
+affirm: 'Che questo canto figurato l'ha trovato Satanasso,' a phrase
+quite in the style of a Puritan abusing choirs and organs.]
+
+It must not be thought that this almost unimaginable state of things
+indicated a defect either of intellectual capacity or of artistic skill.
+It was due rather to the abuse of science and of virtuosity, both of
+which had attained to a high degree of development. It manifested the
+decadence of music in its immaturity, through over-confident employment
+of exuberant resources on an end inadequate for the fulfillment of the
+art. Music, it must be remembered, unlike literature and plastic art,
+had no antique tradition to assimilate, no masterpieces of accomplished
+form to study. In the modern world it was an art without connecting
+links to bind it to the past. And this circumstance rendered it liable
+to negligent treatment by a society that prided itself upon the recovery
+of the classics. The cultivated classes abandoned it in practice to
+popular creators of melody upon the one hand, and to grotesque
+scholastic pedants on the other. And from the blending of those
+ill-accorded elements arose the chaos which I have attempted to
+describe.
+
+Learned composers in the style developed by the Flemish masters had
+grown tired of writing simple music for four voices and a single choir.
+They reveled in the opportunity of combining eight vocal parts and
+bringing three choirs with accompanying orchestras into play at the same
+time. They were proud of proving how by counterpoint the most dissimilar
+and mutually-jarring factors could be wrought into a whole, intelligible
+to the scientific musician, though unedifying to the public. In the
+neglect of their art, considered as an art of interpretation and
+expression, they abandoned themselves to intricate problems and to the
+presentation of incongruous complexities.
+
+The singers were expert in rendering difficult passages, in developing
+unpromising motives, and in embroidering the arras-work of the composer
+with fanciful extravagances of vocal execution. The instrumentalists
+were trained in the art of copying effects of fugue or madrigal by lutes
+and viols in concerted pieces. The people were used to dance and sing
+and touch the mandoline together; in every house were found amateurs who
+could with voice and string produce the studied compositions of the
+masters.
+
+What was really lacking, amid this exuberance of musical resources, in
+this thick jungle of technical facilities, was a controlling element of
+correct taste, a right sense of the proper function of music as an
+interpretative art. On the very threshold of its modern development,
+music had fallen into early decay owing to the misapplication of the
+means so copiously provided by nature and by exercise. A man of genius
+and of substantial intuition into the real ends of vocal music was
+demanded at this moment, who should guide the art into its destined
+channel. And in order to elicit such a creator of new impulses, such a
+Nomothetes of the disordered state, it was requisite that external
+pressure should be brought to bear upon the art. An initiator of the
+right caliber was found in Palestrina. The pressure from without was
+supplied by the Council of Trent.
+
+It may here be parenthetically remarked that music, all through modern
+history, has needed such legislators and initiators of new methods.
+Considered as an art of expression, she has always tended to elude
+control, to create for herself a domain extraneous to her proper
+function, and to erect her resources of mere sound into
+self-sufficingness. What Palestrina effected in the sixteenth century,
+was afterwards accomplished on a wider platform by Gluck in the
+eighteenth, and in our own days the same deliverance has been attempted
+by Wagner. The efforts of all these epoch-making musicians have been
+directed toward restraining the tendencies of music to assert an
+independence, which for herself becomes the source of weakness by
+reducing her to co-operation with insignificant words, and which renders
+her subservient to merely technical dexterities.
+
+Giovanni Pier Luigi, called Palestrina from his birthplace in one of the
+Colonna fiefs near Rome, the ancient Praeneste, was born of poor
+parents, in the year 1524, He went to Rome about 1540, and began his
+musical career probably as a choir-boy in one of the Basilicas. Claude
+Goudimel, the Besancon composer, who subsequently met a tragic death at
+Lyons in a massacre of Huguenots, had opened a school of harmony in
+Rome, where Palestrina learned the first rudiments of that science. What
+Palestrina owed to Goudimel, is not clear. But we have the right to
+assume that the Protestant part-songs of the French people which
+Goudimel transferred to the hymn-books of the Huguenots, had a potent
+influence upon the formation of his style. They may have been for him
+what the Chorales of Germany were for the school of Bach.[207]
+Externally, Palestrina's life was a very uneventful one, and the records
+collected with indefatigable diligence by his biographer have only
+brought to light changes from one post to another in several Basilicas,
+and unceasing industry in composition. The vast number of works
+published by Palestrina in his lifetime, or left in MS. at his death, or
+known to have been written and now lost, would be truly astonishing were
+it not a fact that very eminent creative genius is always copious, and
+in no province of the arts more fertile than in that of music.
+Palestrina lived and died a poor man. In his dedications he occasionally
+remarks with sober pathos on the difficulty of pursuing scientific
+studies in the midst of domestic anxiety. His pay was very small, and
+the expense of publishing his works, which does not seem to have been
+defrayed by patrons, was at that time very great. Yet he enjoyed an
+uncontested reputation as the first of living composers, the saviour of
+Church music, the creator of a new style; and on his tomb, in 1594, was
+inscribed this title: _Princeps Musicae_.
+
+[Footnote 207: See Michelet, _Histoire de France_, vol. xi. pp. 76, 101,
+vol. xii. p. 383 (Paris: Lacroix, 1877).]
+
+The state of confusion into which ecclesiastical music had fallen,
+rendered it inevitable that some notice of so grave a scandal should be
+taken by the Fathers of the Tridentine Council in their deliberations on
+reform of ritual. It appears, therefore, that in their twenty-second
+session (September 17, 1562) they enjoined upon the Ordinaries to
+'exclude from churches all such music as, whether through the organ or
+the singing, introduces anything of impure or lascivious, in order that
+the house of God may truly be seen to be and may be called the house of
+prayer.'[208] In order to give effect to this decree of the Tridentine
+Council, Pius IV. appointed a congregation of eight Cardinals upon
+August 2, 1564, among whom three deserve especial mention--Michele
+Ghislieri, the Inquisitor, who was afterwards Pope Pius V.; Carlo
+Borromeo, the sainted Archbishop of Milan; and Vitellozzo Vitellozzi. It
+was their business, among other matters of reform, to see that the
+Church music of Rome was instantly reduced to proper order in accordance
+with the decree of the Council. Carlo Borromeo was nephew and chief
+minister of the reigning Pope. Vitellozzo Vitellozzi was a young man of
+thirty-three years, who possessed a singular passion for music.
+
+[Footnote 208: Baini, i. p. 196.]
+
+To these two members of the congregation, as a sub-committee, was
+deputed the special task of settling the question of ecclesiastical
+music, it being stipulated that they should by all means see that
+sufficient clearness was introduced into the enunciation of the
+liturgical words by the singers.
+
+I will here interrupt the thread of the narration, in order to touch
+upon the legendary story which connects Palestrina incorrectly with what
+subsequently happened. It was well known that on the decisions of the
+sub-committee of the congregation hung the fate of Church music. For
+some while it seemed as though music might be altogether expelled from
+the rites of the Catholic Ecclesia. And it soon became matter of history
+that Palestrina had won the cause of his art, had maintained it in its
+eminent position in the ritual of Rome, and at the same time had opened
+a new period in the development of modern music by the production of his
+Mass called the _Mass of Pope Marcellus_ at this critical moment. These
+things were true; and when the peril had been overpassed, and the actual
+circumstances of the salvation and revolution of Church music had been
+forgotten, the memory of the crisis and the title of the victorious Mass
+remained to form a mythus. The story ran that the good Pope Marcellus,
+who occupied the Holy See for only twenty-two days, in the year 1555,
+determined on the abolition of all music but Plain Song in the Church;
+hearing of which resolve, Palestrina besought him to suspend his decree
+until he had himself produced and presented a Mass conformable to
+ecclesiastical propriety. Marcello granted the chapel-master this
+request; and on Easter Day, the Mass, which saved Church music from
+destruction, was performed with the papal approval and the applause of
+Rome. It is not necessary to point out the many impossibilities and
+contradictions involved in this legend, since the real history of the
+Mass which wrought salvation for Church music, lies before us plainly
+written in the prolix pages of Baini. Yet it would have vexed me to pass
+by in silence so interesting and instructive an example of the mode by
+which the truth of history is veiled in legend.
+
+Truth is always more interesting than fiction, and the facts of this
+important episode in musical history are not without their element of
+romance. There is no doubt that there was a powerful party in the
+Catholic Church imbued with a stern ascetic or puritanical spirit, who
+would gladly have excluded all but Plain Song from her services. Had
+Michele Ghislieri instead of the somewhat worldly Angelo de'Medici been
+on the Papal throne, or had the decision of the musical difficulty been
+delegated to him by the congregation of eight Cardinals in 1564,
+Palestrina might not have obtained that opportunity of which he so
+triumphantly availed himself. But it happened that the reigning Pope was
+a lover of the art, and had a special reason for being almost
+superstitiously indulgent to its professors. While he was yet a
+Cardinal, in the easy-going days of Julius III., Angelo de'Medici had
+been invited with other princes of the Church to hear the marvelous
+performances upon the lute and the incomparable improvisations of a boy
+called Silvio Antoniano. The meeting took place at a banquet in the
+palace of the Venetian Cardinal Pisani. When the guests were assembled,
+the Cardinal Rannuccio Farnese put together a bouquet of flowers, and
+presenting these to the musician, bade him give them to that one of the
+Cardinals who should one day be chosen Pope. Silvio without hesitation
+handed the flowers to Angelo de'Medici, and taking up his lute began to
+sing his praises in impassioned extempore verse. After his election to
+the Papacy, with the title of Pius IV., Angelo de'Medici took Silvio
+into his service, and employed him in such honorable offices that the
+fortunate youth was finally advanced to the dignity of Cardinal under
+the reign of Clement VIII., in 1598.[209]
+
+[Footnote 209: It will be remembered that this Silvio Antoniano was one
+of the revisers of Tasso's poem, and the one who gave him most trouble.]
+
+It was therefore necessary for the congregation of musical reform to
+take the Pope's partiality for this art into consideration; and they
+showed their good will by choosing his own nephew, together with a
+notorious amateur of music, for their sub-committee. The two Cardinals
+applied to the College of Pontifical Singers for advice; and these
+deputed eight of their number--three Spaniards, one Fleming, and four
+Italians--to act as assistants in the coming deliberations. It was soon
+agreed that Masses and motetts in which different verbal themes were
+jumbled, should be prohibited; that musical motives taken from profane
+songs should be abandoned; and that no countenance should be given to
+compositions or words invented by contemporary poets. These three
+conditions were probably laid down as indispensable by the Cardinals in
+office before proceeding to the more difficult question of securing a
+plain and intelligible enunciation of the sacred text. When the
+Cardinals demanded this as the essential point in the proposed reform,
+the singers replied that it would be impossible in practice. They were
+so used to the complicated structure of figured music, with its canons,
+fugal intricacies, imitations and inversions, that they could not even
+imagine a music that should be simple and straightforward, retaining the
+essential features of vocal harmony, and yet allowing the words on which
+it was composed to be distinctly heard. The Cardinals rebutted these
+objections by pointing to the Te Deum of Costanzo Festa (a piece which
+has been always sung on the election of a new Pope from that day to our
+own times) and to the Improperia of Palestrina, which also holds its own
+in the service of the Sistine. But the singers answered that these were
+exceptional pieces, which, though they might fulfill the requirements of
+the Congregation of Reform, could not be taken as the sole models for
+compositions involving such variety and length of execution as the Mass.
+Their answer proved conclusively to what extent the contrapuntal style
+had dissociated itself from the right object of all vocal music, that of
+interpreting, enforcing, and transfiguring the words with which it
+deals, and how it had become a mere art for the scientific development
+of irrelevant and often impertinent melodic themes.
+
+In order to avoid an absolute deadlock, which might have resulted in the
+sacrifice of ecclesiastical harmony, and have inflicted a death-blow on
+modern music, the committee agreed to refer their difficulties to
+Palestrina. On the principle of _solvitur ambulando_, he was invited to
+study the problem, and to produce a trial piece which should satisfy the
+conditions exacted by the Congregation as well as the requirements of
+the artists. Literally, he received commission to write a Mass in sober
+ecclesiastical style, free from all impure and light suggestions in the
+themes, the melodies and the rhythms, which should allow the sacred
+words in their full sense to be distinctly heard, without sacrificing
+vocal harmony and the customary interlacing of fugued passages. If he
+succeeded, the Cardinals promised to make no further innovation; but if
+he failed, Carlo Borromeo warned him that the Congregation of Reform
+would disband the choral establishments of the Pontifical Chapel and the
+Roman churches, and prohibit the figured style in vogue, in pursuance
+of the clear decision of the Tridentine Council.
+
+This was a task of Hercules imposed on Palestrina. The art to which he
+had devoted his lifetime, the fame which he had acquired as a composer,
+the profession by which he and all his colleagues gained their daily
+bread, depended on his working out the problem. He was practically
+commanded to discover a new species of Church music, or to behold the
+ruin of himself and his companions, the extinction of the art and
+science he so passionately loved. Truly may his biographer remark: 'I am
+deliberately of opinion that no artist either before or since has ever
+found himself in a parallel strait.'
+
+We have no exact record of the spirit in which he approached this
+labor.[210] But he was a man of sincere piety, a great and enthusiastic
+servant of art. The command he had received came from a quarter which at
+that period and in Rome had almost divine authority. He knew that music
+hung trembling in the balance upon his failure or success.
+
+[Footnote 210: In the Dedication of the _Mass of Pope Marcello_ to
+Philip II. in 1567 Palestrina only says that he had been constrained by
+the order of men of the highest gravity and most approved piety to apply
+himself _ad sanctissimum Missae sacrificium novo modorum genere
+decorandum_, and that he had performed his task with indefatigable pains
+and industry (Baini, _op. cit._ vol. i. p. 280). But it is noteworthy
+that of the three Masses furnished for the approval of the congregation,
+the first was entitled _Illumina oculos meos_, and that an anecdote
+referring to this title relates Palestrina's earnest prayers for grace
+and inspiration during the execution of the work (_ibid._ p. 223,
+note.)]
+
+And these two motives, the motive of religious zeal and the motive of
+devotion to art, inspired him for the creation of a new musical world.
+Analysis of his work and comparison of it with the style which he was
+called on to supersede, show pretty clearly what were the principles
+that governed him. With a view to securing the main object of rendering
+the text intelligible to the faithful, he had to dispense with the
+complicated Flemish system of combined melodies in counterpoint, and to
+employ his scientific resources of fugue and canon with parsimony, so
+that in future they should subserve and not tyrannize over expression.
+He determined to write for six voices, two of which should be bass, in
+order that the fundamental themes should be sustained with dignity and
+continuity. But what he had principally in view, what in fact he had
+been called on to initiate, was that novel adaptation of melody and
+science to verbal phrase and sense, whereby music should be made an art
+interpretative of religious sentiment, powerful to clothe each shade of
+meaning in the text with appropriate and beautiful sound, instead of
+remaining a merely artificial and mechanical structure of sounds
+disconnected from the words employed in giving them vocal utterance.
+
+Palestrina set to work, and composed three Masses, which were performed
+upon April 28, 1565, before the eight Cardinals of the congregation in
+the palace of Cardinal Vitellozzi. All three were approved of; but the
+first two still left something to be desired. Baini reports that they
+preserved somewhat too much of the cumbrous Flemish manner; and that
+though the words were more intelligible, the fugal artifices overlaid
+their clear enunciation. In the third, however, it was unanimously
+agreed that Palestrina had solved the problem satisfactorily. 'Its style
+is always equal, always noble, always alive, always full of thought and
+sincere feeling, rising and ascending to the climax; not to understand
+the words would be impossible; the melodies combine to stimulate
+devotion; the harmonies touch the heart; it delights without
+distracting; satisfies desire without tickling the senses; it is
+beautiful in all the beauties of the sanctuary.' So writes Palestrina's
+enthusiastic biographer; so apparently thought the Cardinals of the
+congregation; and when this Mass (called the _Mass of Pope Marcellus_,
+out of grateful tribute to the Pontiff, whose untimely death had
+extinguished many sanguine expectations) was given to the world, the
+whole of Italy welcomed it with a burst of passionate applause. Church
+music had been saved. Modern music had been created. A new and
+lovely-form of art had arisen like a star.
+
+It was not enough that the _Mass of Pope Marcellus_ should have
+satisfied the congregation. It had next to receive the approval of the
+Pope, who heard it on June 19. On this occasion, if the Court Chronicle
+be correct, Pius made a pretty speech, declaring that 'of such nature
+must have been the harmonies of the new song heard by John the Apostle
+in the heavenly Jerusalem, and that another John had given us a taste of
+them in the Jerusalem of the Church Militant.' He seems, indeed, to have
+been convinced that the main problem of preserving clearness of
+enunciation in the uttered words had been solved, and that there was now
+no reason to deprive the faithful of the artistic and devotional value
+of melodious music. He consequently appointed Palestrina to the post of
+composer for the Papal Chapel, and created a monopoly for the
+performance of his works. This measure, which roused considerable
+jealousy among musicians at the moment, had the salutary effect of
+rendering the new style permanent in usage.
+
+Of Palestrina's voluminous compositions this is not the place to speak.
+It is enough to have indicated the decisive part which he took in the
+reformation of Church music at a moment when its very existence was
+imperiled, and to have described the principles upon which he laid down
+new laws for the art. I must not, however, omit to dwell upon his
+subsequent connection with S. Filippo Neri, since the music he composed
+for the Oratory of that saint contributed much toward the creation of a
+semi-lyrical and semi-dramatic style to which we may refer the origins
+of the modern Oratorio. Filippo Neri was the spiritual director of
+Palestrina, and appointed him composer to his devout confraternity. For
+the use of that society the master wrote a series of _Arie Divote_ on
+Italian words. They were meant to be sung by the members, and to
+supersede the old usages of Laud-music, which had chiefly consisted in
+adapting popular street-tunes to sacred words.[211]
+
+[Footnote 211: See _Renaissance in Italy_, vol. iv. pp. 263, 305.]
+
+To the same connection with the Oratory we owe one of the most
+remarkable series of Palestrina's compositions. These were written upon
+the words of an Italian Canzone in thirty octave stanzas, addressed as a
+prayer to the Virgin. Palestrina set each stanza, after the fashion of a
+Madrigal, to different melodies; and the whole work proved a manual of
+devotional music, in the purest artistic taste, and the most delicately
+sentimental key of feeling. Together with this collection of spiritual
+songs should be mentioned Palestrina's setting of passages from the Song
+of Solomon in a series of motetts; which were dedicated to Gregory
+XIII., in 1584. They had an enormous success. Ten editions between that
+date and 1650 were poured out from the presses of Rome and Venice, to
+satisfy the impatience of thousands who desired to feed upon 'the nectar
+of their sweetness.' Palestrina chose for the motives of his
+compositions such voluptuous phrases of the Vulgate as the following:
+_Fasciculus myrrhae dilectus meus mihi._ _Fulcite me floribus, stipate
+me malis, quia amore langueo._ _Vulnerasti cor meum, soror, sponsa mea._
+This was the period when Italy was ringing with the secular sweetnesses
+of Tasso's _Aminta_ and of Guarini's _Pastor fido_; when the devotion of
+the cloister was becoming languorous and soft; when the cult of the
+Virgin was assuming the extravagant proportions satirized by Pascal;
+finally, when manners were affecting a tone of swooning piety blent with
+sensuous luxuriousness. Palestrina's setting of the Canticle and of the
+Hymn to Mary provided the public with music which, according to the
+taste of that epoch, transferred terrestrial emotions into the regions
+of paradisal bliss, and justified the definition of music as the
+_Lamento dell'amore o la preghiera agli dei_. The great creator of a new
+ecclesiastical style, the 'imitator of nature,' as Vincenzo Galilei
+styled him, the 'prince of music,' as his epitaph proclaimed him, lent
+his genius to an art, vacillating between mundane sensuality and
+celestial rapture, which, however innocently developed by him in the
+sphere of music, was symptomatic of the most unhealthy tendencies of his
+race and age. While singing these madrigals and these motetts the youth
+of either sex were no longer reminded, it is true, of tavern ditties or
+dance measures. But the emotions of luxurious delight or passionate
+ecstasy deep in their own natures were drawn forth, and sanctified by
+application to the language of effeminate devotion.
+
+I have dwelt upon these two sets of compositions, rather than upon the
+masses of strictly and severely ecclesiastical music which Palestrina
+produced with inexhaustible industry, partly because they appear to have
+been extraordinarily popular, and partly because they illustrate those
+tendencies in art and manners which the sentimental school of Bolognese
+painters attempted to embody. They belong to that religious sphere which
+the Jesuit Order occupied, governed, and administered upon the lines of
+their prescribed discipline. These considerations are not merely
+irrelevant. The specific qualities of Italian music for the next two
+centuries were undoubtedly determined by the atmosphere of sensuous
+pietism in which it flourished, at the very time when German music was
+striking far other roots in the Chorales of the Reformation epoch. What
+Palestrina effected was to substitute in Church music the clear and
+melodious manner of the secular madrigal for the heavy and scholastic
+science of the Flemish school, and to produce masterpieces of religious
+art in his motetts on the Canticles which confounded the lines of
+demarcation between pious and profane expression. He taught music to
+utter the emotions of the heart; but those emotions in his land and race
+were already tending in religion toward the sentimental and voluptuous.
+
+There is no doubt that the peril to which music was exposed at the time
+of the Tridentine Council was a serious and real one. When we remember
+how intimate was the connection between the higher kinds of music and
+the ritual of the Church, this will be apparent. Nor is it too much to
+affirm that the art at that crisis, but for the favor shown to it by
+Pius IV. and for Palestrina's intervention, might have been well-nigh
+extinguished in Italy. How fatal the results would then have been for
+the development of modern music, can be estimated by considering the
+decisive part played by the Italians in the formation of musical style
+from the end of the sixteenth century onwards to the age of Gluck,
+Handel, Haydn and Mozart. Had the music of the Church in Italy been
+confined at that epoch to Plain Song, as the Congregation of Reform
+threatened, the great Italian school of vocalization would not have been
+founded, the Conservatories of Naples and the Scuole of Venice would
+have been silent, and the style upon which, dating from Palestrina's
+inventions, the evolution of all species of the art proceeded, would
+have passed into oblivion.
+
+That this proposition is not extravagant, the history of music in
+England will suffice to prove. Before the victory of Puritan principles
+in Church and State, the English were well abreast of other races in
+this art. During the sixteenth century, Tallis, Byrd, Morland, Wilbye,
+Dowland and Orlando Gibbons could hold their own against Italian
+masters. The musical establishments of cathedrals, royal and collegiate
+chapels, and noble houses were nurseries for artists. Every English
+home, in that age, like every German home in the eighteenth century,
+abounded in amateurs who were capable of performing part-songs and
+concerted pieces on the lute and viol with correctness. Under the
+_regime_ of the Commonwealth this national growth of music received a
+check from which it never afterwards recovered. Though the seventeenth
+century witnessed the rising of one eminent composer, Purcell; though
+the eighteenth was adorned with meritorious writers of the stamp of Blow
+and Boyce; yet it is obvious that the art remained among us
+unprogressive, at a time when it was making gigantic strides in Italy
+and Germany. It is always dangerous to attribute the decline of art in a
+nation to any one cause. Yet I think it can scarcely be contested that
+the change of manners and of temperament wrought in England by the
+prevalence of Puritan opinion, had much to answer for in this premature
+decay of music. We may therefore fairly argue that if the gloomy passion
+of intolerant fanaticism which burned in men like Caraffa and Ghislieri
+had prevailed in Italy--a passion analogous in its exclusiveness to
+Puritanism--or if no composer, in the place of Palestrina, had satisfied
+the requirements of the Council and the congregation, the history of
+music in Italy and Europe to us-wards would have been far different.
+
+These considerations are adduced to justify the importance attached by
+me to the episode of which Palestrina was the hero. Yet it should not be
+forgotten that other influences were at work at the same time in Italy,
+which greatly stimulated the advance of music. If space permitted, it
+would be interesting to enlarge upon the work of Luca Marenzio, the
+prince of madrigal-writers, and on the services rendered by Vincenzo
+Galileo, father of the greatest man of science in his age, in placing
+the practice of stringed instruments on a sound basis. It should also be
+remembered that in the society of Filippo Neri at Rome, the Oratorio was
+taking shape, and emerging from the simple elements of the Spiritual
+Laud and _Aria Divota_. This form, however, would certainly have
+perished if the austere party in the Church had prevailed against the
+lenient for the exclusion of figured music, from religious exercises.
+
+There was, moreover, an interesting contemporary movement at Florence,
+which deserves some detailed mention. A private academy of amateurs and
+artists formed itself for the avowed purpose of reviving the musical
+declamation of the Greeks. As the new ecclesiastical style created by
+Palestrina grew out of the Counter-Reformation embodied in the decrees
+of the Tridentine Council, so this movement, which eventually resulted
+in the Opera, attached itself to the earlier enthusiasms of the
+Classical Revival. The humanists had restored Latin poetry; the
+architects had perfected a neo-Latin manner; sculptors and painters had
+profited by the study of antique fragments, and had reproduced the
+bas-reliefs and arabesques of Roman palaces. It was now, much later in
+the day, the turn of the musicians to make a similar attempt. Their
+quest was vague and visionary. Nothing remained of Greek or Roman music.
+To guide these explorers, there was only a dim instinct that the
+ancients had declaimed dramatic verse with musical intonation. But, as
+the alchemists sought the philosopher's stone, and founded modern
+chemistry; as, according to an ancient proverb, they who search for
+silver find gold; so it happened that, from the pedantic and
+ill-directed attempts of this academy proceeded the system on which the
+modern Oratorio and Opera were based. What is noticeable in these
+experiments is, that a new form of musical expression, declamatory and
+continuous, therefore dramatic, as opposed to the lyrical and fugal
+methods of the contrapuntists, was in process of elaboration. Claudio
+Monteverde, who may be termed the pioneer of _recitativo_, in his opera
+of _Orfeo_; Giacomo Carissimi, in whose _Jephtha_ the form of the
+Oratorio it already outlined, were the most eminent masters of the
+school which took its origin in the Florentine Academy of the Palazzo
+Vernio.
+
+To pursue the subject further, would be to transgress the chronological
+limits of my subject. It is enough to have attempted in this chapter to
+show how the destinies of Italian music were secured and its species
+determined in the last quarter of the sixteenth century. How that art
+at its climax in the eighteenth century affected the manners, penetrated
+the whole life, and influenced the literature of the Italians, may be
+read in an English work of singular ability and originality.[212]
+
+[Footnote 212: _Studies of the Eighteenth Century in Italy_, by Vernon
+Lee.]
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XIII.
+
+THE BOLOGNESE SCHOOL OF PAINTERS.
+
+     Decline of Plastic Art--Dates of the Eclectic Masters--The
+     Mannerists--Baroccio--Reaction started by Lodovico Caracci--His
+     Cousins Annibale and Agostino--Their Studies--Their Academy at
+     Bologna--Their Artistic Aims--Dionysius Calvaert--Guido Reni--The
+     Man and His Art--Domenichino--Ruskin's Criticism--Relation of
+     Domenichino to the Piety of His Age--Caravaggio and the
+     Realists--Ribera--Lo Spagna--Guercino--His qualities as
+     Colorist--His Terribleness--Private Life--Digression upon
+     Criticism--Reasons why the Bolognese Painters are justly now
+     neglected.
+
+After tracing the origin of modern music at its fountain head in
+Palestrina, it requires some courage to approach the plastic arts at
+this same epoch.
+
+Music was the last real manifestation of the creative genius in Italy.
+Rarefied to evanescent currents of emotional and sensuous
+out-breathings, the spirit of the race exhaled itself in song from human
+throats, in melody on lute and viol, until the whole of Europe thrilled
+with the marvel and the mystery of this new language of the soul. Music
+was the fittest utterance for the Italians of the Counter-Reformation
+period. Debarred from political activity, denied the liberty of thought
+and speech, that gifted people found an inarticulate vehicle of
+expression in tone; tone which conveys all meanings to the nerves that
+feel, advances nothing to the mind that reasons, says everything without
+formulating a proposition.
+
+Only a sense of duty to my subject, which demands completion, makes me
+treat of painting in the last years of the sixteenth century. The great
+Italian cycle, rounded by Lionardo, Raffaello, Michelangelo, Correggio
+and Tiziano, was being closed at Venice by Tintoretto. After him
+invention ceased. But there arose at Bologna a school, bent on
+resuscitating the traditions of an art which had already done its utmost
+to interpret mind to mind through mediums of lovely form and color. The
+founders of the Bolognese Academy, like Medea operating on decrepit
+Aeson, chopped up the limbs of painting which had ceased to throb with
+organic life, recombined them by an act of intellect and will, and
+having pieced them together, set the composite machine in motion on the
+path of studied method. Their aim was analogous to that of the Church in
+its reconstitution of Catholicism; and they succeeded, in so far as they
+achieved a partial success, through the inspiration which the Catholic
+Revival gave them. These painters are known as the Eclectics and this
+title sufficiently indicates their effort to revive art by recomposing
+what lay before them in disintegrated fragments. They did not explore
+new territory or invent fresh vehicles of expression. They sought to
+select the best points of Graeco-Roman and Italian style, unconscious
+that the physical type of the Niobids, the voluptuous charm of
+Correggio, the luminous color of Titian, the terribleness of
+Michelangelo, and the serenity of Raphael, being the ultimate
+expressions of distinct artistic qualities, were incompatible. A still
+deeper truth escaped their notice--namely, that art is valueless unless
+the artist has something intensely felt to say, and that where this
+intensity of feeling exists, it finds for itself its own specific and
+inevitable form.
+
+    'Poems distilled from other poems pass away,
+    The swarms of reflectors and the polite pass, and leave ashes;
+    Admirers, importers, obedient persons,
+    make but the soil of literature.'
+
+These profound sentences are the epitaph, not only of imitative poetry,
+but also of such eclectic art as the Caracci instituted. Very little of
+it bears examination now. We regard it with listlessness or loathing. We
+turn from it without regret. We cannot, or do not, wish to keep it in
+our memory.
+
+Yet no student of Italian painting will refuse the Caracci that tribute
+of respect which is due to virile effort. They were in vital sympathy
+with the critical and analytical spirit of their age--an age mournfully
+conscious that its scepter had departed--that
+
+    'Nothing can bring back the hour
+    Of splendor in the grass, of glory in the flower;'
+
+an age incapable as yet of acquiescing in this gloom, strenuously eager
+by study and by labor to regain the kingdom which belongs alone to
+inspiration. Science and industry enabled them to galvanize the corpse
+of art; into this they breathed the breath of the religion _a la mode_,
+of fashionable sensuousness and prevalent sentimentality.
+
+Michelangelo died in 1564, Paolo Veronese in 1588, Tintoretto in 1594.
+These were the three latest survivors of the great generation, and each
+of them had enjoyed a life of activity prolonged into extreme old age.
+Their intellectual peers had long ago departed; Lionardo in 1520,
+Raphael in 1522, Correggio in 1534.
+
+    'Theirs was the giant race, before the flood.'
+
+These dates have to be kept in mind; for the painters of the Bolognese
+School were all born after 1550, born for the most part at that decisive
+epoch of the Tridentine Council which might be compared to a watershed
+of time between the Renaissance and the Counter-Reformation--Lodovico
+Caracci in 1555, Agostino in 1558, Annibale in 1560, Guido Reni in 1574,
+Lionello Spada in 1576, Francesco Albani in 1578, Domenichino in 1581,
+Guercino in 1590.[213] With the last of these men the eclectic impulse
+was exhausted; and a second generation, derived in part from them,
+linked the painters of the Renaissance to those of modern times. It is
+sufficient to mention Nicholas and Gaspar Poussin, Claude Lorraine,
+Salvator Rosa, Luca Giordano, and Canaletto as chief representatives of
+this secondary group.[214]
+
+On examining the dates which I have given, it will be noticed that the
+Bolognese Eclectics, intervening between the age of Michelangelo and the
+age of Nicholas Poussin, worked during the first fervor of the Catholic
+Revival. Their art may therefore be taken as fairly representative of
+the religious temper and the profane culture of the Italians in the
+period influenced by the Council of Trent. It represents that temper and
+that culture before the decline of the same influence, when the Counter
+Reformation was in active progress and the Papal pretensions to absolute
+dominion had received no check.
+
+[Footnote 213: The three founders of the school were thus born precisely
+during the most critical years of the Council. They felt the Catholic
+reaction least. That expressed itself most markedly in Domenichino, born
+seventeen years after its close.]
+
+[Footnote 214: Nich. Poussin, b. 1594; Claude, 1600; Gaspar Poussin,
+1613; Salvator Rosa, 1615; Luca Giordano, 1632; Canaletto, 1697.]
+
+We should be wrong, however, to treat the Eclectics as though they
+succeeded without interruption to that 'giant race, before the flood.'
+Their movement was emphatically one of revival; and revival implies
+decadence. After 1541, when Michelangelo finished the Last Judgment, and
+before 1584, when the Caracci were working on their frescoes in the
+Palazzo Fava at Bologna--that is to say, between the last of the genuine
+Renaissance paintings and the first of the Revival--nearly half a
+century elapsed, during which art sank into a slough of slovenly and
+soulless putrescence.[215] Every city of Italy swarmed with artists,
+adequately educated in technical methods, and apt at aping the grand
+style of their masters. But in all their work there is nothing felt,
+nothing thought out, nothing expressed, nothing imagined. It is a vast
+vacuity of meaningless and worthless brush-play, a wilderness of hollow
+trickery and futile fumbling with conventional forms. The Mannerists, as
+they were called, covered acres of palace and church walls with
+allegories, histories, and legends, carelessly designed, rapidly
+executed, but pleasing the eye with crowds of figures and with gaudy
+colors. Their colors are now faded. Their figures are now seen to be
+reminiscences of Raphael's, Correggio's, Buonarroti's draughtsmanship.
+Yet they satisfied the patrons of that time, who required hasty work,
+and had not much money wherewith to reward the mature labors of a
+conscientious student. In relation, moreover, to the spiritless and
+insincere architecture then coming into vogue, this art of the
+Mannerists can scarcely be judged out of place. When I divulge the names
+of Giorgio Vasari, Giuseppe Cesari (Cav. d'Arpino), Tempesta, Fontana,
+Tibaldi, the Zuccari, the Procaccini, the Campi of Cremona, the scholars
+of Perino del Vaga, I shall probably call up before the reluctant eyes
+of many of my readers visions of dreary wanderings through weariful
+saloons and of disconsolate starings up at stuccoed cupolas in Rome and
+Genoa, in Florence and Naples, and in all the towns of Lombardy.[216]
+
+In an earlier volume I briefly sketched the development of this
+pernicious mannerism, which now deluged the arts of Italy. Only one
+painter, outside Venice, seems to have carried on a fairly good
+tradition. This was Federigo Baroccio (1528-1612), who feebly continued
+the style of Correggio, with a certain hectic originality, infusing
+sentimental pietism into that great master's pagan sensuousness. The
+mixture is disagreeable; and when one is obliged to mention Baroccio as
+the best in a bad period, this accentuates the badness of his
+contemporaries. He has however, historical value from another point of
+view, inasmuch as nothing more strongly characterizes the eclecticism of
+the Caracci than their partiality for Correggio.[217] Though I have no
+reason to suppose that Baroccio, living chiefly as he did at Urbino,
+directly influenced their style, the similarity between his ideal and
+theirs is certainly striking. It seems to point at something inevitable
+in the direction taken by the Eclectics.
+
+[Footnote 215: I of course except Venice, for reasons which I have
+sufficiently set forth in _Renaissance in Italy_, vol. iii. p. 347. Long
+after other schools of Italy the Venetian was still only adolescent.]
+
+[Footnote 216: I have not thought it worth while to write down more than
+a very few names of the Mannerists. Notice how often they worked in
+whole families and indistinguishable coteries.]
+
+[Footnote 217: Everyone familiar with European picture-galleries will
+remember cabinet pieces by the Caracci, especially Ecce Homos, Pietas,
+Agonies in the Garden, which look like copies from Correggio with a dash
+of added sentimentalism.]
+
+Such was the state of art in Italy when Lodovico Caracci, the son of a
+Bolognese butcher, conceived his plan of replacing it upon a sounder
+system.[218] Instinct led him to Venice, where painting was still alive.
+The veteran Tintoretto warned him that he had no vocation. But Lodovico
+obstinately resolved to win by industry what nature seemed to have
+denied him. He studied diligently at Florence, Parma, Mantua, and
+Venice, founding his style upon those of Andrea del Sarto, Correggio,
+Titian, Parmigiano, Giulio Romano, and Primaticcio. When he again
+settled at Bologna, he induced his two cousins, Agostino and Annibale,
+the sons of a tailor, to join him in the serious pursuit of art.
+Agostino was a goldsmith by trade, already expert in the use of the
+burin, which he afterwards employed more frequently than the brush.[219]
+Of the three Caracci he was the most versatile, and perhaps the most
+gifted. There is a note of distinction and attainment in his work.
+Annibale, the youngest, was a rough, wild, hasty, and hot-tempered lad,
+of robust build and vigorous intellect, but boorish in his manners,
+fond of low society, and eaten up with jealousy. They called him the
+_ragazzaccio_, or 'lout of a boy,' when he began to make his mark at
+Bologna. Agostino presented a strong contrast to his brother, being an
+accomplished musician, an excellent dancer, a fair poet, fit to converse
+with noblemen, and possessed of very considerable culture. Lodovico, the
+eldest of the cousins, acted as mentor and instructor to the others. He
+pacified their quarrels, when Annibale's jealousy burst out; set them
+upon the right methods of study, and passed judgment on their paintings.
+
+[Footnote 218: I have mainly used the encyclopedic work entitled
+_Felsina Pittrice_ (Bologna, 1841, 2 vols.) for my study of the
+Eclectics. This is based upon the voluminous writings of the Count C.C.
+Malvasia, who, having been born in 1616, and having enjoyed personal
+intercourse with the later survivors of the Bolognese Academy, was able
+to bequeath a vast mass of anecdotical and other material to posterity.
+The collection contains critical annotations and additions by the hand
+of Zanotti and later art students, together with many illustrative
+documents of the highest value. Reading this miscellaneous repertory, we
+are forced to regret that the same amount of characteristic and
+authentic information has not been preserved about one of the greater
+schools of Italy--the Venetian, for example.]
+
+[Footnote 219: He acquired a somewhat infamous celebrity by his obscene
+engravings in the style of Giulio Romano.]
+
+Like Lodovico, the brothers served their first apprenticeship in art at
+Parma and Venice. Annibale's letters from the former place show how
+Correggio subdued him, and the large copies he there made still preserve
+for us some shadows of Correggio's time-ruined frescoes. At Venice he
+executed a copy of Titian's Peter Martyr. This picture, the most
+dramatic of Titian's works, and the most elaborate in its landscape, was
+destined to exercise a decisive influence over the Eclectic school. From
+the Caracci to Domenichino we are able to trace the dominant tone and
+composition of that masterpiece. No less decisive, as I have already
+observed, was the influence of Correggio's peculiar style in the choice
+of type, the light and shade, and the foreshortenings of the Bolognese
+painters. In some degree, the manner of Paolo Veronese may also be
+discerned. The Caracci avoided Tintoretto, and at the beginning of
+their career they derived but little from Raphael or Michelangelo.
+Theirs was at first a mainly Veneto-Lombardic eclecticism, dashed with
+something absorbed from Giulio Romano and something from the later
+Florentines. It must not however, be supposed that they confined their
+attention to Italian painters. They contrived to collect casts from
+antique marbles, coins, engravings of the best German and Italian
+workmanship, books on architecture and perspective, original drawings,
+and similar academical appliances. Nor were they neglectful of drawing
+from the nude, or of anatomy. Indeed, their days and nights were spent
+in one continuous round of study, which had for its main object the
+comparison of dead and living nature with the best specimens of art in
+all ages. It may seem strange that this assiduity and thoroughness of
+method did not produce work of higher quality. Yet we must remember that
+even enthusiastic devotion to art will not give inspiration, and that
+the most thorough science cannot communicate charm. Though the Caracci
+invented fresh attitudes and showed complete mastery of the human form,
+their types remained commonplace. Though their chiaroscuro was
+accurately based on that of Correggio, it lacked his aerial play of
+semitones. Though they went straight to Titian for color, they never
+approached Venetian lucidity and glow. There was something vulgar in
+their imagination, prosaic in their feeling, leaden in their frigid
+touch on legend. Who wants those countless gods and goddesses of the
+Farnese Gallery, those beblubbered saints and colossal Sibyls of the
+Bolognese Pinacoteca, those chubby cherubs and buxom nymphs, those
+Satyrs and S. Sebastians, to come down from the walls and live with us?
+The grace of Raphael's Galatea, the inspiration of Michelangelo's Genii
+of the Sistine, the mystery of Lionardo's Faun-S. John, the wilding
+grace of Correggio's Diana, the voluptuous fascination of Titian's
+Venus, the mundane seductiveness of Veronese's Europa, the golden glory
+of Tintoretto's Bacchus,--all have evanesced, and in their place are
+hard mechanic figures, excellently drawn, correctly posed, but with no
+touch of poetry. Where, indeed, shall we find 'the light that never was
+on sea or land' throughout Bologna?[220]
+
+[Footnote 220: Malvasia has preserved, in his _Life of Primaticcio_, a
+sonnet written by Agostino Caracci, in which the aims of the Eclectics
+are clearly indicated. The good painter must have at his command Roman
+or classic design, Venetian movement and shadow, Lombard coloring, the
+sublimity of Michelangelo, the truth to nature of Titian, the pure and
+sovereign style of Correggio, Raphael's symmetry, Tibaldi's fitness and
+solidity, Primaticcio's erudite invention, with something of
+Parmigianino's grace (_Fels. Pittr._ vol. i. p. 129). Zanotti adds:
+'This sonnet is assuredly one which every painter ought to learn by
+heart and observe in practice.']
+
+Part of this failure must be ascribed to a radically false conception of
+the way to combine studies of nature with studies of art. The Eclectics
+in general started with the theory that a painter ought to form mental
+ideals of beauty, strength, dignity, ferocity, and so forth, from the
+observation of characteristic individuals and acknowledged
+masterpieces. These ideal types he has to preserve in his memory, and
+to use living persons only as external means for bringing them into
+play. Thus, it was indifferent who sat to him as model. He believed that
+he could invest the ugliest lump of living flesh with the loveliest
+fancy. Lodovico supplied Annibale Caracci with the fleshy back of a
+naked Venus. Guido Reni painted his Madonna's heads from any beardless
+pupil who came handy, and turned his deformed color-grinder--a man 'with
+a muzzle like a renegado'--into the penitent Magdalen.[221] It was
+inevitable that forms and faces thus evolved should bear the stamp of
+mediocrity, monotony, and dullness on them. Few, very few,
+painters--perhaps only Michelangelo--have been able to give to purely
+imagined forms the value and the individuality of persons; and he
+succeeded best in this perilous attempt when he designed the passionate
+Genii of the Sistine frescoes. Such flights were far beyond the grasp of
+the Eclectics. Seeking after the 'grand style,' they fell, as I shall
+show in the sequel of this chapter, into commonplace vacuity, which
+makes them now insipid.[222]
+
+[Footnote 221: See Malvasia, _op. cit._ vol. i. p. 277; vol. ii. p. 57.
+The odd thing is that Malvasia tells these stories of the
+Lodovico-Aphrodite and the color-grinder-Magdalen with applause, as
+though they proved the mastery of Annibale Caracci and Guido.]
+
+[Footnote 222: The later Eclectics--Spada, Domenichino, Guercino--were
+to some extent saved by the influences they derived from Caravaggio and
+the Naturalisti. But they had not the tact to see where the finer point
+of naturalistic art lies for a delicately minded painter. They added its
+brutality, as employed by Caravaggio, to the insipidities of the
+Caracci, and produced such horrors as Domenichino's Martyrdom of S.
+Agnes.]
+
+There was at this time a native of Antwerp named Dionysius Calvaert, a
+coarse fellow of violent manners, who kept open school in Bologna. The
+best of the Caracci's pupils--Guido Reni, Domenichino and
+Albani--emigrated to their academy from this man's workshop. Something,
+as it seems to me, peculiar in the method of handling oil paint, which
+all three have in common, may perhaps be ascribed to early training
+under their Flemish master. His brutality drove them out of doors; and,
+having sought the protection of Lodovico Caracci, they successively made
+such progress in the methods of painting as rendered them the most
+distinguished representatives of the Bolognese Revival. All three were
+men of immaculate manners. Guido Reni, beautiful as a Sibyl in youth,
+with blonde hair, blue eyes, and fair complexion, was, to the end of his
+illustrious career, reputed a virgin. Albani, who translated into
+delicate oil-painting the sensuousness of the _Adone_, studied the forms
+of Nymphs and Venuses from his lovely wife, and the limbs of Amorini
+from the children whom she bore him regularly every year. Domenichino, a
+man of shy, retiring habits, preoccupied with the psychological problems
+which he strove to translate into dramatic pictures, doted on one woman,
+whom he married, and who lived to deplore his death (as she believed) by
+poison. Guido was specially characterized by devotion to Madonna. He was
+a singular child. On every Christmas eve, for seven successive years,
+ghostly knockings were heard upon his chamber door; and, every night,
+when he awoke from sleep, the darkness above his bed was illuminated by
+a mysterious egg-shaped globe of light.[223] His eccentricity in later
+life amounted to insanity, and at last he gave himself up wholly to the
+demon of the gaming-table. Domenichino obeyed only one passion, if we
+except his passion for the wife he loved so dearly, and this was music.
+He displayed some strangeness of temperament in a morbid dislike of
+noise and interruptions. Otherwise, nothing disturbed the even current
+of an existence dedicated to solving questions of art. Albani mixed more
+freely in the world than Domenichino, enjoyed the pleasures of the table
+and of sumptuous living, but with Italian sobriety, and expatiated in
+those spheres of literature which supplied him with motives for his
+coldly sensual pictures. Yet he maintained the credit of a thoroughly
+domestic, soundly natured, and vigorously wholesome man.
+
+[Footnote 223: This tradition of Guido's childhood I give for what it is
+worth, from Malvasia, _op. cit._ vol. ii. p. 53. In after life, beside
+being piously addicted to Madonna-worship, he had a great dread of women
+in general and witches in particular. What some will call spiritual,
+others effeminate, in his mature work, may be due to the temperament
+thus indicated.]
+
+I have thought it well thus to preface what I have to say about these
+masters, partly because critics of the modern stamp, trusting more to
+their subjective impressions than to authoritative records, have painted
+the moral characters of Guido and Domenichino in lurid colors, and also
+because there is certainly something in their work which leaves a
+painful memory of unhealthy sentiment, impassiveness to pain, and
+polished carnalism on the mind. It may incidentally be recorded that
+Lodovico Caracci, Guido Reni, and Francesco Albani are all of them, on
+very good authority, reported to have been even prudishly modest in
+their use of female models. They never permitted a woman to strip
+entirely, and Guido carried his reserve to such a pitch that he
+preferred to leave his studio door open while drawing from a woman.[224]
+Malevolence might suggest that this was only part and parcel of
+post-Tridentine hypocrisy; and probably there is truth in the
+suggestion. I certainly do not reckon such solicitous respect for
+garments entirely to their credit. But it helps us to understand the
+eccentric compound of sentiment, sensuality, piety, and uneasy morality
+which distinguished the age, and which is continually perplexing the
+student of its art.
+
+[Footnote 224: Malvasia, _op. cit._ p. 53, p. 178. The latter passage is
+preceded by a discussion of the nude in art which shows how Malvasia had
+imbibed Tridentine morality in the middle of Italy glowing with
+Renaissance masterpieces.]
+
+Of these three men, Guido was the most genially endowed. He alone
+derived a true spark from the previous age of inspiration. He wearies us
+indeed with his effeminacy, and with the reiteration of a physical type
+sentimentalized from the head and bust of Niobe. But thoughts of real
+originality and grace not seldom visited his meditations; and he alone
+deserved the name of colorist among the painters I have as yet ascribed
+to the Bolognese School.[225] Guido affected a cool harmony of blue,
+white, and deadened gold, which in the best pictures of his second
+manner--the Fortune, the Bacchus and Ariadne of S. Luke's in Rome, the
+Crucifixion at Modena--has a charm akin to that of Metastasio's silvery
+lyrics. The samson at Bologna rises above these works both in force of
+conception and glow of color. The Aurora of the Rospigliosi Casino
+attempts a wider scheme of hues, and is certainly, except for some lack
+of refinement in the attendant Hours, a very noble composition. The S.
+Michael of the Cappuccini is seductive by its rich bravura style; and
+the large Pieta in the Bolognese Gallery impresses our mind by a
+monumental sadness and sobriety of tone. The Massacre of the Innocents,
+though one of Guido's most ambitious efforts, and though it displays an
+ingenious adaptation of the Niobe to Raphael's mannerism, fails by
+falling between two aims--the aim to secure dramatic effect, and the aim
+to treat a terrible subject with harmonious repose.
+
+[Footnote 225: Lo Spada and Guercino, afterwards to be mentioned, were
+certainly colorists.]
+
+Of Albani nothing need be said in detail. Most people knew his pictures
+of the Four Elements, so neatly executed in a style adapting Flemish
+smoothness of surface to Italian suavity of line. This sort of art
+delighted the cardinals and Monsignori of the seventeenth century. But
+it has nothing whatsoever to say to and human soul.
+
+On Domenichino's two most famous pictures at Bologna Mr. Ruskin has
+written one of his over-poweringly virulent invectives.[226] It is worth
+inserting here at length. More passionate words could hardly be chosen
+to express the disgust inspired in minds attuned to earlier Italian art
+by these once worshiped paintings. Mr. Ruskin's obvious injustice,
+intemperance, and ostentatious emphasis will serve to point the change
+of opinion which has passed over England since Sir Joshua Reynolds
+wrote. His denunciation of the badness of Domenichino's art, though
+expressed with such a clangor of exaggeration, fairly represents the
+feeling of modern students. 'The man,' he says, 'who painted the Madonna
+del Rosario and Martyrdom of S. Agnes in the gallery of Bologna, is
+palpably incapable of doing anything good, great, or right in any field,
+way, or kind whatsoever.... This is no rash method of judgment, sweeping
+and hasty as it may appear. From the weaknesses of an artist, or
+failures, however numerous, we have no right to conjecture his total
+inability; a time may come when he shall rise into sudden strength, or
+an instance occur when his efforts shall be successful. But there are
+some pictures which rank not under the head of failures, but of
+perpetrations or commissions; some things which a man cannot do or say
+without sealing forever his character and capacity. The angel holding
+the cross with his finger in his eye, the roaring, red-faced children
+about the crown of thorns, the blasphemous (I speak deliberately and
+determinedly) head of Christ upon the handkerchief, and the mode in
+which the martyrdom of the saint is exhibited (I do not choose to use
+the expressions which alone could characterize it), are perfect,
+sufficient, incontrovertible proofs that whatever appears good in any of
+the doings of such a painter must be deceptive, and that we may be
+assured that our taste is corrupted and false whenever we feel disposed
+to admire him. I am prepared to support this position, however
+uncharitable it may seem; a man may be tempted into a gross sin by
+passion, and forgiven; and yet there are some kinds of sins into which
+only men of a certain kind can be tempted, and which cannot be forgiven.
+It should be added, however, that the artistical qualities of these
+pictures are in every way worthy of the conceptions they realize. I do
+not recollect any instance of color or execution so coarse and
+feelingless.'
+
+[Footnote 226: _Modern Painters_, vol. i. p. 87.]
+
+
+We have only to think of the S. Agnes by Tintoretto, or of Luini's St.
+Catherine, in order to be well aware how far Domenichino, as a painter,
+deviated from the right path of art.[227]
+
+[Footnote 227: I allude to the Tintoretto in S. Maria dell'Orto at
+Venice, and to the Luini in the Monastero Maggiore at Milan. Yet the
+model of Luini's S. Catherine was the infamous Contessa di Cellant, who
+murdered her husband and some lovers, and was beheaded for her crimes in
+Milan. This fact demonstrates the value of the model in the hands of an
+artist capable of using it.]
+
+Yet we are bound to acquit him, as a man, of that moral obliquity which
+Mr. Ruskin seems to impute. Indeed, we know Domenichino to have been an
+unaffectedly good fellow. He was misled by his dramatic bias, and also
+by the prevalent religious temper of his age. Jesuitry had saturated the
+Italian mind; and in a former chapter I have dwelt upon the concrete
+materialism which formed the basis of the Jesuitical imagination. In
+portraying the martyrdom of S. Agnes as he has done, Domenichino was
+only obeying the rules of Loyola's _Exercitia_. That he belonged to a
+school which was essentially vulgar in its choice of type, to a city
+never distinguished for delicacy of taste, and to a generation which was
+rapidly losing the sense of artistic reserve, suffices to explain the
+crude brutality of the conceptions which he formed of tragic
+episodes.[228] The same may be said about all those horrible pictures of
+tortures, martyrdoms, and acts of violence which were produced by the
+dozen in Italy at this epoch. We turn from them with loathing. They
+inspire neither terror nor pity, only the sickness of the shambles. And
+yet it would be unjust to ascribe their unimaginative ghastliness to any
+special love of cruelty. This evil element may be rationally deduced
+from false dramatic instinct and perverted habits of brooding sensuously
+on our Lord's Passion, in minds deprived of the right feeling for
+artistic beauty.
+
+[Footnote 228: When I assert that the age was losing the sense of
+artistic reserve, I wish to refer back to what I have written about
+Marino, the dictator of the age in matters of taste. See above, pp. 273,
+274.]
+
+Probably Domenichino thought that he was surpassing Titian's Peter
+Martyr when he painted his hard and hideous parody of that great
+picture. Yet Titian had already touched the extreme verge of allowable
+realization, and his work belonged to the sphere of higher pictorial art
+mainly by right of noble treatment. Of this noble treatment, and of the
+harmonious coloring which shed a sanctifying splendor over the painful
+scene, Domenichino stripped his master's design. What he added was
+grimace, spasm, and the expression of degrading physical terror.
+
+That Domenichino could be, in his own way, stately, is proved by the
+Communion of S. Jerome, in which he rehandled Agostino Caracci's fine
+conception. Though devoid of charm, this justly celebrated painting
+remains a monument of the success which may be achieved by the vigorous
+application of robust intellectual powers to the working out of a
+well-conceived and fully developed composition. Domenichino's gigantic
+saints and Sibyls, with their fleshy limbs, red cheeks, and upturned
+eyes, though famous enough in the last century, do not demand a word of
+comment now.[229] So strangely has taste altered, that to our eyes they
+seem scarcely decorative.
+
+[Footnote 229: Go to S. Andrea nella Valle in Rome, to study the best of
+them.]
+
+While the Caracci were reviving art at Bologna in the way that I have
+described, Caravaggio in Rome opposed the Mannerists after his own and a
+very different fashion.[230] The insipidities of men like Cesari drove
+him into a crude realism. He resolved to describe sacred and historical
+events just as though they were being enacted in the Ghetto by butchers
+and fishwives. This reaction against flimsy emptiness was wholesome; and
+many interesting studies from the taverns of Italy, portraits of
+gamesters, sharpers, _bravi_ and the like, remain to prove Caravaggio's
+mastery over scenes of common life.[231] But when he applied his
+principles to higher subjects, their vulgarity became apparent. Only in
+one picture, the Entombment in the Vatican, did he succeed in affecting
+imagination forcibly by the evident realization of a tragic scene. His
+martyrdoms are inexpressibly revolting, without appeal to any sense but
+savage blood-lust. It seems difficult for realism, either in literature
+or art, not to fasten upon ugliness, vice, pain, and disease, as though
+these imperfections of our nature were more real than beauty, goodness,
+pleasure, and health. Therefore Caravaggio, the leader of a school which
+the Italians christened Naturalists, may be compared to Zola.
+
+
+[Footnote 230: Michelangelo Amerighi da Caravaggio (1569-1609).]
+
+[Footnote 231: For the historian of manners in seventeenth-century Italy
+those pictures have a truly precious value, as they are executed with
+such passion as to raise them above the more careful but more lymphatic
+transcripts from beer-cellars in Dutch painting.]
+
+A Spaniard, settled at Naples--Giuseppe Ribera, nicknamed Lo
+Spagnoletto--carried on Caravaggio's tradition. Spagnoletto surpassed
+his master in the brutally realistic expression of physical anguish.
+His Prometheus writhing under the beak of the vulture, his disembowelled
+martyrs and skinless S. Bartholomews, are among the most nauseous
+products of a masculine nature blessed with robust health. Were they
+delirious or hysterical, they would be less disgusting. But no; they are
+merely vigorous and faithful representations of what anybody might have
+witnessed, when a traitor like Ravaillac or a Lombard _untore_ was being
+put to death in agony. His firm mental grip on cruelty, and the somber
+gloom with which he invested these ghastly transcripts from the
+torture-chamber, prove Ribera true to his Spanish origin. Caravaggio
+delighted in color, and was indeed a colorist of high rank, considering
+the times in which he lived. Spagnoletto rejoiced in somber shadows, as
+though to illustrate the striking sonnet I have quoted in another place
+from Campanella.[232]
+
+[Footnote 232: See above, part I. p. 47.]
+
+This digression upon the Naturalists was needed partly to illustrate the
+nature of the attempted revival of the art of painting at this epoch,
+and partly to introduce two notable masters of the Bolognese school.
+Lionello Spada, a street-arab of Bologna, found his way into the studio
+of the Caracci, where he made himself a favorite by roguish ways and
+ready wit. He afterwards joined Caravaggio, and, when he reappeared in
+Lombardy, he had formed a manner of his own, more resplendent in color
+and more naturalistic than that of the Caracci, but with less of realism
+than his Roman teacher's. If I could afford space for anecdotical
+details, the romance of Spada's life would furnish much entertaining
+material. But I must press on toward Guercino, who represents in a more
+famous personality this blending of the Bolognese and Naturalistic
+styles. Giovanni Francesco Barbieri got his nickname of Il Guercino, or
+the 'Squintling,' from an accident which distorted his right eye in
+babyhood. Born of poor parents, he was apprenticed to indifferent
+painters in Bologna at an early age, his father agreeing to pay for the
+boy's education by a load of grain and a vat of grapes delivered yearly.
+Thus Guercino owed far less to academical studies than to his own
+genius. Being Lodovico Caracci's junior by thirty-five years, and
+Annibale's by thirty, he had ample opportunities for studying the
+products of their school in Bologna, without joining the Academy. A
+generation lay between him and the first Eclectics. Nearly the same
+space of time separated Guercino from the founder of the Naturalists,
+and it was universally admitted in his lifetime that he owed to
+Caravaggio in coloring no less than he derived from the Caracci in
+sobriety and dignity of conception. These qualities of divergent schools
+Guercino combined in a manner marked by salient individuality. As a
+colorist, he approached the Tenebrosi--those lovers of surcharged
+shadows and darkened hues, whose gloom culminated in Ribera. But we
+note a fat and buttery _impasto_ in Guercino, which distinguishes his
+work from the drier and more meager manner of the Roman-Neapolitan
+painters. It is something characteristic of Bologna, a richness which we
+might flippantly compare to sausage, or a Flemish smoothness, indicating
+Calvaert's influence. More than this, Guercino possessed a harmony of
+tones peculiar to himself, and strongly contrasted with Guido's
+silver-gray gradations. Guido's coloring, at its best, often reminds one
+of olive branches set against a blue sea and pale horizon in faintly
+amber morning light. The empurpled indigoes, relieved by smouldering
+Venetian red, which Guercino loved, suggest thunder-clouds, dispersed,
+rolling away through dun subdued glare of sunset reflected upward from
+the west. And this scheme of color, vivid but heavy, luminous but
+sullen, corresponded to what contemporaries called the Terribilita of
+Guercino's conception. Terribleness was a word which came into vogue to
+describe Michelangelo's grand manner. It implied audacity of
+imagination, dashing draughtsmanship, colossal scale, something demonic
+and decisive in execution.[233] The terrible takes in Guercino's work
+far lower flights than in the Sistine Chapel. With Michelangelo it
+soared like an eagle; with Guercino it flitted like a bat. His brawny
+saints are ponderous, not awe-inspiring.
+
+[Footnote 233: But the men who used the word failed to perceive that
+what justified these qualities in Michelangelo's work was piercing,
+poignant, spiritual passion, of which their age had nothing.]
+
+Yet we feel that the man loved largeness, massiveness, and volume; that
+he was preoccupied with intellectual problems; planning deeply, and
+constructing strongly, under conditions unfavorable to spiritual
+freedom.
+
+Guercino lived the life of an anchorite, absorbed in studies, unwived,
+sober, pious, truthful, sincere in his commerce with the world,
+unaffectedly virtuous, devoted to his art and God. Some of his pictures
+bring forcibly before our minds the religious _milieu_ created by the
+Catholic Revival. I will take the single instance of a large
+oil-painting in the Bolognese Gallery. It represents the reception of a
+Duke of Aquitaine into monastic orders by S. Bernard. The knightly
+quality of the hero is adequately portrayed; his piety is masculine. But
+an accessory to the main subject of the composition arrests attention. A
+monk, earnestly pleading, emphatically gesticulating, addresses himself
+to the task of converting a young squire. Perugino, or even Raphael,
+would have brought the scene quite otherwise before us. The Duke's
+consecration would of course have occupied a commanding place in the
+picture. But the episodes would have been composed of comely groups or
+animated portraits. Guercino, obedient to the religious spirit of the
+Counter-Reformation, compels sympathy with ecclesiastical propaganda.
+
+Guido exercised a powerful influence over his immediate successors.
+Guercino felt it when he painted that soulless picture of Abraham and
+Hagar, in the Brera--the picture which excited Byron's admiration, which
+has been praised for its accurate delineation of a teardrop, and which,
+when all is reckoned, has just nothing of emotion in it but a frigid
+inhumanity. He competed with Guido in the fresco of the Lodovisi Aurora,
+a substantial work certainly, yet one that lacks the saving qualities of
+the Rospigliosi ceiling--grace and geniality of fancy.
+
+In the history of criticism there are few things more perplexing than
+the vicissitudes of taste and celebrity, whereby the idols of past
+generations crumble suddenly to dust, while the despised and rejected
+are lifted to pinnacles of glory. Successive waves of aesthetical
+preference, following one upon the other with curious rapidity, sweep
+ancient fortresses of fame from their venerable basements, and raise
+upon the crests of wordy foam some delicate seashell that erewhile lay
+embedded in oblivious sand. During the last half-century, taste has been
+more capricious, revolutionary, and apparently anarchical than at any
+previous epoch. The unity of orthodox opinion has broken up. Critics
+have sought to display originality by depreciating names famous in
+former ages, and by exalting minor stars to the rank of luminaries of
+the first magnitude. A man, yet in middle life, can remember with what
+reverence engravings after Raphael, the Caracci, and Poussin were
+treated in his boyhood; how Fra Angelico and Perugino ruled at a
+somewhat later period; how one set of eloquent writers discovered
+Blake, another Botticelli, and a third Carpaccio; how Signorelli and
+Bellini and Mantegna received tardy recognition; and now, of late years,
+how Tiepolo has bidden fair to obtain the European _grido_. He will also
+bear in mind that the conditions of his own development--studies in the
+Elgin marbles, the application of photography to works of art, the
+publications of the Arundel Society, and that genius of new culture in
+the air which is more potent than all teaching, rendered for himself
+each oracular utterance interesting but comparatively unimportant--as it
+were but talk about truths evident to sight.
+
+Meanwhile, amid this gabble of 'sects and schisms,' this disputation
+which makes a simple mind take refuge in the epigram attributed to Swift
+on Handel and Bononcini,[234] criticism and popular intelligence have
+been unanimous upon two points, first, in manifesting a general dislike
+for Italian art after the date of Raphael's third manner, and a
+particular dislike for the Bolognese painters; secondly, in an earnest
+effort to discriminate and exhibit what is sincere and beautiful in
+works to which our forefathers were unintelligibly irresponsive. A
+wholesome reaction, in one word, has taken place against academical
+dogmatism; and the study of art has been based upon appreciably better
+historical and aesthetical principles.
+
+[Footnote 234:
+    'Strange that such difference should be
+    'Twixt tweedle-dum and tweedle-dee.']
+
+The seeming confusion of the last half-century ought not, therefore, to
+shake our confidence in the possibility of arriving at stable laws of
+taste. Radical revolutions, however salutary, cannot be effected without
+some injustice to ideals of the past and without some ill-grounded
+enthusiasm for the ideals of the moment. Nor can so wide a region as
+that of modern European art be explored except by divers pioneers, each
+biassed by personal predilections and peculiar sensibilities, each
+liable to changes of opinion under the excitement of discovery, each
+followed by a coterie sworn to support their master's _ipse dixit_.
+
+The chief thing is to obtain a clear conception of the mental atmosphere
+in which sound criticism has to live and move and have its being. 'The
+form of this world passes; and I would fain occupy myself only with that
+which constitutes abiding relations.' So said Goethe; and these words
+have much the same effect as that admonition of his 'to live with steady
+purpose in the Whole, the Good, the Beautiful.' The true critic must
+divert his mind from what is transient and ephemeral, must fasten upon
+abiding relations, _bleibende Verhaeltnisse_. He notes that one age is
+classical, another romantic; that _this_ swears by Giotto, _that_ by the
+Caracci. Meanwhile, he resolves to maintain that classics and romantics,
+the Caracci and Giotto, are alike only worthy of regard in so far as
+they exemplify the qualities which bring art into the sphere of abiding
+relations. One writer is eloquent for Fra Angelico, another for Rubens;
+the one has personal sympathy for the Fiesolan monk, the other for the
+Flemish courtier. Our true critic renounces idiosyncratic whims and
+partialities, striving to enter with firm purpose into the understanding
+of universal goodness and beauty. In so far as he finds truth in
+Angelico and Rubens, will he be appreciative of both.
+
+Aristotle laid it down as an axiom that the ultimate verdict in matters
+of taste is 'what the man of enlightened intelligence would decide.' The
+critic becomes a man of enlightened intelligence, a [Greek: phronimos],
+by following the line of Goethe's precepts. In working out self-culture,
+he will derive assistance by the way from the commanding philosophical
+conception of our century. All things with which we are acquainted are
+in evolutionary process. Everything belonging to human nature is in a
+state of organic transition--passing through necessary phases of birth,
+growth, decline, and death. Art, in any one of its specific
+manifestations--Italian painting for example--avoids this law of organic
+evolution, arrests development at the fairest season of growth, averts
+the decadence which ends in death, no more than does an oak. The oak,
+starting from an acorn, nourished by earth, air, light, and water,
+offers indeed a simpler problem than so complex an organism as Italian
+painting, developed under conditions of manifold diversity. Yet the
+dominant law controls both equally.
+
+It is not, however, in evolutions that we must seek the abiding
+relations spoken of by Goethe. The evolutionary conception does not
+supply those to students of art, though it unfolds a law which is
+permanent and of universal application in the world at large. It forces
+us to dwell on necessary conditions of mutability and transformation. It
+leads the critic to comprehend the whole, and encourages the habit of
+scientific tolerance. We are saved by it from uselessly fretting
+ourselves because of the ungodly and the inevitable; from mourning over
+the decline of Gothic architecture into Perpendicular aridity and
+flamboyant feebleness, over the passage of the scepter from Sophocles to
+Euripides or from Tasso to Marino, over the chaos of Mannerism,
+Eclecticism and Naturalism into which Italian painting plunged from the
+height of its maturity. This toleration and acceptance of unavoidable
+change need not imply want of discriminative perception. We can apply
+the evolutionary canon in all strictness without ignoring that adult
+manhood is preferable to senile decrepitude, that Pheidias surpasses the
+sculptors of Antinous, that one Madonna of Gian Bellini is worth all the
+pictures of the younger Palma, and that Dossi's portrait of the
+Ferrarese jester is better worth having than the whole of Annibale
+Caracci's Galleria Farnesina.[235] It will even lead us to select for
+models those works which bear the mark of adolescence or vigorous
+maturity, as supplying more fruitful sources for our own artistic
+education.
+
+[Footnote 235: The great picture by Dosso Dossi, to which I have
+alluded, is in the Modenese gallery.]
+
+Nevertheless, not in evolution, but in man's soul, his intellectual and
+moral nature, must be sought those abiding relations which constitute
+sound art, and are the test of right aesthetic judgment. These are such
+as truth, simplicity, sobriety, love, grace, patience, modesty,
+thoughtfulness, repose, health, vigor, brain-stuff, dignity of
+imagination, lucidity of vision, purity, and depth of feeling. Wherever
+the critic finds these--whether it be in Giotto at the dawn or in Guido
+at the evensong of Italian painting, in Homer or Theocritus at the two
+extremes of Greek poetry--he will recognize the work as ranking with
+those things from which the soul draws nourishment. At the same time, he
+may not neglect the claims of craftsmanship. Each art has its own
+vehicle of expression, and exacts some innate capacity for the use of
+that vehicle from the artist. Therefore the critic must be also
+sufficiently versed in technicalities to give them their due value. It
+can, however, be laid down, as a general truth, that while immature or
+awkward workmanship is compatible with aesthetic excellence, technical
+dexterity, however skillfully applied, has never done anything for a
+soulless painter.
+
+Criticism, furthermore, implies judgment; and that judgment must be
+adjusted to the special nature of the thing criticised. Art is different
+from ethics, from the physical world, from sensuality, however refined.
+It will not, therefore, in the long run do for the critic of an art to
+apply the same rules as the moralist, the naturalist, or the hedonist.
+It will not do for him to be contented with edification, or
+differentiation of species, or demonstrable delightfulness as the
+test-stone of artistic excellence. All art is a presentation of the
+inner human being, his thought and feeling, through the medium of
+beautiful symbols in form, color, and sound. Our verdict must therefore
+be determined by the amount of thought, the amount of feeling, proper to
+noble humanity, which we find adequately expressed in beautiful
+aesthetic symbols. And the man who shall pronounce this verdict is, now
+as in the days of Aristotle, the man of enlightened intelligence, sound
+in his own nature and open to ideas. Even his verdict will not be final;
+for no one is wholly free from partialities due to the age in which he
+lives, and to his special temperament. Still, a consensus of such
+verdicts eventually forms that voice of the people which, according to
+an old proverb, is the voice of God. Slowly, and after many successive
+siftings, the cumulative votes of the _phronimoi_ decide. Insurgents
+against their judgment, in the case of acknowledged masters like
+Pheidias, Michelangelo, Shakespeare, are doomed to final defeat, because
+this judgment is really based upon abiding relations between art and
+human nature.
+
+Our hope with regard to the unity of taste in the future then is, that,
+all sentimental or academical seekings after the ideal having been
+abandoned, momentary theories founded upon idiosyncratic or temporary
+partialities exploded, and nothing accepted but what is solid and
+positive, the scientific spirit shall make men progressively more and
+more conscious of those _bleibende Verhaeltnisse_, more and more capable
+of living in the whole; also that, in proportion as we gain a firmer
+hold upon our own place in the world, we shall come to comprehend with
+more instinctive certitude what is simple, natural, and honest,
+welcoming with gladness all artistic products that exhibit these
+qualities. The perception of the enlightened man will then be the taste
+of a healthy person who has made himself acquainted with the laws of
+evolution in art and in society, and is able to test the excellence of
+work in any stage, from immaturity to decadence, by discerning what
+there is of truth, sincerity, and natural vigor in it.
+
+This digression was forced upon me by the difficulty of properly
+appreciating the Bolognese Eclectics now. What would be the amused
+astonishment of Sir Joshua Reynolds, if he returned to London at the
+present moment, and beheld the Dagon of his esteemed Caracci dashed to
+pieces by the ark of Botticelli--Carpaccio enthroned--Raffaello
+stigmatized as the stone of stumbling and the origin of evil? Yet
+Reynolds had as good a right to his opinion as any living master of the
+brush, or any living masters of language. There is no doubt that the
+Bolognese painters sufficed for the eighteenth century, whose taste
+indeed they had created.[236] There is equally no doubt that for the
+nineteenth they are insufficient.[237] The main business of a critic is
+to try to answer two questions: first why did the epoch produce such
+art, and why did it rejoice in it?--secondly, has this art any real
+worth beyond a documentary value for the students of one defined
+historical period; has it enduring qualities of originality, strength,
+beauty, and inspiration? To the first of these questions I have already
+given some answer by showing under what conditions the Caracci reacted
+against mannerism. In the due consideration of the second we are
+hampered by the culture of our period, which has strongly prejudiced all
+minds against the results of that reaction.
+
+[Footnote 236: The passage from Lodovico Caracci through Poussin to
+Reynolds is direct and unbroken. 'Poussin,' says Lanzi, 'ranked
+Domenichino directly next to Raffaello.' _History of Painting in Italy_,
+Engl. Tr. vol. iii. p. 84.]
+
+[Footnote 237: Perhaps a generation will yet arise which shall take the
+Caracci and their scholars into favor, even as people of refinement in
+our own days find a charm in patches, powder, perukes, sedan-chairs,
+patchouli, and other lumber from the age despised by Keats. I remember
+visiting a noble English lady at her country seat. We drank tea in her
+room, decorated by a fashionable 'Queen Anne' artist. She told us that
+the quaintly pretty furniture of the last century which adorned it had
+recently been brought down from the attic, whither her fore bears had
+consigned it as tasteless--Gillow in their minds superseding
+Chippendale.]
+
+The painting of the Eclectics was not spontaneous art. It was art
+mechanically revived during a period of critical hesitancy and declining
+enthusiasms. It was produced at Bologna, 'la dotta' or 'la grassa,' by
+Bolognese craftsmen. This is worth remembering; for except Guido
+Guinicelli and Francesco Raibolini, no natives of Bologna were eminently
+gifted for the arts. And Bologna was the city famous for her ponderous
+learning, famous also for the good cheer of her table, neither erudition
+nor savory meats being essential to the artist's temperament. The
+painting which emerged there at the close of the sixteenth century
+embodied religion and culture, both of a base alloy. The Christianity of
+the age was not naive, simple, sincere, and popular, like that of the
+thirteenth century; but hysterical, dogmatic, hypocritical, and
+sacerdotal. It was not Christianity indeed, but Catholicism galvanized
+by terror into reactionary movement. The culture of the age was on the
+wane. Men had long lost their first clean perception of classical
+literature, and the motives of the mediaeval past were exhausted.
+Therefore, though the Eclectics went on painting the old subjects, they
+painted all alike with frigid superficiality. If we examine the lists of
+pictures turned out by the Caracci and Guercino, we shall find a pretty
+equal quantity of saints and Susannas, Judiths and Cleopatras, Davids
+and Bacchuses, Jehovahs and Jupiters, anchorites and Bassarids, Faiths
+and Fortunes, cherubs and Cupids. Artistically, all are on the same dead
+level of inspiration. Nothing new or vital, fanciful or imaginative, has
+been breathed into antique mythology. What has been added to religious
+expression is repellent. Extravagantly ideal in ecstatic Magdalens and
+Maries, extravagantly realistic in martyrdoms and torments,
+extravagantly harsh in dogmatic mysteries and the ecclesiastical parade
+of power, extravagantly soft in sentimental tenderness and tearful
+piety, this new religious element, the element of the Inquisition, the
+Tridentine Council, and the Jesuits, contradicts the true gospel of
+Christ. The painting which embodies it belongs to a spirit at strife
+with what was vital and progressive in the modern world. It is therefore
+naturally abhorrent to us now; nor can it be appreciated except by those
+who yearn for the triumph of ultramontane principles.
+
+If we turn from the intellectual content of this art to its external
+manifestation, we shall find similar reasons for its failure to delight
+or satisfy. The ambition of the Caracci was to combine in one the
+salient qualities of earlier masters. This ambition doomed their style
+to the sterility of hybrids. Moreover, in selecting, they omitted just
+those features which had given grace and character to their models. The
+substitution of generic types for portraiture, the avoidance of
+individuality, the contempt for what is simple and natural in details,
+deprived their work of attractiveness and suggestion. It is noticeable
+that they never painted flowers. While studying Titian's landscapes,
+they omitted the iris and the caper-blossom and the columbine which star
+the grass beneath Ariadne's feet. The lessons of the rocks and
+chestnut-trees of his S. Jeromes Solitude were lost on them. They began
+the false system of depicting ideal foliage and ideal precipices--that
+is to say, trees which are not trees, and cliffs which cannot be
+distinguished from cork or stucco. In like manner, the clothes wherewith
+they clad their personages were not of brocade or satin or broadcloth,
+but of that empty lie called drapery. The purpled silks of Titian's
+Lilac Lady, in the Pitti, the embroidered hems of Boccaccini da Cremona,
+the crimson velvet of Raphael's Joanna of Aragon, Veronese's cloth of
+silver and shot taffety, are replaced by one monotonous nondescript
+stuff, differently dyed in dull or glaring colors, but always shoddy.
+Characteristic costumes have disappeared. We shall not find in any of
+their Massacres of the Innocents a soldier like Bonifazio's Dall'Armi.
+In lieu of gems with flashing facets, or of quaint jewels from the
+Oreficeria, they adorn their kings and princesses with nothing less
+elevated than polished gold and ropes of pearls. After the same fashion,
+furniture, utensils, houses, animals, birds, weapons, are
+idealized--stripped, that is to say, of what in these things is specific
+and vital.
+
+It would be incorrect to say that there are no exceptions in Eclectic
+painting to this evil system. Yet the sweeping truth remains that the
+Caracci returned, not to what was best in their predecessors, but to
+what was dangerous and misleading.
+
+The 'grand style,' in Sir Joshua's sense of that phrase, denoting style
+which eliminates specific and characteristic qualities from objects,
+replacing them by so-called 'ideal' generalities, had already made its
+appearance in Raphael, Correggio, and Buonarroti We even find it in Da
+Vinci's Last Supper. Yet in Raphael it comes attended with divine grace;
+in Correggio with faun-like radiancy of gladness; in Buonarroti with
+Sinaitic sublimity; in Da Vinci with penetrative force of psychological
+characterization. The Caracci and their followers, with a few
+exceptions--Guido at his best being the notablest--brought nothing of
+these saving virtues to the pseudo-grand style.
+
+It was this delusion regarding nobility and elevation in style which
+betrayed so genial a painter as Reynolds into his appreciation of the
+Bolognese masters. He admired them; but he admired Titian, Raphael,
+Correggio, and Buonarroti more. And he admired the Eclectics because
+they developed the perilous part of the great Italian tradition. Just as
+Coleridge recommended young students of dramatic verse to found their
+style at first on Massinger rather than on Shakespeare, so Reynolds
+thought that the Caracci were sound models for beginners in the science
+of idealization. Shakespeare and Michelangelo are inimitable; Massinger
+and the Caracci exhibit the one thing needful to be learned, upon a
+scale not wholly unattainable by industry and talent. That was the line
+of argument; and, granted that the pseudo-grand style is a _sine qua
+non_ of painting, Reynolds's position was logical.[238]
+
+[Footnote 238: It is only because I am an Englishman, writing a popular
+book for English folk, that I thus spend time in noticing the opinions
+of Joshua Reynolds. Addressing a European audience in this year grace, I
+should not have thought of eddying about his obsolete doctrine.]
+
+The criticism and the art-practice of this century have combined to
+shake our faith in the grand style. The spirit of the Romantic movement,
+penetrating poetry first, then manifesting itself in the reflective
+writings of Rio and Lord Lindsay, Ruskin and Gautier, producing the
+English landscape-painters and pre-Raphaelites, the French Realists and
+Impressionists, has shifted the center of gravity in taste. Science,
+too, contributes its quota. Histories of painting, like Kugler's, and
+Crowe and Cavalcaselle's, composed in an impartial and searching spirit
+of investigation, place students at a point of view removed from
+prejudice and academical canons of perfection. Only here and there,
+under special reactionary influences, as in the Dusseldorf and Munich
+schools of religious purists, has anything approaching to the
+eighteenth-century 'grand style' delusion reappeared.
+
+Why, therefore, the Eclectics are at present pining in the shade of
+neglect is now sufficiently apparent. We dislike their religious
+sentiments. We repudiate their false and unimaginative ideality. We
+recognize their touch on antique mythology to be cold and lifeless.
+Superficial imitations of Niobe and the Belvedere Apollo have no
+attraction for a generation educated by the marbles of the Parthenon.
+Dull reproductions of Raphael's manner at his worst cannot delight men
+satiated with Raphael's manner at his best. Whether the whirligig of
+time will bring about a revenge for the Eclectics yet remains to be
+seen. Taste is so capricious, or rather the conditions which create
+taste are so complex and inscrutable, that even this, which now seems
+impossible, may happen in the future. But a modest prediction can be
+hazarded that nothing short of the substitution of Catholicism for
+science and of Jesuitry for truth in the European mind will work a
+general revolution in their favor.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XIV.
+
+CONCLUSION.
+
+     The main Events of European History--Italy in the
+     Renaissance--Germany and Reformation--Catholic Reaction--Its
+     Antagonism to Renaissance and Reformation--Profound Identity of
+     Renaissance and Reformation--Place of Italy in European
+     Civilization--Want of Sympathy between Latin and Teutonic
+     Races--Relation of Rome to Italy--Macaulay on the Roman Church--On
+     Protestantism--Early Decline of Renaissance Enthusiasms--Italy's
+     Present and Future.
+
+I.
+
+The four main events of European history since the death of Christ are
+the decline of Graeco-Roman civilization, the triumph of Christianity as
+a new humanizing agency, the intrusion of Teutonic and Slavonic tribes
+into the comity of nations, and the construction of the modern world of
+thought by Renaissance and Reformation.
+
+As seems to be inevitable in the progress of our species, each of these
+changes involved losses, compensated by final gains; for humanity moves
+like a glacier, plastically, but with alternating phases of advance and
+retreat, obeying laws of fracture and regelation.
+
+It would thus be easy to deplore the collapse of that mighty and
+beneficent organism which we call the Roman Empire. Yet without this
+collapse how could the Catholic Church have supplied inspiration to
+peoples gifted with fresh faculties, endowed with insight differing from
+that of Greeks and Romans?
+
+It is tempting to lament the extinction of arts letters, and elaborated
+habits of civility, which followed the barbarian invasions. Yet without
+such extinction, how can we imagine to ourselves the growth of those new
+arts, original literatures, and varied modes of social culture, to which
+we give the names of mediaeval, chivalrous, or feudal?
+
+It is obvious that we can quarrel with the Renaissance for having put an
+end to purely Christian arts and letters by imposing a kind of pagan
+mannerism on the spontaneous products of the later mediaeval genius. But
+without this reversion to the remaining models of antique culture, how
+could the European races have become conscious of historical continuity;
+how could the corrupt system of Papal domination have been broken by
+Reform; how, finally, could Science, the vital principle of our present
+civilization, have been evolved?
+
+In all these instances it appears that the old order must yield place to
+the new, not only because the new is destined to incorporate and
+supersede it, but also because the old has become unfruitful. Thus, the
+Roman Empire, having discharged its organizing function, was decrepit,
+and classical civilization, after exhibiting its strength in season, was
+decaying when the Latin priesthood and the barbarians entered that
+closed garden of antiquity, and trampled it beneath their feet.
+Mediaeval religion and modes of thought, in like manner, were at the
+point of ossifying, when Humanism intervened to twine the threads of
+past and present into strands that should be strong as cables for the
+furtherance of future energy.
+
+It is incontestable that the Reformation and the Counter-Reformation,
+each of them on different grounds antagonistic to the Renaissance,
+appear to have retarded that emancipation of the reason, begun by
+Humanism, which is still in progress. Nevertheless, the strife of
+Protestantism and Catholicism was needed for preserving moral and
+religious elements which might have been too lightly dropped, and for
+working these into the staple of the modern consciousness. The process
+of the last three centuries, attended as it has been by serious
+drawbacks to the Spanish and Italian peoples, and by a lamentable waste
+of vigor to the Teutonic nations, has yet resulted in a permeation of
+the modern compost with the leaven of Christianity. Unchecked, it is
+probable that the Renaissance would have swept away much that was
+valuable and deserved to be permanent. Nor, without the flux and reflux
+of contending principles by which Europe was agitated in the
+Counter-Reformation period, could the equipoise of reciprocally
+attracting and repelling States, which constitutes the modern as
+different from the ancient or the mediaeval groundwork of political
+existence, have been so efficiently established.
+
+
+II.
+
+Permanence and homogeneity are not to be predicated of 'anything that's
+merely ours and mortal.' We have missed the whole teaching of history if
+we wail aloud because Greek and Roman culture succumbed to barbarism,
+out of which mediaeval Christianity emerged; because the revival of
+learning diverted arts and letters in each Occidental nation from their
+home-plowed channels; because Protestant theologians and Spanish Jesuits
+impeded that self-evolution of the reason which Italian humanists
+inaugurated. No less futile were it to waste declamatory tears upon the
+strife of absolutism with new-fledged democracy, or to vaticinate a
+reign of socialistic terror for the immediate future. We have to
+recognize that man cannot be other than what he makes himself; and he
+makes himself in obedience to immutable although unwritten laws, whereof
+he only of late years became dimly conscious. It is well, then, while
+reflecting on the lessons of some deeply studied epoch in world-history,
+to regard the developments with which we have been specially occupied,
+no less than the ephemeral activity of each particular individual, as
+factors in a universal process, whereof none sees the issue, but which,
+willing or unwilling, each man helps to further. We shall then
+acknowledge that a contest between Conservatism and Liberalism, between
+established order and the order that is destined to replace it, between
+custom and innovation, constitutes the essence of vitality in human
+affairs. The nations by turns are protagonists in the drama of progress;
+by turns are doomed to play the part of obstructive agents. Intermingled
+in conflict which is active life, they contribute by their phases of
+declension and resistance, no less than by their forward movements, to
+the growth of an organism which shall probably in the far future be
+coextensive with the whole human race.
+
+
+III.
+
+These considerations are suggested to us by the subject I have handled
+in this work. The first five volumes were devoted to showing how Italy,
+in the Renaissance, elaborated a new way of regarding man and the world,
+a new system of education, new social manners, and a new type of culture
+for herself and Europe. This was her pioneer's work in the period of
+transition from the middle ages; and while she was engaged in it, all
+classes, from popes and princes down to poetlings and pedants, seemed
+for a while to have lost sight of Catholic Christianity. They were
+equally indifferent to that corresponding and contemporary movement
+across the Alps, which is known as Reformation. They could not discern
+the close link of connection which binds Renaissance to Reformation.
+Though at root identical in tendency towards freedom, these stirrings of
+the modern spirit assumed externally such diverse forms as made them
+reciprocally repellent. Only one European nation received both impulses
+simultaneously. That was England, which adopted Protestantism and
+produced the literature of Spenser, Bacon, and Shakespeare at the same
+epoch. France, earlier than England, felt Renaissance influences, and
+for some while seemed upon the point of joining the Reformation. But
+while the French were hesitating, Spain proclaimed herself the
+uncompromising enemy of Protestantism, and Rome, supported by this
+powerful ally, dragged Italy into the Catholic reaction. That effort
+aimed at galvanizing a decrepit Church into the semblance of vital
+energy, and, while professing the reformation of its corrupt system,
+stereotyped all that was antagonistic in its creed and customs to the
+spirit of the modern world. The Catholic Revival necessitated vigorous
+reaction, not only against Protestantism, but also against the
+Liberalism of the Renaissance and the political liberties of peoples. It
+triumphed throughout Southern Europe chiefly because France chose at
+length the Catholic side. But the triumph was only partial, condemning
+Spain and Italy indeed to intellectual barrenness for a season, but not
+sufficing to dominate and suppress the development of rationalism. The
+pioneer's work of Italy was over. She joined the ranks of obscurantists
+and obstructives. Germany, having failed to accomplish the Reformation
+in time, was distracted by the Catholic reaction, which plunged her
+into a series of disastrous wars. It remained for England and Holland,
+not, however, without similar perturbations in both countries, to lead
+the van of progress through two centuries; after which this foremost
+post was assigned to France and the United States.
+
+
+IV.
+
+The views which I have maintained throughout my work upon the
+Renaissance will be found, I think, to be coherent. They have received
+such varied illustrations that it is difficult to recapitulate the
+principles on which they rest, without repetition. The main outline of
+the argument, however, is as follows. During the middle ages, Western
+Christendom recognized, in theory at least, the ideal of European unity
+under the dual headship of the Papacy and Empire. There was one civil
+order and one Church. Emperor and Pope, though frequently at strife,
+were supposed to support each other for the common welfare of
+Christendom. That mediaeval conception has now, in the centuries which
+we call modern, passed into oblivion; and the period in which it ceased
+to have effective value we denote as the period of the Renaissance and
+the Reformation. So long as the ideal held good, it was possible for the
+Papacy to stamp out heresies and to stifle the earlier stirrings of
+antagonistic culture. Thus the precursory movements to which I alluded
+in the first chapter of my 'Age of the Despots,' seemed to be abortive;
+and no less apparently abortive were the reformatory efforts of Wyclif
+and Huss. Yet Europe was slowly undergoing mental and moral changes,
+which announced the advent of a new era. These changes were more
+apparent in Italy than elsewhere, through the revival of arts and
+letters early in the fourteenth century. Cimabue, Giotto, and the
+Pisani, Dante, Petrarch, and Boccaccio, set culture forward on fresh
+paths divergent from previous mediaeval tradition. The gradual
+enfeeblement of the Empire and the distraction of the Church during the
+Great Schism prepared the means whereby both Renaissance and Reformation
+were eventually realized. The Council of Constance brought the Western
+nations into active diplomatical relations, and sowed seeds of thought
+which afterwards sprang up in Luther.
+
+Meanwhile a special nidus had been created in the South. The Italian
+communes freed themselves from all but titular subjection to the Empire,
+and were practically independent of the Papacy during its exile in
+Avignon. They succumbed to despots, and from Italian despotism emerged
+the Machiavellian conception of the State. This conception, modified in
+various ways, by Sarpi's theory of Church and State, by the Jesuit
+theory of Papal Supremacy, by the counter-theory of the Divine Right of
+Kings, by theories of Social Contract and the Divine Right of Nations,
+superseded the elder ideal of Universal Monarchy. It grew originally
+out of the specific conditions of Italy in the fifteenth century, and
+acquired force from that habit of mind, fostered by the Classical
+Revival, which we call humanism. Humanism had flourished in Italy since
+the days of Petrarch, and had been communicated by Italian teachers to
+the rest of Europe. As in the South it generated the new learning and
+the new culture which I have described in the first five volumes of my
+work, and acted as a solvent on the mediaeval idea of the Empire, so in
+the North it generated a new religious enthusiasm and acted as a solvent
+on the mediaeval idea of the Church. All through the middle ages,
+nothing seemed more formidable to the European mind than heresy. Any
+sacrifices were willingly made in order to secure the unity of the
+Catholic Communion. But now, by the Protestant rebellion, that spell was
+broken, and the right of peoples to choose their faith, in dissent from
+a Church declared corrupt, was loudly proclaimed.
+
+So long as we keep this line of reasoning in view, we shall recognize
+why it is not only uncritical, but also impossible, to separate the two
+movements severally called Renaissance and Reformation. Both had a
+common root in humanism, and humanism owed its existence on the one hand
+to the recovery of antique literature, on the other to the fact that the
+Papacy, instead of striving to stamp it out as it had stamped out
+Provencal civilization, viewed it at first with approval. The new
+learning, as our ancestors were wont to call it, involved, in
+Michelet's pregnant formula, the discovery of the world and man, and
+developed a spirit of revolt against mediaevalism in all its
+manifestations. Its fruits were speedily discerned in bold exploratory
+studies, sound methods of criticism, audacious speculation, and the free
+play of the intellect over every field of knowledge. This new learning
+had time and opportunity for full development in Italy, and for adequate
+extension to the Northern races, before its real tendencies were
+suspected. When that happened, the transition from the mediaeval to the
+modern age had been secured. The Empire was obsolete. The Church was
+forced into reaction. Europe became the battle-field of progressive and
+retrogressive forces, the scene of a struggle between two parties which
+can best be termed Liberalism and Conservatism.
+
+Stripping the subject of those artistic and literary associations which
+we are accustomed to connect with the word Renaissance, these seem to me
+the most essential points to bear in mind about this movement. Then,
+when we have studied the diverse antecedent circumstances of the German
+and Italian races, when we take into account their national qualities,
+and estimate the different aims and divergent enthusiasms evoked in each
+by humanistic ardor, we shall perceive how it came to pass that
+Renaissance and Reformation clashed together in discordant opposition to
+the Catholic Revival.
+
+
+V.
+
+Italy, through the Roman Republic, the Roman Empire, and the Roman
+Church, gave discipline, culture, and religion to the Western world.
+But, during the course of this civilizing process, a force arose in
+Northern Europe which was destined to transfer the center of gravity
+from the Mediterranean basin northwards. The Teutonic tribes effaced the
+Western Empire, adopted Christianity, and profoundly modified what still
+survived of Latin civility among the Occidental races. A new factor was
+thus introduced into the European community, which had to be assimilated
+to the old; and the genius of the Italian people never displayed itself
+more luminously than in the ability with which the Bishops of Rome
+availed themselves of this occasion. They separated the Latin from the
+Greek Church, and, by the figment of the Holy Roman Empire, cemented
+Southern and Northern Europe into an apparently cohesive whole. After
+the year A.D. 800, Europe, from the Baltic to the Mediterranean,
+acknowledged a dual headship; Papacy and Empire ranking as ideals under
+which the unity of Christendom subsisted in a multiplicity of separate
+and self-evolving nations.
+
+The concordat between Latin Church and German Empire, the one
+representing traditions of antique intelligence and southern habits of
+State organization, the other introducing the young energies of
+half-cultivated peoples and the chivalry of the North, was never
+perfect. Yet, incomplete as the fusion between Roman and Teuton actually
+was, it had a common basis in religion, and it enabled the federated
+peoples to maintain recognized international relations. What we now call
+Renaissance and Reformation revealed still unreconciled antagonisms
+between Southern and Northern, Latin and German, factors in this
+mediaeval Europe. Italy, freed for a while from both Papacy and Empire,
+expressed her intellectual energy in the Revival of Learning, developing
+that bold investigating spirit to which the names of Humanism or of
+Rationalism may be given. The new learning, the new enthusiasm for
+inquiry, the new study of the world and man, as subjects of vital
+interest irrespective of our dreamed-of life beyond the grave,
+stimulated in Italy what we know as Renaissance; while in Germany it led
+to what we know as Reformation. The Reformation must be regarded as the
+Teutonic counterpart to the Italian Renaissance. It was what emerged
+from the core of that huge barbarian factor, which had sapped the Roman
+Empire, and accepted Catholicism; which lent its vigor to the mediaeval
+Empire, and which now participated in the culture of the classical
+Revival. As Italy restored freedom to human intelligence and the senses
+by arts and letters and amenities of refined existence, so Germany
+restored freedom to the soul and conscience by strenuous efforts after
+religious sincerity and political independence. The one people aiming
+at a restoration of pagan civility beneath the shadow of Catholicism,
+the other seeking after a purer Christianity in antagonism to the Papal
+hierarchy, initiated from opposite points of view that complete
+emancipation of the modern mind which has not yet been fully realized.
+
+If we inquire why the final end to which both Renaissance and
+Reformation tended--namely, the liberation of the spirit from mediaeval
+prepossessions and impediments--has not been more perfectly attained, we
+find the cause of this partial failure in the contradictory conceptions
+formed by South and North of a problem which was at root one. Both
+Renaissance and Reformation had their origin in the revival of learning,
+or rather in that humanistic enthusiasm which was its vital essence. But
+the race-differences involved in these two movements were so
+irreconcilable, the objects pursued were so divergent, that Renaissance
+and Reformation came into the conflict of chemical combination,
+producing a ferment out of which the intellectual unity of Europe has
+not as yet clearly emerged. The Latin race, having created a new
+learning and a new culture, found itself at strife with the Teutonic
+race, which at the same period developed new religious conceptions and
+new political energies.
+
+The Church supplied a battle-field for these hostilities. The
+Renaissance was by no means favorable to the principles of Catholic
+orthodoxy; and the Italians showed themselves to be Christians by
+convention and tradition rather than by conviction in the fifteenth
+century. Yet Italy was well content to let the corrupt hierarchy of
+Papal Rome subsist, provided Rome maintained the attitude which Leo X.
+had adopted toward the liberal spirit of the Classical Revival. The
+Reformation, on the other hand, was openly antagonistic to the Catholic
+Church. Protestantism repudiated the toleration professed by skeptical
+philosophers and indulgent free-thinkers in the South, while it repelled
+those refined persons by theological fervor and moral indignation which
+they could not comprehend. Thus the Italian and the German children of
+humanism failed to make common cause against Catholicism, with which the
+former felt no sympathy and which the latter vehemently attacked.
+Meanwhile the Church awoke to a sense of her peril. The Papacy was still
+a force of the first magnitude; and it only required a vigorous effort
+to place it once more in an attitude of domination and resistance. This
+effort it made by reforming the ecclesiastical hierarchy, defining
+Catholic dogma, and carrying on a war of extermination against the
+twofold Liberalism of Renaissance and Reformation.
+
+That reactionary movement against the progress of free thought which
+extinguished the Italian Renaissance and repelled the Reformation, has
+formed the subject of the two preceding volumes of my work. It could not
+have been conducted by the Court of Rome without the help of Spain. The
+Spanish nation, at this epoch paramount in Europe, declared itself
+fanatically and unanimously for the Catholic Revival. In Italy it lent
+the weight of arms and overlordship to the Church for the suppression of
+popular liberties. It provided the Papacy with a spiritual militia
+specially disciplined to meet the exigencies of the moment. Yet the
+center of the reaction was still Rome; and the Spanish hegemony enabled
+the Roman hierarchy to consolidate an organism which has long survived
+its own influence in European affairs.
+
+
+VI.
+
+After the close of the Great Schism Rome began to obey the national
+impulses of the Italians, entered into their confederation as one of the
+five leading powers, and assumed externally the humanistic culture then
+in vogue. But the Church was a cosmopolitan institution. Its interests
+extended beyond the Alps, beyond the Pyrenees, beyond the oceans
+traversed by Portuguese and Spanish navigators. The Renaissance so far
+modified its structure that the Papacy continued politically to rank as
+an Italian power. Its headquarters could not be removed from the Tiber,
+and by the tacit consent of Latin Catholicism the Supreme Pontiff was
+selected from Italian prelates. Yet now, in 1530, it began to play a new
+part more consonant with its mediaeval functions and pretensions. Rome
+indeed had ceased to be the imperial capital of Europe, where the
+secular head of Christendom assumed the crown of Empire from his peer
+the spiritual chieftain. The Eternal City in this new phase of modern
+history, which lasted until Vittorio Emmanuele's entrance into the
+Quirinal in 1870, gave the Pope a place among Catholic sovereigns. From
+his throne upon the seven hills he conducted with their approval and
+assistance the campaign of the Counter-Reformation. Instead of
+encouraging and developing what yet remained of Renaissance in Italy,
+instead of directing that movement of the self-emancipating mind beyond
+the stage of art and humanism into the stage of rationalism and science,
+the Church used its authority to bring back the middle ages and to
+repress national impulses. It made common cause with Spain for a common
+object--the maintenance of Italy in a state of political and
+intellectual bondage, and the subjugation of such provinces in Europe as
+had not been irretrievably lost to the Catholic cause. The Italians, as
+a nation, remained passive, but not altogether unwilling or unapproving
+spectators of the drama which was being enacted under Papal leadership
+beyond their boundaries. Once again their activity was merged in that of
+Rome--in the action of that State which had first secured for them the
+Empire of the habitable globe, and next the spiritual hegemony of the
+Western races, and from the predominance of which they had partially
+disengaged themselves during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. It
+was the Papacy's sense of its own danger as a cosmopolitan institution,
+combined with the crushing superiority of Spain in the peninsula, which
+determined this phase of Italian history.
+
+The Catholic Revival, like the Renaissance, may in a certain sense be
+viewed as a product of Italian genius. This is sufficiently proved by
+the diplomatic history of the Tridentine Council, and by the dedication
+of the Jesuits to Papal service. It must, however, be remembered that
+while the Renaissance emanated from the race at large, from its
+confederation of independent republics and tyrannies, the Catholic
+Revival emanated from that portion of the race which is called Rome,
+from the ecclesiastical hierarchy imbued with world-wide ambitions in
+which national interests were drowned. There is nothing more interesting
+to the biographer of the Italians than the complicated correlation in
+which they have always stood to the cosmopolitan organism of Rome,
+itself Italian. In their antique days of greatness Rome subdued them,
+and by their native legions won the overlordship of the world. After the
+downfall of the Empire the Church continued Roman traditions in an
+altered form, but it found itself unable to dispense with the foreign
+assistance of Franks and Germans. The price now paid by Italy for
+spiritual headship in Europe was subjection to Teutonic suzerains and
+perpetual intriguing interference in her affairs. During the Avignonian
+captivity and the Great Schism, Italy developed intellectual and
+confederative unity, imposing her laws of culture and of state-craft
+even on the Papacy when it returned to Rome. But again at the close of
+the Renaissance, when Italian independence had collapsed, the Church
+aspired to spiritual supremacy; and at this epoch she recompensed her
+Spanish ally by aiding and abetting in the enslavement of the peninsula.
+Still the Roman Pontiff, who acted as generalissimo of the Catholic
+armies throughout Europe, was now more than ever recognized as an
+Italian power.
+
+
+VII.
+
+In his review of Ranke's _History of the Popes_ Lord Macaulay insists
+with brilliant eloquence upon the marvelous vitality and longevity of
+the Roman Catholic Church. He describes the insurrection of the
+intellect against her rule in Provence, and her triumph in the Crusade
+which sacrificed a nation to the conception of mediaeval religious
+unity. He dwells on her humiliation in exile at Avignon, her
+enfeeblement during the Great Schism, and her restoration to splendor
+and power at the close of the Councils. Then he devotes his vast
+accumulated stores of learning and his force of rhetoric to explain the
+Reformation, the Catholic Revival, and the Counter-Reformation. He
+proves abundantly what there was in the organism of the Catholic Church
+and in the temper of Papal Rome, which made these now reactionary powers
+more than a match for Protestantism. 'In fifty years from the day on
+which Luther publicly renounced communion with the Papacy, and burned
+the bull of Leo before the gates of Wittenberg, Protestantism attained
+its highest ascendency, an ascendency which it soon lost, and which it
+never regained.' This sentence forms the theme for Lord Macaulay's
+survey of the Catholic Revival. Dazzling and fascinating as that survey
+is, it fails through misconception of one all-important point. Lord
+Macaulay takes for granted that conflict in Europe, since the
+publication of Luther's manifesto against Rome, has been between
+Catholicism and Protestantism. Even after describing the cataclysm of
+the French Revolution, he winds up his argument with these words: 'We
+think it a most remarkable fact that no Christian nation, which did not
+adopt the principles of the Reformation before the end of the sixteenth
+century, should ever have adopted them. Catholic communities have, since
+that time, become infidel and Catholic again; but none has become
+Protestant.' This is tantamount to regarding Protestantism as something
+fixed and final in itself, as a permanent and necessary form of
+Christianity. Here lies the fallacy which makes his reasoning, in spite
+of all its eloquence, but superficial. Protestantism, in truth, has
+never been more than a half-way house or halting-place between
+Catholicism and what may variously be described as free thought or
+science or rationalism. Being in its origin critical--being, as its name
+implies, a protest and an opposition--Protestantism was doomed to
+sterility, whenever it hardened into one or other of its dogmatic
+forms. As critics and insurgents, Luther and Calvin rank among the
+liberators of the modern intellect. As founders of intolerant and
+mutually hostile Christian sects, Luther and Calvin rank among the
+retarders of modern civilization. In subsequent thinkers of whom both
+sects have disapproved, we may recognize the veritable continuators of
+their work in its best aspect. The Lutheran and Calvinist Churches are
+but backwaters and stagnant pools, left behind by the subsidence of
+rivers in flood, separated from the tidal stress of cosmic forces.
+Macaulay's misconception of the true character of Protestantism, which
+is to Catholicism what the several dissenting bodies are to the English
+Establishment, has diverted his attention from the deeper issues
+involved in the Counter-Reformation. He hardly touches upon Rome's
+persecution of free thought, upon her obstinate opposition to science.
+Consequently, he is not sufficiently aware that Copernicus and Bruno
+were, even in the sixteenth century, far more dangerous foes to
+Catholicism than were the leaders of the Reformed Churches. Copernicus
+and Bruno, the lineal ancestors of Helmholtz and Darwin, headed that
+opposition to Catholicism which has been continuous and potent to the
+present day, which has never retreated into backwaters or stagnated in
+slumbrous pools. From this opposition the essence of Christianity, the
+spirit which Christ bequeathed to his disciples, has nothing to fear.
+But Catholicism and Protestantism alike, in so far as both are dogmatic
+and reactionary, clinging to creeds which will not bear the test of
+scientific investigation, to myths which have lost their significance in
+the light of advancing knowledge, and to methods of interpreting the
+Scriptures at variance with the canons of historical criticism, have
+very much to fear from this opposition. Lord Macaulay thinks it a most
+remarkable fact that no Christian nation has adopted the principles of
+the Reformation since the end of the sixteenth century. He does not
+perceive that, in every race of Europe, all enlightened thinkers,
+whether we name Bacon or Descartes, Spinoza or Leibnitz, Goethe or
+Mazzini, have adopted and carried forward those principles in their
+essence. That they have not proclaimed themselves Protestants unless
+they happened to be born Protestants, ought not to arouse his wonder,
+any more than that Washington and Heine did not proclaim themselves
+Whigs. For Protestantism, when it became dogmatic and stereotyped itself
+in sects, ceased to hold any vital relation to the forward movement of
+modern thought. The Reformation, in its origin, was, as I have tried to
+show, the Northern and Teutonic manifestation of that struggle after
+intellectual freedom, which in Italy and France had taken shape as
+Renaissance. But Calvinism, Lutheranism, Zwinglianism, and Anglicanism
+renounced that struggle only less decidedly than Catholicism; and in
+some of their specific phases, in Puritanism for example, they showed
+themselves even more antagonistic to liberal culture and progressive
+thought than did the Roman Church.
+
+Whatever may be thought about the future of Catholicism (and no prudent
+man will utter prophecies upon such matters), there can be no doubt that
+the universal mind of the Christian races, whether Catholic or
+Protestant, has been profoundly penetrated and permeated with
+rationalism, which, springing simultaneously in Reformation and
+Renaissance out of humanism, has supplied the spiritual life of the last
+four centuries. This has created science in all its branches. This has
+stimulated critical and historical curiosity. This has substituted sound
+for false methods of inquiry, the love of truth for attachment to
+venerable delusion. This has sustained the unconquerable soul of man in
+its persistent effort after liberty and its revolt against the tyranny
+of priests and princes. At present, civilization seems threatened by
+more potent foes than the Roman Church, nor is it likely that these foes
+will seek a coalition with Catholicism.
+
+As a final remark upon this topic, it should be pointed out that
+Protestantism, in spite of the shortcomings I have indicated, has, on
+the whole, been more favorable to intellectual progress than
+Catholicism. For Protestantism was never altogether oblivious of its
+origin in revolt against unjust spiritual domination, while Catholicism
+has steadily maintained its conservative attitude of self-defense by
+repression. This suffices to explain another point insisted on by Lord
+Macaulay--namely, that those nations in which Protestantism took root
+have steadily advanced, while the decay of Southern Europe can be mainly
+ascribed to the Catholic Revival. The one group of nations have made
+progress, not indeed because they were Protestants, but because they
+were more obedient to the Divine Mind, more in sympathy with the vital
+principle of movement, more open to rationalism. The other group of
+nations have declined, because Catholicism after the year 1530, wilfully
+separated itself from truth and liberty and living force, and
+obstinately persisted in serving the false deities of an antiquated
+religion.
+
+
+VIII.
+
+Few periods in history illustrate the law of reaction and retrogression,
+to which all processes of civil progress are subject, more plainly and
+more sadly than the one with which I have been dealing in these volumes.
+The Renaissance in Italy started with the fascination of a golden dream;
+and like the music of a dream, it floated over Europe. But the force
+which had stimulated humanity to this delightful reawakening of senses
+and intelligence, stirred also the slumbering religious conscience, and
+a yearning after personal emancipation. Protestantism arose like a stern
+reality, plunging the nations into confused and deadly conflict,
+arousing antagonisms in established orders, unleashing cupidities and
+passions which had lurked within the breasts of manifold adventurers.
+The fifteenth century closed to a solemn symphony. After the middle of
+the sixteenth, discord sounded from every quarter of the Occidental
+world. Italy lay trampled on and dying. Spain reared her dragon's crest
+of menacing ambition and remorseless fanaticism. France was torn by
+factions and devoured by vicious favorites of corrupt kings. Germany
+heaved like a huge ocean in the grip of a tumultuous gyrating cyclone.
+England passed through a complex revolution, the issue of which, under
+the sway of three Tudor monarchs, appeared undecided, until the fourth
+by happy fate secured the future of her people. It is not to be wondered
+that, in these circumstances, a mournful discouragement should have
+descended on the age; that men should have become more dubitative; that
+arts and letters should have seemed to pine upon unfertile ground. The
+nutriment they needed was absorbed by plants of fiercer and ranker
+growth, religious hatreds, political greeds, relentless passions burning
+in the hearts of princes and of populations.
+
+
+IX.
+
+Italy had already given so much of mental and social civilization to
+Europe, that her quiescence at this epoch can scarcely supply a
+substantial theme for rhetorical lamentations. Marino and Guido Reni
+prove that the richer veins of Renaissance art and poetry had been
+worked out. The lives of Aldus the younger and Muretus show that
+humanism was well-nigh exhausted on its native soil. This will not,
+however, prevent us from deploring the untimely frost cast by
+persecution on Italy's budding boughs of knowledge. While we rejoice in
+Galileo, we must needs shed tears of fiery wrath over the passion of
+Campanella and the stake of Bruno. Meanwhile the tree of genius was ever
+green and vital in that Saturnian land of culture. Poetry, painting,
+sculpture, and architecture, having borne their flowers and fruits,
+retired to rest. Scholarship faded; science was nipped in its unfolding
+season by unkindly influences. But music put forth lusty shoots and
+flourished, yielding a new paradise of harmless joy, which even priests
+could grudge not to the world, and which lulled tyranny to sleep with
+silvery numbers.
+
+Thanks be to God that I who pen these pages, and that you who read them,
+have before us in this year of grace the spectacle of a resuscitated
+Italy! In this last quarter of the nineteenth century, the work of her
+heroes, Vittorio Emmanuele, Mazzini, Garibaldi, and Cavour, stands
+firmly founded. The creation of united Italy, that latest birth of the
+Italian genius, that most impossible of dreamed-of triumphs through long
+ages of her glory and greatness, compensates for all that she has borne
+in these three hundred years. Now that Rome is no longer the seat of a
+cosmopolitan theocracy, but the capital of a regenerated people; now
+that Venice joins hands with Genoa, forgetful of Curzola and Chioggia;
+now that Florence and Pisa and Siena stand like sisters on the sacred
+Tuscan soil, while Milan has no strife with Naples, and the Alps and
+sea-waves gird one harmony of cities who have drowned their ancient
+spites in amity,--the student of the splendid and the bitter past may
+pause and bow his head in gratitude to Heaven and swear that, after all,
+all things are well.
+
+
+X.
+
+There is no finality in human history. It is folly to believe that any
+religions, any social orders, any scientific hypotheses, are more than
+provisional, and partially possessed of truth. Let us assume that the
+whole curve of human existence on this planet describes a parabola of
+some twenty millions of years in duration.[239] Of this we have already
+exhausted unreckoned centuries in the evolution of pre-historic man, and
+perhaps five thousand years in the ages of historic records. How much of
+time remains in front? Through that past period of five thousand years
+preserved for purblind retrospect in records, what changes of opinion,
+what peripeties of empire, may we not observe and ponder! How many
+theologies, cosmological conceptions, polities, moralities, dominions,
+ways of living and of looking upon life, have followed one upon another!
+The space itself is brief; compared with the incalculable longevity of
+the globe, it is but a bare 'scape in oblivion.' And, however ephemeral
+the persistence of humanity may be in this its earthly dwelling-place,
+the conscious past sinks into insignificance before those aeons of the
+conscious future, those on-coming and out-rolling waves of further
+evolution which bear posterity forward. Has any solid gain of man been
+lost on the stream of time to us-ward? We doubt that. Has anything final
+and conclusive been arrived at? We doubt that also. The river broadens,
+as it bears us on. But the rills from which it gathered, and the ocean
+whereto it tends, are now, as ever in the past, inscrutable. It is
+therefore futile to suppose, at this short stage upon our journey, while
+the infant founts of knowledge are still murmuring to our ears, that any
+form of faith or science has been attained as permanent; that any
+Pillars of Hercules have been set up against the Atlantic Ocean of
+experience and exploration. Think of that curve of possibly twenty
+million years, and of the five thousand years remembered by humanity!
+How much, how incalculably much longer is the space to be traversed than
+that which we have left behind! It seems, therefore, our truest, as it
+is our humblest, wisdom to live by faith and love. 'And now abideth
+faith, hope, charity, these three; but the greatest of these is
+charity.' Love is the greatest; and against love man has sinned most in
+the short but blood-bedabbled annals of his past. Hope is the virtue
+from which a faithful human being can best afford to abstain, unless
+hope wait as patient handmaid upon faith. Faith is the steadying and
+sustaining force, holding fast by which each one of us dares defy
+change, and gaze with eyes of curious contemplation on the tide which
+brought us, and is carrying, and will bear us where we see not. 'I know
+not how I came of you and I know not where I go with you; but I know I
+came well and I shall go well.' Man can do no better than live in
+Eternity's Sunrise, as Blake put it. To live in the eternal sunrise of
+God's presence, ever rising, not yet risen, which will never reach its
+meridian on this globe, seems to be the destiny, as it should also be
+the blessing, of mankind.
+
+[Footnote 239: Twenty millions of years is of course a mere symbol, _x_
+or _y_.]
+
+
+
+
+INDEX.
+
+
+A
+
+ACADEMIES, Italian, the flourishing time of, i. 52.
+
+ACCIAIUOLI, Roberto, i. 33.
+
+ACCOLTI, Benedetto, conspirator against Pius IV., i. 132.
+
+ACCORAMBONI, Claudio (father of Vittoria), i. 356.
+
+---Marcello (brother of Vittoria):
+  intrigues for the marriage of his sister with the
+  Duke of Bracciano, i. 358 _sqq._;
+  procures the murder of her husband, 362;
+  employs a Greek enchantress to brew love-philters, 365;
+  his death, 372.
+
+---Tarquinia (mother of Vittoria), i. 356.
+
+---Vittoria, the story of, i. 355 _sqq._;
+  her birth and parentage, 356;
+  marriage with Felice Peretti, 357;
+  intrigue with the Duke of Bracciano, 360;
+  the murder of her husband, 362;
+  her marriage with Bracciano, 364;
+  annulled by the Pope, 364, 366;
+  the union renounced by the Duke, 365;
+  put on trial for the murder of Peretti, _ib._;
+  their union publicly ratified by the Duke, 366;
+  flight from Rome, _ib._;
+  death of Bracciano, 367;
+  her murder procured by Lodovico Orsini, 369.
+
+'ACTS of Faith,' i. 107, 176, 187.
+
+ADMINISTRATOR, the (Jesuit functionary), i. 273.
+
+'ADONE,' Marino's:
+  its publication, ii. 264;
+  critique of the poem, 266 _sqq._
+
+ALBANI, Francesco, Bolognese painter, ii. 355, 358.
+
+ALEXANDER VI., Pope, parallel between, and Pope Paul IV., i. 106.
+
+ALFONSO II., Duke of Ferrara:
+  sketch of his Court, ii. 28 _sqq._;
+  his second marriage, 30;
+  treatment of Tasso, 38, 51, 53, 58, 60 _sqq._;
+  his third marriage, 66;
+  estimate of the reasons why he imprisoned Tasso, 66 _sqq._
+
+ALFONSO the Magnanimous:
+  arrangements under his will, i. 4.
+
+ALIDOSI, Cardinal Francesco, murder of, i. 36.
+
+ALLEGORY, hypocrisy of the, exemplified in Tasso, ii. 44;
+  in Marino, 272;
+  in Ortensi's moral interpretations of Bandello's
+ _Novelle_, 272 _n._
+
+ALTEMPS, Cardinal d' (Mark of Hohen Ems), legate at Trent, i. 119 _n._
+
+ALVA, Duke of, defeat of the Duke of Guise by, i. 103.
+
+'AMADIS of Gaul,' the favorite book of Loyola in his youth, i. 232.
+
+AMIAS, Beatrice, mother of Francesco Cenci, i. 346.
+
+'AMINTA,' Tasso's pastoral drama, first production of, ii. 39;
+  its style, 114.
+
+ANGELUZZO, Giovanni, Tasso's first teacher, ii. 12.
+
+ANIMA Mundi, Bruno's doctrine of, ii. 177.
+
+ANTONIANO, a censor of the _Gerusalemme Liberata_, ii. 43.
+
+---Silvio, a boy _improvvisatore_, anecdote of, ii. 328.
+
+AQUAVIVA, the fifth General of the Jesuits, i. 248.
+
+AQUITAINE, Duke of, Guercino's painting of in Bologna, ii. 367.
+
+ARAGONESE Dynasty, the, in Italy, i. 4.
+
+ARBUES, Peter, Saint of the Inquisition in Aragon, i. 161, 178.
+
+ARETINO, Pietro, i. 42, 70;
+  satire of on Paul IV., 108.
+
+'ARIE Divote,' Palestrina's, ii. 335.
+
+ARISTOTLE'S Axiom on Taste, ii. 371, 374.
+
+ARMADA, Spanish, i. 149.
+
+ARMI, Lodovico dall', a _bravo_ of noble family, i. 409;
+  accredited at Venice as Henry VIII.'s 'Colonel,' 410;
+  his career of secret diplomacy, 411;
+  negotiations between Lord Wriothesley and Venice regarding
+  the ban issued against him, 412;
+  his downfall, 413;
+  personal appearance, 414;
+  execution, 415.
+
+ARNOLFINI, Massimiliano, paramour of Lucrezia Buonvisi, i. 331;
+  procures the assassination of her husband, 332;
+  flight from justice, 332;
+  outlawed, 336;
+  his wanderings and wretched end, 339.
+
+ART of Memory, Bruno's, ii. 139.
+
+ART of Poetry, Tasso's Dialogues on the, ii. 22, 24;
+  influence of its theory on Tasso's own work, 25.
+
+ASSISTANTS, the (Jesuit functionaries), i. 273.
+
+ASTORGA, Marquis of, i. 22.
+
+AURORA, the Ludovisi fresco of, ii. 368.
+
+AVILA, Don Luigi d', i. 128.
+
+
+B
+
+BAGLIONI, Malatesta, i. 46.
+
+BAINI'S _Life of Palestrina_, ii. 316 _sqq._
+
+BALBI, Cesare, on Italian decadence, ii. 3.
+
+BANDITTI, tales illustrative of, i. 388 _sqq._
+
+'BANDO' (of outlawry), recitation of the terms of a, i. 328.
+
+BARBIERI, Giovanni Francesco, _see_ IL GUERCINO.
+
+BARCELONA, the Treaty of, i. 15.
+
+BARNABITES, Order of the:
+  their foundation, i. 80.
+
+BAROCCIO, Federigo, ii. 349.
+
+BAROZZA, a Venetian courtezan, i. 394, 396.
+
+BASEL, Council of, i. 94.
+
+BEARD, unshorn, worn in sign of mourning, i. 36.
+
+BEDELL, William (Bishop of Kilmore), on Fra Paolo and
+  Fra Fulgenzio, ii. 231.
+
+BEDMAR'S conspiracy, ii. 186.
+
+BELLARMINO, Cardinal, on the inviolability of the Vulgate, i. 212;
+  relations of, with Fra Paolo Sarpi, ii. 213, 222;
+  his censure of the _Pastor Fido_, 251.
+
+BELRIGUARDO, the villa of, Tasso at, ii. 53.
+
+BEMBO, Pietro, i. 30, 41.
+
+BENDEDEI, Taddea, wife of Guarini, ii. 245.
+
+BENTIVOGLI, the semi-royal offspring of King Enzo of Sardinia, ii. 304.
+
+BIBBONI, Cecco:
+  his account of how he murdered Lorenzino de'Medici, i. 488 _sqq._;
+  his associate, Bebo, details of the life of a _bravo_, 389;
+  tracking an outlaw, 392;
+  the wages of a tyrannicide, 394;
+  the _bravo's_ patient watching, 395;
+  the murder, 397;
+  flight of the assassins, 399;
+  their reception by Count Collalto, 401;
+  they seek refuge at the Spanish embassy, 402;
+  protected by Charles V.'s orders, 403;
+  conveyed to Pisa, 404;
+  well provided for their future life, _ib._
+
+BITONTO. Pasquale di, one of the assassins of Sarpi, ii. 212.
+
+BLACK garments of Charles V., the, i. 43.
+
+BLACK Pope, the, i. 275.
+
+BLOIS, Treaty of, i. 12.
+
+BOBADILLA, Nicholas, associate of Ignatius Loyola, i. 240;
+  his work as a Jesuit in Bavaria, 258.
+
+BOLOGNA and Modena, humors of the conflict between, ii. 304.
+
+BOLOGNESE school of painters, the, ii. 343 _sqq._;
+  why their paintings are now neglected, 375 _sqq._;
+  mental condition of Bolognese art, 376.
+
+BONELLI, Michele, nephew of Pius V., i. 147.
+
+BONIFAZIO of Montferrat, Marquis, one of the Paleologi, i. 23.
+
+BORGIA, Francis (Duke of Gandia), third General of the Jesuits, i. 256;
+  prevented by Loyola from accepting a Cardinal's hat, 260.
+
+BORROMEO, Carlo:
+  his character, i. 115;
+  a possible successor to Pius IV., 135;
+  ruled in Rome by the Jesuits, 142;
+  his intimacy with Sarpi, ii. 194.
+
+---Federigo, i. 115;
+  letter of, forbidding soldiers' visits to convents, 316 _n._
+
+BRANCACCIO, Diana, treachery of, towards the Duchess of Palliano, i. 378;
+  her murder, 379.
+
+'BRAVI,' maintenance of by Italian nobles, i. 313;
+  tales illustrative of, 388 _sqq._;
+  relations of trust between _bravi_ and foreign Courts, 409.
+
+BRIGANDAGE in Italy, i. 416.
+
+BROWN, Mr. H.F., his researches in the Venetian archives, i. 189 _n._
+
+BRUCCIOLI, Antonio, translator of the Bible into Italian, i. 76.
+
+BRUNO, Giordano:
+  his birth, and training as a Dominican, ii. 129;
+  early speculative doubts, 130;
+  _Il Candelajo_, 131, 183;
+  early studies, 133;
+  prosecution for heresy, 134;
+  a wandering student, 135;
+  at Geneva, 136;
+  Toulouse, 137;
+  at the Sorbonne, 138;
+  the Art of Memory, 139, 154;
+  _De Umbris Idearum_, _ib._;
+  relations with Henri III., 140;
+  Bruno's person and conversation, 141;
+  in England, _ib._;
+  works printed in London, 142;
+  descriptions of London life, _ib._;
+  opinion of Queen Elizabeth, 143;
+  lecturer at Oxford, 144;
+  address to the Vice-Chancellor, 146;
+  academical opposition, 147;
+  the Ash-Wednesday Supper, _ib._;
+  in the family of Castelnau, 148;
+  in Germany, 149;
+  Bruno's opinion of the Reformers, _ib._;
+  the _De Monade_ and _De Triplici Minimo_, 150;
+  Bruno in a monastery at Frankfort, 151;
+  invited to Venice, 153;
+  a guest of Mocenigo there, 154;
+  his occupations, 156;
+  denounced by Mocenigo and imprisoned by the Inquisition, 157;
+  the heads of the accusation, 157 _sqq._;
+  trial, 159;
+  recantation, 160;
+  estimate of Bruno's apology, 161;
+  his removal to and long imprisonment at Rome, 163;
+  his execution, 164;
+  evidence of his martyrdom, 164 _sqq._;
+  Schoppe's account, 165;
+  details of Bruno's treatment in Rome, 167;
+  the burning at the stake, 167 _sq._;
+  Bruno a martyr, 168;
+  contrast with Tasso, 169;
+  Bruno's mental attitude, 170 _sq._;
+  his championship of the Copernican system, 172;
+  his relation to modern science and philosophy, 173;
+  conception of the universe, 173 _sqq._;
+  his theology, 175;
+  the _Anima Mundi_, 177;
+  anticipations of modern thought, 178, 182;
+  his want of method, 180;
+  the treatise on the Seven Arts, 182;
+  Bruno's literary style, 182 _sqq._;
+  his death contrasted with that of Sarpi, 239 _n._
+
+BRUSANTINI, Count Alessandro (Tassoni's 'Conte Culagna'), ii. 301, 306.
+
+BUCKET, the Bolognese, ii. 305.
+
+BUONCOMPAGNO, Giacomo, bastard, son of Gregory XIII., i. 150.
+
+---Ugo, _see_ GREGORY XIII.
+
+BUONVISI, Lucrezia, story of, i. 330;
+  intrigue with Arnolfini, 331;
+  murder of her husband, 332;
+  Lucrezia suspected of complicity, 334;
+  becomes a nun (Sister Umilia), _ib._;
+  the case against her, 338;
+  amours of inmates of her convent, 340;
+  Umilia's intrigue with Samminiati, _ib._;
+  discovery of their correspondence, 341;
+  trial and sentences of the nuns, 344;
+  Umilia's last days, 345.
+
+---Lelio, assassination of, i. 332.
+
+BURGUNDIAN diamond of Charles the Bold, the, i. 38.
+
+
+C
+
+CALCAGNINI, Celio, letter of, on religious controversies, i. 74.
+
+CALVAERT, Dionysius, a Flemish painter in Bologna, ii. 355.
+
+CALVETTI, Olimpio (one of the assassins of Francesco Cenci), i. 350.
+
+CALVIN, i. 73;
+  his relation to modern civilization, ii. 402.
+
+CAMBRAY, Treaty of (the Paix des Dames), i. 9, 15.
+
+CAMERA Apostolica, the, venality of, i. 140.
+
+CAMERINO, Duchy of, i. 86.
+
+CAMPANELLA, on the black robes of the Spaniards in Italy, i. 44.
+
+CAMPEGGI, Cardinal Lorenzo, i. 21.
+
+CAMPIREALI, Elena, the tale of, i. 428.
+
+CANELLO, U.A., on Italian society in the sixteenth century, i. 304 _n._
+
+CANISIUS, lieutenant of Loyola in Austria, i. 259;
+  appointed to the administration of the see of Vienna, 260.
+
+CANOSSA, Antonio, conspirator against Pius IV., i. 132.
+
+CAPELLO, Bianca, the story of, i. 382.
+
+CAPPELLA, Giulia (Rome), school for training choristers, ii. 316.
+
+CARACCI, the, Bolognese painters, ii. 345, 349 _sqq._
+
+CARAFFA, Cardinal, condemned to death by Pius IV., i. 115.
+
+---Giovanni Pietro (afterwards Pope Paul IV.),
+  causes the rejection of Contarini's
+  arrangement with the Lutherans, i. 78;
+  helps to found the Theatines, 79;
+  made Cardinal by Paul III., 88;
+  hatred of Spanish ascendency, 89;
+  becomes Pope Paul IV., 102;
+  quarrel with Philip II., 102 _sqq._;
+  opens negotiations with Soliman, 103;
+  reconciliation with Spain, 104;
+  nepotism, _ib._;
+  indignation against the misdoings of his relatives, 106;
+  ecclesiastical reforms, 107 _sq._;
+  zeal for the Holy Office, 107 _n._;
+  personal character, 108;
+  his death, _ib._;
+  his earlier relations with Ignatius Loyola, 242.
+
+CARAFFESCHI, evil character of the, i. 105;
+  four condemned to death by Pius IV., 115, 318.
+
+CARAVAGGIO, Michelangelo Amerighi da, Italian Realist painter, ii. 363 _n._
+
+CARDINE, Aliffe and Leonardo di (Caraffeschi),
+  condemned to death by Pius IV., i. 115.
+
+CARDONA, Violante de (Duchess of Palliano), story of, i. 373 _sqq._;
+  her accomplishments, 374;
+  character, _ib._;
+  passion of Marcello Capecce for her, _ib._;
+  her character compromised through Diana Brancaccio, 378;
+  murder of Marcello and Diana by the Duke, _ib._;
+  death of Violante at the hands of her brother, 380.
+
+CARLI, Orazio:
+  description of his being put to the torture, i. 333 _sq._
+
+CARLO Emmanuele of Savoy, Italian hopes founded on, ii. 246, 286;
+  friend of Marino, 262;
+  kindness to Chiabrera, 290;
+  treatment of Tassoni, 298.
+
+CARNESECCHI, condemned by the Roman Inquisition to be burned, i. 145.
+
+CARPI, attached to Ferrara, i. 40.
+
+CARRANZA, Archbishop of Toledo, condemned by the
+  Roman Inquisition to be burned, i. 145.
+
+CASA, Giovanni della (author of the _Capitolo del Forno_), i. 393, 395.
+
+CASTELNAU, Michel de, kindness of towards Giordano Bruno, ii. 141, 148.
+
+---Marie de, Bruno's admiration for, ii. 148.
+
+---Pierre de, the first Saint of the Inquisition, i. 161.
+
+CATALANI, Marzio (one of the assassins of Francesco Cenci), i. 350.
+
+CATEAU Cambresis, the Peace of, i. 48.
+
+CATHOLIC Revival, the inaugurators of, at Bologna, i. 16;
+  transition from the Renaissance to, 65;
+  new religious spirit in Italy, 67;
+  the Popes and the Council of Trent, 96 _sqq._;
+  a Papal triumph, 130;
+  the Catholic Reaction generated the Counter-Reformation, 133;
+  its effect on social and domestic morals, 301 _sqq._
+
+CELEBRITY, vicissitudes of, ii. 368.
+
+CELIBACY, clerical, the question of, at Trent, i. 123.
+
+CELLANT, Contessa di, the model of Luini's S. Catherine, ii. 360 _n._
+
+'CENA delle Ceneri, La,' Bruno's, i. 85 _n._; ii. 140, 142, 183.
+
+CENCI, Beatrice, examination of the legend of, i. 351 _sqq._
+
+---Francesco: bastard son of Cristoforo Cenci, i. 346;
+  his early life, _ib._;
+  disgraceful charges against him, 348;
+  compounds by heavy money payment for his crimes, _ib._;
+  violent deaths of his sons, _ib._;
+  severity towards his children, 349;
+  his assassination procured by his wife and three children, 350;
+  the murderers denounced, _ib._;
+  their trial and punishments, 351.
+
+---Msgr. Christoforo, father of Francesco Cenci, i. 346.
+
+CENTINI, Giacomo: story of his attempts by sorcery on the
+  life of Urban VIII., i. 425.
+
+CESI, Msgr., invites Tasso to Bologna, ii. 22.
+
+CHARLES V., his compact with Clement VII., i. 15;
+  Emperor Elect, 16;
+  relations with Andrea Doria, 17;
+  at Genoa, 18;
+  his journey to Bologna, 20;
+  his reception there, 22;
+  the meeting with Clement, 23;
+  mustering of Italian princes, 25;
+  negotiations on Italian affairs, 26 _sqq._;
+  a treaty of peace signed, 31;
+  the difficulty with Florence, 32;
+  the question of the two crowns, 34 _sqq._;
+  description of the coronation, 37 _sqq._;
+  the events that followed, 39 _sqq._;
+  the net results of Charles's administration of Italian affairs, 45 _sqq._;
+  his relations with Paul III., 100;
+  his abdication, 102;
+  he protects the assassins of Lorenzino de'Medici, 403.
+
+CHARLES VIII., of France: his invasion of Italy, i. 8.
+
+CHIABRERA, Gabriello: his birth, ii. 287;
+  educated by the Jesuits, _ib._;
+  his youth, 288;
+  the occupations of a long life, 289;
+  courtliness, 290;
+  ode to Cesare d'Este, 291;
+  Chiabrera's aim to remodel Italian poetry on a Greek pattern. 292 _sqq._;
+  would-be Pindaric flights, 296;
+  comparison with Marino and Tassoni, _ib._
+
+CIOTTO, Giambattista, relations of, with Giordano Bruno, ii. 152 _sqq._
+
+CISNEROS, Garcia de, author of a work which suggested
+  S. Ignatius's _Exercitia_, i. 236.
+
+CLEMENT VII.: a prisoner in S. Angelo, i. 14;
+  compact with Charles V., 15;
+  their meeting at Bologna, 16 _sqq._;
+  negotiations with the Emperor Elect, 26 _sqq._;
+  peace signed, 31.
+
+CLEMENT VIII.: his Concordat with Venice, i. 193;
+  Index of Prohibited Books issued by him, _ib._;
+  his rules for the censorship of books, 198 _sqq._;
+  he confers a pension on Tasso, ii. 76.
+
+CLOUGH, Mr., lines of, on 'Christianized' monuments in Papal Rome, i. 154.
+
+COADJUTORS, Temporal and Spiritual (Jesuit grades), i. 271.
+
+COLLALTO, Count Salici da, patron of the _bravo_ Bibboni, i. 400.
+
+COLONNA, the, reduced to submission to the Popes, i. 7.
+
+---Vespasiano, Duke of Palliano, i. 77.
+
+---Vittoria, i. 77;
+  letter to, from Tasso in his childhood, ii. 15.
+
+COMANDINO, Federigo, Tasso's teacher, ii. 19.
+
+COMPANY OF JESUS, _see_ JESUITS.
+
+CONCLAVES, external influences on, in the election of Popes, i. 134.
+
+CONFEDERATION between Clement VII. and Charles V., i. 31.
+
+'CONFIRMATIONS,' Fra Fulgenzio's, ii. 201.
+
+CONSERVATISM and Liberalism, necessary contest between, ii. 386.
+
+'CONSIDERATIONS on the Censures,' Sarpi's, ii. 201.
+
+CONSTANCE, Council of, i. 92.
+
+CONTARINI, Gasparo: his negotiations between Catholics
+  and Protestants, i. 30;
+  treatment of his writings by Inquisitors, 31;
+  suspected of heterodoxy, 72;
+  intimacy with Gaetano di Thiene, 76;
+  his concessions to the Reformers repudiated by the Curia, 78;
+  memorial on ecclesiastical abuses, 79.
+
+---Simeone: his account of a plague at Savigliano, i. 419 _sq._
+
+'CONTRIBUTIONS of the Clergy, Discourse upon the,' Sarpi's, ii. 221.
+
+COPERNICAN system, the, Bruno's championship of, ii. 172.
+
+COREGLIA, one of the assassins of Lelio Buonvisi, i. 333 _sqq._
+
+CORONATION of Charles V., description of, i. 34 _sqq._;
+  notable people present at, 39 _sqq._
+
+CORSAIRS, Tunisian and Algerian, raids of, on Italian coasts, i. 417.
+
+COSCIA, Giangiacopo, guardian of Tasso's sister, ii. 16.
+
+COSIMO I. of Tuscany, the rule of, i. 46, 47.
+
+COSTANTINI, Antonio, Tasso's last letter written to, ii. 77;
+  sonnet on the poet, 78.
+
+COTERIES, religious, in Rome, Venice, Naples, i. 75 _sqq._
+
+COUNTER-REFORMATION: its intellectual and moral character, i. 63;
+  the term defined, 64 _n._;
+  decline of Renaissance impulse, 65;
+  criticism and formalism in Italy, _ib._;
+  contrast with the development of other European races, 66;
+  transition to the Catholic Revival, 67;
+  attitudes of Italians towards the German Reformation, 71;
+  free-thinkers, 73;
+  the Oratory of Divine Love, 76;
+  the Moderate Reformers, _ib._;
+  Gasparo Contarini, 78;
+  new Religious Orders, 79;
+  the Council of Trent, 97, 119;
+  Tridentine Reforms, 107, 134;
+  asceticism fashionable in Rome, 108, 142;
+  active hostilities against Protestantism, 148;
+  the new spirit of Roman polity, 149 _sqq._;
+  work of the Inquisition, 159 _sqq._;
+  the Index, 195 _sqq._;
+  twofold aim of Papal policy, 226;
+  the Jesuits, 229 _sqq._;
+  an estimate of the results of the Reformation
+  and of the Counter-Reformation, ii. 385 _sqq._
+
+COURIERS, daily post of, between the Council of Trent
+  and the Vatican, i. 121.
+
+COURT life in Italy, i. 20, 37, 41, 51; ii. 17, 29, 65, 201, 251.
+
+CRIMES of violence, in Italy in the sixteenth century, i. 304 _sqq._
+
+CRIMINAL procedure, of Italian governments in the sixteenth
+  century, i. 308 _sqq._
+
+CRITICISM, fundamental principles of, ii. 370;
+  the future of, 374.
+
+CROWNS, the iron and the golden, of the Emperor, i. 34.
+
+CULAGNA, Conte di, _see_ BRUSANTINI.
+
+CURIA, the, complicity of, with the attempts on Sarpi's life, ii. 213.
+
+
+D
+
+'DATATARIO:' amount and sources of its income, i. 140.
+
+DATI, Giovanbattista, amount of, with nuns, i. 341 _sq._
+
+'DECAMERONE,' Boccaccio's expurgated editions of, issued
+  in Rome, i. 224 _sq._
+
+DELLA CRUSCANS, the, attack of, on Tasso's poetry, ii. 35, 72, 117 _n._
+
+'DE Monade,' Bruno's, ii. 150, 152 _n._, 167.
+
+DEPRES, Josquin, the leader of the contrapuntal style in music, ii. 316.
+
+'DE Triplici Minimo,' Bruno's, ii. 150, 152 _n._, 167.
+
+'DE Umbris Idearum,' Bruno's, ii. 139.
+
+DEZA, Diego, Spanish Inquisitor, i. 182.
+
+DIACATHOLICON, the, meaning of the term as used by Sarpi, i. 231; ii. 202.
+
+DIALOGUES, Tasso's, ii. 22, 112.
+
+DIRECTORIUM, the (Lainez' commentary on the constitution
+  of the Jesuits), i. 249.
+
+DIVINE Right of sovereigns, the: why it found favor
+  among Protestants, i. 296.
+
+DOMENICHINO, Bolognese painter, ii. 355;
+  critique of Mr. Ruskin's invectives against his work, 359 _sqq._
+
+DOMINICANS, the, ousted as theologians by the Jesuits at Trent, i. 101;
+  their reputation for learning, ii. 130.
+
+DOMINIS, Marcantonio de, publishes in England
+  Sarpi's _History of the Council of Trent_, ii. 223.
+
+DONATO, Leonardo, Doge of Venice, ii. 198.
+
+DORIA, Andrea:
+  his relations with Charles V., i. 18.
+
+---Cardinal Girolamo, i. 21.
+
+
+E
+
+ECLECTICISM in painting, ii. 345 _sqq._, 375 _sqq._
+
+ECONOMICAL stagnation in Italy, i. 423.
+
+ELIZABETH, Queen (of England), Bruno's admiration of, ii. 143.
+
+EMANCIPATION of the reason, retarded by both the Reformation and the
+    Counter-Reformation, ii. 385 _sqq._
+
+EMIGRANTS from Italy, regulations of the Inquisition regarding, i. 227.
+
+ENZO, King (of Sardinia), a prisoner at Bologna, ii. 304.
+
+EPIC poetry, Italian speculations on, ii. 24;
+  Tasso's Dialogues on, 26.
+
+'EROICI Furori, Gli,' Bruno's, ii. 142, 183.
+
+ESPIONAGE, system of among the Jesuits, i. 273.
+
+ESTE, Alfonso d' (Duke of Ferrara), relations of, with Charles V., i. 40.
+
+---Cardinal Ippolito d', i. 127 _sq._
+
+---Cardinal Luigi d', Tasso in the service of, ii. 12, 27.
+
+---Don Cesare d', Chiabrera's Ode to, ii. 291.
+
+---House of, their possessions in Italy, i. 45. 48.
+
+---Isabella d', at the coronation of Charles V.. i. 21.
+
+---Leonora d', the nature of Tasso's attachment to, ii. 31 _sqq._, 36, 40,
+    51, 54 _n._, 56, 68;
+  her death, 71.
+
+---Lucrezia d', Tasso's attachment to, ii. 32, 39;
+  her marriage, 35;
+  her death, 40 _n._
+
+EVOLUTION in relation to Art, ii. 371 _sqq._
+
+'EXERCITIA Spiritualia' (Loyola's), i. 236;
+  manner of their use, 267 _sqq._
+
+EXTINCTION of republics in Italy, i. 45 _sqq._
+
+
+F
+
+FABER, Peter, associate of Loyola, i. 239;
+  his work as a Jesuit in Spain, 258.
+
+FARNESE, Alessandro, _see_ PAUL III.
+
+---Giulia, mistress of Alexander VI., i. 81.
+
+---Ottavio (grandson of Paul III.), Duke of Camerino, i. 86.
+
+---Pier Luigi (son of Paul III.), Duke of Parma, i. 86.
+
+FEDERATION, Italian, the five members of the, i. 3 _sqq._;
+  how it was broken up, 11.
+
+FERDINAND, Emperor, successor of Charles V., i. 102, 118;
+  his relations with Canisius and the Jesuits, 259.
+
+FERRARA, i. 7;
+  settlement of the Duchy of, by Charles V., i. 40;
+  life at the Court of, ii. 29, 65, 247, 251.
+
+FERRUCCI, Francesco, i. 46.
+
+FESTA, Costanzo, the _Te Deum_ of, ii. 329.
+
+FINANCES of the Papacy under Sixtus V., i. 152.
+
+FIORENZA, Giovanni di, one of the assassins of Sarpi, ii. 212.
+
+FLAMINIO, Marcantonio, i. 76.
+
+FLEMISH musicians in Rome, ii. 316 _sqq._
+
+FLORENCE:
+  condition of the Republic in 1494, i. 10;
+  Siege of the town (1530), 30 _sq._;
+  capitulation, 46;
+  under the rule of Spain, _ib._;
+  extinction of the Republic, 47;
+  the rule of Cosimo I., 49.
+
+FORMALISM, the development of, i. 66.
+
+FOSCARI, Francesco, the dogeship of, i. 9.
+
+FRANCIS I.: his capture at Pavia, i. 9, 13.
+
+FRECCI, Maddalo de', the betrayer of Tasso's love-affairs, ii. 51.
+
+FREDERICK II., Emperor: his edicts against heresy, i. 163.
+
+FREETHINKERS, Italian, i. 73 _sq._
+
+FULGENZIO, Fra, the preaching of at Venice, ii. 207;
+  his biography of Sarpi, _ib._
+
+FULKE GREVILLE, a supper at the house of, described
+  by Giordano Bruno, ii. 142, 147.
+
+
+G
+
+GALLICAN CHURCH, the: its interests in the Council of Trent, i. 126.
+
+GALLUZZI'S record of Jesuit attempts to seduce youth, i. 284.
+
+GATTINARA, Cardinal, Grand Chancellor of the Empire, i. 31.
+
+GAMBARA, Veronica, i. 41.
+
+GENERAL Congregation of the Jesuits, functions of the, i. 273.
+
+GENERAL of the Jesuits, position of, in regard to the Order, i. 272.
+
+GENOA, becomes subject to Spain, i. 18.
+
+GENTILE, Valentino, i. 73.
+
+GERSON'S _Considerations upon Papal Excommunications_,
+  translated by Sarpi, ii. 200.
+
+'GERUSALEMME Conquistata,' Tasso's, ii. 75, 114 _sq._, 124.
+
+'GERUSALEMME Liberata:' at first called _Gottifredo_, ii. 35;
+  its dedication, 38, 47 _sq._;
+  submitted by Tasso to censors, 43;
+  their criticisms, 43 _sq._, 50;
+  successful publication of the poem, 71;
+  its subject-matter, 92;
+  the romance of the epic, 93;
+  Tancredi, the hero, 94;
+  imitations of Dante and Virgil, 95 _sqq._;
+  artificiality, 100;
+  pompous cadences, 101;
+  oratorical dexterity, 102;
+  the similes and metaphors, _ib._;
+  Armida, the heroine, 106.
+
+GHISLIERI, Michele, _see_ PIUS V.
+
+---Paolo, a relative of Pius V., i. 147.
+
+GIBERTI, Gianmatteo, Bishop of Verona, i. 19.
+
+GILLOT, Jacques, letter from Sarpi to, on the relations
+  of Church and State, ii. 203.
+
+GIOVANNI FRANCESCO, Fra, an accomplice in the attacks on Sarpi, ii. 214.
+
+'GLI ETEREI,' Academy of, at Padua, ii. 26.
+
+GOLDEN crown, the, significance of, i. 34.
+
+GONGORISM, i. 66.
+
+GONZAGA, Cardinal Ercole, ambassador from Clement VII.
+  to Charles V., i. 19.
+
+---Cardinal Scipione, a friend of Tasso, ii. 26, 42, 46, 67, 73.
+
+---Don Ferrante, i. 25.
+
+---Eleanora Ippolita, Duchess of Urbino, i. 37.
+
+---Federigo, Marquis of Mantua, i. 26.
+
+---Vincenzo, obtains Tasso's release, ii. 73;
+  the circumstances of his marriage, i. 386.
+
+'GOTTIFREDO.' Tasso's first title for the _Gerusalemme Liberata_, ii. 35.
+
+GOUDIMEL, Claude: his school of music at Rome, ii. 323.
+
+GRANADA, Treaty of, i. 12.
+
+GRAND style (in art), the so-called, ii. 379.
+
+GREGORY XIII., Pope (Ugo Buoncompagno): his early career
+  and election, i. 149;
+  manner of life, 150;
+  treatment of his relatives, 151;
+  revival of obsolete rights of the Church, 152;
+  consequent confusion in the Papal States, _ib._
+
+GRISON mercenaries in Italy, i. 103 _n._
+
+GUARINI, on the death of Tasso, ii. 69 _n._;
+  publishes a revised edition of Tasso's lyrics, 72;
+  Guarini's parentage, 244;
+  at the Court of Alfonso II. of Ferrara, 245;
+  a rival of Tasso, _ib._;
+  engaged on foreign embassies, 246;
+  appointed Court poet, 247;
+  domestic troubles, 249;
+  his last years, 251;
+  his death, _ib._;
+  argument of the _Pastor Fido_, _ib._;
+  satire upon the Court of Ferrara, 254;
+  critique of the poem, 255;
+  its style, 256;
+  comparison with Tasso's _Aminta_, 275.
+
+GUELF and Ghibelline contentions: how they ended in Italy, i. 57.
+
+GUICCIARDINI, Francesco, i. 33.
+
+GUISE, Duke of: his defeat by Alva, i. 103;
+  his murder, 129.
+
+GUZMAN, Domenigo de (S. Dominic), founder of the Dominican Order, i. 162.
+
+
+H
+
+HEGEMONY, Spanish, economical and social condition of
+  the Italians under, i. 50;
+  the evils of, 61.
+
+HENCHENEOR, Cardinal William, i. 36.
+
+HENRI III., favor shown to Giordano Bruno by, ii. 139.
+
+HENRI IV., the murder of, i. 297.
+
+HENRY VIII.: his divorce from Katharine of Aragon, i. 44.
+
+HEROICO-comic poetry, Tassoni's _Secchia Rapita_,
+  the first example of, ii. 303.
+
+'HISTORY of the Council of Trent,' Sarpi's, ii. 222 _sqq._
+
+HOLY Office, _see_ INQUISITION.
+
+HOLY Roman Empire, the, ii. 393.
+
+HOMATA, Benedetta, attempted murder of by Gianpaolo Osio, i. 323 _sqq._
+
+HOMICIDE, lax morality of the Jesuits in regard to, i. 306 _n._
+
+HOSIUS, Cardinal, legate at Trent, i. 118.
+
+HUMANISM, the work of, ii. 385, 391;
+  what it involved, 392;
+  Rationalism, its offspring, 404.
+
+HUMANITY, the past and future of, ii. 408 _sqq._
+
+
+I
+
+IL BORGA, a censor of the _Gerusalemme Liberata_, ii. 43.
+
+'IL Candelajo,' Giordano Bruno's comedy, ii. 131, 183.
+
+IL GUERCINO (G.F. Barbieri), Bolognese painter, ii. 365;
+  his masterpieces, 367.
+
+'IL PADRE di Famiglio,' Tasso's Dialogue, ii. 63.
+
+'IL Pentito,' Tasso's name as one of Gli Eterei, ii. 26.
+
+INGEGNERI, Antonio, a friend of Tasso, ii. 64;
+  publishes the _Gerusalemme_, 71.
+
+INDEX Expurgatorius:
+  its first publication at Venice, i. 192;
+  effects on the printing trade there, 193;
+  the Index in concert with the Inquisition, 194;
+  origin of the Index, 195;
+  local lists of prohibited books, _ib._;
+  establishment of the Congregation of the Index, 197;
+  Index of Clement VIII., 198;
+  its preambles, _ib._;
+  regulations, 199 _sq._;
+  details of the censorship and correction of books, 201;
+  rules as to printers, publishers, and booksellers, 203;
+  responsibility of the Holy Office, 204;
+  annoyances arising from delays and ignorance on the part of censors, 205;
+  spiteful delators of charges of heresy, 207;
+  extirpation of books, 208;
+  proscribed literature, 209;
+  garbled works by Vatican students, 210;
+  effect of the Tridentine decree about the Vulgate, 212;
+  influence of the Index on schools and lecture-rooms, 213;
+  decline of humanism, 218;
+  the statutes on the _Ratio Status_, 220;
+  their object and effect, 221;
+  the treatment of lewd and obscene publications, 223;
+  expurgation of secular books, 224.
+
+INQUISITION, the, i. 159 _sqq._;
+  the first germ of the Holy Office, 161;
+  developed during the crusade against the Albigenses, _ib._;
+  S. Dominic its founder, 162;
+  introduced into Lombardy, etc., 164;
+  the stigma of heresy, 165;
+  three types of Inquisition, 166;
+  the number of victims, 166 _n._;
+  the crimes of which it took cognizance, 167;
+  the methods of the Apostolical Holy Office, 168;
+  treatment of the New Christians in Castile, 169, 171;
+  origin of the Spanish Holy Office, 170;
+  opposition of Queen Isabella, 171;
+  exodus of New Christians, 172;
+  the punishments inflicted, _ib._;
+  futile appeals to Rome, 173;
+  constitution of the Inquisition, 174;
+  its two most formidable features, 175;
+  method of its judicial proceedings, 176;
+  the sentence and its execution, 177;
+  the holocausts and their pageant, _ib._;
+  Torquemada's insolence, 179;
+  the body-guard of the Grand Inquisitor, 180;
+  number of Torquemada's victims, 181;
+  exodus of Moors from Castile, 182;
+  victims under Torquemada's successors, _ib._;
+  an Aceldama at Madrid, 184;
+  the Roman Holy Office, _ib._;
+  remodelled by Giov. Paolo Caraffa, 185;
+  'Acts of Faith' in Rome, 186;
+  numbers of the victims, 187;
+  in other parts of Italy, 188;
+  the Venetian Holy Office, 190;
+  dependent on
+  the State, _ib._;
+  Tasso's dread of the Inquisition, ii. 42, 45, 49, 51;
+  the case of Giordano Bruno, 134, 157 _sqq._;
+  Sarpi denounced to the Holy Office, 195.
+
+INTELLECTUAL and social activity in Italian cities, i. 51.
+
+INTERDICT of Venice (1606), ii. 198 _sqq._;
+  the compromise, 205.
+
+INVASION, wars of, in Italy, i. 11 _sqq._
+
+IRON crown, the, sent from Monza to Bologna, i. 36.
+
+'ITALIA Liberata,' Trissino's, ii. 24, 303.
+
+ITALIA Unita, ii. 407.
+
+ITALY:
+  its political conditions in 1494, i. 2 _sqq._;
+  the five members of its federation, 3;
+  how the federation was broken up, 11;
+  the League between Clement VII. and Charles V., 31;
+  review of the settlement of Italy effected by Emperor
+  and Pope, 45 _sqq._;
+  extinction of republics, 47;
+  economical and social condition of the Italians under
+  Spanish hegemony, 48;
+  intellectual life, 51;
+  predominance of Spain and Rome, 53 _sqq._;
+  Italian servitude, 58;
+  the evils of Spanish rule, 59 _sqq._;
+  seven Spanish devils in Italy, 61;
+  changes wrought by the Counter-Reformation, 64 _sqq._;
+  criticism and formalism, 65;
+  transition from the Renaissance to the Catholic Revival, _ib._;
+  attitude of Italians towards the German Reformation, 71.
+
+
+J
+
+JESUITS, Order of:
+  its importance in the Counter-Reformation, i. 229;
+  the Diacatholicon, 231;
+  works on the history of the Order, 231 _n._;
+  sketch of the life of Ignatius Loyola, 231 _sqq._;
+  the first foundation of the _Exercitia_, 236;
+  Peter Faber and Francis Xavier, 239;
+  the vows taken by Ignatius and his neophytes at Paris, 240;
+  their proposed mission to the Holy Land, 241;
+  their visits to Venice and Rome, 242 _sq._;
+  the name of the Order, 244;
+  negotiations in Rome, 245;
+  the fourth vow, 246;
+  the constitutions approved by Paul III., 247;
+  the Directorium of Lainez, 249;
+  the original limit of the number of members, _ib._;
+  Loyola's administration, 250;
+  asceticism deprecated, 251;
+  worldly wisdom of the founder, 253;
+  rapid spread of the Order, 254;
+  the Collegium Romanum, 255;
+  Collegium Germanicum, _ib._;
+  the Order deemed rivals by the Dominicans in Spain, _ib._;
+  successes in Portugal, 256;
+  difficulties in France, 257;
+  in the Low Countries, _ib._;
+  in Bavaria and Austria, 258;
+  Loyola's dictatorship, 259;
+  his adroitness in managing distinguished members of his Order, 260;
+  statistics of the Jesuits at Loyola's death, _ib._;
+  the autocracy of the General, 261;
+  Jesuit precepts on obedience, 263 _sq._;
+  addiction to Catholicism, 266;
+  the spiritual drill of the _Exercitia Spiritualia_, 267;
+  materialistic imagination, 268;
+  psychological adroitness of the method, 269;
+  position and treatment of the novice, 270;
+  the Jesuit Hierarchy, 271;
+  the General, 272;
+  five sworn spies to watch him, 273;
+  a system of espionage through the Order, 274;
+  position of a Jesuit, _ib._;
+  the Black Pope, 275;
+  the working of the Jesuit vow of poverty, 275 _sq._;
+  revision of the Constitutions by Lainez, 277;
+  the question about the _Monita Secreta_, 277 _sqq._;
+  estimate of the historical importance of the Jesuits, 280 _sq._;
+  their methods of mental tyranny, 281;
+  Jesuitical education, 282;
+  desire to gain the control of youth, 283;
+  their general aim the aggrandizement of the Order, 284;
+  treatment of _etudes fortes_, _ib._;
+  admixture of falsehood and truth, 285;
+  sham learning and sham art, 286;
+  Jesuit morality, 287;
+  manipulation of the conscience, 288;
+  casuistical ethics, 290;
+  system of confession and direction, 293;
+  political intrigues and doctrines, 294 _sqq._;
+  the theory of the sovereignty of the people, 296;
+  Jesuit connection with political plots, 297;
+  suspected in regard to the deaths of Popes, 298;
+  the Order expelled from various countries, 299 _n._;
+  relations of Jesuits to Rome, 299;
+  their lax morality in regard to homicide, 306 _n._, 314;
+  their support of the Interdict of Venice, ii. 198 _sqq._
+
+JEWS, Spanish, wealth and influence of, i. 169;
+  adoption of Christianity, _ib._;
+  attacked by the Inquisition, 170;
+  the edict for their expulsion, 171;
+  its results, 172.
+
+JULIUS II.:
+  results of his martial energy, i. 7.
+
+---III., Pope (Giov. Maria del Monte), i. 101.
+
+
+K
+
+KEPLER, high opinion of Bruno's speculations held by, ii. 164.
+
+KINGDOMS and States of Italy in 1494, enumeration of, i. 3.
+
+
+L
+
+'LA Cuccagna,' a satire by Marino, ii. 263.
+
+LAINEZ, James, associate of Ignatius Loyola, i. 240;
+  his influence on the development of the Jesuits, 248;
+  his commentary on the Constitutions (the Directorium), 249;
+  his work in Venice, etc., 254;
+  abject submission to Loyola, 262.
+
+LATERAN, Council of the, i. 95.
+
+LATIN and Teutonic factors in European civilization, ii. 393 _sqq._
+
+LATINI, Latino, on the extirpation of books by the Index, i. 208.
+
+LEGATES, Papal, at Trent, i. 97 _n._, 119.
+
+LE JAY, Claude, associate of Ignatius Loyola, i. 240;
+  his work as a Jesuit at Ferrara, 254;
+  in Austria. 258.
+
+LEONI, Giambattista, employed by Sarpi to write against
+  the Jesuits, ii. 200.
+
+LEPANTO, battle of, i. 149.
+
+LESCHASSIER, Sarpi's letters to, ii. 229, 235.
+
+'LE Sette Giornate,' Tasso's, ii. 75, 115, 124.
+
+LEYVA, Antonio de, at Bologna, i. 22.
+
+---Virginia Maria de (the Lady of Monza):
+  birth and parentage, i. 317;
+  a nun in a convent of the Umiliate, 318;
+  her seduction by Gianpaolo Osio, 318 _sqq._;
+  birth of her child, 321;
+  murder of her waiting-woman by Osio, 322;
+  the intrigue discovered, 323;
+  attempted murder by Osio of two of her associates, 324;
+  Virginia's punishment and after-life, 329.
+
+LONDON, Bruno's account of the life of the people of, ii. 142;
+  social life in, 143.
+
+LORENTE'S History of the Inquisition, cited, 171 _sqq._;
+  his account of the number of victims of the Holy Office, i. 181, 183 _n._
+
+LORRAINE, Cardinal:
+  his influence in the Council of Trent, i. 125 _sq._
+
+LO SPAGNOLETTO (Giuseppe Ribera), Italian Realist painter, ii. 363.
+
+LOUISA of Savoy, one of the arrangers of the Paix des Dames, i. 16.
+
+LOUIS XII.: his descent into Lombardy, and its results, i. 9;
+  allied with the Austrian Emperor and the King of Spain, i. 12.
+
+LOYOLA, Ignatius, founder of the Jesuits:
+  his birth and childhood, i. 231;
+  his youth and early training, _ib._;
+  illness at Pampeluna, 232;
+  pilgrimage to Montserrat, 234;
+  retreat at Manresa, _ib._;
+  his romance and discipline, 235;
+  journey to the Holy Land, 237;
+  his apprenticeship to his future calling, _ib._;
+  imprisoned by the Inquisition, 238;
+  studies theology in Paris, _ib._;
+  gains disciples there, 239;
+  his methods with them, _ib._;
+  with ten companions takes the vows of chastity and poverty, 240;
+  Ignatius at Venice, 241;
+  his relations with Caraffa and the Theatines, 242;
+  in Rome, 243;
+  the name of the new Order, 244;
+  its military organization, 245;
+  the project favored by Paul III., _ib._;
+  the Constitution approved by the Pope, 247;
+  his worldly wisdom, 248 _n._;
+  Loyola's creative force, 249;
+  his administration, 250 _sq._;
+  dislike of the common forms of monasticism, 251;
+  his aims and principles, 252;
+  comparison with Luther, 253;
+  rapid spread of the Order, 254;
+  special desire of Ignatius to get a firm hold on Germany, 258;
+  his dictatorship, 259;
+  adroitness in managing his subordinates, 260;
+  autocratic administration, 261;
+  insistence on the virtue of obedience, 263;
+  devotion to the Roman Church, 265;
+  the _Exercitia Spiritualia_, 267 _sqq._;
+  Loyola's dislike of asceticism, 270;
+  his interpretation of the vow of poverty, 275;
+  his instructions as to the management of consciences, 287 _sq._;
+  his doctrine on the fear of God, 304 _n._
+
+LUCERO EL TENEBROSO, the Spanish Inquisitor, i. 180.
+
+LUINI'S picture of S. Catherine, ii. 360.
+
+LULLY, Raymond:
+  his Art of Memory and Classification of the Sciences,
+  adapted by Giordano Bruno, ii. 139.
+
+LUNA, Don Juan de, i. 47.
+
+LUTHER, Bruno's high estimate of, ii. 149;
+  his relation to modern civilization, 402.
+
+LUTHERAN soldiers in Italy, i. 44.
+
+LUTHERANISM in Italy, i. 185.
+
+
+M
+
+MACAULAY, Lord, on Sarpi's religious opinions, ii. 227 _n._;
+  critique of his survey of the Catholic Revival, 400 _sqq._
+
+MAIN events in modern history, the, ii. 383 _sqq._
+
+MALATESTA, Roberto, leader of bandits in the Papal States, i. 152.
+
+MALIPIERO, Alessandro, a friend of Sarpi, ii. 210.
+
+MALVASIA, Count C.C., writings of, on the Bolognese painters, ii. 350 _n._
+
+MANRESA, Ignatius Loyola at, i. 234.
+
+MANRIQUE, Thomas, Master of the Sacred Palace, an expurgated
+  edition of the _Decamerone_ issued by, i. 224.
+
+MANSO, Marquis:
+  his _Life of Tasso_, ii. 54, 56, 58, 64, 70, 115;
+  friend of Marino in his youth, 261.
+
+MANTUA, raised to the rank of a duchy, i. 27.
+
+MANUZIO, Aldo (the younger), ill-treatment of, in Rome, i. 217 _sq._
+
+---Paolo:
+  works produced at his press in Rome, i. 220;
+  a friend of Chiabrera, ii. 287.
+
+MARCELLUS II., Pope (Marcello Cervini), i. 97, 101.
+
+MARGARET of Austria, one of the arrangers of the Paix des Dames, i. 16.
+
+MARIANAZZO, a robber chief, refusal of pardon by, i. 309.
+
+MARIGNANO, Marquis of (Gian Giacomo Medici), i. 109, 115.
+
+MARINISM, i. 66; ii. 299, 302.
+
+MARINO, Giovanni Battista:
+  his birth and parentage, ii. 260;
+  escapades of his youth in Naples, 261;
+  at the Court of Carlo Emanuele, 262;
+  his life in Turin, _ib._;
+  at the Court of Maria de'Medici, 263;
+  successful publication of the _Adone_, 264;
+  return to Naples, 265;
+  critique of the _Adone_, 266 _sq._;
+  the Epic of Voluptuousness, 268;
+  its effeminate sensuality, 268 _sq._;
+  cynical hypocrisy, 270;
+  the character of Adonis, 272;
+  ugliness and discord, 273;
+  Marino's poetic gifts, 274;
+  great variety of episodes, 276;
+  unity of theme, 277;
+  purity of poetic style rarely attained, 279;
+  false rhetoric, 280;
+  Marinism, 281;
+  verbal fireworks, 282;
+  Marino's real inadequacy, 285;
+  the _Pianto d'Italia_, 286;
+  comparison of Marino with Chiabrera, 296.
+
+MARTELLI, Giovan Battista, a _bravo_ attendant on
+  Lorenzino de'Medici, i. 396.
+
+MARTUCCIA, a notorious Roman courtesan, i. 375.
+
+MASANIELLO, cause of the rising of, in Naples, i. 49.
+
+MASSACRE of S. Bartholomew, i. 55, 149.
+
+MASSIMI, Eufrosina (second wife of Lelio Massimi), the
+  murder of, i. 354 _sq._
+
+---Lelio: violent deaths of the five sons whom he cursed, i. 355 _sq._
+
+'MATERIE Beneficiarie, Delle,' Sarpi's, ii. 219.
+
+MAXIMILIAN, Emperor, allied against Venice with Louis XII., i. 12.
+
+MAZZOLA, Francesco (Il Parmigianino), i. 42.
+
+MEDA, Caterina da (waiting-woman of Virginia de Leyva), murder of, i. 322.
+
+MEDIAEVAL habits, survival of, in Italy in the sixteenth century, i. 306.
+
+MEDICI, de', family of:
+  their advances towards Despotism, i. 10;
+  violent deaths of members, 382 _sqq._;
+  eleven murdered in a half-century, 387.
+
+---Alessandro, Duke of Florence, i. 19, 46, 388.
+
+---Cosimo, i. 46;
+  made Grand Duke of Tuscany, 47.
+
+---Giovanni, i. 11.
+
+---Ippolito, i. 19.
+
+---Lorenzino, assassination of his cousin Alessandro
+  (Duke of Florence) by, i. 388;
+  details of his own murder, 389 _sqq._
+
+---Lorenzo, i. 10.
+
+---Maria, the Court of, as Regent of France, ii. 263.
+
+---Piero, i. 10.
+
+MEDICI, Gian Giacomo (brother of Pius IV.), i. 50, 109.
+
+---Giovanni Angelo, _see_ PIUS IV.
+
+---Margherita (sister of Pius IV.), mother of Carlo Borromeo, i. 115 _n._
+
+MENDOZA, Don Hurtado de, i. 47.
+
+MERSENNE, evidence of, as to the burning of Giordano Bruno, ii. 164 _n._
+
+METAPHYSICAL speculators in Italy, i. 73.
+
+METAURUS, the, Tasso's ode to, ii. 63.
+
+METEMPSYCHOSIS, Bruno's doctrine of, ii. 160.
+
+MEXICO, the early Jesuits in, i. 260.
+
+MIANI, Girolamo, founder of the congregation of the Somascans, i. 79;
+  his relations with Loyola, 242.
+
+MICANZI, Fulgenzio, _see_ FULGENZIO, FRA.
+
+MILAN, Duchy of:
+  its state in 1494, i. 8.
+
+MOCENIGO, Giovanni:
+  his character, ii. 152;
+  invites Giordano Bruno to Venice, 153;
+  the object of the invitation, 154;
+  their intercourse, 155;
+  Bruno denounced to the Inquisition by Mocenigo, 157.
+
+---Luigi, on the relations between Pius IV. and Cardinal Morone, i. 110 _n._
+
+MODENA and Bologna, humors of the conflict between, ii. 304.
+
+MONOPOLIES, system of, in Italy, i. 49.
+
+MONTALTO, Cardinal, nephew of Sixtus V., i. 157.
+
+MONTEBELLO, Baron, the tale of, i. 428.
+
+MONTECATINO, Antonio, an enemy of Tasso at Ferrara, ii. 48, 50, 60, 62;
+  his downfall, 66.
+
+MONTE OLIVETO, the monastery of, Tasso at, ii, 74.
+
+MONZA, the Lady of, _see_ LEYVA, VIRGINIA MARIA DE.
+
+MORALS, social and domestic, in Italy, effect of the
+  Catholic Revival on, i. 301 _sqq._;
+  outcome of the Tridentine decrees, 302;
+  hypocrisy and ceremonial observances, 303;
+  sufferings of the lower classes, _ib._;
+  increase of crimes of violence, 304;
+  mistrust between the aristocracy and the _bourgeoisie_, 306;
+  survival of mediaeval habits, _ib._;
+  brigandage, 307;
+  criminal procedure, 308;
+  mutual jealousy of States afforded security to refugee homicides, 309;
+  toleration of outlaws, 310;
+  the Lucchese army of bandits, 311;
+  honorable murder, 312;
+  maintenance of _bravi_, _ib._;
+social violence countenanced by the Church, 314;
+  sexual morality, 315;
+  state of convents, 316;
+  profligate fanaticism, _ib._;
+  convent intrigues, 318 _sqq._
+
+MORATO, Peregrino, letter from Celio Calcagnini to, i. 74.
+
+MORNAY, Duplessis, Sarpi's letters to, ii. 229.
+
+MORONE, Cardinal, i. 26;
+  Papal legate at Trent, 97 _n._;
+  imprisoned by Paul IV., 110;
+  relations with Pius IV., _ib._;
+  liberal thinkers among his associates, 111 _n._;
+  his work in connection with the Council of Trent, 127.
+
+---Girolamo, i. 26, 72.
+
+MUNICIPAL wars, Italian, ii. 304.
+
+MURDERS in Italy in the sixteenth century, i. 305 _sqq._
+
+MURETUS:
+  his difficulties as a professor in Rome, i. 214, 216.
+
+MURTOLA, Gasparo, attempted assassination of the poet Marino by, ii. 263.
+
+MUSIC, Italian, decadence of, in the sixteenth century, ii. 315;
+  foreign musicians in Rome, 316;
+  the contrapuntal style, 317;
+  licenses allowed to performers, _ib._;
+  the medleys prepared by composers, _ib._;
+  disgraceful condition of Church music, 318;
+  orchestral _ricercari_, 320 _n._;
+  Savonarola's opinion of the Church music of his time, _ib._;
+  musical aptitude of the people, 322;
+  lack of a controlling element of correct taste, _ib._;
+  advent of Palestrina, _ib._;
+  the Congregation for the Reform of Music, 325;
+  rise of the Oratorio, 334;
+  music in England in the sixteenth century, 338;
+  rise of the Opera, 340.
+
+MUSICIANS, Italian, of the seventeenth cenutry, ii. 243.
+
+
+N
+
+NAPLES, kingdom of, separated from Sicily, i. 4;
+  its extent, _ib._;
+  in the hands of Spain, 12.
+
+NASSAU, Count of, i. 38.
+
+NATURE, the study of, among Italian philosophers, ii. 128.
+
+NEPOTISM, Papal:
+  the Caraffas, i. 104 _sq._;
+  the Borromeos, 115;
+  the Ghislieri, 147;
+  Gregory XIII.'s relatives, 151;
+  estimate of the incomes of Papal nephews, 156 _sqq._
+
+NEW Christians, the, in Spain, _see_ JEWS.
+
+NOBILI, Flaminio de', a censor of the _Gerusalemme Liberata_, ii. 43.
+
+NOLA, survival of Greek customs in, ii. 132.
+
+NOVICES, Jesuit, position of, i. 271.
+
+NUNNERIES, state of, in the sixteenth century, i. 315 _sqq._
+
+
+O
+
+OMERO, Fuggiguerra, sobriquet chosen by Tasso in his wanderings, ii. 64.
+
+OPERA, rise of the, in Florence, ii. 341.
+
+ORANGE, Prince of, leader of the Spanish army in
+  the siege of Florence, i. 18.
+
+ORATORIO (Musical), the:
+  its origins in Rome, ii. 334.
+
+ORATORY of Divine Love, the, i. 76.
+
+ORSINI, the, reduced to submission to the Popes, i. 7.
+
+---Paolo Giordano (Duke of Bracciano):
+  his passion for Vittoria Accoramboni, i. 358;
+  his gigantic stature and corpulence, 359;
+  poisons his first wife, 360;
+  treatment by Sixtus V., 363;
+  secret marriage with Vittoria, 364;
+  renounces the marriage, 365;
+  ratifies the union by public marriage, 366;
+  flight from Rome, _ib._:
+  death of the Duke, 367.
+
+---Prince Lodovico:
+  procures the murder of Vittoria Accoramboni and her brother, i. 368;
+  siege of his palace, 370;
+  his violent death, 371.
+
+---Troilo, lover of the Duchess of Bracciano, i. 360;
+  details of his murder by Ambrogio Tremazzi, 405 _sqq._
+
+OSIO, Gianpaolo:
+  his intrigue with Virginia de Leyva, i. 318 _sqq._;
+  murders her waiting-woman, 322;
+  attempts to murder two other nuns, 324;
+  his letter of defence to Cardinal Federigo Borromeo, 326;
+  condemned to death and outlawed, 327;
+  terms of the _Bando_, 328;
+  his end, 329.
+
+OSORIO, Don Alvaro, Grand Marshal of Spain, i. 22.
+
+OUTLAWRY in Italy in the sixteenth century, i. 307 _sqq._
+
+OXFORD, Giordano Bruno's reception at, ii. 144.
+
+
+P
+
+PACHECO, Cardinal, the foe of the Caraffeschi, i. 105.
+
+PADUAN school of scepictism, the, influence of, on Tasso, ii. 20.
+
+PAGANELLO, Conte, assassin of Vittoria Accoramboni, i. 371.
+
+PAINTING in the late years of the sixteenth century, ii. 344;
+  Eclecticism, 345;
+  influence of the Tridentine Council, 347;
+  the Mannerists, 348;
+  Baroccio, 349;
+  the Caracci, 350 _sqq._;
+  studies of the Bolognese painters, 352;
+  academical ideality, 354;
+  Guido, Albani, Domenichino, 355 _sqq._;
+  criticism of Domenichino's work, 359;
+  the Italian Realists, 363 _sqq._;
+  Lo Spada, 364;
+  Il Guercino, 365;
+  critical reaction against the Eclectics, 368;
+  fundamental principles of criticism, 370 _sqq._
+
+PAIX des Dames, i. 9, 16.
+
+PALAZZO Vernio, Academy (musical) of the, ii. 340;
+  distinguished composers of its school, 341.
+
+PALEARIO, Aonio:
+  his opinion of the Index, i. 197, 214.
+
+PALESTRINA, Giovanni Pier Luigi:
+  his birth and early musical training, ii. 323;
+  uneventful life of the _Princeps Musicae_, 324;
+  relations with the Congregation for Musical Reform, 325;
+  the legend and the facts about
+  _Missa Papae Marcelli_, 326 _sqq._, 331 _n._;
+  Palestrina's commission, 331;
+  the three Masses in competition, 332;
+  the award by the Congregation and the Pope, 334;
+  Palestrina's connection with S. Filippo Neri, 334;
+  _Arie Divote_ composed for the Oratory, 335 _sq._;
+  character of the new music, 335;
+  influence of Palestrina on Italian music, 336;
+  estimate of the general benefit derived by music from him, 337 _sq._
+
+PALLAVICINI, on Paul IV.'s seal for the Holy Office, i. 107 _n._
+
+PALLAVICINO, Matteo, murder of, by Marcello Accoramboni, i. 358.
+
+PALLIANO, Duchess of, _see_ CARDONA, VIOLANTE DE.
+
+---Duke of (nephew of Paul IV.), murders committed by, i. 379;
+  his execution, 380.
+
+PANCIROLI, Guido, Tasso's master in the study of law, ii. 20.
+
+PAPACY, the, its position after the sack of Rome, i. 13;
+  tyranny of, arising from the instinct of self-preservation, 54;
+  dislike of, for General Councils, 90;
+  manipulation of the Council of Trent, 97 _sqq._, 119 _sqq._;
+  its supremacy founded by that Council, 131;
+  later policy of the Popes, 149 _sqq._, 226.
+
+PAPAL States, the:
+  their condition in 1447, i. 5;
+  attempts to consolidate them into a kingdom, 6.
+
+PARMA and Piacenza, creation of the Duchy of, by Paul III., i. 86.
+
+PARMA, Duchy of, added to the States of the Church, i. 7.
+
+PARMIGIANINO, Il, painting of Charles V. by, i. 42.
+
+PARRASIO, Alessandro, one of the assassins of Sarpi, ii. 212.
+
+PART-SONGS, French Protestant, influence of, on Palestrina, ii. 324.
+
+PASSARI, Pietro, amours of, with the nuns of S. Chiara, Lucca, i. 340 _sq._
+
+'PASTOR Fido,' Guarini's, critique of, ii. 252 _sqq._
+
+PAUL III., Pope, sends Contarini to the conference at Rechensburg, i. 78;
+  receives a memorial on ecclesiastical abuses, 79;
+  establishes the Roman Holy Office, 80;
+  sanctions the Company of Jesus, _ib._;
+  his early life and education, 81;
+  love of splendor, 82;
+  peculiarity of his position, _ib._;
+  the Pope of the transition, 84;
+  jealous of Spanish ascendency in Italy, 85;
+  creates the Duchy of Parma for his son, 86 _sqq._;
+  members of the moderate reforming party made Cardinals, 88;
+  his repugnance to a General Council, 90;
+  indiction of a Council to be held at Trent, 97;
+  difficulties of his position, 100;
+  his death, 101;
+  his connection with the founding of the Jesuit Order, 245.
+
+PAUL IV., Pope, _see_ CARAFFA, GIOV. PIETRO.
+
+PAUL V., Pope:
+  details of his nepotism, i. 157 _n._;
+  places Venice under an interdict, ii. 198.
+
+PAVIA, the battle of, 13.
+
+PELLEGRINI, Cammillo, panegyrist of Tasso, ii. 72.
+
+PEPERARA, Laura, Tasso's relations with, ii. 31.
+
+PERETTI, Felice (nephew of Sixtus V.), husband of Vittoria
+  Accoramboni, i. 357;
+  his murder, 358.
+
+PESCARA, Marquis of, husband of Vittoria Colonna, i. 25.
+
+'PESTE di S. Carlo, La,' i. 421.
+
+'PETRARCA, Considerazioni sopra le Rime, del,' Tassoni's, ii. 298, 300.
+
+PETRONI, Lucrezia, second wife of Francesco Cenci, i. 348 _sq._
+
+PETRONIO, S., Bologna, reception of Charles V. by Clement VII. at, i. 23;
+  the Emperor's coronation at, 37 _sqq._
+
+PETRUCCI, Pandolfo, seduction of two sons of, by the Jesuits, i. 284.
+
+PHILIP II. of Spain:
+  his quarrel with Paul IV., i. 102;
+  the reconciliation, 104.
+
+PHILOSOPHERS of Southern Italy in the sixteenth century, ii. 126 _sqq._
+
+PIACENZA, added to the States of the Church, i. 7.
+
+PICCOLOMINI, Alfonso, leader of bandits in the Papal States, i. 152.
+
+'PIETRO Soave Polano,' anagram of 'Paolo Sarpi Veneto,' ii. 223.
+
+PIGNA (secretary to the Duke of Ferrara), a rival of Tasso, ii. 34, 45, 48.
+
+PINDAR, the professed model of Chiabrera's poetry, ii. 291, 294.
+
+PIRATES, raids of, on Italy, i. 417.
+
+PISA, first Council of, i. 92;
+  the second, 95.
+
+PIUS IV., Pope (Giov. Angelo Medici):
+  his parentage, i. 109;
+  Caraffa's antipathy to him, 110;
+  makes Cardinal Morone his counsellor, _ib._;
+  negotiations with the autocrats of Europe, 111;
+  his diplomatic character, 112;
+  the Tridentine decrees, _ib._;
+  keen insight into the political conditions of his time, 113;
+  independent spirit, 115;
+  treatment of his relatives, _ib._;
+  his brother's death helped him to the Papacy, _ib._;
+  the felicity of his life, 116;
+  the religious condition of Northern Europe in his reign, 117;
+  re-opening of the Council of Trent, 119;
+  his management of the difficulties connected with the Council, 127 _sqq._;
+  use of cajoleries and menaces, 129;
+  success of the Pope's plans, 130;
+  his Bull of ratification of the Tridentine decrees, 131;
+  his last days, 132;
+  estimate of the work of his reign, 133 _sqq._;
+  his lack of generosity, 142;
+  coldness in religious exercises, 144;
+  love of ease and good companions, 147.
+
+PIUS V., Pope (Michele Ghislieri):
+  his election, i. 137;
+  influence of Carlo Borromeo on him, 137, 145, 147;
+  ascetic virtues, 145;
+  zeal for the Holy Office, 145;
+  edict for the expulsion of prostitutes from Rome, 146;
+  his exercise of the Papal Supremacy, 148;
+  his Tridentine Profession of Faith, _ib._;
+  advocates rigid uniformity, 148;
+  promotes attacks on Protestants, _ib._
+
+PLAGUES:
+  in Venice, i. 418;
+  at Naples and in Savoy, _ib._;
+  statistics of the mortality, 418 _n._;
+  disease supposed to be wilfully spread by malefactors, 420.
+
+POETRY, Heroic, the problem of creating, in Italy, ii. 80.
+
+POLAND, the crown of, sought by Italian princes, ii. 246.
+
+POLE, Cardinal Reginald, i. 76;
+  Papal legate at Trent, 97 _n._
+
+POMA, Ridolfo, one of the assassins of Sarpi, ii. 212.
+
+POMPONIUS LAETUS, the teacher of Paul III., i. 81, 82.
+
+POPULAR melodies employed in Church music in the
+  sixteenth century, ii. 318.
+
+PORTRAIT of Charles V. by Titian, i. 42.
+
+'PRESS, Discourse upon the,' Sarpi's, ii. 220.
+
+'PRINCEPS Musicae,' the title inscribed on Palestrina's tomb, ii. 325.
+
+PRINTING:
+  effects of the Index Expurgatorius on the trade in Venice, i. 192;
+  firms denounced by name by Paul IV., 198, 208.
+
+PROFESSED of three and of four vows (Jesuit grades), i. 271 _sq._
+
+PROLETARIATE, the Italian, social morality of in the
+  sixteenth century, i. 224 _sqq._
+
+PROSTITUTES, Roman, expulsion of by Pius V., i. 146.
+
+PROTESTANT Churches in Italy, persecution of, i. 186.
+
+PROTESTANTISM in Italy, i. 71.
+
+PROVINCES, Jesuit, enumeration of the, i. 161.
+
+PUNCTILIO in the Sei Cento, ii. 288.
+
+PURISTS, Tuscan, Tassoni's ridicule of, ii. 308.
+
+PUTEO, Cardinal, legate at Trent, i. 119.
+
+
+Q
+
+QUEMADERO, the Inquisition's place of punishment at Seville, i. 178.
+
+QUENTIN, S., battle of, i. 103.
+
+QUERRO, Msgr., an associate of the Cenci family, i. 349, 350, 352.
+
+
+R
+
+'RAGGUAGLI di Parnaso,' Boccalini's, ii. 313.
+
+RANGONI, the, friends of Tasso and of his father, ii. 6, 23.
+
+'RATIO Status,' statutes of the Index on the, i. 220.
+
+RATIONALISM, the real offspring of Humanism, ii. 404.
+
+RAVENNA, exarchate of, i. 7.
+
+REALISTS, Italian school of painters, ii. 363 _sqq._
+
+RECHENSBURG, the conference at, i. 78, 88
+
+'RECITATIVO,' Claudio Monteverde the pioneer of, ii. 341.
+
+REFORMATION, the: position of Italians towards its doctrines, i. 72.
+
+REFORMING theologians in Italy, i. 76 _sq._
+
+RELIGIOUS Orders, new, foundation of, in Italy, i. 79 _sq._
+
+RELIGIOUS spirit of the Italian Church in the sixteenth century, i. 71.
+
+RENAISSANCE and Reformation: the impulses of both
+  simultaneously received by England, ii. 388.
+
+RENEE of France, Duchess of Ferrara, i. 77.
+
+RENI, Guido, Bolognese painter, ii. 355;
+  his masterpieces, 358.
+
+REPUBLICAN governments in Italy, i. 5.
+
+RETROSPECT over the Renaissance, ii. 389 _sqq._
+
+REYNOLDS, Sir Joshua, admiration of, for the Bolognese
+  painters, ii. 359, 375.
+
+RIBERA, Giuseppe, _see_ LO SPAGNOLETTO.
+
+RICEI, Ottavia, attempted murder of, by Gianpaolo Osio, i. 323 _sqq._
+
+'RICERCARI,' employment of, in Italian music, ii. 343.
+
+RINALDO, Tasso's, first appearance of, ii. 22;
+  its preface, 82;
+  its subject-matter, 84;
+  its religious motive, 86;
+  its style, 86 _sqq._
+
+RODRIGUEZ d'Azevedo, Simon, associate of Ignatius Loyola, i. 240;
+  his work as a Jesuit in Portugal, 256, 262.
+
+ROMAN University, the, degraded condition of, in the sixteenth
+  century, i. 216.
+
+ROME, fluctuating population of, i. 137;
+  eleemosynary paupers, 139;
+  reform of Roman manners after the Council of Trent, 141;
+  expulsion of prostitutes, 146;
+  Roman society in Gregory XIII.'s reign, 152;
+  the headquarters of Catholicism, ii. 397;
+  relations with the Counter-Reformation, 398;
+  the complicated correlation of Italians with Papal Rome, 399;
+  the capital of a regenerated people, 408.
+
+RONDINELLI, Ercole, Tasso's instructions to, in regard to his MSS., ii. 35.
+
+ROSSI, Bastiano de', a critic of the _Gerusalemme Liberata_, ii. 72.
+
+---Porzia de' (mother of Torquato Tasso):
+  her parentage, ii. 5, 7;
+  her marriage, 7;
+  her death, probably by poison, 9;
+  her character, 12;
+  Torquato's love for her, 15.
+
+---Vittorio de':
+  his description of the ill-treatment of Aldo Manuzio in Rome, i. 217 _sq._
+
+ROVERE, Francesco della (Duke of Urbino), account of, i. 36.
+
+RUBBIERA, a fief of the Empire, i. 40.
+
+RUSKIN, Mr., on the cause of the decline of Venice, i. 423 _n._;
+  invectives of, against Domenichino's work, ii. 359.
+
+
+S
+
+SACRED Palace, the Master of the:
+  censor of books in Rome, i. 201.
+
+SALMERON, Alfonzo, associate of Ignatius Loyola, i. 240;
+  in Naples and Sicily, 254.
+
+SALUZZO ceded to Savoy, i. 56.
+
+SALVIATI, Leonardo, a critic of the _Gerusalemme Liberata_, ii. 72.
+
+SAMMINIATI, Tommaso, intrigue and correspondence of, with
+  Sister Umilia (Lucrezia Buonvisi), i. 341 _sqq._;
+  banished from Lucca, 344.
+
+S. ANNA, the hospital of, Tasso's confinement at, ii. 66 _sqq._
+
+SAN BENITO, the costume of persons condemned by the Inquisition, i. 177.
+
+SANSEVERINO, Amerigo, a friend of Bernardo Tasso, ii. 14.
+
+---Ferrante di, Prince of Salerno, i. 38; ii. 6 _sqq._
+
+SANTA CROCE, Ersilia di, first wife of Francesco Cenci, i. 347.
+
+SANVITALE, Eleonora, Tasso's love-affair with, ii. 48.
+
+SARDINIA, the island of, a Spanish province, i. 45.
+
+SARPI, Fra Paolo:
+  his birth and parentage, ii. 185;
+  his position in the history of Venice, 186;
+  his physical constitution, 189;
+  moral temperament, 190;
+  mental perspicacity, 191;
+  discoveries in magnetism and optics, 192;
+  studies and conversation, 193;
+  early entry into the Order of the Servites, _ib._;
+  his English type of character, 194;
+  denounced to the Inquisition, 195;
+  his independent attitude, 196;
+  his great love for Venice, 197;
+  the interdict of 1606, 198;
+  Sarpi's defence of Venice against the Jesuits, 199 _sqq._;
+  pamphlet warfare, 201;
+  importance of this episode, 202;
+  Sarpi's theory of Church and State, 203;
+  boldness of his views, 205;
+  compromise of the quarrel of the interdict, _ib._;
+  Sarpi's relations with Fra Fulgenzio, 207;
+  Sarpi warned by Schoppe of danger to his life, 208;
+  attacked by assassins, 209;
+  the _Stilus Romanae Curiae_, 211;
+  history of the assassins, 212;
+  complicity of the Papal Court, 213;
+  other attempts on Sarpi's life, 214 _sq._;
+  his opinion of the instigators, 216;
+  his so called heresy, 218;
+  his work as Theologian to the Republic, 219;
+  his minor writings, 221;
+  his opposition to Papal Supremacy, _ib._;
+  the _History of the Council of Trent_, 222;
+  its sources, 223;
+  its argument, 224;
+  deformation, not reformation, wrought by the Council, 225;
+  Sarpi's impartiality, 226;
+  was Sarpi a Protestant? 228;
+  his religious opinions, 229;
+  views on the possibility of uniting Christendom, 230;
+  hostility to ultra-papal Catholicism, 231;
+  critique of Jesuitry, 233;
+  of ultramontane education, 235;
+  the Tridentine Seminaries, 235;
+  Sarpi's dread lest Europe should succumb to Rome, 237;
+  his last days, 238;
+  his death contrasted with that of Giordano Bruno, 239 _n._;
+  his creed, 239;
+  Sarpi a Christian Stoic, 240.
+
+SARPI, citations from his writings, on the Papal
+  interpretation of the Tridentine decrees, i. 131 _n._;
+  details of the nepotism of the Popes, 156 _n._, 157 _n._;
+  denunciation of the Index, 197 _n._, 206, 208 _n._;
+  on the revival of polite learning, 215;
+  on the political philosophy of the statutes of the Index, 221;
+  on the Inquisition rules regarding emigrants from Italy, 227 _sq._;
+  his invention of the name 'Diacatholicon,' 231;
+  on the deflection of Jesuitry from Loyola's spirit and intention, 248;
+  on the secret statutes of the Jesuits, 278;
+  denunciations of Jesuit morality, 289 _n._;
+  on the murder of Henri IV., 297 _n._;
+  on the instigators of the attempts on his own life, ii. 215 _n._;
+  on the attitude of the Roman Court towards murder, 216;
+  on the literary polemics of James I., 229;
+  on Jesuit education and the Tridentine Seminaries, 237.
+
+SAVONAROLA'S opinion of the Church music of his time, ii. 320 _n._
+
+SAVOY, the house of:
+  its connection with important events in Italy, i. 16 _n._, 38, 56;
+  becomes an Italian dynasty, 58.
+
+'SCHERNO DEGLI DEI,' Bracciolini's, ii. 313.
+
+SCHOLASTICS (Jesuit grade), i. 271.
+
+SCHOPPE (Scioppius), Gaspar:
+  sketch of his career, ii. 165, 208;
+  his account of Bruno's heterodox opinions, 166;
+  description of the last hours of Bruno, 167.
+
+'SECCHIA RAPITA, LA,' Tassoni's, ii. 301 _sqq._
+
+SECONDARY writers of the Sei Cento, ii. 313.
+
+SEI CENTO, the, decline of culture in Italy in, ii. 242;
+  its musicians, 243.
+
+SEMINARIES, Tridentine, ii. 235.
+
+SERIPANDO, Cardinal, legate at Trent, i. 118.
+
+SERSALE, Alessandro and Antonio, Tasso's nephews, ii. 72.
+
+---Cornelia (sister of Tasso), ii. 7, 9, 15 _sq._, 55, 64;
+  her children, 72.
+
+SERVITES, General of the, complicity of, in the attempts on
+  Sarpi's life, ii. 214.
+
+SETTLEMENT of Italy effected by Charles V. and Clement VII.,
+  net results of, i. 45 _sqq._
+
+'SEVEN Liberal Arts, On the,' a lost treatise by Giordano
+  Bruno, ii. 156, 182.
+
+SFORZA, Francesco Maria, his relations with Charles V., i. 28.
+
+---Lodovico (Il Moro, ruler of Milan), invites Charles VIII.
+  into Italy, i. 8.
+
+SICILY, separated from Naples, i. 4.
+
+SIENA, republic of, subdued by Florence, i. 47.
+
+'SIGNS of the Times, The,' a lost work by Giordano Bruno, ii. 136.
+
+SIGONIUS: his _History of Bologna_ blocked by the Index, i. 207.
+
+SIMONETA, Cardinal, legate at Trent, i. 118, 121.
+
+SIXTUS V., Pope:
+  short-sighted hoarding of treasure by, i. 153;
+  his enactments against brigandage, 152;
+  accumulation of Papal revenues, _ib._;
+  public works, 153;
+  animosity against pagan art, _ib._;
+  works on and about S. Peter's, 154;
+  methods of increasing revenue, 155;
+  nepotism, 157;
+  development of the Papacy in his reign, 158;
+  his death predicted by Bellarmino, 298;
+  his behavior after the murder of his nephew (Felice Peretti), 362.
+
+SODERINI, Alessandro, assassinated together with his nephew
+  Lorenzino de'Medici, i. 398.
+
+SOLIMAN, Paul IV.'s negotiations with, i. 103.
+
+SOMASCAN Fathers, Congregation of the, i. 79.
+
+S. ONOFRIO, Tasso's death at, ii. 78;
+  the mask of his face at, 116.
+
+SORANZO, on the character of Pius IV., i. 111 _n._;
+  on Carlo Borromeo, 116 _n._;
+  on the changes in Roman society in 1565, 143.
+
+'SPACCIO della Bestia Trionfante, Lo,' Giordano Bruno's,
+  ii. 132 _n._, 140, 165, 183 _sq._
+
+SPADA, Lionello, Bolognese painter, ii. 364.
+
+SPAIN:
+  its position in Italy after the battle of Pavia, i. 14.
+
+SPANIARDS of the sixteenth century, character of, i. 59.
+
+SPERONI, Sperone:
+  his criticism of Tasso's _Gerusalemme_, ii. 44;
+  a friend of Chiabrera, 287.
+
+SPHERE, the, Giordano Bruno's doctrine of, ii. 135, 144 _sq._
+
+STENDHAL, De (Henri Beyle):
+  his _Chroniques et Nouvelles_ cited:
+    on the Cenci, i. 351 _sq._;
+    the Duchess of Palliano, 373.
+
+STERILITY of Protestantism, ii. 401.
+
+STROZZI, Filippo, i. 46.
+
+---Piero, i. 47.
+
+
+T
+
+TASSO, Bernardo (father of Torquato), i. 38;
+  his birth and parentage, ii. 5;
+  the _Amadigi_, 7, 11, 18, 35;
+  his youth and marriage, 7;
+  misfortunes, _ib._;
+  exile and poverty, 8;
+  death of his wife, 9;
+  his death, 10, 35;
+  his character, _ib._;
+  his _Floridante_, 35.
+
+---Christoforo (cousin of Torquato), ii. 14.
+
+---Torquato:
+  his relation to his epoch, ii. 2;
+  to the influences of Italian decadence, 4;
+  his father's position, 6;
+  Torquato's birth, 7;
+  the death of his mother, 9, 15;
+  what Tasso inherited from his father, 11;
+  Bernardo's treatment of his son, _ib._;
+  Tasso's precocity as a child, 12;
+  his early teachers, _ib._;
+  pious ecstasy in his ninth year, 13;
+  with his father in Rome, 14;
+  his first extant letter, 15;
+  his education, 16;
+  with his father at the Court of Urbino, 17;
+  mode of life here, 18;
+  acquires familiarity with Virgil, 19;
+  studies and annotates the _Divina Commedia_, _ib._;
+  metaphysical studies and religious doubts, 20;
+  reaction, _ib._;
+  the appearance of the _Rinaldo_, 21;
+  leaves Padua for Bologna, _ib._;
+  Dialogues on the Art of Poetry, 22, 24, 26;
+  flight to Modena, 22;
+  speculations upon Poetry, 23;
+  Tasso's theory of the Epic, 24;
+  he joins the Academy 'Gli Eterei' at Padua, as 'Il Pentito,' 26;
+  enters the service of Luigi d'Este, 27;
+  life at the Court of Ferrara, 28;
+  Tasso's love-affairs, 31;
+  the problem of his relations with Leonora and Lucrezia
+  d'Este, 32 _sqq._, 48, 51;
+  quarrel with Pigna, 34;
+  his want of tact, _ib._;
+  edits his _Floridante_, 35;
+  visit to Paris, _ib._;
+  the _Gottifredo_ (_Gerusalemme Liberata_), 35, 38, 42, 48, 50;
+  his instructions to Rondinelli, _ib._;
+  life at the Court of Charles IX., 36;
+  rupture with Luigi d'Este, 38;
+  enters the service of Alfonso, Duke of Ferrara, _ib._;
+  renewed relations with Leonora, _ib._;
+  production and success of _Aminta_, 39;
+  relations with Lucrezia d'Este (Duchess of Urbino), _ib._;
+  his letters to Leonora, 41;
+  his triumphant career, _ib._;
+  submits the _Gerusalemme_ to seven censors, 43;
+  their criticisms, _ib._;
+  literary annoyances, 44;
+  discontent with Ferrara, 45;
+  Tasso's sense of his importance, _ib._;
+  the beginning of his ruin, 46;
+  he courts the Medici, 47;
+  action of his enemies at Ferrara, 48;
+  doubts as to his sanity, 49;
+  his dread of the Inquisition, _ib._;
+  persecution by the courtiers, 50;
+  revelation of his love affairs by Maddalo de'Frecci, 51;
+  Tasso's fear of being poisoned, _ib._;
+  outbreak of mental malady, 52;
+  temporary imprisonment, _ib._;
+  estimate of the hypothesis that Tasso feigned madness, 53;
+  his escape from the Convent of S. Francis, 54;
+  with his sister at Sorrento, 55;
+  hankering after Ferrara, 56;
+  his attachment to the House of Este, 57;
+  terms on which he is received back, 58;
+  second flight from Ferrara, 61;
+  at Venice, Urbino, Turin, 63;
+  'Omero Fuggiguerra,' 64;
+  recall to Ferrara, 65;
+  imprisoned at S. Anna, 66;
+  reasons for his arrest, 67;
+  nature of his malady, 69;
+  life in the hospital, 71;
+  release and wanderings, 73;
+  the _Torrismondo_, _ib._;
+  work on the _Gerusalemme Conquistata_ and
+  the _Sette Giornate_, 75;
+  last years at Naples and Rome, 76;
+  at S. Onofrio, 76;
+  death, 78;
+  imaginary Tassos, 79;
+  condition of romantic and heroic poetry in Tasso's youth, 80;
+  his first essay in poetry, 81;
+  the preface to _Rinaldo_, 82;
+  subject-matter of the poem, 84;
+  its religious motive, 86;
+  Latinity of diction, _ib._;
+  weak points of style, 88;
+  lyrism and idyll, 89;
+  subject of the _Gerusalemme Liberata_, 92;
+  its romance, 94;
+  imitation of Virgil, 97;
+  of Dante, 97, 99;
+  rhetorical artificiality, 100;
+  sonorous verses, 101;
+  oratorical dexterity, 102;
+  similes and metaphors, _ib._;
+  majestic simplicity, 104;
+  the heroine, 106;
+  Tasso, the poet of Sentiment, 108;
+  the _Non so che_, 109 _sq._;
+  Sofronia, Erminia, Clorinda, 109 _sqq._;
+  the Dialogues and the tragedy _Torrismondo_, 113;
+  the _Gerusalemme Conquistata_ and
+  _Le Sette Giornate_, 115, 124;
+  personal appearance of Tasso, 115;
+  general survey of his character, 116 _sqq._;
+  his relation to his age, 120;
+  his mental attitude, 122;
+  his native genius, 124.
+
+TASSONI, Alessandro:
+  his birth, ii. 297;
+  treatment by Carlo Emmanuele, 298;
+  his independent spirit, _ib._;
+  aim at originality of thought, 299;
+  his criticism of Dante and Petrarch, 300;
+  the _Secchia Rapita_:
+    its origin and motive, 301;
+    its circulation in manuscript copies, 302;
+  Tassoni the inventor of heroico-comic poetry, 303;
+  humor and sarcasm in Italian municipal wars, 304;
+  the episode of the Bolognese bucket, _ib._;
+  irony of the _Secchia Rapita_, 306;
+  method of Tassoni's art, _ib._;
+  ridicule of contemporary poets, 307;
+  satire and parody, 308;
+  French imitators of Tasso, 310;
+  episodes of pure poetry, 311;
+  sustained antithesis between poetry and melodiously-worded slang, 312;
+  Tassoni's rank as a literary artist, _ib._
+
+TAXATION, the methods of, adopted by Spanish Viceroys in Italy, i. 49.
+
+TENEBROSI, the (school of painters), ii. 365.
+
+TESTI, Fulvio, Modenese poet, ii. 314.
+
+TEUTONIC tribes, relations of with the Italians, ii. 393;
+  unreconciled antagonisms, 394;
+  divergence, 395;
+  the Church, the battle-field of Renaissance and Reformation, 395.
+
+THEATINES, foundation of the Order of, i. 79.
+
+THEORY, Italian love of, in Tasso's time, ii. 25;
+  critique of Tasso's theory of poetry, 26, 42.
+
+THIENE, Gaetano di, founder of the Theatines, i. 76.
+
+THIRTY Divine Attributes, Bruno's doctrine of, ii. 139.
+
+TINTORETTO'S picture of S. Agnes, ii. 361.
+
+TITIAN, portrait of Charles V. by, i. 42.
+
+TOLEDO, Don Pietro di, Viceroy of Naples, i. 38; ii. 7.
+
+---Francesco da, confessor of Gregory XIII., i. 150.
+
+TORQUEMADA, the Spanish Inquisitor, i. 173, 179, 181.
+
+TORRE, Delia, the family of, ancestors, of the Tassi, ii. 5.
+
+'TORRISMONDO,' Tasso's tragedy of, ii. 73, 113 _sq._
+
+TORTURE, cases of witnesses put to, i. 333 _sqq._
+
+TOUCH, the sense of, Marino's praises of, ii. 270.
+
+TOULOUSE, power of the Inquisition in, ii. 137.
+
+TRAGIC narratives circulated in manuscript in the
+  sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, i. 372.
+
+'TREATISE on the Inquisition,' Sarpi's, ii. 220.
+
+---'on the Interdict,' Sarpi's, ii. 201.
+
+TREMAZZI, Ambrogio:
+  his own report of how he wrought the murder of Troilo
+  Orsini, i. 405 _sqq._;
+  his notions about his due reward, 406.
+
+TRENT, Council of:
+  Indiction of, by Paul III., i. 97;
+  numbers of its members, 97 _n._, 119 _n._;
+  diverse objects of the Spanish, French, and German
+  representatives, 98, 122;
+  the articles which it confirmed, 98;
+  method of procedure, 99, 120;
+  the Council transferred to Bologna, 100;
+  Paul IV.'s measures of ecclesiastical reform, 107;
+  the Council's decrees actually settled in the four Courts, 112, 119;
+  its organization by Pius IV., 118 _sqq._;
+  inauspicious commencement, 119;
+  the privileges of the Papal legates, 120;
+  daily post of couriers to the Vatican, 121;
+  arts of the Roman Curia, 122;
+  Spanish, French, Imperial Opposition, 123;
+  clerical celibacy and Communion under both forms, _ib._;
+  packing the Council with Italian bishops, 125;
+  the interests of the Gallican Church, 126;
+  interference of the Emperor Ferdinand, _ib._;
+  confusion in the Council, 126 _n._;
+  envoys to France and the Emperor, 127;
+  cajoleries and menaces, 129;
+  action of the Court of Spain, 130;
+  firmness of the Spanish bishops, 130 _n._;
+  Papal Supremacy decreed, 131;
+  reservation in the Papal Bull of ratification, 131 _and note_;
+  Tridentine Profession of Faith (Creed of Pius V.), 148.
+
+TUSCANY, creation of the Grand Duchy of, i. 47.
+
+TWO SICILIES, the kingdom of the, i. 45.
+
+'TYRANNY of the kiss,' the, exemplified in the _Rinaldo_, ii. 90;
+  in the _Pastor Fido_, 255;
+  in the _Adone_, 272.
+
+
+U
+
+UNIVERSAL Monarchy, end of the belief in, i. 34.
+
+UNIVERSE, Bruno's conception of the, ii. 173 _sqq._
+
+UNIVERSITIES, Italian, i. 51.
+
+'UNTORI, La Peste degli,' i. 421;
+  trial of the _Untoti_, 421.
+
+URBAN VIII., fantastic attempt made against the life of, i. 425 _sq._
+
+URBINO, the Court of, life at, ii. 17 _sq._
+
+
+V
+
+VALDES, Juan:
+  his work _On the Benefits of Christ's Death_, i. 76.
+
+VALORI, Baccio, i. 33.
+
+VASTO, Marquis of, i. 25.
+
+VENETIAN ambassadors' despatches cited:
+  on the manners of the Roman Court in 1565, i. 142, 147;
+  the expulsion of prostitutes from Rome, 146.
+
+VENICE, the Republic of, its possessions in the fifteenth century, i. 9;
+  relations with Spain in 1530, 45;
+  rise of a contempt for commerce in, 49;
+  the constitution of its Holy Office, 190;
+  Concordat with Clement VIII., 193;
+  Tasso at, ii. 19 _sq._;
+  its condition in Sarpi's youth, 185;
+  political indifference of its aristocracy, 186;
+  put under interdict by Paul V., 198.
+
+VENIERO, Maffeo, on Tasso's mental malady, ii. 52, 63.
+
+VERONA, Peter of (Peter Martyr), Italian Dominican Saint
+  of the Inquisition, i. 161.
+
+VERVINS, the Treaty of, i. 48, 56.
+
+VETTORI, Francesco, i. 33.
+
+VIRGIL, Tasso's admiration of, ii. 25;
+  translations and adaptations from, 98.
+
+VISCONTI, the dynasty of, i. 8.
+
+---Valentina, grandmother of Louis XII. of France, i. 8.
+
+VITELLI, Alessandro, i. 46.
+
+VITELLOZZI, Vitellozzo, influence of, in the reform of
+  Church music, ii. 325.
+
+VITI, Michele, one of the assassins of Sarpi, ii. 212.
+
+'VOCERO,' the, i. 332.
+
+VOLTERRA, Bebo da, associate of Bibboni in the murder of
+  Lorenzino de'Medici, i. 390 _sqq._
+
+VULGATE, the:
+  results of its being declared inviolable, i. 210.
+
+
+W
+
+WALDENSIANS in Calabria, the, i. 188.
+
+WITCHCRAFT, chiefly confined to the mountain regions of Italy, i. 425;
+  mainly used as a weapon of malice, _ib._;
+  details of the sorcery practised by Giacomo Centini, 425 _sqq._
+
+WIFE-MURDERS in Italy in the sixteenth century, i. 380 _sq._, 385.
+
+
+X
+
+XAVIER, Francis, associate of Ignatius Loyola, i. 239;
+  his work as a Jesuit in Portugal, 256;
+  his mission to the Indies, 260.
+
+XIMENES, Cardinal, as Inquisitor General, i. 182.
+
+
+Z
+
+ZANETTI, Guido, delivered over to the Roman Inquisition, i. 145.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Renaissance in Italy, Volumes 1 and 2
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